This section includes book notes of 150-300 words as well as some book reviews of 600-900 words on books of particular interest to the members of our group. If you have either suggestions for books you would like to review or see reviewed (including recent books of your own), please contact Cas Mudde.
Book Notes Daniel Byman, Peter Chalk, Bruce Hoffman, William Rosenau, David Brannan. Trends in Outside Support for Insurgent Movements, Santa Monica, CA: Rand, 2001, 138 pp., GBP 12.50/USD 20.00, ISBN 0-8330-3052-3 (pbk). Reviewed by Jennifer S. Holmes (University of Texas at Dallas) This tightly focused report examines post-Cold War (1991-2000) trends in external support for insurgent movements. The authors surveyed seventy-four active insurgencies, limited to groups that inflicted more than 1,000 causalities or groups that gained a significant degree of autonomy. Since the end of the Cold War, state support has decreased, although it still has a profound impact on many insurgencies, particularly in a passive form. This report also analyzes other sources of external support, including diasporas, guerrilla groups, refugees, wealthy individuals, and, oddly, aid agencies and human rights groups. Regarding the latter, they state, human rights groups almost always, in the end, aid an insurgency by publicizing government human rights violations (p.81). The authors assess types of support, timing of support, the motivations of external supporters, and the relative costs and benefits of external support to the insurgents. The critical sources of internal support are not addressed due to the focus of the study. The purpose of this study is to help intelligence analysts better identify the factors that affect the conduct of insurgencies and better predict their success or failure. Focusing specifically on outside support offers a means through which policymakers can influence an insurgencys progress without direct intervention in the country in question (p.4). Although, the authors do note the importance of context in their conclusion, this will, undoubtedly, provoke controversy in the discipline from those who favor studying insurgencies within their political, social and historical context.
Alessandro Campi (ed), Che cos'e' il fascismo?, Rome: Ideazione, 2003, 487 pp., EUR 25.00, ISBN: 88-86812-97-3 (pbk).
Reviewed by Marco Tarchi (University of Florence) Established scholarship has been seeking the essential nature of fascism for over sixty years without finding any common agreement. This book offers the contributions of well-known specialists like Linz, Payne, Gregor, Gentile, Paxton, Griffin, Milza, Larsen and others and can be considered as a good example of this scholarly quest. Among the variety of essays presented in the book, three main points can be outlined stressing that the disagreement among the different authors overcomes their common agreement on the matter. First, is the possibility for a definition of the generic essence of fascism, analyzing its unifying core. Second, is the relationship between fascism and modernity. Third, is the analysis of the totalitarian or authoritarian nature of the prototypical Italian fascist regime. Furthermore, there are many other themes in the book that give place to a lively debate. For instance, the giacobine rootsof fascism and its concept of fraternity; its alleged anti-Christian attitude; the role played by the lower middle-classes within the party; the despise for the intellectual thinking and rationality stressed by Paxton but denied by Eatwell. But mostly, what really constitutes a deep division among the scholars is the doubt concerning whether fascism is still a political and ideological phenomenon capable nowadays of regenerating itself within the contemporary society, or that it has failed in its political ambitions in the aftermath of the II World War for its values cannot flourish within our hedonistic and materialistic society. This variety of point of views gathered in the book, does not fail its intentions. On the contrary, this reader should be considered as an interesting inventory of thoughts and suggestions in order to frame fascism within that evolutionistic, historical and phenomenological perspective necessary, according to Campi, to understand its rational dynamics. Of course, it would be rather disappointing to isolate, from a catalogue of such diverse opinions on the matter, those elements necessary to define the generic fascism. But if the reader revises his/hers intellectual ambitions without presuming to understand what fascism really is, then, the five hundred pages of this book may be considered satisfactory.
Alan Day (ed.), Political Parties of the World, London: John Harper, 2002, 5th edition, 604 pp., GBP 95.00, ISBN 0-9536278-7-X (hbk). Reviewed by Cas Mudde (University of Antwerp)
Since the first edition in 1980, Alan Days Political Parties of the World has been the key reference work on this topic. This fifth edition covers a record over 2,550 parties in 230 states and dependencies, which includes over 400 newly formed parties since the last edition in 1996. Also, in line with time, it includes email addresses and more than 750 party websites. Finally, it includes an appendix with details of international party affiliations. As all reference texts with such a broad scope, several sections will be outdated before the book hits the shops. For example, the two parties mentioned in the section on [the Islamic State of] Afghanistan, including the Taleban Islamic Movement of Afghanistan, will now be only minor players in post-Taleban Afghanistan. Similarly, the very recent List Pim Fortuyn will not be found in the entry on the Netherlands. However, Im sure this will be taken care of in the sixth edition. This fifth edition of Political Parties in the World confirms its reputation as the essential reference work on the topic and is a must for every university library.
