There are moments in life that stay with us forever— moments that may last only minutes or hours yet make us feel part of something greater. That’s what Isaac del Toro gave us over these two weeks at the Giro d’Italia: a young Mexican rider, just 21 years old, who inspired us to dream big. He made us wake up early, cheer, suffer, and celebrate. He drew our attention back to a sport that doesn’t always take center stage but becomes epic through stories like his.
BY: ANTONIO DE VALDÉS
Hello, friends! Isaac finished second in the Giro d’Italia—a reason to be proud in itself—but what’s truly extraordinary is how he achieved it. It wasn’t luck; it wasn’t a fluke. It was a display of talent, strategy, and heart—the kind of mix that only great champions possess. Thank you, Isaac, not only for your powerful pedaling but also for taking us along with you. With every turn, every mountain, and every stage under the sun or rain, you shared your story—a story of effort, of falls that taught you how to rise again, and of victories that didn’t cause you to lose your footing. You revealed who you are—both on and off the bike: a determined, humble young man with a maturity beyond your years. Thank you for being the reason that millions in Mexico, many of whom had never seen a stage of the Giro, glued themselves to their TVs, phones, or any screen to follow your race. Your performance reminded us of historic names like Raúl Alcalá, Julio Alberto Pérez Cuapio, Belem Guerrero, and Ingrid Drexel—athletes who also left their mark on this tough but beautiful sport. Watching you wear the Maglia Rosa—the race leader’s jersey— for eleven days filled us with pride. No cyclist that young had ever led the race for so many days, and no Mexican had ever done it with such authority. You became the youngest rider in history to achieve this. That’s no small feat. That’s pure history. That’s a before and after. You made us feel just like we
did during other iconic moments in Mexican sports. For example, when Fernando Valenzuela won the World Series with the Dodgers and became a hero in two countries. Or when Soraya Jiménez lifted the gold medal in Sydney with a smile that moved the world. When Julio César Chávez beat Meldrick Taylor in an epic fight. And when Checo Pérez crossed the finish line first in Monaco, at the pinnacle of Formula 1. Those are the moments that bring us together, that make us proud of our own. And today, Isaac, you are part of that select group. Beyond the results, you have rekindled the emotion, the hope, and the certainty that Mexican talent is alive and waiting for its moment. You seized it, embraced it, and transformed it into a remarkable achievement. You left Ensenada with your bike, your dreams, and that conviction that only those who understand what it takes to succeed can possess. You went to Europe to forge a life in a competitive, distant, and demanding world. And you did it with a strength that inspires. It wasn’t easy—we know that. But here you are, demonstrating what you’re capable of. And the best part is: this is just the beginning. Cycling, like life, is about endurance. You’ve already demonstrated that you can hold on, attack, recover, and keep going. What comes next will be just as challenging—but equally thrilling. Thank you, Isaac del Toro, for these unforgettable two weeks. Thank you for being an example to young people, athletes, and all of Mexico. Thank you for showing us that anything is possible with talent, discipline, and passion. Thank you, Isaac. Because when one person has faith, the whole country believes with them Looking forward to the next one! .
Can a third party succeed in America?
Elon Musk thinks so
MUSK AIMS TO DISRUPT U.S. POLITICS WITH THE IDEA OF A NEW PARTY, BUT HISTORY ISN’T ON HIS SIDE. FROM PEROT TO ROOSEVELT, THIRD-PARTY EFFORTS HAVE STIRRED UP WAVES BUT RARELY SUCCEEDED. IS MUSK ANY DIFFERENT, OR MERELY THE LATEST TO CHALLENGE A DEEPLY ENTRENCHED SYSTEM?
n the context of his brief clash with President Donald Trump, billionaire Elon Musk emphasized the necessity for a third party in U.S. politics.
And to no one’s surprise, 80 percent of those who responded to a poll on the subject on Musk’s social network “X” favored it.
However, this isn’t the first time— and it probably won’t be the last. Nevertheless, the truth is that our current two-party system is relatively new. In fact, over the past 60 years, there have been at least four or five third-party presidential candidates.
In 2024, there were at least twenty contenders from fifteen or sixteen parties, including the major candidates: Republican Donald Trump, the winner, and Democrat Kamala Harris.
The multiplicity of parties is as old as the United States itself. While it reflects a constant state of discontent and a wide variety of opinions among voters, it also serves as an example of pragmatism and the influence and balance game within the political and electoral system.
In truth, Republicans and Democrats seem to be the only viable alternatives — at least at the national level. However, that’s partly an illusion: neither are traditional parties in the classic sense, but rather coalitions of local political formations with Democratic (now liberal) or Republican (now conservative) tendencies across the 50 states, each with its own political conditions but under the umbrella of a state committee, which in turn falls under the control of national committees.
lawmakers — a platform of nationalist and anti-globalist values that can still be felt today.
In 1996, Perot ran again, this time under the “United We Stand” party, but received only eight percent of the vote.
One of the most notorious third-party figures was George Wallace, a former Southern Democratic governor who opposed racial integration. In 1968, he ran under the American Independent Party with a “law and order” platform. He received 13 percent of the vote and marked the beginning of a divide between white Southerners and the Democratic Party. Republican Richard Nixon won the election and capitalized on this shift, bringing the South — the former Confederacy — into what has since become a Republican stronghold.
In 1980, liberal Republican John Anderson established a third party to challenge Republican Ronald Reagan — who won — and Democrat Jimmy Carter.
Another notable case was Theodore “Teddy” Roosevelt, who became president in 1902 after the assassination of William McKinley and was re-elected in 1904. His administration tackled monopolies, regulated railroads, and introduced food, drug, and workplace safety standards. These policies divided conservatives and liberals within the Republican Party.
80 percent of those who responded to a poll on the subject on Musk’s social network “X” favored it
Roosevelt went on to establish the “Bull Moose” Party — a progressive Republican group — which split the Republican vote in 1912 and ultimately handed victory to Democrat Woodrow Wilson.
In fact, numerous local or regional parties often align with the Democratic or Republican state committees. Historically, this has been supported by the U.S. electoral system, where only the president and vice president are elected at the federal level.
A presidential candidate needs to be registered in all 50 states to have a genuine chance at the White House. Otherwise, they’ll remain a regional candidate — someone who might influence the election or policies but is unlikely to advance any further.
In recent history, perhaps the most notable third-party candidate was businessman Ross Perot. In 1992, he became the voice of Americans dissatisfied with globalization, political games in Washington, and the international situation. Perot garnered 19 percent of the vote, and many believe this contributed to President George H.W. Bush’s defeat by Democrat Bill Clinton.
Perot’s electoral platform paved the way for the 1994 “Contract with America” promoted by Republican
The only candidate to ever win a presidential election as a third-party candidate was Abraham Lincoln in 1860, running for what was then a brand-new Republican Party united against slavery. He faced challengers from three other parties: Northern Democrats, Southern Democrats, and Constitutional Unionists.
