History for the IB Diploma: Authoritarian and Single-Party States

History for the IB Diploma

Authoritarian and Single-Party States Allan Todd and Sally Waller Series editor: Allan Todd

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Our IB Diploma resources aim to: s ENCOURAGE LEARNERS TO EXPLORE CONCEPTS IDEAS AND topics that have local and global significance s HELP STUDENTS DEVELOP A POSITIVE ATTITUDE TO LEARNING IN PREPARATION for higher education s ASSIST STUDENTS IN APPROACHING COMPLEX QUESTIONS APPLYING critical-thinking skills and forming reasoned answers.

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First published 2011 4th printing 2013 Printed in the United Kingdom by Latimer Trend A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library ISBN 978-0-521-18934-7 Paperback Dedication In memory of ‘Don’ Houghton (1916–2008) who first taught me to love History (AT).

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Contents 1 Introduction

5

2 Stalin and Russia Unit 1 Origins and rise, 1924–29

13 13

What was the historical context of Stalin’s struggle for power?

What were the key stages of the power struggle?

Why did Stalin emerge as leader of the Soviet Union?

14 17 21

Unit 2 Ideology and the nature of the state

24

What role did ideology play in Stalin’s rise to power?

To what extent was Stalin’s ideology in line with that of Marx and Lenin?

What was the nature of the Stalinist state?

25 26 29

Unit 3 Establishment and consolidation of Stalin’s rule

33

How did the Great Purge, 1936–39, help establish Stalin’s power?

How can the Great Purge and the Great Terror be explained?

What other methods did Stalin use to establish and maintain his power?

34 38 40

Unit 4 Domestic policies and their impact

41

What were the main features of collectivisation and the Five-Year Plans?

How successful were Stalin’s economic policies?

What was the position of women in Stalin’s Russia?

What were Stalin’s policies towards religion and ethnic minorities?

What impact did Stalinism have on education, young people and the arts?

42 47 51 52 56

3 Hitler and Nazi Germany Unit 1 Origins and rise, 1918–33

63 63

How did the political circumstances of Germany after 1918 contribute to the rise of Nazism?

What part was played by the economic conditions of the 1919–29 period?

How did the Nazi movement develop between 1919 and 1929?

How far did the circumstances of 1929–33 open the way for Hitler’s rise to power?

64 66 67 69

Unit 2 Ideology and the nature of the state

73

To what extent was Nazi ideology rooted in the past?

What did Hitler himself contribute to Nazi ideology?

How important was the role of ideology in Nazi Germany?

74 76 78

Unit 3 Establishment and consolidation of Nazi rule

80

How did Hitler consolidate his position and create a one-party state between March and July 1933?

What part did propaganda and repression play in Hitler’s consolidation of power?

Why did it take until 1938 for Hitler’s power to be fully consolidated?

Was there any organised opposition to Nazi rule?

Was Nazi Germany a totalitarian state and was Hitler ‘Master of the Third Reich’?

81 83 85 87 88

Unit 4 Domestic policies and their impact

91

What factors influenced Nazi economic policy?

How successful were the Nazis in bringing about economic recovery in the years 1933–39?

How ready was Germany for war in 1939?

How effectively did Speer manage the wartime German economy?

What was the position of women in the Nazi state?

How did the Nazis try to ensure the support of youth?

How extensive was the persecution of minorities within the Nazi state?

What was the relationship between the Nazis and the Churches within Germany?

How did Nazism affect the arts and cultural life?

92 94 96 98 99 101 103 106 108

4 Mao and China Unit 1 Origins and rise, 1894–1949 What was China like in the early 20th century?

How did Mao Zedong achieve leadership of the Chinese Communist Party?

Why did civil war break out in China in 1946?

Why did Mao become ruler of China in 1949?

Unit 2 Ideology and the nature of the state What were the origins of Maoist ideology?

What were the key elements of ‘Mao Zedong Thought’?

In what ways and with what effect did Mao’s ideology influence his rule in China between 1949 and 1976?

Unit 3 Establishment and consolidation of Mao’s rule

115 115 116 117 120 121

125 126 127 128

131

By what means did Mao establish communist control in China in the years 1949–54?

What part did mass mobilisation campaigns and purges play in ensuring Mao’s authority in the years 1949–54?

How did Mao maintain political control between 1954 and 1976?

What parts were played by propaganda and repression in Mao’s consolidation of power and was Mao’s China a totalitarian state?

138

Unit 4 Domestic policies and their impact

144

What were the main influences on economic policy in Mao’s China?

How did Mao apply communism to agriculture?

How did Mao apply communism to industry?

Did Mao succeed in making China a great economic power?

What was the position of women in Mao’s China?

What was the attitude of the CCP government towards education and youth?

What was the relationship between the communists and the Churches within China?

How did Maoism affect the arts and cultural life?

5 Castro and Cuba Unit 1 Origins and rise, 1933–59 How did the historical context of Cuba before 1953 contribute to Castro’s rise to power?

What were the key stages in Castro’s struggle against Batista’s dictatorship in the period 1953–59?

Why was Castro successful in his bid to overthrow Batista?

Unit 2 Ideology and the nature of the state What role did ideology play in Castro’s rise to power before 1959?

Did Castro become a communist after 1959?

What is the nature of Cuba’s Castroist state?

Unit 3 Establishment and consolidation of Castro’s rule How did Castro establish his power in the period 1959–75?

What measures were taken after 1975 to further consolidate Castro’s power?

What other methods did Castro use to consolidate his power?

Unit 4 Domestic policies and their impact What were the main features of Castro’s economic policies?

How successful were Castro’s economic policies?

What were the main social policies in Castro’s Cuba?

What were Castro’s policies towards women, ethnic and other minorities, and religion?

What impact has the Cuban Revolution had on education, young people and the arts?

