Urbanism of Paris (EN)

URBANISM OF PARIS How did the modernization held by Haussmann hid the precariousness of the working class?

La Banlieue, the outcome of Haussmannization.

Eleonore Champenois

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How did the modernization of Paris held by Haussmann hid the precariousness of the working class?

La Banlieue, the outcome of Haussmannization.

ElĂŠonore Marie Colette Jeanne Champenois Tutor: Tilo Amhoff BA (Hons) Architecture level 6 AD673 Architectural Humanities

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Declaration: I hereby declare that, I have consulted, and understand, the information provided in the University of Brighton’s Plagiarism Awareness Pack and the information on academic standards and conventions for referencing given in the module directive.

I know that plagiarism means passing off someone else’s writing or ideas as if they were my own, whether deliberately or inadvertently understand that doing so constitutes academic misconduct and may lead to exclusion from University.

I have therefore taken every care in the work submitted here to accurately reference all writings and ideas that are not my own, whether from printed, online or other sources.

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CONTENT:

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I) Introduction II) Haussmannization: destruction of medieval city III) Case Study: L’Ile de la Cite IV) Development of the periphery: the creation of suburbs V) Conclusion

VI) BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Figure 1: A street of L’Ile de la Cite before Haussmannization (1860-1865)

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INTRODUCTION

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The principal fact about the urbanism of Paris is that the

French capital of the past ten centuries has always played an important role on a political as well as economic and social level whilst attaining to have a geographical importance within France and Europe as a whole. Since the Middle Age, most of the French rulers had this aim to leave a mark on this city to anchor the strength of their political regime; this city that has never been destroyed as opposed to London in 1666, Lisbon in 1755 or Berlin in 1945. Thanks to this, an accumulation of cultural monuments and a tradition of urbanism type occurred creating this singularity that Paris has architecturally: alignment of the buildings bordered by trees, equal height under the urbanism rules or the decorated façades.

However the main purpose of these modernizing adjustments was not to embellish the city’s aesthetic asset. Throughout history, Paris has acknowledged various political regimes with different architectural statements implanted.

The major innovations occurred during the Second Empire ruled by Napoleon Bonaparte III with the prefect Eugene Haussmann. Haussmann was in charge of the modernization of Paris and had to find a resolution to the incessant social movements established by the people through the creation of barricades.

Since the age of six, Napoleon III travelled in various countries with his mother Hortense de Beauharnais due to the prohibition of all members of the Bonaparte family on the French territory.

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Later on during this journey, his stay in England between 1846 and 1848 inspired him. London, devastated after the Great Fire in 1666, was entirely reconstructed and was evolving as an ex ample of modern urbanism and hygiene compared to other cities in Europe.

To this was added his ideology. Napoleon was a Saint-Simonien.

Saint-Simon (1760-1825) developed a theory regarding social classes, highlighting the exploitation of a working-class majority by an annuitant-owner minority. This led to the design of an orthogonal plan arrange with large boulevards and avenues to make an easier access for the army to circulate in the city and intervene in case of riots; and the creation of public monuments.

This also implied the destruction of the medieval city mostly composed of housings for the working class, leaving behind in dividuals without any choice but settling down outside the city due to increase in rents.

Thus a significant amount of Parisians moved towards the periphery or so they call “Banlieue”1 where their living conditions started to be taken under the control of the govern ment to ensure that the social gatherings would stop “as if any large gathering of people creates an aura of terror and pity”2 .

This essay will give oneself a better understanding on the complex matter that is the various effects that the modernization of Paris had on specific social class especially the working class; how these changes created a division in social diversity.

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Banlieue is a French word to describe a suburb area Emile Zola,

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Figure 2: Map of Paris by Truschet and Hoyau, published in 1553

HAUSSMANNIZATION: THE DESTRUCTION OF THE MEDIEVAL CITY

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Paris is a city in constant change, starting from the Roman era to today. Not only does it change of political regime but also of Architectural aesthetics and resolutions. Through most of the city’s history, these architectural changes made by the current regime had one main goal to accomplish: to show the ruler’s wealth and strength. No rules were set as long as the city was considered modern and powerful.