Lawrence Freedman (ed.), Superterrorism: Policy Responses, Oxford: Blackwell, 2002, 187 pp., GBP 14.99, ISBN 1-45051-0593-3 (pbk). Reviewed by Gavin Cameron (University of Salford) This book version of a 2002 special issue of The Political Quarterly seeks to cover a broad spectrum of issues related to the world after September 11. Although the coverage of Superterrorism is less extensive than that of similar volumes (e.g. Booth & Dunne 2002), due in part to its origins, it does bear comparison with lengthier books. It addresses not just current thinking on terrorism, the roots of terrorism, and the current legal, military and financial campaigns against such violence, but it also considers the implications of 9/11 for the EU, NATO, Russian-Western relations, and US-European relations. Although this is not a book from which to seek detailed analysis of these topics, each chapter does offer a snapshot of the current issues confronting the international community, particularly in Europe and the US. Every chapter succeeds in providing an effective overview of the topic, and in identifying the key questions in that area. Written by some of the leading experts in their respective fields, without exception, the quality of the contributions to Superterrorism is high. Although each of the chapters does stand on its own, the book as a whole would have undoubtedly benefited from a conclusion to draw the various elements together. Lawrence Freedman's introduction does this task to some extent, but
the lack of an effective conclusion does leave the publication as a collection of journal articles, rather than a fully coherent book. However, the quality of these articles is high, and each succeeds in providing a helpful overview of the selected area. As a set of thoughtful perspectives on some of the most important aspects of international affairs in the wake of September 11, this book can be recommended.
Hajo Funke, Paranoia und Politik. Rechtsextremismus in der Berliner Republik. Berlin: Verlag Hans Schiler, 2002, 336 pp., EUR 19.90, ISBN 389930-241-9 (pbk). Reviewed by Klaus Wahl (Deutsches Jugendinstitut) Hajo Funke, professor of political science in Berlin, starts his book by presenting the high rates of crimes with right-wing extremist motives in Germany in the last decade. The background of this criminality is seen in xenophobic and right-wing extremist opinions in parts of the population. For Funke a megalomaniac appreciation of the weak by the depreciation of the alleged strong is a typical trait of right-wing extremism. According to this thinking, a small population of foreigners is transformed into a powerful group of enemies and scapegoats, responsible for unemployment and other problems. In addition to these enemies in the own society a mass of supposed enemies is seen outside. The first part of the book shows the different aspects of the new type of rightwing extremism. We find reports on crimes like the pogrom in RostockLichtenhagen and activities of the National Democratic Party of Germany and other neo-Nazi organisations. The second part of the book looks at some causes of these phenomena, e.g. the transformation of old National Socialist traditions into new forms of right-wing extremism in the Bonn republic. On the other side we can read something about the authoritarian tradition of the GDR. Both traditions were united in the German unification, too. The social convulsions following this unification, e.g. anomia, rising unemployment and a feeling of parts of the Eastern population of being colonialized by the Westerners influenced the growth of right-wing extremist thinking in East Germany. The author looks primarily at historical continuities of authoritarian right-wing extremist mentalities and collective emotions, sometimes with the risk of doing folk psychology. Unfortunately, other problems fall short, e.g. the level of aggression before aggression turns to ethnic minorities or the biographies of the extremists.