132 135 136

145 146 148 150 152 154 157 158

164 164 165 168 173

175 176 178 182

186 187 190 193

196 197 204 206 207 210

6 Exam practice

215

Further information Index Acknowledgements

235 236 240

1 Introduction This book is designed to prepare students taking the Paper 2 topic – Origins and development of authoritarian and single-party states (Topic 3) – in the IB History examination. It will examine the various aspects associated with four different authoritarian and single-party states, including the origins of such regimes, the role of leaders and of ideology and the nature of the states concerned. It will also look at how such regimes maintained and consolidated power, the treatment of opposition groups and the range of domestic policies followed.

Such states are typified by Nazi Germany under Adolf Hitler (1889–1945), and the USSR under Joseph Stalin (1878–1953). Some historians, especially during the early years of the Cold War (1945–91), tried to argue that Nazi Germany and Stalinist Russia were essentially similar regimes. Some even argued that Stalin’s regime was worse than Hitler’s. Also considered in this book are the regimes of Mao Zedong in China and Fidel Castro in Cuba.

Themes To help you prepare for your IB History exams, this book will cover the themes relating to authoritarian and single-party states as set out in the IB History Guide.

For ease of study, it will examine each state in terms of four major themes, in the following order: r the origins and historical contexts that led to the rise of authoritarian and single-party states r the role of leaders and ideologies in the rise to power, and the nature of the states that emerged r the methods used to establish and maintain power in such states r the domestic economic and social policies of such regimes, their impact and the success or failure of such policies.

Each of the four detailed case study chapters will have units dealing with the four major themes, so that you will be able to focus on the main issues. This approach will help you to compare and contrast the roles of the individual leaders and parties, and the main developments in the various states covered – and so spot similarities and differences.

A mass grave discovered by Allied troops when they liberated Belsen Concentration Camp in April 1945

authoritarian This term refers to regimes that are essentially conservative and traditional and that try to defend existing institutions and keep all sections of society politically and organisationally passive. ideology This term usually refers to the logically related set of ideas that are the basis of a political or economic theory or system. In single-party states, ideology has often been promoted via propaganda and censorship.

5

1

Introduction

States and regions The case studies in this book cover four of the most popular topics: r r r r

the Soviet Union and Stalin Germany and Hitler China and Mao Cuba and Castro.

IB History and regions of the world For the purposes of study, IB History specifies four regions of the world: r r r r

Europe and the Middle East Asia and Oceania the Americas Africa.

Where relevant, you need to be able to identify these regions and discuss developments that took place within them. They are shown on the map below, which also indicates the states covered by this book.

The four IB regions are shown on this map, along with some of the states covered by this book.

Remember that if you are answering a question that asks you to choose two different states or leaders, each from a different region, you must be careful and choose correctly. Every year, some examination candidates attempting such questions select two states from the same region. This limits them to a maximum of 7 marks out of the 20 available for Paper 2 questions.

6

USSR

Germany

China

Cuba

The Americas

Asia and Oceania

Africa

Europe and the Middle East

USSR until 1991

1

Introduction

You may well, of course, study some other examples of one-party states specifically identified in the IB History Guide – such as Kenya and Kenyatta in Africa; Argentina and Peron in the Americas; or Egypt and Nasser in the Europe and Middle East region. You may even study relevant regimes not specifically mentioned but still acceptable, such as Italy and Mussolini, or Russia and Lenin.

Theory of knowledge In addition to the broad key themes, the chapters contain Theory of knowledge (ToK) links to get you thinking about issues that relate to History, which is a Group 3 subject in the IB Diploma. The authoritarian and single-party states topic has clear links to ideas about knowledge and history. This topic is highly political, as it concerns opposing ideologies, and at times these have influenced the historians writing about the various states and leaders involved. Thus questions relating to the selection of sources, and to interpretations of these sources by historians, have clear links to the IB Theory of knowledge course.

For example, to make their case, historians must decide which evidence to select and use and which evidence to leave out. But to what extent do the historians’ personal political views influence their decisions when they select what they consider to be the most important or relevant sources and when they make judgements about the value and limitations of specific sources or sets of sources? Is there such a thing as objective ‘historical truth’? Or is there just a range of subjective historical opinions and interpretations about the past that vary according to the political interests and leanings of individual historians?

You are therefore encouraged to read a range of books giving different interpretations of the origins and development of the authoritarian and singleparty states covered in this book, in order to gain a clear understanding of the relevant historiographies.

Exam skills needed for IB History Throughout the main chapters of this book, there are various activities and questions to help you develop the understanding and the exam skills necessary for success. Before attempting the specific exam practice questions that come at the end of the main chapters, students might find it useful to refer first to Chapter 6, the final Exam Practice chapter. This suggestion is based on the idea that if you know where you are supposed to be going (in this instance, gaining a good mark and grade) and how to get there, you stand a better chance of reaching your destination!

Questions and markschemes To ensure that you develop the necessary understanding and skills, each chapter contains a number of questions in the margins. In addition, three of the main Paper 1-type questions (comprehension, cross-referencing and reliability/ utility) are dealt with in Chapters 2 to 5. Help for the longer Paper 1 judgement/ synthesis questions and the Paper 2 essay questions can be found in Chapter 6.

For additional help, simplified markschemes have been put together in ways that should make it easier to understand what examiners are looking for in examination answers. The actual IB History markschemes can be found on the IB website.

7

1

Introduction Finally, you will find examiners’ tips and comments, along with activities, to help you focus on the important aspects of questions and their answers. These will also help you avoid simple mistakes and oversights that, every year, result in even some otherwise good students failing to gain the highest marks.

Terminology and definitions

Unfortunately, it is not quite as simple as this, as both communism and fascism have more than one strand. Consequently, historical figures and historians have often meant different things despite using the same terms. At the same time, some have argued that communism and fascism should not be seen as two extremes at opposite ends of the political spectrum. Instead, they argue that the spectrum almost forms a circle. In this way, they stress the similarities rather than the contrasts between the extremes. However, this approach relates to practice rather than to political theory.