But Lincoln won with only 39.8 percent of the vote — the lowest percentage ever to bring a president to the White House, according to historians. The alliances that Lincoln had to forge were reflected in his 1864 choice for vice president: Andrew Johnson, a Southern Democrat who supported the Union but, after Lincoln’s assassination, abandoned and ultimately delayed racial integration in the U.S. by more than a century in his bid for re-election in 1868.
The point, in any case, is that if Musk wanted to found a third party, he could—it’s a matter of resources and organization to either create or rally like-minded groups in most, if not all, of the 50 states. However, it would also require patience and the will to challenge what has already become an established norm.
José Carreño Figueras
BY: GERARDO RODRÍGUEZ SÁNCHEZ
AND BRUNO FAVIAN CORREA GOMEZ ART: JORGE PEÑALOZA
MIGRATION: AN UNPRECEDENTED REDUCTION
At this critical moment for North America, Mexico’s security cooperation with the United States is historic. It serves as one of the pillars that supports the strategic relationship between the two countries, particularly in areas such as trade and politics.
Mexico’s security cabinet has made unprecedented efforts to mitigate threats perceived by U.S. national security, primarily concerning drug trafficking, particularly fentanyl, and human trafficking. This cooperation unfolds during a tense period in bilateral relations, largely due to the potential threat of tariffs from the U.S. if Mexico does not cooperate on these security matters.
The first seven months of Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum Pardo’s administration have yielded unprecedented figures in the fight against drug trafficking and human smuggling. Below is a summary of the data.
DRUG TRAFFICKING:
KEY ACHIEVEMENTS
On the anti-drug front, Mexican authorities report that between October 2024 and June 2025, a total of 23,417 people were arrested for serious crimes, and 12,045 firearms were seized. In total, 173 tons of drugs were confiscated, including approximately 1.5 tons of fentanyl—equivalent to more than 2 million pills. Over 990 clandestine labs were dismantled, most of which were dedicated to methamphetamine production.
These internal efforts were supported by strong binational cooperation. Fentanyl seizures at the U.S.-Mexico border fell from 450 kg in January to 263 kg in February 2025—a 41.5% month-to-month decrease and 70% lower compared to the previous October. The White House attributed this reduction to improved joint operations, including the deployment of Mexico’s National Guard.
There were approximately 179,737 detentions at the southern border as part of U.S.-Mexico migration cooperation.
30
Mexico and the U.S. have enhanced their historic security cooperation to combat drug trafficking and irregular migration. These joint efforts resulted in record arrests, significant drug seizures, and a 90% reduction in migrant crossings. Key actions include dismantling fentanyl labs, extraditing drug lords, and enforcing anti-terror laws against cartel members.
individuals were detained from October 2024 to June 2025.
994
23,417 1.4
In migration matters, cooperation between Mexico and the US has significantly reduced irregular crossings. Since October 2024, over 10,000 members of the Mexican National Guard have been deployed to the northern border, bringing the total to roughly 17,000 already stationed there. As a result, apprehensions at the US southern border dropped from 106,321 in October 2024 to just 12,035 in April 2025—a reduction of over 90%. By comparison, April 2024 saw around 179,737 apprehensions.
clandestine laboratories have been
tons and 2.8 million fentanyl pills were seized.
Another key aspect of cooperation has been the extradition of over 30 Mexican drug lords wanted by U.S. authorities.
One of the most notable cases was the extradition of Rafael Caro Quintero, a founder of the Guadalajara
who was arrested in 2022 and ultimately handed over to the U.S. in 2025.
ARREST OF MARÍA DEL ROSARIO NAVARRO SÁNCHEZ
Known by the aliases “Fernanda” and “Chayo,” she is the first Mexican national in the U.S. to be formally charged with providing material support to a foreign terrorist organization because of her ties to the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG). She is accused of conspiring to supply weapons to the CJNG. Evidence from Texas prosecutors indicates that Navarro Sánchez attempted to coordinate the delivery of two Barrett rifles and fifteen AK-47-type assault rifles. She is also charged with being involved in illicit activities, including cash smuggling, human trafficking, and drug trafficking. The application of anti-terrorism statutes against members and collaborators of Mexican cartels marks a turning point and establishes a legal precedent in the fight against transnational drug trafficking.
Over
Mexican drug lords have been extradited to the U.S., including Rafael Caro Quintero.
Arrest of María del Rosario “N,” who was formally charged with providing material support to a foreign terrorist organization.
dismantled.
EXTRADITION OF DRUG LORDS TO THE U.S.
Cartel,
WOMEN AT THE BORDER
This two-part piece focuses on women at the Mexico–U.S. border, their hopes, dreams, and the challenges they overcame when crossing the border—or perhaps, as the famous song by Los Tigres del Norte suggests, it was the border that crossed them.
BY: NORMA BORREGO PÉREZ
PHOTOART: DANTE ESCOBAR
They are not only at a physical and geographical border but often at a turning point in their own lives. They arrive out of necessity or choice, wary of the challenge of reinventing themselves in a new setting—a reality that is often inhospitable to newcomers. They recount how they adapted and how they combined that new reality with their culture, language, and interpersonal, professional, and emotional skills. They explain the reasons behind their attempt to conquer this new world—not only for themselves but above all, for their children.
Young, middle-aged, or older; married or single; professionals or laborers; with or without documents—they all pursue, fight for, and dream of a better future for their families. Both for the family they built here and the one they left behind in some distant
town afflicted by the cultural, social, and/or economic violence of Latin America. They do not forget their loved ones and find ways to support those “back home” while also covering the monthly bills. They understand that arriving is just the beginning. They know they must be patient and persistent to navigate the cultural, social, and legal twists and turns on the arduous path toward achieving the American dream. So, they start humbly—working wherever possible, cautiously stepping into churches, their children’s schools, and adult schools to learn English as a second language. They try to grasp both the written and unwritten rules of the new world. They almost always find jobs in service and low-wage sectors like cleaning, elder care, cashiers or stockers at supermarkets, teacher’s aides, hospital assistants, or in agricultural work.
My admiration for these women grew as I came to know their stories—or at least parts of them. Their trust allowed me to learn about difficult and sometimes painful experiences, but also about their joys during conversations filled with music and traditional food at various gatherings. They generously shared their stories full of hope for a better future for their families. During our talks, none of them boasted about their achievements. Instead, they spoke of the accomplishments of their sons and daughters, their grandchildren—unaware that they themselves were the cornerstone that made those dreams possible. Regardless of whether they migrated long ago or just recently, Latina women in the United States, in my view, share a defining trait: their ability to adapt in the face of any challenge and to emerge even stronger. Today, the popular word is resilience. I imagine these women as tightrope walkers, juggling three spheres in the air—symbolizing their past, present,
I
STORY 1: NIDIA / TWENTY CENTURIES
Originally from a small town in Michoacán, Nini—as her friends call her—spent a peaceful childhood amid local traditions and parish festivals. She is the third of seven children and often clashed with her macho father for questioning his orders. At 16, she sought work to be independent and to help her mother. Every now and then, news arrived from relatives who had crossed to “the other side”: one cousin had a new girlfriend, another got married, a brother was picking crops, now in a workshop, now working at a supermarket near San Diego.