In 1848, Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte came back to Paris after his exile to England (London) with the aim to become the Emper or of the Second Republic. However the social situation of Paris was not what he was expecting. In 1831 the population had acknowledge an important increase from 759,000 inhabitants to more than a million inhabitant in 1846 despite the usual disease outbreaks such as the cholera and the typhoid. “The French capital was overcrowded, dingy, dirty, and riddled with disease.”3 In 1852, Bonaparte is elected Emperor and this marks the beginning of the Second Empire period that will last till 1870.

The situation of Paris could not be ignored and Bonaparte started to put in place a project of urbanist modernization. The aim was to erase everything that would be seen as old-fashioned to create more public spaces with impressive facades and wellaligned streets. This project was concerning both aesthetic and hygienic aspects by covering all urbanism matters including Paris and its periphery: roads/streets and boulevards, façade regulation, green spaces, sewers, water supply, equipment and public monuments.

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Kim Willsher, Story of cities #12: Haussmann rips up Paris, 2016

The interior minister at the time Victor de Persigny believed that Haussmann, a civil servant who began to climb the ranks in his career, would be the man to hire for the job. As Haussmann took office, he started to plan various building regulations that the city would have to follow.

PLAN AND BLOCK CONFIGURATION The image of Paris was very different from other European capitals. Its old rectangular plan was not considered modern enough for the time. Moreover this configuration helped social riots to occur, as the labyrinth-like blocks and streets slowed down the military circulation, which left some time for the people to cre ate barricades and block the whole city’s circulation. As Haussmann was chosen to lead the urbanism project, he decided to change the plan of Paris from a rectangular to an orthogonal plan commonly known as an Étoile plan. It is a plan mostly composed of wide boulevards and roads leading to main Places or squares, inspired by the Grande Époque during Louis XIV’s reign. This network of triangular grids went across the original rectangular grid leaving a few old pieces of this grid behind.

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THE STREET REGULATIONS Paris was seen as a “cramped and chaotic labyrinth of slum streets”4 because of its narrow streets pathing the medieval city. The ordinary narrow roads were erased to make space for new open roads called boulevards.

During the first half of the 17th century, upstream of l’Ile de la Cité, two islands were gathered to create l’Ile Saint Louis (Fig 3 and 4). This island was connected to the city thanks to the Pont Marie5 and the Pont de la Tournelle6 .

This project ended in 1642 and ended up dividing the area in two parts. On La Seine’s7 riverbank were established high-standards residences for individuals working in finances or in the parliament. In contrast the inside of the Ile St Louis was a congestion of more modest housings that were mostly for the less-fortunate bourgeois 8. The primary roads had a width of four toises , which is considered to be the old norms. The sec ondary roads are even narrower with a width between five and seven meters.

Kim Willsher, Story of cities #12: Haussmann rips up Paris, 2016 Pont Marie is a bridge which links the island of St Louis to the rest of the city Pont de la Tournelle is another bridge linking Ile St Louis to the rest of the city 7 La Seine is the river that crosses the whole city of Paris 8 Bourgeois is an individual belonging to the middle/upper class in reference to their belongings and values 9 Toise is a measurement unity. One toise is approximately 8 meters 4 5 6

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Fig 3. Map of Paris’ islands, showing the Ile St Louis in yellow before its annexation (17th century)

Fig 4. The Ile St Louis. Map showing the width of streets depending on their importance (1867)

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Figures 3 and 4 demonstrate clearly the changes that have been made by Haussmann. On Figure 3, oneself can see the Ile St Louis marked in yellow. In the 17th century, the actual island was composed of two small islands that were unoccupied. The islands were then merged and houses started to be constructed.

As Haussmann started his modernization of Paris, he decided to improve the access to the island thanks to the creation of two bridges, le Pont Louis-Philippe and le Pont de Sully.

The street regulations are distinguishable on figure 4.

Most of the existing buildings have been turned down to leave more room for the wider roads. However there are still some architectural details that were saved from the regulations that oneself can still encounter nowadays.

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Figure 5

Figure 6

Figure 7 Fig. 5: Locksmith house built in 1645 in l’Ile St Louis Fig. 6: Hotel Rolland built in 1775 Fig. 7: Building first built in the 17th century

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ALIGNMENT OF THE FAÇADES Following the British scheme, Haussmann had imagined the perfectionism of his boulevards. These previous had to be paved by aligned trees and the building façades had to follow the same rule. Nonetheless because the rectangular grid was eradicated for the orthogonal grid, most of the buildings had to be turned down.