The political spectrum

T

POLITICAL SPEC TRUM

l

vat ive ser Con

era Lib

Communist

en

Trotskyist

FAR RIGHT Reactionary Fascist

CENTRE Moderate Reformist

FAR LEFT Revolutionary Marxist

T GH

CENTRE R I

Gre

The terms ‘communism’ and ‘fascism’ emerged during the 19th and 20th centuries. They are generally seen as two diametrically opposed ideologies or theories, at the opposite ends of the political spectrum. Generally, the fundamental difference between these two political theories is that communism is dedicated to destroying capitalism, while fascism in practice has often been described as capitalism’s most ruthless defender.

ist

8

At first glance, understanding the various political ideologies appears to be straightforward, as the history of most single-party states can in many ways be seen as being based on one of two opposing political ideologies: ‘communism’ or ‘fascism’.

ial

Fact

Ideological terms

Soc

The terms ‘left’ and ‘right’ are based on the political terminology that developed from the early stages of the French Revolution of 1789. At this time, the most radical political groups sat on the left side of the National Convention, while the most conservative ones sat on the right.

Communists can be described as being on the far (or extreme) left, while fascists are on the extreme right, with fundamentally opposed ideologies.

The history of the single-party states that emerged in Russia and Germany after the First World War (1914–18), and in China and Cuba after the Second World War (1939–45), is often seen as extremely complicated. In part, this is the result of the large number of different political terms used to describe the ideologies and the forms of political rule that existed in those states. There is also the added complication that different historians have at times used the same terms in slightly different ways. To help you understand the various ideologies and the historical arguments and interpretations, you will need to understand the meaning of such terms as ‘left’ and ‘right’, ‘communist’ and ‘fascist’, and ‘authoritarian’ and ‘totalitarian’. You will then be able to focus on the similarities and differences between the various single-party regimes.

LE F

Fact

Nationalist/ Racist

Neo-Nazi

1

Communism

Fact

Marxism The political roots of Marxism can be traced back to the writings of one man, Karl Marx (1818–83) – or two men, if Marx’s close collaborator Friedrich Engels (1820–95) is included. The writings of Marx were based on the materialist conception of history that he developed, and on his theory that human history was largely determined by the ‘history of class struggles’ between ruling and oppressed classes. Marx believed that if the workers were successful in overthrowing capitalism, they would be able to construct a socialist society.

This would still be a class-based society but one in which, for the first time in human history, the ruling class would be the majority of the population (i.e. the working class).

From this new form of human society, Marx believed it would eventually be possible to move to an even better one: a communist society. This would be a classless society, and a society of plenty rather than scarcity because it would be based on the economic advances of industrial capitalism.

However, Marx did not write much about the political forms that would be adopted under socialism and communism, other than to say that it would be more democratic and less repressive than previous societies, as the majority of the population would be in control.

Marxist theory of stages Marx believed in the idea of ‘permanent revolution’ or ‘uninterrupted revolution’ – a series of revolutionary stages in which, after one stage had been achieved, the next class struggle would begin almost immediately.

He did not believe that ‘progression’ through the stages of society was inevitable. He also argued that, in special circumstances, a relatively backward society could ‘jump’ a stage. However, this would only happen if that state was aided by sympathetic advanced societies. He certainly did not believe that a poor agricultural society could move to socialism on its own, as socialism required an advanced industrial base.

Introduction

The materialist conception of history was set out by Marx in his Critique of Political Economy (1859). Essentially he argued that the economic structure, based on the relations of production in any society (i.e. which class owns the important parts of an economy, such as land, factories, minds and banks) is the real foundation of any society, and on this are built the legal, political and intellectual superstructures of society.

He went on to say that it was social existence that largely determines people’s consciousness or beliefs, rather than the other way round.

Marxist stages theory

Communism Socialism Industrial capitalism Agricultural capitalism Feudalism Slave society Primitive communalism

Leninism Marx did not refer to himself as a ‘Marxist’. He preferred the term ‘communist’, as in the title of the book he and Engels wrote in 1847, The Communist Manifesto. However, many of Marx’s followers preferred to call themselves Marxists as well as communists. In this way, they distinguished themselves from other groups that claimed to be communist, and emphasised that Marxism and its methods formed a distinct philosophy.

One such Marxist was the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1870– 1924). Lenin developed some of Marx’s economic ideas but his most important contribution to Marxist theory related to political organisation. His main ideas, based on the extremely undemocratic political system operating in tsarist Russia, were ‘democratic centralism’ (see page 27) and the need for a small ‘vanguard’ party (a leading group) of fully committed revolutionaries.

9

1

Introduction However, Leon Trotsky (1879–1940), a leading Russian Marxist, disagreed with Lenin. From 1903 to 1917, Trotsky argued that Lenin’s system would allow an unscrupulous leader to become a dictator over the party. Nevertheless, both Lenin and Trotsky believed in the possibility of a society moving through the revolutionary stages quickly to the socialist phase. This idea was similar to Marx’s idea of ‘permanent revolution’, which argued that, as soon as one stage had been achieved, the struggle for the next would begin almost immediately.

Like Marx, Lenin and Trotsky both believed that Russia could not succeed in carrying through any ‘uninterrupted revolution’ without outside economic and technical assistance. When this assistance failed to materialise, despite their earlier hopes of successful workers’ revolutions in other European states after 1918, Lenin proved to be an extremely pragmatic – or opportunistic – ruler. He was quite prepared to adopt policies that seemed to be in total conflict with communist goals and even with those of the ‘lower’ socialist stage: these policies were seen as adaptations to the prevailing circumstances.

Marxism–Leninism The term Marxism–Leninism, invented by Stalin, was not used until after Lenin’s death in 1924. It soon came to be used in Stalin’s Soviet Union to refer to what he described as ‘orthodox Marxism’, which increasingly came to mean what Stalin himself had to say about political and economic issues. Essentially, Marxism– Leninism was the ‘official’ ideology of the Soviet state and of all communist parties loyal to Stalin and his successors. Many Marxists – and even members of the Communist Party itself – believed that Stalin’s ideas and practices (such as ‘socialism in one country’ and the purges – see Chapter 2) were in fact almost total distortions of what Marx and Lenin had said and done.

10

Stalinism socialist democracy This term refers to a form of democracy advocated by revolutionary socialists, in which government is in the hands of the people, who have the right of immediate recall of elected representatives who break their promises. In this system, all parties that accept the goal of ending capitalist exploitation should be allowed to exist, and the state makes newspaper facilities available to all groups with sufficient support.

ultra-nationalism This is an extremely strong belief in the superiority of one’s own country and a desire to advance that country at the expense of others – including by waging wars.