One day, cousin Antonio came back home for Christmas. He didn’t come alone. A tall, fair-haired, robust man with light-colored eyes came with him. They had met at work, and Toño—as they called Antonio—had invited the outsider to the village to find a wife. The “gringo” had expressed several times his desire to marry a Mexican woman because “they know how to cook and make good mothers.” When they arrived in the village, a buzz spread among the young women. Toño had brought the gringo who was looking for a wife, and a dance was quickly arranged for the weekend. It was only Wednesday, so the friends spent the following days walking around the village. They were in Toño’s father’s truck when the guest said, “Stop, stop, man!” Toño hit the brakes. “What’s up, man?” he asked. On the corner, two girls were walking and chatting cheerfully. The gringo
pointed and said with confidence, “Look at that girl. I’m going to marry her!” Toño laughed and said, “You’re crazy, buddy!” Over the next few days, the gringo asked Toño to help him formally ask permission to visit the slender young woman with long, wavy hair and a kind smile they had seen on the street. Nidia was shocked to be “the chosen one” and nervously watched from a side window as the visitors spoke with her father at the front door. Once permission was granted, the gringo began to visit her. In January, before he left, he made a solemn promise to return in six months to marry her. They spoke on the phone often and excitedly made plans for the future. Time passed slowly for the lovebirds, but the gringo returned for her. The young couple married and started their journey north with the support of the family—especially her sisters, who saw Nidia as the luckiest woman in the village.
“At first, everything was beautiful,” she tells me with a sigh. The gringo took her to live in the apartment he shared with his mother and two younger brothers in Tijuana.
“Just while we sort out the paperwork,” he said. She, excited and grateful, agreed to help however she could in the household and take care of her husband, who crossed the border daily for work. Her mother-in-law helped with the paperwork, and in less than a year, Nidia became a legal resident. She had her first child and, aside from minor incidents, everything seemed like a dream. The problems began shortly after their son was born. Her husband would drink and become aggressive. He always ended up in fights with relatives or friends. She would call him out, but quickly learned it was better to stay quiet since he began yelling at her in front of others. She thought that maybe things would get better over time. Now settled in the U.S., her husband changed jobs frequently—three months, then quit; four months at another job, then quit again, or so he claimed. “Don’t worry, woman. I’ll start looking tomorrow,” he would say. And so the cycle repeated. A miserable cycle that lasted nearly fifteen years. His behavior worsened. Some relatives told her to leave him, but no one explained anything. It took years—of insults and even physical abuse—for her to realize that her husband was a violent schizophrenic. His condition deteriorated quickly when he refused medication, combining it with drug and alcohol use, turning Nidia and her son’s life into a nightmare. She found refuge in religion, but it wasn’t enough. Her family in Mexico offered no support—only saying, “It’s your cross to bear, endure it.”
Finally, two and a half years ago, Nidia left her husband and realized she needed help. She and her son now receive psychological treatment as victims of domestic violence. She managed to get divorced, found a better job, and—for the first time in a long time—feels hopeful about her and her son’s future.
Nidia’s situation escalated due to the lack of a support network in the U.S. Once she crossed the border, she was completely isolated with her abuser and her child. Years ago, mental health issues were rarely discussed or understood, often stigmatized by families. Let’s recall that some of her husband’s relatives suggested she leave him, but didn’t dare tell her he was ill because there wasn’t even a diagnosis. Furthermore, Nidia’s childhood took place in a context governed by ancestral “traditions and customs.” All these factors contributed to a pattern of codependence and learned helplessness passed down through generations—chains Nidia had to break by using knowledge and resources available in a new environment. She broke those rusty chains, echoing Alfonsina Storni’s poem: “Twenty centuries moved her hand” to escape her abuser. Others are not as fortunate.
The number of Hispanic women grew by
BY: CLAUDIA LOZANO
Port infrastructure has become one of the central pillars in shaping the new global economic order. In February 2025, Hutchison Ports announced negotiations to sell part of its terminals to a consortium led by BlackRock and Terminal Investment Limited (TiL), the port subsidiary of Mediterranean Shipping Company (MSC).
The transaction, estimated to exceed $20 billion, includes 43 ports with 199 berths across 23 countries.
As the global economy undergoes significant shifts, Mexico’s role as a logistics hub has gained unprecedented importance. The eight terminals operated by Hutchison Ports in the country are strategic assets that connect Mexico to the world’s major markets. These terminals—specialized in handling containers, general cargo, and, in some cases, rolling cargo—act as vital nodes for international trade.
While the final deal between Hutchison and BlackRock has not been officially confirmed, sources close to the process suggest that Mexico’s terminals are included in the proposed portfolio—along with Panama’s Balboa and Cristóbal Colón terminals—making this one of the most significant logistics operations in Latin America in recent years.
The sale has ignited debate, particularly in the context of increasing U.S. geostrategic interest in controlling vital trade routes and Panama’s crucial role as an interoceanic connector. BlackRock’s strong ties with the U.S. government and its growing influence over essential infrastructure raise concerns about the future operational control of these ports.
MEXICO AND THE AUTOMOTIVE INDUSTRY
One of the sectors most directly impacted by these developments is the automotive industry. Mexico ranks as the world’s third-largest vehicle exporter, following only Japan and Germany. Major manufacturers—General Motors, Volkswagen, Nissan, Toyota, and Kia—assemble vehicles in Mexico, making its logistics network (including Hutchison terminals) a crucial part of global supply chains.
The ports of Veracruz (Gulf of Mexico) and Lázaro Cárdenas (Pacific) are the country’s primary entry and exit points for vehicles, handling over 720,000 and 570,000 units, respectively. These ports not only connect domestic production with international markets but also serve as crucial hubs for regional distribution.
WHY ARE MEXICO’S TERMINALS SO CRUCIAL?
ENSENADA INTERNATIONAL TERMINAL (EIT)
LOCATION: Port of Ensenada, Baja California
OPERATIONS: Multipurpose Terminal
Due to its proximity to California, it offers a quick alternative to the crowded ports of Long Beach and Los Angeles.
ENSENADA CRUISEPORT VILLAGE (ECV)
LOCATION: Port of Ensenada, Baja California
OPERATIONS: Cruise terminal
SIGNIFICANCE: Enhances Baja California’s tourism sector as the primary cruise destination on Mexico’s Pacific coast.
TERMINAL INTERNACIONAL DE MANZANILLO (TIMSA)
LOCATION: Port of Manzanillo, Colima OPERATIONS:
Handling containers, mineral cargo, and LCL (less-than-container load) shipments at a multipurpose terminal.