Amr Hamzawy (ed.), Civil Society in the Middle East, Berlin: Hans Schiler, 2003, 120 pp., EUR 14.90, ISBN 3-89930-027-0 (pbk). Reviewed by Jillian Schwedler (University of Maryland) By the late 1980s, scholarship on civil society exploded in the West, as hundreds of books, articles, research projects, and doctoral dissertations debated the presence, strength, and nature of civil society globally. Despite a glut of scholarship on civil society in the Middle East, many Western audiences failed to recognize the extent to which the idea of civil society was also being widely debated inside the region itself. This small volume edited by Amr Hamzawy brings some of these debates to English-speaking audiences in three short essays. The first chapter, authored by Hamzawy, provides a wonderfully rich yet succinct overview of the debates in Arabic. He rightly focuses on normative dimensions of the debates and the extent to which the inclusion or exclusion of religious actors from civil society has become one of the primary points of contention within these debates. The second chapter, by Asghar Schirazi, explores the idea of civil society within liberal, leftist, and Islamist debates in Iran. As this essay illustrates, these different intellectual trends not only disagree on the role and constitution of civil society, but they often seem to be talking about different practices and processes entirely. The third chapter, by Angelika Timm, provides a rich and interesting look at the development of Israeli civil society, addressing issues such as the status of Palestinians within civil society and the deep divisions among Israelis themselves. While the essay is very engaging, one wishes that like the first two chapters, it would have focused on debates about civil society, rather than chronicling its existence and tensions. Overall, however, this short book begins to fill a serious gap by making vast and diverse debates available to audiences outside of the Middle East.
Zig Layton-Henry and Czarina Wilpert (eds.), Challenging Racism in Britain and Germany, Basingstoke: Palgrave, 2003, 304 pp., USD 65.00/GBP 47.50, ISBN 0-33364-3178 (hbk). Reviewed by Erik Bleich (Middlebury College) This edited volume is a welcome contribution to the literature on antiracist policymaking. Its authors represent a mix of scholars and practitioners primarily from Britain and Germany, whose writings range from theoretical reflections to
on-the-ground policy assessments. The book is especially valuable because it assembles information on Germanys antiracism structures and because it puts these in a comparative context. As with any edited volume, some contributions are more innovative than others. Most information in the section on citizenship is widely known or already available in other publications. Although the editors goal of integrating discussions of citizenship and racism is admirable, only the editors themselves truly make the synthesis work in their own chapters. Most of the book is dedicated to the specific challenges of (and to) racism in Britain and Germany, and this is where it is strongest. Authors on Britain outline the historical development of the countrys institutions (as well as those of Northern Ireland), assess their effectiveness in countering racial harassment and employment discrimination among other evils, and suggest ways to foster racial equality. Authors on Germany highlight not only anti-foreign sentiment and the influence of the far right, but also examine anti-Semitism and anti-Gypsy feelings in Germany. Moreover, they demonstrate just how sparse and ineffective German antidiscrimination laws and policies are and argue for better policies. Finally, at least one author writing on each country places its domestic policies in an international context, which is especially illuminating given the EUs recent directives on antidiscrimination which obligate countries to develop policies by 2003. On the whole, this is a good collection that is worth owning, especially if you are interested in issues of racism in Britain, Germany or in a comparative context.
James F. Rochlin, Vanguard Revolutionaries in Latin America, Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 2003, 238 pp., USD 55.00, ISBN:1-55587-984-5 (hbk) / USD 22.50, ISBN: 1-58826-106-9 (pbk). Reviewed by Jennifer S. Holmes (University of Texas at Dallas) Rochlin analyzes four Latin American revolutionary groups: the Colombian FARC, the Colombian ELN, the Peruvian Sendero Luminoso, and the Mexican Zapatistas. He focuses on rebel strategy, as opposed to origin, although he is attentive to the economic and political context. He also discusses the government response, including timing, intelligency and surveillance. In terms of strategy, he draws upon the basic tenets of Thucydides, Sun Tzu I and Sun Tzu II, Machiavelli, Hobbes and Von Clausewitz, and how these thinkers can be interpreted through specific epistemologies. Specifically, Rochlin looks at strategic space, temporal politics, intelligence, organizational aspects, popular consent, and the political economy.
Rochlin devotes two chapters to each country, one focusing on the origins, ideology and support base and another on the power, strategy and security of the rebels and the state. For each group, he examines the strengths -- for example Senderos incorporation of the Inca legacy, the use of the Peruvian educational system as an organizational network, and the cult of leadership surrounding Guzmรกn, and weaknesses -- such as the disconnect between Senderos and the indigenous epistemology, the justification for excessive violence, and the pyramid structure of the organization. In addition, he adds a unique aspect to the analysis of strategy by including systems of thought to consider the successes, failures, and strategic lessons of revolutionaries. For instance, in Colombia, he finds elements of premodernity, with the lack of a Leviathan and the fragmented nature of power, of modernity, with the guerrillas use of Marxism, and of post modernity, with the new waves of crime. The Mexican case is characterized by modern traits of nationalism, a strong central government, and the beginnings of industrial capitalism and a postmodern aspect of adept use of internet communication. Rochlins comparative analysis and analytical lens sharpen understanding of all four groups.