The term Stalinism is used both by historians and those politically opposed to Stalin to describe the views and practices associated with Stalin and his supporters. Historians and political scientists use it to mean a set of beliefs and a type of rule that are essentially deeply undemocratic and even dictatorial.

Marxist opponents of Stalin and post-Stalin rulers were determined to show that Stalinism was not an adaptation of Marxism but, on the contrary, a qualitative and fundamental aberration from both Leninism and Marxism, and from revolutionary communism in general. In particular, they stress the way in which Stalin and his supporters – and later Mao in China – rejected the goal of socialist democracy in favour of a permanent one-party state. They also emphasise how Stalinism in practice and in theory placed the national interests of the Soviet Union above the struggle to achieve world revolution.

Fascism Attempts by historians to agree on a definition of ‘fascism’ have proved even more difficult. Stanley Payne defined fascism as ‘a form of revolutionary ultranationalism for national rebirth’. However, this definition says nothing about fascism being a movement committed to the destruction of all independent working-class organisations – especially socialist and communist parties and trade unions. Also absent is any reference to anti-Semitism or racism in general.

Other historians stress these aspects as being core elements of fascism.

Fascism is certainly one of the most controversial and misused terms in the history of the modern world. For example, it is often used loosely as a term of

1

Introduction

abuse to describe any political regime, movement or individual seen as being right-wing or authoritarian. The issue is further complicated by the fact that, unlike with Marxism/communism, there is no coherent or unified ideology or Weltanschauung (world view).

Fascism and the ‘third way’ Some historians and political commentators have seen fascism simply as a series of unconnected and unco-ordinated reactions to the impact of the First World War and the Russian Revolution (1917), which varied from country to country and about which it is therefore impossible to generalise. Thus fascism is seen as an opportunistic form of extreme nationalism that in political terms lay somewhere between communism and capitalism. In other words, it was a political ‘third way’ or ‘third force’.

Fascism and ideology Unlike Marxism/communism, the ‘ideology’ of fascism does not appear to have existed before the end of the First World War. It was in Italy that Benito Mussolini (1883–1945) and other ultra-nationalists took the term fascio (meaning ‘band’, ‘union’ or ‘group’) for their own political organisation.

It is possible – with the benefit of hindsight – to trace the intellectual origins of fascism back to a rudimentary form of fascism that developed in the 19th century.

Sometimes referred to as ‘proto-fascism’, this developed as a result of a ‘new right’ reaction against the late 18th-century liberal ideas of the Enlightenment and early 19th-century ‘positivism’. Both of these philosophies had emphasised the importance of reason and progress over nature and emotion.

11

Fascism and Nazism In addition to trying to establish a specific and coherent fascist ideology, there is the problem of comparing the different states of fascist Italy and Nazi Germany, and assessing to what extent they were similar. Those who argue that there is a general fascist category to which all fascist parties conform, to a greater or lesser extent, tend to see right-wing and left-wing dictatorships as being fundamentally different. One problem with the attempt to portray all fascist parties as being broadly similar is the question of racism and, more specifically, anti-Semitism. While anti-Semitism was not a core belief in Italian fascism, it was one of the main tenets of the German Nazi Party.

Dictatorships – authoritarian or totalitarian?

As well as having to understand the various political ideologies, it is also necessary to be familiar with several terms used by historians and political scientists. Dictatorship is the term used to describe a regime in which democracy, individual rights and parliamentary rule are absent. Dictatorships have tended to be divided into two categories: authoritarian and totalitarian.

Authoritarian dictatorships According to Karl Dietrich Bracher, authoritiaran dictatorships do not come to power as the result of a mass movement or revolution. Instead, such regimes arise when an existing conservative regime imposes increasingly undemocratic measures, intended to neutralise and immobilise mass political and industrial organisations. Alternatively, they can arise following a military coup. Whatever their origin, authoritarian regimes are firmly committed to maintaining or restoring traditional structures and values.

conservative A conservative political doctrine favours keeping things as they are and upholding traditional structures and values.

It is a right-wing doctrine.

1

Introduction

Totalitarian dictatorships totalitarian A totalitarian

12

dictatorship is often defined as a system in which a dictator is able to impose their will on party, state and society – all of which are strictly disciplined. Such regimes come to power as the result of a mass movement or revolution and, at least in theory, are committed to a radical ideology and programme of political, economic and social change. The term is usually applied to regimes such as Hitler’s Germany and Stalin’s Soviet Union. However, many historians question whether all sections of society in such regimes were totally passive. Even the historian Robert Conquest, who used to advocate a stronger totalitarian interpretation, now concedes that Stalin was not always able to impose his will. Other possible examples of totalitarian dictatorships are those of Mao in China and – less convincingly – of Castro in Cuba.

In any comparative study of single-party states, it is important to understand the debate surrounding the application of the ‘totalitarian’ label. In fact, the history of the term ‘totalitarian’ is complex. Those historians who argue that fascist and communist dictatorships were similar tend to believe that all such regimes were totalitarian dictatorships with many features in common.

SOURCE A Stalin’s police state is not an approximation to, or something like, or in some respects comparable with Hitler’s. It is the same thing, only more ruthless, more cold-blooded … and more dangerous to democracy and civilised morals.

Eastman, M. 1955. Reflections on the Failure of Socialism. New York, USA. Devin-Adair. p. 87.

However, such totalitarian theories were first developed by US theorists during the Cold War in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Several historians and political commentators from the 1960s onwards pointed out that the attempt to equate the Soviet Union with Nazi Germany was essentially a crude attempt to persuade public opinion in the USA and other Western countries to accept permanent war preparations and military threats against the Soviet Union after 1945.