SIGNIFICANCE: A crucial gateway for trade with Asia, linking Mexico’s Bajío region to its central states.
LÁZARO CÁRDENAS CONTAINER TERMINAL (LCT)
LOCATION: Port of Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán OPERATIONS: Container terminal featuring rail connectivity
SIGNIFICANCE: Accommodates deep-draft vessels and offers access to north-central Mexico.
LÁZARO CÁRDENAS
MULTIPURPOSE
TERMINAL (LCMT)
LOCATION: Port of Lázaro Cárdenas, Michoacán
OPERATIONS: A multipurpose terminal for general cargo, minerals, and vehicles.
Significance: Critical for automotive exports to Asia and the western United States.
INTERNACIONAL DE CONTENEDORES
ASOCIADOS DE VERACRUZ (ICAVE)
LOCATION: Port of Veracruz, Veracruz
OPERATIONS: Container Terminal
SIGNIFICANCE: A gateway for Gulf trade with Europe and the East Coast of the U.S.
TALLERES NAVALES DEL GOLFO (TNG)
LOCATION: Port of Veracruz, Veracruz
OPERATIONS: Shipyard for maintenance and repair of vessels
SIGNIFICANCE: Facilitates maritime operations in the region and supports commercial fleets.
TERMINAL INTERMODAL LOGÍSTICA DE HIDALGO (TILH)
LOCATION: Atotonilco de Tula, Hidalgo
OPERATIONS: Dry Port and Inland Logistics Facility
SIGNIFICANCE: Connects central Mexico to seaports, lowering logistics costs.
10/11
in BlackRock–Hutchison Ports
Negotiations Amid the Tariff War
The sale of Hutchison Ports terminals to a consortium led by BlackRock could reshape logistical control in North America. With eight key terminals, Mexico plays a strategic role in the deal. The operation unfolds amid ongoing trade tensions and a U.S.-driven shift in geoeconomics.
On April 29, 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order altering the country’s automotive tariff policy. While the 25% tariff on imported vehicles remains in place, new measures were introduced to prevent cumulative tariffs on steel and aluminum. Additionally, a tax credit system was established for companies manufacturing within U.S. territory, offering up to 3.75% of the vehicle’s value in the first year, with a gradual reduction in subsequent years. This may negatively affect Mexico, particularly in the finished vehicle segment, which, unlike some auto parts, is not exempt under USMCA.
WHO BENEFITS FROM WEAKENING USMCA?
Amid rising tensions between the United States and China, port infrastructure has become a crucial tool of geoeconomic power. In this landscape, Mexico is more than just a trade partner—it’s a vital logistics link. Hutchison operates terminals in four of Mexico’s five most significant ports. Both coasts— the Pacific and Atlantic—are contested areas for controlling trade routes connecting North America, Asia, and Europe. If the U.S. weakens or removes USMCA incentives, Mexico would undoubtedly be harmed, but the U.S. would also be hurting itself.
Automotive value chains are tightly integrated. U.S. assembly plants depend on components produced in Mexico, and vice versa. A hardline trade approach, without an accompanying logistics control strategy, would result in increased costs, supply chain disruptions, and diminished competitiveness against Asia and Europe. This is where the silent move comes in: BlackRock’s potential acquisition of Hutchison Ports’ terminals by a player deeply embedded in U.S. political and economic spheres. This would enable the U.S. to gain indirect control of strategic ports, without needing to change legal frameworks or deploy a military presence. From this perspective, the logic indicates that the U.S. would gain not by weakening USMCA, but by reconfiguring it—transitioning from a free trade agreement to an integrated geoeconomic strategy. A sort of “logistics USMCA,” where routes, terminals, and transportation hubs are also part of the negotiation. For Mexico, this presents a historic opportunity: to condition preferential logistics access on the maintenance of treaty incentives; to seek greater participation in critical infrastructure decisions; and to protect port sovereignty from the conflicting interests of major investment funds and foreign governments.
Among Hutchison Ports’ terminals, the Lázaro Cárdenas Multipurpose Terminal is unique in its Mexican portfolio for handling rolling cargo. It accommodates various types of vehicles, heavy machinery, and general cargo. Its location on the Pacific coast allows for efficient connections with Asia, which is essential amid global supply chain shifts.
WHERE THE HOMELAND STARTS
A shared land that stretches over 3,145 kilometers. On one side: California, Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas. On the other: Baja California, Sonora, Chihuahua,
Coahuila, Nuevo León, and Tamaulipas.
BY GUSTAVO RENTERÍA
The Rio Grande (or Río Bravo) serves as a natural border, but we are also separated by deserts, mountains, and sprawling urban areas. The “Wall” spans barely 1,300 kilometers. We share 48 official ports of entry, and the United States deploys nearly 19,000 Border Patrol agents, utilizing advanced technology, including cameras, thermal sensors, drones, and even satellites. Approximately 350 million legal crossings occur each year. Naturally, this is a hotspot for the trafficking of drugs, weapons, and even organs. Legal trade between the two countries totals nearly $2 billion daily, in addition to the significant flow of illicit money. The border also separates families: fathers, spouses, and children left on one side now stay in touch through video calls and remittances, which are one of the main pillars of the Mexican economy. Only one-third of Mexican residents in the border region can cross legally, indirectly benefiting from U.S. goods and services.
This underscores the profound economic interdependence that influences jobs, investment, and regional development—but also emphasizes a stark inequality: two-thirds of those living near the border may never eat a hamburger at McDonald’s, drive on a freeway, or walk into a mall just a few meters from their home.
On the northern border, people recognize the benefits of living in a binational economic zone
BORDER CULTURE
Borders are a human invention—lines drawn through wars, conquests, political negotiations, or even simple territorial agreements. Even in the 21st century, many nations continue to dispute land ownership. Despite walls, checkpoints, and visa requirements, cultures and traditions continue to intersect and overlap.
The U.S.-Mexico border has long nurtured a unique way of life, fostering a distinct approach to dreaming and thinking.
The way people dress, eat, work, and enjoy themselves is particular to “border folks.” Those living in southern U.S. states are very different from people in the northern parts of the country. Likewise, the same is true for Mexico—border residents differ from those in the country’s south. Even media consumption differs.
Local radio stations and TV channels feature a blend of music that’s very specific to the region and dedicate a significant portion of their programming to updates on border wait times.
The border cultivates a unique cultural fusion. However, only a third of locals can legally visit the U.S., while others are left to dream of the “American dream.”
This reality poses profound identity challenges and harsh living conditions. The border embodies a fusion of Anglo and Latino cultures: in Mexico, people celebrate Halloween and Thanksgiving; in the U.S., they participate in El Grito and Día de Muertos.
Here, you hear Tex-Mex, banda, border hip-hop—and of course, reggaetón, a genre that brings everyone together with beats no one can ignore. Love it or hate it, its power and popularity are undeniable.