An orthogonal plan is the organization of a city composed of main roads and streets usually leading to large squares, in this case Places, or main monuments. A rectangular grid is a plan with streets and roads organized perpendicularly. (Fig. 8 & 9) If the grid did not affect the street, the façades still had to follow an alignment scheme leading sometimes to turn down the façade of the building and rebuild it or build the façade to reach the alignment. (Fig. 10) Figure 10 shows the alignment regulations applied on the Ave nue de l’Opéra. The map draws the buildings before the regulations (in grey) that were bought by force by the government to apply the new regulations. The dark lines define the new streets and boulevard planned out. As the old constructions are not complying with the regulations, these previous had to be turned down to allow space for the new constructions.

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Fig. 8: Example of rectangular grid (Manhattan)

Fig. 9: Example of orthogonal grid (Paris)

Fig. 10: Plan of the Avenue de l’OpÊra showing the alignment scheme applied

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EQUAL BUILDING HEIGHTS To continue the aesthetics of the streets, the building heights had to be all at a precise measurement. In the early 19th century, the building height limit was 22.41 meters, which is the equivalent of 4 floors above ground floor. Haussmann raised the limit to five floors above ground floor.

This would allow wealthier families to settle down and have an extra floor for their domestics. (Fig. 11) The organization of the building was made by social rank.

On the ground floor, household storage, kitchens and sometimes a spare living rooms would be available. The first floor and second floor would house wealthy families as they do not need to make the effort to climb upstairs. The higher the floor is, the poorer it gets. The domestics would live in the attic rooms with little light penetrating inside.9

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Diane Periton, Coupe Anatomique, 2014

Fig. 11: Cross section showing the hierarchy of the different floors in a typical Haussmann building

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FAÇADE AESTHETICS The wealthier inhabitants were the main clients of the modernization project. This led to the creation of these typical Haussmann façade aesthetics. They are characterized by the balconies going horizontally on the façade, the material used, which is Lutetian limestone, a noble material, the long windows that shows clearly the hierarchy between the different floors depending on their lengths and finally the roof that are often curved with small windows for the domestic floor. (Fig. 12) On figure 12, oneself can get a better understanding of the different characteristics of Haussmann’s façade regulation.

First of all, the façade has a very unique design due to the hierarchy within the storeys that can be seen just by looking at the façade. The ground floor is characterized by its interior architecture called a “mezzanine”. The interior shows through the façade thanks to different techniques, in the case of figure 10, the decorative arch frames the main entrance door and the window above and thus implies the existence of two storeys.

The second floor is defined by balconies and longer decorated window frames as shown on figure 12. The third and fourth floors are more modest with smaller window frames and individual balconies. The figure 12 only counts one of these two as it’s a five-storey building. The fifth floor (for figure 12, fourth floor) is also modest but a running balcony is added to balance out the façade’s aesthetics.

Finally the last floor has small windows for the attic rooms.

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Fig. 12: a typical Haussmann faรงade

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Haussmann thought through these building regulations by looking back to Paris’ history. He was inspired by the past such as the Louis XIV’s Grande Époque with the planning of perfected geometrical gardens and plazas, the star-like plan of the city called the Étoile with its radial avenues and junctures.

For Haussmann, these new rules were a way to get a positive outcome in the 20th century and later, so that Paris can be seen as a modern city. These new constructions were mostly designed for upper-class people from La Bourgeoisie and thus made the rents increase. The working class, which was living in the medieval houses, were forced to leave the area where the prices were lower. This led to the movement of the working class towards the periphery, outside of the town centre.

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CASE STUDY : L’ILE DE LA CITE

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The Ile de la Cité is one of the locations in Paris that had to go

through the most changes and is a great example of the regulations’ application.

This area plays an important role in the history of Paris.

It is on this location that the Gallic civilization built up their empire called Lutèce during the 3rd century BC. To this day, there are still architectural proofs of their culture and existence such as the Lutèce arena in the 5th arrondissement and some Roman thermal baths. In 300, Lutèce became the city of Paris in tribute to its civilization, the Parisii.