The concept of totalitarianism – or total political power – was first developed systematically by Giovanni Amendola in 1923. In 1925, Mussolini took over Amendola’s term and claimed that fascism was based on a ‘fierce totalitarian will’, stating that all aspects of the state, politics, and cultural and spiritual life should be ‘fascistised’: ‘Everything within the state. Nothing outside the state. Nothing against the state.’ Since then, several historians have attempted to define the meaning of the term ‘totalitarian’ by identifying certain basic features that are not normally features of authoritarian dictatorships. For a fuller examination of these, see page 30.

Summary By the time you have worked through this book, you should be able to: r

r r r

r r

understand and explain the various factors behind the origins and rise of single-party states, and be able to evaluate the different historical interpretations surrounding them show an awareness of the role of leaders and ideology in the rise to power of such regimes show a broad understanding of the nature of different single-party states understand the methods used by such leaders and regimes to maintain and consolidate power, including how opposition groups were treated, and the use of repression and propaganda understand the key economic and social policies of such regimes, their impact on society, and their successes and failures understand and explain the various policies towards women, ethnic minorities and organised religion.

2 Stalin and Russia

1 Origins and rise, 1924–29

Timeline Key questions r r r

What was the historical context of Stalin’s struggle for power?

What were the key stages of the power struggle?

Why did Stalin emerge as leader of the Soviet Union?

Overview r

r

r

r

r

r

r

r

r

This unit deals with the context of Joseph Stalin’s rise to power and the methods he used to establish himself as leader during the 1920s. Unlike the other leaders discussed in this book, Stalin rose to power in what was already a single-party state.

The origins and development of a single-party state in Russia lie in the political and economic problems of tsarist Russia, the impact of the First World War, the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917, and the civil war of 1918 to 1921. By the time of Vladimir Lenin’s death in January 1924, Soviet Russia had been, in practice, a one-party state for almost three years.

Stalin’s rise to power was unexpected: most of those who later became his victims or unwilling accomplices underrated his abilities and did not realise until it was too late how powerful he was becoming.

Stalin’s rise to power in the 1920s can be divided into three stages: early moves against Leon Trotsky; the defeat of the left; and the defeat of the right. Once the right had been defeated, Stalin was left in a powerful – but not yet all-powerful – position.

Before Lenin died in 1924, rivalries and differences between other leading communists such as Trotsky, Grigori Zinoviev and Lev Kamenev came to the fore.

In December 1922, Lenin wrote a Testament outlining the strengths and weaknesses of the main leaders. In January 1923, he added a Postscript recommending Stalin’s dismissal.

Zinoviev and Kamenev made an alliance with Stalin, known as the ‘triumvirate’. Their aim was to prevent Trotsky from replacing Lenin.

Once Trotsky had been defeated, Stalin turned on Zinoviev and Kamenev. Zinoviev and Kamenev united with Trotsky, but Stalin was able to defeat this United Opposition.

By 1929, Stalin had also defeated Nikolai Bukharin and the right of the Communist Party. His main rival, Trotsky, was then exiled from the Soviet Union – Stalin was now sole ruler of the party.

1921 Mar: Kronstadt Rebellion; 10th Party Congress; NEP is adopted

1922 Apr: Stalin becomes general secretary of the Communist Party Dec: Lenin writes his last Testament; triumvirate is formed against Trotsky

1923 Jan: Lenin’s Postscript recommends Stalin’s dismissal Feb: triumvirs begin their campaign against Trotsky

1924 Jan: Lenin dies May: Central Committee keeps Lenin’s Testament secret and decides not to dismiss Stalin

1925 Jan: Trotsky is dismissed as commissar for war May: Leningrad Opposition starts Dec: 14th Party Congress; Leningrad Opposition is outvoted

1926 July: United Opposition is formed 1927 Nov: Trotsky and Zinoviev are expelled from the Communist Party, and Kamenev from the Central Committee Dec: 15th Party Congress; Zinoviev and Kamenev end United Opposition

1928 Jan: Trotsky is deported to Alma-Ata 1929 Jan: Trotsky is deported to Constantinople Apr: Bukharin is removed as editor of Pravda Nov: Bukharin is removed from the Politburo

13

2

Stalin and Russia

Question This Soviet photo-montage of leading Bolsheviks, made in 1920, shows Lenin and Trotsky together in the centre of the picture. Stalin is absent. What does this tell us about Stalin’s importance at this time?

Joseph Stalin (1880–1953)

14

Stalin’s real name was Joseph Djugashvili. He joined the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP), a Marxist Party, and sided with Lenin when the party split in 1903. Unlike most of the other communist leaders, he was not an intellectual. In 1917, he became Commissar for Nationalities and, in 1922, took on the role of general secretary of the Communist Party.

After Lenin’s death in 1924, he made himself supreme ruler. He remained head of the Soviet Union until his death in 1953, having executed many of his rivals in the purges of the 1930s.

A photo-montage, made in 1920, of the Bolshevik leaders

What was the historical context of Stalin’s struggle for power?

Fact The Kronstadt Rising took place in March 1921 when sailors and workers at the Kronstadt naval base began an insurrection against War Communism and the political restrictions imposed by the Bolsheviks during the civil war.

The beginnings of Stalin’s rise to power are to be found in the events that took place in Russia after the Revolution in November 1917, and especially in the political and economic problems of 1921–24.

Political and economic problems 1921–24 After the Bolshevik Revolution of November 1917, Russia went through a civil war. The Bolsheviks (known as communists from March 1918) finally won in 1921, but there were sharp policy differences between the leading Bolsheviks, especially on economic policy. During the civil war, a policy known as War Communism had been adopted as an emergency measure. However, the economic damage suffered during the civil war, and then the Kronstadt Rising,

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led Lenin to persuade the party to adopt a New Economic Policy (NEP) at the 10th Party Congress in March 1921. This NEP not only ended War Communism, it also introduced a partial step back towards capitalism (see page 22).

The 1921 ban The limited revival of capitalism and the shock of the Kronstadt Rising (which illustrated the Bolsheviks’ growing isolation) also led the 10th Party Congress to introduce a ban on factions within the Communist Party and a ban on opposition parties in the soviets. Until then – even during the civil war – strong disagreements among communists had been normal, and parties such as the Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries had continued to operate (despite temporary restrictions) within the soviets.