BINATIONAL HEALTH
You cannot understand how the border works without acknowledging the strong, ongoing collaboration between the U.S. CDC and Mexico’s Health Ministry, particularly regarding disease control in this high-mobility region. Additionally, COVID-19 changed everything.
Millions of Mexicans have crossed into the U.S. to receive vaccinations in a semi-official collaboration that the Biden administration chose to accept.
Today, the CDC, through its Southern Border Health and Migration branch, works closely with Mexican authorities to quickly detect and respond to outbreaks.
The geographic proximity and binational collaboration make this region particularly special in terms of health.
Both sides care for residents and for the thousands of migrants arriving from distant countries, hoping to be smuggled across but finding themselves stranded in Mexico.
These individuals require shelter, food, water, and, of course, healthcare.
Many don’t speak English or Spanish, which is why we now hear radio PSAs and see social media campaigns in African, Asian, and Indigenous languages that promote vaccines and public health.
EXCLUSIVE INTERVIEW
In an exclusive interview with Heraldo USA, Dr. Jesús Alejandro Uribe, Mexico’s federal delegate for Social Welfare in Baja California, explains that over the past 40 years, the system welcomed the migration of companies seeking cheap, efficient labor but closed its doors to human migration, which he says was a critical mistake.
This became especially evident in sectors like construction and services.
“President Trump’s new policy of pulling back from international trade also weakens company migration. And clearly, they don’t have enough workers to fill jobs in the service and construction sectors. What we need is a broad legalization process, like the Simpson-Rodino Act of the 1980s,” says Uribe. On the northern border, people recognize the benefits of living in a binational economic zone. Dr. Uribe notes that cultural exchange occurs naturally because many families are divided between the two countries. “We go back and forth, bringing our customs and food—our presence has a huge impact on this region. And all of this contrasts with the weak efforts coming from the U.S. government,” he adds.
When it comes to health, Dr. Uribe emphasizes the efforts of evangelical groups that assist children with serious illnesses. He also points out that northern Mexico is rapidly becoming one of the world’s leading medical tourism destinations, due to the influx of Americans crossing the border for high-quality care at a fraction of the cost. This, in broad strokes, outlines the great border—where the homeland begins
Cultures and traditions are shared. Collaboration in binational health is essential.
Only a third of residents along the Mexican border can cross legally. 2
Exclusive interview with Dr. Jesús Alejandro Uribe, Social Welfare Delegate for Baja California. 4
the world regarding the number of documents issued.
Reyna Torres Mendívil is a distinguished diplomat and researcher, being the first woman to lead the Consulate General of Mexico in Chicago since its establishment in 1884. This year marks the consulate’s 141st anniversary, and its role remains as essential as ever. In this conversation, she shared valuable insights
1. IN WHAT WAYS DOES THE CONSULATE ENHANCE THE SENSE OF IDENTITY AND BELONGING FOR MEXICANS IN CHICAGO?
The way the Mexican government interacts with its diaspora has experienced significant evolution. We have come to understand many aspects that we did not recognize decades ago. Today, our main objective is to foster a strong community, empowering it to be truly binational, bicultural, and bilingual—enabling it to exercise its rights in the U.S. under local laws and in Mexico.
We design all our services with empowerment and care in mind. We want individuals to feel supported, whether they’re in the U.S. or back in Mexico. This means not only offering specific services but also unlocking the full potential of Mexican consular diplomacy, which is both unique and powerful.
2. HOW HAS THE PROFILE OF THE MEXICAN COMMUNITY IN CHICAGO EVOLVED? WHAT ROLES DO WOMEN AND YOUTH PLAY?
People came to Chicago for a simple reason: work. Since its founding, this city has drawn labor from around the world, thanks to its industries.
Chicago is now one of the most diverse and cosmopolitan cities. Communities have existed here for decades—even centuries—such as the Polish and Italian populations. Mexicans have also arrived in waves, contributing to a city renowned for labor organizing and workers’ rights.
Illinois and its cities are very progressive; they serve as sanctuary jurisdictions that welcome immigrants and refugees. Many in our community may have first arrived in Texas or California but eventually discovered opportunities here. Today, we have professionals conducting complex surgeries in top hospitals, Michelin-starred chefs, renowned architects—and we also have individuals working every day to help this city thrive. In southern Illinois, workers arrive every summer to assist with the harvest. All of them contribute to building a better country.
3. WHAT ARE THE PRIMARY CONCERNS OF MEXICANS VISITING THE CONSULATE?
Community needs have evolved over time, although some remain consistent. When you total everything we do—passports, consular IDs, birth registrations, powers of attorney—we are the busiest consulate in
Our main goal is to build a strong community and empower it to be truly binational, bicultural, and bilingual.’
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MONDAY / 06 / 16 / 2025 HERALDOUSA. COM/
Alerts about immigration fraud are increasing. Consulates are an official source of reliable information: Reyna Torres.’ Consulates in the US: 53 offices with mobile service to reach the most vulnerable communities.’
In recent months, we’ve experienced a 500% increase in requests for civil registry services, particularly those related to what the community refers to as “dual nationality.” It sounds unbelievable when say it out loud, but it’s true. Two main groups are requesting this: first, adults born in the U.S. who, in the current political climate, now seek to secure their rights through their parents’ nationality and reclaim or obtain Mexican citizenship. The second group consists of children whose parents face the risk of deportation. We want them to have a Mexican birth certificate so they can access schools and services in Mexico if necessary. There is a continuous modernization process in collaboration with the Digital Transformation Agency to streamline procedures.
4. HOW IS THE CONSULATE RESPONDING TO CHANGES IN U.S. IMMIGRATION POLICY?
We’re facing one of the most complex moments in decades. What we need to do is to stay as close as possible to the community and be sensitive to their needs. Many people are afraid to attend public events or even visit the consulate because they fear encounters with immigration authorities. That’s why we’re partnering with Mexico’s Digital Transformation Agency to modernize civil registry services—to make processes faster, easier, and more accessible. This helps individuals receive a proper immigration assessment from an honest attorney, not someone who will deceive them. When a community is informed, it’s empowered. We also host information sessions and legal workshops to help people understand their rights. Our mobile consulate is one of the strongest in the network, covering all 58 countries in the region and reaching people who cannot travel to us.
In connection with 2025, the Year of the Indigenous Woman, I recall a story from my time serving in California’s Central Valley with a predominantly Mixtec agricultural community. We assisted a woman who was a victim of domestic violence. Later, she returned to see me.
She said: “Consul, I’ve come to return the money you gave me.”
I told her: “No, ma’am, that money came from our programs. You used it to improve your life and your children’s lives.”
But she insisted: “No, I want you to use it to help another woman like me.”
Each time I tell that story, I get goosebumps. It illustrates the character of the people living in this country, emphasizing their value and the contributions they make every single day—not only to strengthen the U.S., but also to bolster Mexico.