Vadim Rossman, Russian Intellectual Antisemitism in the Post-Communist Era. Jerusalem/Lincoln & London: The Vidal Sassoon International Center for the Study of Antisemitism/The University of Nebraska Press 2002, 309 pp., USD 55.00, ISBN 0-8032-3948-3 (hbk). Reviewed by Andreas Umland (National Taras Shevchenko University of Kyiv) This book is a rather valuable contribution to the study of post-Soviet ultranationalism. Not only does Rossman provide the first comprehensive account of the whole spectrum of post-Soviet intellectual anti-Semitism, he, in distinction to some authors in the field, takes the theories and concepts of the ultra-nationalist publicists he analyzes more or less seriously. He understands them as participants in a discourse to which he himself is a contributor, and thus actually replies to them. One would wish he had done so even more than he did. The book is divided according to the taxonomy Rossman has developed to group the varieties of ultra-nationalist thought: neo-Eurasianism (conceptualized by Rossman as geopolitical anti-Semitism); Gumilevs theory; National Bolshevism; neo-Slavophilism; National Orthodoxy; and biological racism referring to the Aryanmyth. Though terminologically somewhat confusing, for the purpose of Rossmans investigation, this conceptualization of the ideological spectrum seems to lead him to a rather useful classificatory scheme. It allows him to systematically describe, analyze and criticize each major school in
Russian post-Soviet ultra-nationalist thought, neither ignoring any relevant approach, nor drowning in the hundreds of articles, brochures, periodicals, and books that constitute potential objects of his study.
Carol M. Swain and Russ Nieli (eds.), Contemporary Voices of White Nationalism in America, Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003, 298 pp., GBP 14.95, ISBN 0-521-01693-2 (pbk) / GBP 40.00, ISBN 0-521-81673-4 (hbk). Reviewed by Chip Berlet (Political Research Associates) This book contains ten interviews of leading proponents of white nationalism in the United States. The questions demonstrate a thorough knowledge of the ideology and history of the interviewees who reveal fascinating details and anecdotes establishing boundaries and nuances of their beliefs. The interviews are grouped according to broad ideological categories: white rights advocacy (Jared Taylor, Reno Wolfe, Michael Levin); white nationalism and white separatism (Don Black, David Duke, Michael H. Hart); white Christianity (Dan Gayman); and white supremacy and neo-Nazism (Matthew Hale, Lisa Turner, William Pierce). The editors laudably argue against inaccurately smearing or demonizing leaders of ethnonationalist groups, but the introductory descriptions and the questions posed are bland. The editors present white nationalism in a civil and courteous manner that is at odds with much of the written and spoken record of those interviewed. The books lengthy introduction serves as a defense of libertarian, communitarian, and neoconservative proponents of a color-blind society in the United States. Activists who complain about continued racial injustice and inequality trouble the authors--especially activists who promote compensatory racial and ethnic preferences, (p. 44) and remedies such as affirmative action or bilingual education. In the future, the authors suggest, these civil rights activists could cause more racial and ethnic tension in the United States by fueling a backlash from the white nationalists who are portrayed as equally race conscious. Scholars collecting in-depth material about these leaders and their associated groups or ideologies should add this book to their collection. Others may find that the attempt at dispassionate scholarship has swerved into a lack of balanced critical engagement with the interviewees and their ideologies.