Several communists opposed the ban – Lenin later stated it was a temporary measure. It was not, however, a ban on inner-party opposition and dissent in general. Nonetheless, it was to play a crucial role in Stalin’s rise to power.

Lenin’s illness and the succession In May 1922, Lenin had the first in a series of strokes, which increasingly restricted his ability to take an active part in politics. Meanwhile, arguments continued over economic policy, political democracy and other issues.

These arguments became bound up in personal rivalries between leading communists who, because of Lenin’s ill health, began to consider what would happen if Lenin died. The most important communists after Lenin were the This photo of Kamenev, Lenin and Trotsky was later ‘doctored’ by Stalin, as it showed his rivals as being close to Lenin; the ‘doctored’ version is inset Kamenev

Lenin

Trotsky

Origins and rise, 1924–29

Question Why was the Kronstadt Rising of 1921 so important for later political developments in the Soviet Union?

soviets Originally set up as strike committees, these workers’ councils spread throughout Russia during 1917, with each town or rural soviet sending delegates to an All-Russian Congress of Soviets. After 1917, the soviets became the main political authority, in theory controlling the government. From 1917 to 1922, Russia was known as the ‘Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic’ (RSFSR). Thereafter, it was the ‘Union of Soviet Socialist Republics’ (USSR), or Soviet Union for short.

Vladimir Lenin (1870–1924) Lenin (real name Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov) joined the RSDLP in 1898.

He provoked a split in the RSDLP in 1903 and formed the Bolshevik faction. In exile from Russia until April 1917, he returned and pushed for the Bolsheviks to overthrow the Provisional Government in November 1917. He acted as prime minister from 1917 to 1924.

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Stalin and Russia

Politburo Short for Political Bureau, this was the Communist Party’s body responsible for making political decisions.

Questions What position did Stalin take on in 1922? How did this help him become the ruler of the Soviet Union?

triumvirate This term comes from the Latin for a group of three rulers (triumvirs) acting together.

other members of the Politburo, especially Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin and Stalin. Of these, Trotsky seemed the most likely to replace Lenin. Zinoviev and Kamenev were also strong political leaders and had long been associated with Lenin. Bukharin, too, was a well-known and popular revolutionary leader.

Stalin was not well-known and seemed unlikely to emerge as a major leader.

However, in April 1922, Stalin was appointed general secretary of the Communist Party. This position gave him the power to appoint and dismiss Communist Party officials.

Many leading communists resented Trotsky’s rapid rise to the top of the party.

This was in part because, while they had supported Lenin in 1903 over the Bolshevik–Menshevik split, Trotsky had only joined the Bolsheviks in August 1917. Zinoviev and Kamenev in particular believed they should succeed Lenin, and asked Stalin to help block Trotsky via his control of party appointments and organisation. In December 1922, Zinoviev, Kamenev and Stalin formed an alliance – the triumvirate – to prevent Trotsky obtaining majority support.

Lenin’s Testament bureaucracy This refers to the

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tendency for administrative directives from the centre to take the place of decisions arrived at democratically by party and soviet institutions.

Bureaucracy first emerged as an emergency measure during the civil war, but continued afterwards and was greatly increased by Stalin as general secretary.

After October 1922, Lenin became more concerned about the political and personal tensions among leading communists. He proposed to Trotsky that they should form a ‘Joint Bloc for Democracy’ against growing signs of bureaucracy in the party and the state.

However, at the end of December, Lenin suffered a second stroke; he then dictated what he thought would be his last political Testament, outlining what he saw as the strengths and weaknesses of all the leading communists. In January 1923, concerned about Stalin’s power, he added a Postscript recommending Stalin’s removal. From then, until his death the following year, Lenin urged Trotsky on several occasions to launch a campaign against bureaucracy and for the restoration of party and soviet democracy.

Fact The existence of Lenin’s Testament and Postscript was officially denied in the USSR until 1956. Only the top party leadership were aware of the existence of these documents – even local party leaders did not know about them.

Question Why did Lenin write a Postscript to his Testament in January 1923?

SOURCE A Since he became general secretary, Comrade Stalin has concentrated in his hands immeasurable power, and I am not sure that he will always know how to use that power with sufficient caution …

Stalin is too rude, and this fault, entirely supportable in relations amongst us communists, becomes insupportable in the office of general secretary. Therefore, I propose to the comrades to find a way of removing Stalin from that position and to appoint another man who in all respects differs from Stalin only in superiority; namely, more patient, more loyal, more polite, less capricious, and more attentive to comrades.

Extracts from Lenin’s Testament and Postscript, 25 December 1922 and 4 January 1923. Quoted in Lynch, M. 1990. Stalin and Khrushchev: The USSR 1924–64. London, UK. Hodder Arnold H&S. pp. 15–16.

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Origins and rise, 1924–29

What were the key stages of the power struggle?

Stage 1: The early moves against Trotsky, 1923–24 The triumvirs’ campaign against Trotsky began in April 1923 at the 12th Congress. The traditional greetings from local parties – read out before the Congress started – all mentioned Lenin and Trotsky, but hardly any mentioned Stalin (showing that he was not considered a very important leader while Lenin was alive). However, with Lenin absent because of his poor health, the triumvirs isolated Trotsky. The Congress re-elected Stalin as general secretary and elected a new enlarged Central Committee – of the 40 members, only three were strong supporters of Trotsky. As general secretary, Stalin began to replace Trotsky’s supporters with those of the triumvirs, especially those who were loyal to him.

By the end of 1923, Stalin had enough control of the party machine at local level to ensure that most of his nominees were elected to future congresses.

The formation of the Left Opposition In October 1923, Trotsky formed the Left Opposition with others opposed to the policies of the triumvirs. Stalin immediately used his power to isolate them and, in January 1924, the 13th Party Conference condemned Trotsky’s views.

When Lenin died shortly afterwards, Stalin gave Trotsky (who was ill and on his way to convalesce on the Black Sea) the wrong date for Lenin’s funeral, and then raised suspicions about Trotsky’s absence.