FINAL MESSAGE:
Stay informed. Don’t fall for fraud. Build community and look out for one another. There’s nothing more powerful than that. These are essential steps for navigating the world today
MEXICO IN THE HEART OF CHICAGO
AN INTERVIEW WITH CONSUL GENERAL REYNA TORRES
REYNA TORRES MENDÍVIL
THE ENFORCEMENT OF U.S. MIGRATION
POLICIES IS TESTING THE BOUNDARIES OF THE LAW
INTERVIEW WITH MELISSA CORRAL*
*Melissa Corral serves as deputy managing attorney at the University of Nevada Las Vegas Immigration Clinic’s Community Advocacy Office, a legal resource based at the Boyd School of Law. The office provides free legal support for detained adults and unaccompanied children facing deportation, helps with DACA renewals, and offers immigration assistance to the broader UNLV community.
BY DANIEL BENET
JORGE PEÑALOZA
Anative Spanish speaker raised in Durango, Mexico, Corral is deeply engaged in local advocacy. She currently leads the Nevada Latino Bar Association as its president and previously served as president of the William S. Boyd School of Law Alumni Chapter.
D.B. The current United States federal government’s migration policies have upended the lives of many migrant communities in the United States. You, having a personal migration story, must have a sensitive perspective on the matter. How is the Nevada community, and the Vegas community in particular, dealing with these issues?
M.C. I think people are scared. A couple of weeks ago, Las Vegas was a target for ICE arrests. There was higher enforcement here in Las Vegas. Then, some weeks later, it was in Northern Nevada, in Reno. What we are seeing is higher enforcement, but from plain-clothed officers—five to six officers arresting one person—which creates panic and makes people very scared.
D.B. Are you currently working on any case of a person facing deportation that you could share with us?
M.C. Sure. Our office focuses on detained people, so they are facing deportation. There is one case that is filed in federal court here in Southern Nevada. People can access it, the media can access it, so I can talk a little bit more about it than other cases, just for confidentiality reasons. My client is from Venezuela. He was living in a neighboring state. He came in and was released when he got to the border and was living in this neighboring state. He had removal proceedings, but not in detention.
He was going to his court hearings, and his court hearing was at the beginning of February of this year. Then, in about mid-February, he was arrested and detained by ICE officials. In the documents that ICE gave him, they put—or they alleged—that he is an active member of Tren de Aragua. That is very dangerous right now because, as the world has seen, the Trump administration has deported many Venezuelan nationals to El Salvador, and they did it without notice. After they did that, several attorneys in different states went into federal court to try to stop it and to request that if this law, the Alien Enemies Act, is going to be used, individuals at least get notice that they’re going to be designated as an alien enemy. So, that is one of our cases. At the beginning of April, my client was supposed to have a bond hearing in immigration court, and he was also supposed to have his individual hearing—which is like a trial—on April 16th regarding his asylum case. However, he was moved without any notice to New Mexico and then to Texas. They did not notify me, even though I was his attorney. That made us worried that he was going to be moved out of the country, because this was happening to other Venezuelan individuals throughout the United States. On April 14th, we filed an emergency temporary restraining order in federal court asking the judge to stop that. We had a hearing, and on April 16th, the temporary order was granted. Right now, it’s temporary because the judge gave him until June 20th—that’s when his asylum hearing is scheduled. That’s where the case stands.
D.B. Now, speaking about these ways you and other groups are fighting to protect migrant people in the United States—Stephen Miller, the White House adviser, said: “The Constitution is clear, and that, of course, is the Supreme Law of the Land, that the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus could be suspended in time of invasion. So, that’s an option we’re actively looking at. A lot of it depends on whether the courts do the right thing or not.”
This argument—that the United States is under invasion—has been repeated by President Trump himself. Could you please explain to us what habeas corpus is and what its suspension would mean for people facing the risk of deportation?
M.C. Habeas corpus is a term in Latin which literally means “bring the body.” How it is used is that we are asking the court to determine if the detention of a person is valid or not. For us, the attorneys here in the United States, this is one of the pillars of due process in the Constitution. If you are detained for a long time, individuals can seek a habeas corpus to ask the judge, “This shouldn’t be going on for so long,” or “Why am I detained? Give me the reasons.” I think it is very worrisome or threatening for Stephen Miller to say that this could be suspended. Most of these Venezuelan cases have been stopped using this type of procedure—habeas corpus. The way we do it is to submit a petition and then, based on what is happening with the case, we can get in there asking for emergency action to try to stop deportation.
What the proclamation that President Trump issued says is that they want to use the Alien Enemies Act, alleging that the country is under invasion or is in a time of war and under attack from a terrorist organization called Tren de Aragua. He designated Tren de Aragua, MS-13, and other gangs as terrorist groups earlier in his administration. A lot of cases have been successful recently. Many judges have said that we are not under a declared war or invasion. However, just recently, a judge in Southern Pennsylvania said that there’s no reason to doubt the president, and if he alleges in his proclamation that we are under “predatory incursion”—meaning attack from Tren de Aragua—then she has no reason to doubt that we are.
The only difference in that case from the others is that she did say that if somebody is going to be designated an alien enemy, the government has to give them 21 days’ notice. What the government was doing was designating them and deporting them right away without notice.In other cases, in Southern Texas, the government argued that 12 hours was sufficient notice. I can tell you personally, having worked on this case on an emergency basis and having filed an emergency petition—12 hours is not sufficient. I don’t think 21 days is sufficient either, but it’s definitely better than 12 hours.
D.B. There seems to be an ongoing collision of powers in the United States between the executive and judicial branches, with the Constitution in the middle. And the idea of the re-election of Donald Trump has been floated around by the president himself. Could this collision of powers pave the way for an eventual change in the Constitution that would allow President Trump to run for a third term?
M.C. I’m going to say it’s unlikely. But he’s done a lot of things already that many people didn’t think he would do—or that they thought he didn’t have the power to do. So, nothing would surprise me about him anymore. However, I have read recently that he said he is not running for a third term anymore. I think if he tried, it would be extremely hard for him to do so. It’s in our Constitution, so it would require Congress to change the Constitution through an amendment, which is extremely hard to do.
D.B. From your point of view, will this way of operating immigration policies last all of Trump’s administration, or is there some ruling by the Supreme Court or other body of government that could give peace of mind to migrant communities in the United States?
M.C. Unfortunately, I do think it will probably last. think we are just starting to see the beginning of what he has been wanting to do, and he still has about three and a half years. I think what people should look to, for some calm if any, is to see the results that have been happening in the courts. He has won some—I’m not going to say he hasn’t—but he has lost a lot. So, the courts are doing what they are supposed to do: to check his powers. So I plead with people to pay attention to that and hold on to it, because this is what the courts are there to do. It’s a checks-and-balances system that we have in the United States. Unfortunately, I don’t think we have seen the last of what he will attempt to do against the immigrant community. I think another problem that he faces is budgetary. Secretary Noem was recently in Congress answering questions about her budget because it seems like she will be out of money by July, based on how actively the agency has been spending the resources it has. So, I think that will run them into trouble.