The Ile de la Cité has always been considered as the religious and political centre of the city. Its architecture shows the different eras it has been through thanks to monuments like Le Palais that was built on the Roman governor’s residence and was the official Royal residence till its desertion in 1431. As of its religious stature, the island has various institutions showing this matter. A common instance is Notre-Dame de Paris Cathedral and its cloister completed in 1345 and is acknowledged as one of the most accomplished examples of French Gothic architecture.

Fig. 13: Notre-Dame de Paris

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There were also other religious infrastructures such as St Jean-le-Rond baptistery that does no longer exist today and St Étienne Cathedral that has been destroyed between 1160 and 1163 to give space for Notre-Dame de Paris.

Not only does it have a Catholic background, it additionally has a Jewish history as the island was housing the first Jewish district in 1119.

Fig. 14: Picture taken on Pont d’Arcole showing the housings on l’Ile de la Cité riverbank.

For its economical aspect, the island had two ports called Le Port Notre-Dame and Le Port Landry and two markets, the Marché Palu and the Marché Neuf. All of these infrastructures do not exist anymore.

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After the demolition of the old fortress at the beginning of the 12th century, houses started to be built on both riverbank sides

Pont aux Meuniers (1580)

Pont de Bois (1621)

Pont au Change (1647)

Pont au Change (1830)

Fig. 15: Architectural changes of Le Pont au Change between 1580 and 1830

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Figure 15 defines the evolution of the island throughout time.

It shows a change in architecture but also in social classes.

In the first painting of what was called at the time le Pont aux Meuniers, modest housings were built on the bridge to create more room for the population of the island.

The next picture of le Pont de Bois illustrates the absence of houses as a fire turned them down in 1620. The bridge was built again without the houses because of the high flood risk that destroyed other bridges holding houses.

In 1647, oneself can acknowledge the difference in the bridge and the houses architecture. These new houses constructed on the bridge were already designed for upper class inhabitants.

Finally the picture from 1830 of le Pont au Change does not feature the buildings on the bridge anymore as new urbanism regulations asked to create rectilinear streets and to change the alignment and aesthetics of faรงades. Indeed, figure 15 gives oneself an understanding of the evolution of a specific part of the island and proves that the working class and lower class population has already started this migration to other parts of the city. Even though natural disasters destroyed their homes, no one made the decision to build them again or if they did, the houses would be designed for higher rents, thus designed for upper class individuals.

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Fig. 16: Maps showing the area that has been destroyed by Haussmann (in blue) and showing what is left after the changes

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The intervention of Haussmann did not help this matter; it is actually the biggest mutation that ever affected the island.

As most of the island did not follow the new urbanism regulations, Haussmann ordered the destruction of all buildings constructed between le Palais de Justice and Notre-Dame de Paris. Only two small walls on La Place Dauphine and Notre-Dame cloister were left behind. This transformation expelled more than 25,000 individuals.10 The old Caserne de la Cité became the Préfecture de Police and the Tribunal de Commerce. Three new roads were added to the island thus erasing past roads on the way: le Boulevard du Palais, la Rue de la Cité and la Rue de Lutèce. The square in front of Notre-Dame de Paris, called le Parvis de Notre-Dame, was enlarged by six times its size by the demolition of the Hotel Dieu that will be rebuilt in the North and by the destruction of canonical houses and sanctuaries that were surrounding the Cathedral as the medieval traditions stated. To this day, this transformation still has a big impact on the population of Paris as the historical centre of Paris has lost its culture and historical background.11

Jacques Hillairet, Connaissance du Vieux Paris, tome II : Rive gauche et les îles, p. 5 Danielle Chadych, Dominique Leborgne, Atlas de Paris : Évolution d’un paysage urbain, 2007, p 162 10 11

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DEVELOPMENT OF THE PERIPHERY: THE CREATION OF THE SUBURBS

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The destruction of the medieval city led to one of the most

important issues that Paris has ever known till this day, and it is the exodus of the people towards the periphery where the suburbs developed; these are called La Banlieue. Even before the transformations of Haussmann, the working class was partially held back outside the city’s periphery.

These community areas were called La Cité12. Precariousness was a major issue in these districts where social problems such as hygiene and the life in a community were omnipresent.

To resolve these matters, Bonaparte planned out a project to create more social housings with free common services for the tenants. However the number of housings decreased considerably and stayed at a very low level. These housing facilities were named HBM more commonly known as Habitation à Bon Marché13.