Stage 2: The defeat of the Left Opposition, 1924–27 Stalin then dismissed many oppositionists from posts of responsibility. However, his position seemed threatened when, before the 13th Party Congress in May 1924, Lenin’s widow revealed his Testament to the Central Committee and senior Congress delegates. However, Stalin was saved by Zinoviev and Kamenev.

They persuaded the Central Committee not to act on or publish the Testament, thinking Stalin would now be seriously weakened and under their control.

In November 1924, following a campaign against ‘Trotskyism’, Trotsky’s Lessons of October was published. This showed how close his views were to those of Lenin, and how Zinoviev and Kamenev had opposed Lenin on several important issues. As Stalin was not mentioned, Trotsky inadvertently strengthened Stalin’s position. In January 1925, the triumvirs removed Trotsky from his position as commissar of war.

Divisions within the triumvirate In 1925, disagreements about the New Economic Policy caused a split between the triumvirs, and left, centre and right factions emerged. Zinoviev and Kamenev led the left. In the summer of 1925, Zinoviev attacked Bukharin’s rightist views. Stalin then began to remove Kamenev’s supporters from their positions in the Moscow party, but Zinoviev’s Leningrad base resisted.

At the 14th Congress in December 1925, Stalin ensured that the majority supported him and Bukharin, and a new Central Committee and Politburo were elected, both with a Stalinist–Bukharinist majority. Stalin then accused Zinoviev of Trotskyism and, in early 1926, Zinoviev lost the leadership of the Leningrad party to Sergei Kirov, one of Stalin’s supporters. ‘Zinovievists’ then lost their positions in the party.

Congress In theory, this was the Communist Party’s supreme decisionmaking body, made up of delegates elected by local party organs. At first, Congresses were held frequently, as were Conferences, which were held to decide on specific problems.

Central Committee In theory, this was the Communist Party’s ruling body between Congresses. It was elected by Congress delegates. The Central Committee then elected the Politburo. In practice, the Politburo soon came to dominate the Central Committee and Congresses.

Leon Trotsky (1879–1940) Trotsky’s real name was Lev Bronstein.

He sided with the Mensheviks against Lenin when the RSDLP split in 1903.

However, he joined the Bolsheviks in 1917 and was the main organiser of the November Revolution. He led the Red Army during the civil war. Expelled from the Soviet Union in 1929, he set up the Fourth International, an international communist organisation, in 1938 while in Mexico. He was assassinated in Mexico by one of Stalin’s agents in 1940.

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Stalin and Russia

Grigori Zinoviev (1883–1936) Zinoviev joined the Bolsheviks and worked closely with Lenin from 1908 to 1917. He became the powerful leader of the Leningrad party and president of Comintern (the Communist International, an international communist organisation founded in Moscow in 1919). After Lenin’s death in 1924, he worked with Kamenev and Stalin (the three were known as the triumvirs) to prevent Trotsky taking over. He later opposed Stalin and was executed in 1936.

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Lev Kamenev (1883–1936) Kamenev joined the Bolsheviks and was elected to their Politburo in 1917. He, like Zinoviev, had opposed Lenin’s call for a second revolution in November, following the revolution in March 1917. He became the leader of the Moscow party organisation. As one of the triumvirs, he had supported Stalin immediately after Lenin’s death but later joined with Zinoviev in forming a United Opposition with Trotsky. After this was defeated, he made peace with Stalin but was executed in 1936.

The United Opposition – formation and defeat In July 1926, Trotsky, Zinoviev and Kamenev formed the United (Joint Left) Opposition, with some support from Nadya Krupskaya (Lenin’s widow and a leading revolutionary in her own right) and a few other prominent party members. However, Stalin’s control of the party enabled him to ban their meetings and dismiss their supporters. He then accused them of breaking the 1921 ban on factions and persuaded the Central Committee to remove Zinoviev from the Politburo. Only Trotsky now remained there to oppose him.

When one of Trotsky’s supporters published Lenin’s Testament in the New York Times, the Central Committee expelled Trotsky from the Politburo. The obvious isolation of the three Opposition leaders led Krupskaya (who feared splitting the Communist Party) to make her peace with Stalin.

An official cartoon of 1927, attacking the United Opposition, with Trotsky shown as the head of the house (seated right) in charge of Zinoviev (left) and Kamenev (centre)

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Origins and rise, 1924–29

In June 1927, Stalin tried to have Trotsky and Zinoviev expelled from the Central Committee. At first he failed, showing that his position was not yet totally secure. However, on 14 November, Stalin succeeded in having Trotsky and Zinoviev expelled from the Communist Party, and Kamenev expelled from the Central Committee. Hundreds of expulsions of lesser oppositionists then took place.

Stalin’s actions shocked Zinoviev and Kamenev. One of their fears was that continued opposition to Stalin would result in the splitting of the Communist Party and the formation of an opposition party – something they saw as the ‘gravest menace to Lenin’s cause’. They believed the Communist Party was the only party capable of ‘securing the conquests of October’. Then, attracted by signs that Stalin was about to abandon the NEP (see Unit 4), they ended their criticisms. By 10 December 1927 the United Opposition was over.

In January 1928, Trotsky was forcibly deported to Alma-Ata, near the Chinese border. Other oppositionists were deported elsewhere; many were moved to minor posts in other remote places in the USSR, to prevent them from communicating with one another.

A photograph of Trotsky (centre) and other oppositionist leaders on their way to exile in 1928

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Stalin and Russia

Stage 3: The defeat of the right, 1927–29 The final stage of the power struggle began almost immediately after the United Opposition had been defeated. By the autumn of 1927, bread shortages and high food prices led Stalin to adopt a new ‘left’ course for industry and agriculture.

This produced a rift between the Bukharinists and the Stalinists over the continuation of the NEP. Many Bukharinists were removed from positions of power, thus strengthening Stalin’s position.

Nikolai Bukharin (1888– 1938) Bukharin joined the Bolsheviks in 1906 and, at first, was on the left of the party. However, from 1924, he moved to the right and was the main defender of the NEP until 1928, when he was defeated by Stalin.

He was allowed back into the party in the 1930s but was executed in 1938.