Book Notes Nicholas Goodrick-Clarke, Black Sun: Aryan Cults, Esoteric Nazism and the Politics of Identity. New York: New York University Press, 2002, ??? pp., USD 29.95, ISBN 0-8147-3124-4 (hbk). Reviewed by Jonathan T. Drummond (Princeton University) Black Sun is an eye-opening descent into the diverse and labyrinthine world of the radical racist right. It is a work with plenty to offer both educated lay readers and scholars. Lay readers will find an entertaining, interesting, and historically and ideologically accurate tour through places and groups in which the subcultures of neo-Nazism cross paths with those of the apocalyptic Hindu cycle of the ages, New Age ideology, neo-paganism, UFO cults, and satanic black metal music. For new religious movement, anthropology, sociology, political science, and social psychology scholars, Black Sun will be seen as an academically rigorous, fully contextualized, and well-documented exploration of subcultures which have proven themselves fully capable of producing violence. Unlike so many other volumes on the radical racist right, Goodrick-Clarke is able to maintain some objectivity on the topic, neither glorifying nor demonizing his subjects, recognizing legitimate grievance when it exists, and pointing up both subcultural and mainstream consequences of the legitimization of identity politics, especially in the U.S. and U.K. Further setting his work apart is his ability to successfully carry off a phenomenological approach in which the insiders perspective is made available; as a result, the reader comes away with some insight into how one can and does construct extreme, but subjectively viable, internally coherent, and sometimes functional, theological and ideological worldviews. In sum, Black Sun is richly detailed, supported by primary source material, and recommended reading for those wishing to understand the most obscure and puzzling regions of the radical racist right. Opening with chapters that lay bare the history and foundations of American and British neo-Nazism, Goodrick-Clark then turns to more precise treatment of various subcultures. Scholars seeking specific information will be pleased to know that chapters addressing such particular phenomena can quite capably stand alone. The content and style of the final chapter, while informative, seems to be a poor fit with the rest of the volume; that criticism aside, Black Sun constitutes a fine addition to any library on extremism.
Jeff Goodwin and James M. Jasper (eds.), The Social Movement Reader. Cases and Concepts, Oxford: Blackwell, 2002, 394 pp., GBP 55.00, ISBN 06312-2195-6 (hbk) / GBP 16.99, ISBN 0-6312-2196-4 (pbk). Reviewed by Kai-Uwe Hellmann ( Humboldt University) Every scientific discipline knows the evolution of publications. At the beginning there are small articles and studies which outline the research field. Later periodic journals appear where the newest results of theoretical and empirical research are published. Then you will find text-books with paradigmatic overviews of the research progress and knowledge. And at the end, the generations of readers concurs the book market with extensive compilations of competent and sometimes even classical texts which had an orientating, leading function for the whole research field. So if you read a review of such a reader, as in this case, the evolution of the corresponding scientific discipline seems to be quite advanced. The Social Movements Reader unifies thirty-two texts of forty authors. You will find much known scholars like Eric L. Hirsch, Doug McAdam, Aldon Morris, Charles Perrow, and Nancy Whittier, to name just some of them. All of these scholars have contributed important studies to the research on social movements, like The Silent Revolution (Inglehart), Resource Mobilization and Social Movements: A Partial Theory (McCarthy/Zald), The Strategy of Social Protest (Gamson), or The Social Psychology of Protest (Klandermans), all of which are represented with key extracts in this reader. The reader is divided into nine rubrics. The first rubric treats the question of When and why do social movements occur?, the following rubrics deal with the questions Who joins or supports movements?, Who remains in movements, and who drops out?, What do movement participants think and feel?, How are movements organized?, What do movements do?, How do the state and mass media influence movements?, Why do movements decline?, and What changes do movements bring about?. In each rubric you will find three or four contributions, which give a very reliable impression of the whole spectrum of this special research field of the sociology of social movements, based upon studies of a lot of different movements (like the civil rights movement, the environmental movement, the women movement, the lesbian and gay movements, the labor movement, the farmer movement etc). Each rubric has an introduction to this special research field with some discussion questions at the end to help to remember the important information you were taught. At the end of the book there are six small biographies of famous movement activists -- Martin Luther King of the black movement, Betty Friedan of the
women movement, Cesar Chavez of the farmer movement, Abbie Hoffman of the civil rights movement, Lois Gibbs of the environmental movement and Joan Andreas of the anti-abortion movement. Moreover this reader includes short definitions of thirty-four key concepts of the research on social movements; including political or social protest, social movement, political opportunities, framing and frame alignment, free rider problem, collective identity, resources, social movement organizations, and new social movements. The reader is completed with a thorough index of terms and names. All together this reader is a useful introduction and tool for the study of social movements. A point of critique is the almost exclusive focus on the USA, as if there is no research on social movements outside of that country. Moreover, a potential problem is the sheer quantity of social movements readers, which has grown rapidly as more and more publishing houses offer them in the last years. For a new student of social movements this makes it more difficult to decide, whilst for the experienced scholar these readers are unnecessary. Nevertheless, the purchase of this reader can be recommended because it is carefully edited, it contains important articles, and it provides quite a good tool for a fast orientation through the variety of social movements research approaches.