LA CITE OUVRIERE / SLUMS Within the working class coexisted different financial classes that subsequently led to various types of housings.

On a lower level, there was La Cité Ouvrière. These areas were considered as slums due to its very low maintenance and their construction process.

According to the journalist Victor Meunier, these slums were “the most perfect wild architecture specimen”14.

The inhabitants of the area would build their own huts with mud as the primary material and whatever else they could find on location, creating whole villages where workers could live.

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La Cité is a French common word for a residential area with low-rent housings Les Habitations à Bon Marché is a French word for low-cost housings Le logement social à Paris 1850-1930: Les Habitations à Bon Marché, p. 8

The longest part of this operation was not to build the housings but to find the materials. The workers had to find in public rubbish, on site and wherever they could materials that were hard enough to hold the hut together. Thus the huts are hardly any foundations or floorings.

Additionally water sewage was not available. For sanitary purposes, the inhabitants used barrels as baths with whatever water they could find and barrels dug in the ground to be used as toilets.

Life in these communities was tensed and unhealthy. The huts did not allow to have intimacy. For instance a neighbor having a little advantage regarding money or possessions would be in the centre of all troubled caused by envy from his other neighbors.

LA CITE For more fortunate workers, gatherings of unmaintained buildings were at their disposal: these gatherings defined La Cité. Although the inhabitants had a stable structure to stay in, the quality of the building were still deplorable. A good instance is La Cité Jeanne d’Arc described through its different aspects. The main point was the maintenance of the inside and outside of the buildings.15 As the buildings were outside the periphery, the preservation of the building facades and the outside aesthetic was not necessary.

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Le logement social à Paris 1850-1930: Les Habitations à Bon Marché, p. 8

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The facades being damaged led to the deterioration of window and door frames, therefore allowing air and humidity to penetrate inside the housing facilities.

The high level of humidity decayed the communal staircases to the flats, the corridors, the flats’ walls, ceilings and floors authorizing bugs and small animals to settle down.

From the air condensation compelled hygienic issues.

Epidemics like the plague began to grow inside the communities, killing thousands of people. Expelling the working class from the city centre became an advantage with this issue: the new buildings of Paris being modern and well maintained kept the epidemics at a low rate and the working class being touched by the illnesses were isolated from the city.

Regarding the water sewage, only one cittern for wasted water was available at la Cité Jeanne d’Arc. This previous was evidently not maintained and as it overflowed, unlucky tenants would get wasted water coming in their flat.

Another consequence of this cittern was that tenants would throw their wasted water out the window, inevitably increasing the hygienic issues.

These housings had a rent going from 168 francs to 365 francs a year, which is the equivalent of £21.3 to £46.3.16 Indeed the prices were kept low, however the value of money at the time was a lot different than today as the wages were lower.

Indeed, not only were these previous housing facilities in precarious conditions but these led to an important amount of epidemic diseases such as the cholera and the typhoid.

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Le logement social à Paris 1850-1930: Les Habitations à Bon Marché

In 1850, these housings were still common in the centre of Paris but as Haussmann started the modernization project, the land prices increased and forced the “dangerous social class” to migrate outside the periphery.

“In a Cité Ouvrière, if a worker experiences medical issues or is finding himself unemployed, who will help him? If he was living in a wealthy house, someone would give him a hand, someone would take care of him because every social class that the Parisian family is composed of is interested in a common agreement, in a fraternal association.”

In a sense, this concept of having the poor population stacked up in an area and that does not intermix with the Bourgeoisie was a good opportunity for Bonaparte to show his wealth and power through the architecture of the city centre.

HABITATION À BON MARCHÉ During his exile to London, Bonaparte was inspired by the local projects for social housings and sent the architect Charles Gourlier to study these working class housings. This led to the creation of La Cité Napoléon that opened for rent in November 1851, a few days before the coup.

These housing facilities included 200 flats distributed in 4 buildings that were all gathering around a central courtyard (Fig. 17). The flats would either be a single or a double room, with 27m2 of housing for families.

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As previously stated, the lack of comfort in these housing facilities were hidden with a series of common services which included a common laundry room, heating facilities, a nursery, a daily medical survey and the free distribution of medication.