D.B.
PHOTOART:
Los Angeles: A battleground of protest and power
THE DISPUTED TERRITORY OF LOS ANGELES HAS BECOME A BATTLEGROUND, WHERE NOT ONLY DO PROTESTERS AGAINST THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT’S IMMIGRATION POLICIES CLASH WITH VARIOUS CITY AND COUNTY POLICE AUTHORITIES, BUT IT IS ALSO THE POLITICAL AND IDEOLOGICAL BATTLEGROUND BETWEEN THE REPUBLICAN PRESIDENT AND THE DEMOCRATIC GOVERNOR.
We all saw the photograph of a person on a vehicle waving the Mexican flag, with a backdrop of smoke and several burning police cars. Today, we ask ourselves how we reached this point and how far this situation will escalate, which has saturated all networks, news channels, and the front pages of international newspapers. Beyond the political aspects, it’s important to remember that Los Angeles and the state of California have historically been a stronghold for Mexicans and, therefore, Latinos, where the Mexican flag has been an iconic part of migration-related demonstrations.
According to the latest population census, Los Angeles County, known as the capital of the Mexican
diaspora, has approximately 3.5 million people who are Mexican or of Mexican origin, making up 70% of Latinos. Additionally, California would be the fifth-largest economy if it were a country, with a gross domestic product of about 3.3 trillion dollars. The demonstrations against the clearly anti-immigrant policies have brought the Mexican flag to the discussion table as a symbol of rebellion and vindication of the origins of many of the protesters. However, it is not only this emblem that has been seen in the streets; “No Kings” (or “No Kings Day/No Kings Day of Defiance”) has also made an appearance. This primarily consists of a series of national protests organized mainly by the 50501 Movement (“50 protests, 50 states, 1 movement”), which seeks to reject what they consider an emerging authoritarianism under the Trump administration.
In this context, it is important to understand that the following events unfolded, which would subsequently trigger others across the country.
June 6, 2025 (Friday)
Start of Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) raids across various areas of Los Angeles.
Forty-four people have been arrested.
Massive and spontaneous protests occurred involving hundreds of people in the Fashion District, at Home Depot, and in the textile factory area.
Massive protests occurred in front of the Metropolitan Detention Center, where demonstrators threw objects and the police responded with tear gas and flash bangs.
June 7, 2025 (Saturday)
Protests in Paramount and Compton involve street blockades by demonstrators and the use of stun grenades and pepper spray by authorities.
“Border Tsar” Tom Homan announced the deployment of the National Guard, and President Trump signed the order for 2,000 troops to be deployed.Governor Gavin Newsom described the measure as “inflammatory.”
June 8, 2025 (Sunday)
Demonstrators set fire to Waymo cars, blocked High-
way 101, and erected barricades at various locations.
The LAPD and National Guard responded with tear gas, rubber bullets, and flashbangs.
June 9, 2025 (Monday)
President Donald Trump authorized an additional 2,000 National Guard troops and 700 active Marines. One hundred people were arrested, primarily for failing to disperse.
June 10, 2025 (Tuesday)
Demonstrations spread to central areas, impacting several highways.
Night of June 10-11, 2025
Karen Bass, Mayor of Los Angeles, declared a state of emergency and imposed a curfew from 8:00 PM to 6:00 AM within a 2.3 km² radius.
The LAPD employed gas and stun grenades, along with horses and patrol cars, to manage the protests. 197 individuals were arrested.
These were some key moments, actions, and reactions from both the protesters and federal and state authorities. The reality is that this conflict is also part of a power struggle that has been intensifying and taking on increasingly strong tones between President Trump and Governor Newsom.
The imposition of military personnel in the city, without first generating consensus with local or state authorities, added to Governor Newsom’s discontent. President Trump’s actions and reactions were justified as security measures, and the deployment of 4,000 National Guard elements and 700 Marines was deemed necessary to “liberate” the city of Los Angeles from “foreign enemies,” as he called the protesters. He also mentioned at some point that he could invoke the Insurrection Act if the situation worsened, and he did not miss the opportunity to threaten to financially punish California with federal cuts.For his part, Gov-
This conflict is also part of a power struggle that has been intensifying and taking on increasingly strong tones between President Trump and Governor Newsom
ernor Gavin Newsom called it “illegal,” a “military curtain,” and even condemned the acts as a “threat to democracy.” He also wasted no time and seized the opportunity to convene federal hearings and file lawsuits in federal court to block the use of the National Guard and Marines in controlling the demonstrators. The demonstrations, initially spontaneous and involving people from migrant communities and second-generation youth, were mostly peaceful. However, the federal response, which included deploying troops and making mass arrests, deepened fear, strained coexistence, and sparked a strong debate over militarization and civil rights. The impact was felt on various levels: social (separated families, fear of leaving home), economic (disruption in key sectors), and political (alerts and community mobilization). As of this edition’s closing, the demonstrations had rapidly spread to at least 35 cities across 19 states, including Austin and San Antonio, Texas, Chicago, New York, Denver, Seattle, and Washington D.C. These events are occurring in the context of a military parade organized by the White House, officially for US Flag Day on June 14, as well as the 250th anniversary of the founding of the United States Navy. However, it has been noted that it coincidentally marks President Donald Trump’s 79th birthday. This has generated criticism over the potential exploitation of both the protests and the parade, as they aim to showcase the strength gained from mobilizing the armed forces. The costs associated with both events, $135 million for the protests and $50 million for the parade, have also drawn criticism, especially given the significant reductions in social security budgets and the precarious conditions facing current troops. The clashes on various levels are unlikely to end soon; during the remaining years, months, and days of President Trump’s administration, scenarios that seemed to belong to the past or a dystopian novel may be observed.
Alejandra Icela Martínez Rodríguez
Chicago has been an important musical hub with a rich history, especially in genres like blues, jazz, and bluegrass. At the beginning of the 20th century, the city became a breeding ground for blues with musicians migrating from Mississippi and New Orleans. Meanwhile, Mexican migrants, nostalgic for their music, gathered in the neighborhoods of Pilsen and La Villita, where there was a theater called La Villa, in which a local orchestra used to play.
FROM LATINO THEATERS AND ALTERNATIVE SPACES TO THE CRY OF ROCK CHICAGO AND ITS MUSICAL ECOSYSTEM:
During the 60s, 70s, and 80s, in Pilsen you could hear genres like danzón, mambo, and chachachá. However, at the beginning of the 80s, the Chicago government ordered the demolition of the La Villa Theater, located on 18th Street. With the closure of the theater, the Sabor Latino Orchestra, led by the Álvarez brothers, ceased to play. This event marked the end of an era. But not all was lost. Around 1990, a group of young people noticed the need to promote Mexican music in Chicago. A young local stereo radio station allowed them to broadcast their music in a midnight time slot. At first, they played songs by El Tri—even in English—and little by little they gained ground until their slot extended to 4 in the morning. That’s how Conexión Rockera was born.
to cover to keep the audience engaged. The program manager, known as El Lobo, ran things from the booth with passion. The purpose was clear: to connect people with people through music. These young people opened the door for an entire generation that longed to express itself.