Barry Rubin, Islamic Fundamentalism in Egyptian Politics, London: Palgrave: 2002, 2nd edition, 217 pp., GBP 14.99, ISBN: 1-4039-6074-7 (pbk). Reviewed by Larbi Sadiki (University of Exeter) Barry Rubin needs no introduction to students of the Middle East. His earlier work in the field is interesting and solid. His latest book Islamic Fundamentalism in Egyptian Politics updates our knowledge of the Egyptian political scene, with special reference to the so-called Islamic Fundamentalism, a concept that calls for definition and nuanced usage, something missing in this new Palgrave edition. This proves to be the main weakness of the updated text: total lack of conceptual rigor. But this must not detract form the content of the book, which is readable and quite strong in its documentation and scholarly presentation. Lay readers and undergraduates without prior knowledge of Egypts politics, particularly in its Islamist dimensions, will find it very useful, introducing them to a thorough study of the countrys politics, going back to the times of Nasser and alTilimsani. This is a vital background for any student serious about inducting himself into the complexities of the politics of the most important and populous Arab state. The text is lucid, with argumentation flowing smoothly, cogently and cohesively. Key references are used and these will be very useful to those students wishing
to read further on the phenomenon of political Islam, in Egypt and the wider Arab World. The sources used tend to be mostly secondary but the reference to Ayman al-Zawahiri, by now well-known worldwide for his co-leadership with Osamah bin Ladin of al-Qaida, strengthens the updated text. The appendix (pp. 174-185), giving excerpts from an FBIS translations of Al-Zawahiris Knights under the Prophets Banner, is an added value in this work. It does two things: Firstly, it puts the reader in direct contact with the narrative of a leading figure that for so long shaped not only the Jihad Group but also one who had a imprint on Egypts political Islam, even if from the margins of a group that lacks the following and the credentials of the countrys moderate and more sophisticated Muslim brotherhood. Second, it highlights the endemic problem of most writings on political Islam in the Arab World: the dearth of scholarship drawing on primary sources. Thus most scholars, and Rubin is no exception, tend to present analyses in which Islamic movements are spoken for, rather than speaking for themselves. Thus even if short, the appendix drawing on al-Zawahiris own work is more revealing and informative than the texts circulating at the moment on the phenomenon of political Islam in the Arab World, with the exception of the works by the French scholar Franรงois Burgat (Face to Face with Political Islam, 2002). As such, many writings on the topic are impressive not only for what they say, but also for what they dont say. Rubins book is impressive for its information on the emergence of the Islamic movement, something that is done very carefully and in a much nuanced fashion. The upshot is the diversity that the author succeeds in capturing in his analysis of the movement in Egypt. The reader is drawn to the question of violence as a political strategy in the thought and practice of the various Islamist forces in Egypt. This account sheds some light on the divergence within the movement as a whole towards an issue that is today the first item on the agenda of policy-makers, intelligence services and an increasing number of Middle East specialists wanting to add their views to the ongoing discussion of 9/11. Particularly interesting in this regard is the fact that although Rubin recognizes the place of regime oppression in the radicalization of many Islamists, he fails to address this question systematically. He does so by tending to touch on the topic without ever addressing it systematically and by almost treating it as a secondary issue. This is certainly the case when he highlights the failure of the Islamists to either grip the imagination of fellow Egyptians or unseat the secular regimes they set out to overthrow. No analysis following this line of inquiry can be complete without systematically demonstrating the brutality and grotesque human rights violations that go on, almost un-reported and under-researched, in order to stem the tide of extremism. That is, to keep extremism at bay, the state itself resorts to extremist measures.
It is thus the clash of extremisms that go on under-studied. That is a dimension that is yet to be explored by students of political Islam in the Arab World. Like Roy (The Failure of Political Islam) Rubin tends to be strong on the question of the supposed failure of political Islam, in this case extremist groups in Egypt. But also like him, he repeats the mistake of equating failure by inability to gain power, without pointing out that hanging on to power through brutality is neither political success nor moderation, in the case of the Mubarak regime. More importantly, failing to implicate the regime, whether in Egypt, Saudi Arabia or elsewhere in the Arab World, in being part of the problem of extremism through failure to follow more inclusive politics reduces the whole story of political Islam into a divide between good and bad guys. That oversimplifies the story. Nonetheless, Rubins book should be a reference to all those seeking answers about the phenomenon of political Islam in Egypt.