To access the buildings, the inhabitants had to go through a number of footbridges and stairs pathing the central courtyard.

The central courtyard has a canopy to allow light coming in the corridors to ensure a good visibility in the building and make the circulation through the corridors easier but also improves the ventilation. In retrospective, the project was successful to the public as the doctors coming for their daily visits saw an important difference. “The doctor observed and understood that there was no holidays, no unpaid rents, no epidemic diseases even though the neighbourhood was affected, the nursery was full and the laundry room was always full.”

Even though the critics were not based upon the architecture, they were targeting other matters that were socially centred.

The gathering of workers in a same space was the strongest argument. “Let’s suppose that a Cité where the tenants, composed of a large number of single people, had the access to a common room where a heating facility is available. During winter, this common room could become a gathering area for these tenants and other workers from the neighbourhood. Should we not worry about the creation of rebellious group, as they have the facilities to gather, speak and plan without the police being able to control this?”. The architect Harou-Romain even foreshadowed some dark predictions as he said “you will sometimes need to fight with a weapon in your hand to rule the Cité.”

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To reassure the conservatives, a list of rules got settled.

These rules were including the closing of the Cité’s gate at 10:00pm, the integration of a concierge who would maintain the building and an inspector who would carefully investigate in every tenant.

Ten years after the project was first introduced, this previous began to decrease in popularity for the workers as the set of rules created an over-controlled lifestyle. Nevertheless architects thought in a different way.

To them “the canopy with hanging footbridges was looking too much like a barrack, a hospital or a cloister. We could even have added a prison as the space is too much alike the contemporary inmate architecture.”

Fig. 17: Central courtyard joining the four buildings of La Cité Napoléon

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CONCLUSION

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Till this day, the working class has not moved back to the city

centre. From its creation, the Banlieue has always faced new innovations to prevent individuals to move back to the city.

New architectural housing facilities such as the small mediocre pavilions one could find between World War I and World War II and the HLM, best known as Habitation à Loyer Modéré, that became popular in the 1950s helped to design avant-garde ways of settling down a constantly growing population.

However these inventions did not take into account a future issue the population would have to face : the diversion of social classes. Since the renovations held by Haussmann, the working class has been expelled from the town centre, subsequently stopping any daily interactions between all social classes.

This phenomenon has also created a mental division within the population, leading to conflicts. This division is also nourrished because of additional factors that are the medias.

In the film “La Haine”, the scene ,which demonstrates the interaction between Vinz, Said, two young men from La Cite Muguet, and two journalist, represents clearly this social division. The journalists come towards the two young men and ask if they participated to the riots that occured against the police the night before. From the men’s point of view, the journalists are not asking a question but because they are from la Cite, they acknowledged that they were involved in the riots. Thus the men take offense and become aggressive towards the journalists, who in response start filming the men throwing stones at them.

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Even though this happened in a movie, this is what evidently happens in France. This physical seperation created a mental division that is fed by the medias.

Pushing the precariousness of people outside the periphery made the matter become even worse than it was before.

I am looking forward to the prospect of new architectural innovations that would explore the meaning of unity, regardless of your social status.

Fig. 18: picture taken from “La Haine� (1995)

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BIBLIOGRAPHY Books: Michaël DARIN (2016), Paris, La Forme d’une Ville Jean-Marc LARBODIÈRE (2015), L’Architecture de Paris des Origines à Aujourd’hui Pierre PINON, Bertrand LE BOUDEC (2014), Les Plans de Paris, Histoire d’une Capitale Émile DE LABEDOLLIÈRE (1860), Le Nouveau Paris, Histoire de ses 20 arrondissements Urban Forms - The Death and Life of the Urban Block The City Reader David VAN ZANTEN, Building Paris: Architectural Institutions and the Transformation of the French Capital 1830-1870

Articles: Martin FILLER (1991), ARCHITECTURE VIEW: Baron Haussmann Urban Designer Par Excellence, The New York Times Kim WILLSHER (2016), Story of cities #12: Haussmann rips up Paris and divides France to this day, The Guardian Le logement social à Paris 1850-1930: Les Habitations à Bon Marché Diane PERITON (2004), Coupe Anatomique

Films: Mathieu KASSOVITZ (1995), Hate Céline SCIAMMA (2014), Girlhood

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