Meanwhile, U.S. stations were dominated by artists like Madonna, Janet Jackson, George Michael, and Mariah Carey.
In Mexico, artists like Timbiriche, Selena, Luis Miguel, Juan Gabriel, and Los Tigres del Norte were at the top of the charts.
But in these Chicago youths, a different cry was born: a Cry of Rock, a Cry of Freedom. There was a need to create social awareness and culture among the people.
That’s when they formed an ensemble called Raíz Viva.
Raíz Viva brought an unusual proposal: pre-Hispanic music. It was an ambitious and complex project. They immersed themselves in the study of ancestral instruments like ocarinas (whistles made of ceramic and clay), conch shells, ayoyotes rattles, pots, teponaztlis (wooden slit drums with anthropomorphic or animal shapes like turtles and armadillos, struck
They took classes in ethnomusicology, which gave them broader sound knowledge. Their proposal stirred the imagination of the public with a unique sound that combined experimental elements and poetic atmospheres. Through lyrics in Náhuatl, they evoked the beauty and fragility of life, the connection to the divine, and reflection on human destiny. It was a total break from the musical conventions of the time.
At the same time, they opened spaces to promote music from local bands like Los Crudos, a punk band from the Pilsen neighborhood. They also promoted artists like Jaime López, Arturo Meza, Tribu, Real de Catorce, La Cuca, and Armando Rosas, among others. To maintain the connection with Mexico City, they created their own record store: El Chopito, in honor of the famous cultural market El Chopo, which is devoted to promoting counterculture music. And that’s all for now from the mitoteros and their mitotes…
Each member of the program—Javier Moreno, Alberto Moreno, Alberto Cabrera, Enrique Martínez, Guadalupe Martínez, Elías Magdaleno, Rodolfo León, Rogelio Alcántara, and myself—had a specific topic with deer antlers), huéhuetls (wooden carved drums), as well as stone slabs, flagstones, rain sticks, and reed flutes, among others.
BY: MARCOS HERNÁNDEZ ARTWORK: JORGE PEÑALOZA
U.S. Musicians of Mexican Ancestry Linda
Rocky Herron decided to combat drug trafficking and consumption from various angles—first as a DEA agent, and then in classrooms around the world.
BY ERIKA MONTOYA
When
The former U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) agent spent nearly three decades on the front lines of the war on drugs. However, he chose to replace border operations with discussions in schools and rehabilitation centers. His new mission: prevention.
“When I face a group, have one hour—maybe 90 minutes—to fight against a lifetime of social pressure that normalizes alcohol, marijuana, and drug use. These kids were born into the digital age; with a phone in hand, they’ve seen everything— and very little surprises them. That’s why I have to be raw,” he said in an interview with Heraldo USA.
“I know this isn’t a fair fight. I only have a small window to push back against a constant narrative that leads them down a dangerous path. That’s why aim to hit hard—if they don’t feel it, they won’t remember it when they’re at a party and someone offers them something.”
The drama in his talks isn’t gratuitous or exaggerated. It’s a deliberate strategy to shake people awake. Rocky doesn’t just show what a drug-dependent person looks like—shattering stereotypes—he also makes it painfully clear that death can come for anyone, regardless of age, status, or awareness.
It could either be an adult who chooses to use drugs or a baby who ingests contaminated breast milk. Addiction doesn’t just destroy the user; it pulls down families, children, friends, and entire communities.
One of his most powerful images is a photograph taken by a police officer: a toddler, no more than three, sits calmly in his car seat while his parents lie motionless in the front—victims of an overdose.
The child’s unsettling calm, highlighting the contrast between innocence and tragedy, serves as a harsh reminder of the profound and unseen damage caused by drugs.
Rocky understands that if he doesn’t evoke emotional responses, no message will endure beyond the noise of a party, the urge to fit in, or the impulse to explore. That’s why his talks resonate like a wake-up call.
According to Herron, there are three types of children in his audience:
VIDEO INTERVIEW: https://www. instagram. com/rockyherron?igsh=MThlanl4d28xNnoxMw==
to ensure they never start. The second group is already using; try to persuade them to reconsider. If I succeed, it’s a win. But the third group—those move me the most—they grew up in homes devastated by alcoholism or drug abuse.”
And that’s where he feels the greatest responsibility. He understands that those invisible wounds can be passed down unless the cycle is broken.
The turning point in his career came in December 2019, during a talk at Mexico City’s National High Performance Center (CNAR). It was there that he met Mauricio Sulaimán, president of the World Boxing Council (WBC). After hearing Herron speak, Sulaimán pledged his support. Since then, Herron has become a WBC ambassador, taking his message to over 17 countries.
Although students are his main audience, he has also spoken with people in prison. In Latin American prisons, he has found surprisingly receptive listeners—in places he never thought he would be heard.
In prisons, they listen. Even though they grew up hating everything I represented, in the end, many come up to me, we take photos, we throw hand signs. believe those adults were once kids who suffered the collateral damage of drugs and alcohol. I ask them not to pass that pain on to their own children.
Herron discovered something troubling during his time with the DEA: in the U.S. and many other countries, young people aren’t taught about the effects of drugs.
“I tried to stop drug trafficking as a DEA agent, but it’s almost impossible. If there’s huge demand in the U.S., there’ll be criminals in Mexico, China, Canada—even in the U.S.—producing and selling drugs,” he says.
While he still believes in the agency’s mission, he argues that there is another equally urgent strategy: educating the next generation to reject drugs from the start.
“What’s the point of arresting traffickers if we don’t stop our kids from falling into the same trap? Without education, the cycle never ends. We’ve failed to tell the basic truth about drugs— and that’s the truth I want to share.”
His commitment knows no borders. While most of his work takes place in the U.S., he doesn’t differentiate by nationality.
“A Mexican kid who falls into drugs will harm himself, his family, and his country—just like a kid from the U.S., Ukraine, or Uzbekistan.”
He recalls that, 25 years ago, U.S.-Mexico cooperation on drug issues was minimal. Today, while still far from perfect, it has improved. For him, the problem is no longer just bilateral—it’s global.
“Drug culture, media, celebrities… they no longer respect borders—and neither do criminals.” He believes Mexico is facing a serious challenge due to rising statistics in fentanyl and meth use.
“If Mexico doesn’t act, it’ll face problems just like ours. Maybe my work is a small seed of cooperation between our societies.”
From classrooms to prisons, Herron doesn’t preach from a moral pulpit. He speaks from experience, motivated by a personal sense of duty. With each talk, he hopes that a single story or thought might be enough to change a life.-