Initially, Trotsky had seen Bukharin’s faction (bigger and more right-wing) as more dangerous to the gains of the November Revolution than Stalin’s. By May 1928, with Stalin clearly planning a ‘second revolution’ (to move from the part-capitalist NEP to full socialism), some of Trotsky’s supporters thought they should join Stalin against Bukharin and the right.

During July, the food crisis became worse (see page 45). Temporarily, it seemed that Bukharin’s faction was gaining the upper hand when he won a vote in the Central Committee to slow Stalin’s left turn. However, by August, Stalin had renewed his leftward course, and the breach with Bukharin was confirmed.

Both factions then turned to the defeated Left Oppositionists for support, although Stalin made no direct contacts. Bukharin persuaded Kamenev to contact Trotsky, saying he feared Stalin would ‘strangle us’. Bukharin argued that Stalin was preparing to create a police state and take total power.

Activity 20

Carry out some further research on the membership of the three factions during the power struggle.

Then complete a chart, with the headings ‘Left’, ‘Centre’ and ‘Right’.

Under these headings, write the names of the leading members of each faction, giving details of positions held and what happened to them later.

Pravda This was the Bolshevik/ Communist Party newspaper. Its name is Russian for ‘Truth’. It was first edited

by Stalin and later by Bukharin.

In September 1928, Trotsky and Bukharin considered an alliance to restore party and soviet democracy, but their respective supporters were reluctant. The right, who felt the New Economic Policy should be continued, were generally opposed to the left, who wished to end the NEP. On the other hand, the left objected to an alliance with the right at a time when Stalin seemed about to implement some of their own economic policies. Instead, they now preferred an alliance with Stalin and the centre rather than with the right. Trotsky’s willingness to consider such an alliance lost him some supporters amongst the left, thus making it easier for Stalin to isolate him. Bukharin and the right, now in panic, surrendered to Stalin, while the left remained divided. Thus Stalin had managed to defeat both factions by relying solely on his own supporters.

However, Stalin now decided to make the Politburo expel Trotsky from Soviet Russia. This was partly because Stalin feared a left–right alliance in the future and partly because he suspected some of his own faction had some sympathy with the Opposition. In February 1929, Trotsky was finally deported from AlmaAta in Turkestan to Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul).

During the same period, Stalin moved against the right. In January 1929, on the fifth anniversary of Lenin’s death, Bukharin made a speech entitled ‘Lenin’s political testament’ – a clear allusion to Lenin’s call in 1923 for Stalin to be dismissed from his posts. Bukharin’s speech and his meeting with Kamenev the previous year led Stalin to accuse Bukharin of ‘factionalism’ at a meeting of the Central Committee. Bukharin made a spirited defence of the principle of collective leadership, and criticised Stalin’s policies, but the charge of factionalism was confirmed in February. In April 1929, Bukharin was removed as editor of Pravda and, in November 1929, he was removed from the Politburo.

Stalin now appeared to have almost complete control of the Communist Party.

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Origins and rise, 1924–29

Why did Stalin emerge as leader of the Soviet Union?

Historians differ in their opinions about the reasons for Stalin’s emergence and rise to power, as no one factor seems to offer a satisfactory explanation. In fact, the main historical interpretations often overlap in several respects.

Power politics According to this view, Stalin’s rise can be seen as resulting from his deliberate and skilful manipulation of genuine political and ideological differences amongst the Bolshevik leaders. Robert Conquest, for example, argues that Stalin’s aim was simply to gain supreme power by crushing all other factions; Robert C. Tucker argues that Stalin’s aim was to make himself into a revolutionary hero as important and famous as Lenin. Stalin’s success is seen as dependent not only on his political shrewdness and ruthlessness, but also on the weaknesses and mistakes of his rivals.

Zinoviev and Kamenev have been portrayed as, respectively, careerist and weak willed (Edward Carr), while Bukharin’s commitment to the NEP is seen as having blinded him to the dangers posed by Stalin until it was too late (Stephen Cohen).

Perhaps more importantly, Lenin himself did not realise the threat from Stalin until 1922, just two years before his death. For most of those two years, Lenin was too ill to be politically active.

Stalin’s main opponent, Trotsky, can be seen as having made several serious errors and miscalculations – perhaps because he dismissed Stalin as a ‘grey blur’ and a ‘mediocrity’. Trotsky also either refused, or did not have the skill, to organise a faction of his own. However, it has been argued that without Lenin he was virtually isolated at the top of the party from the beginning (Isaac Deutscher).

Structuralist explanations While there are several different structuralist explanations, they have one theme in common: that Stalin was a product of Russian history and the administrative system set up after 1917.

Some historians see Stalin as essentially a ruler in the long tsarist tradition of absolutist rule – the ‘Red Tsar’. Others point to the impact of the civil war, which led to the development of appointment rather than election for party and state positions. As the administrative apparatus grew, so did Stalin’s power to appoint at both national and local level. As a result, bureaucracy increased, enabling Stalin to control party congresses, the Central Committee and the Politburo itself.

Robert Daniels calls this a ‘circular flow of power’, by which Stalin appointed local party leaders, who in turn controlled elections to party organisations.

In addition, the Revolution and civil war had led to the displacement or death of the militant industrial workers who had been the Bolsheviks’ main supporters between 1917 and 1921. The survivors were later given administrative posts in the government, army or party. They were replaced in the factories by workers from peasant traditions, which had tended to support the Social Revolutionaries rather than the Bolsheviks. As a result, elected soviets seemed less likely to support Bolshevik policies and were increasingly ignored by the government.

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Stalin and Russia As the administrative bureaucracy grew, the communist leaders were forced to recruit former tsarist bureaucrats. These bureaucrats had administrative experience, but lacked initiative and often had contempt for the people and a supine attitude to authority. This, too, led the communist leaders to stress strict central control. The Stalinist bureaucratic state was thus a logical outcome.

Socio-cultural explanations

NEP The New Economic Policy (NEP)

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was an economic policy proposed by Lenin and adopted in 1921. It involved allowing small, privately owned firms and traders to operate. It also established an alliance or smychka with the peasants, allowing them to sell some of their surplus produce in private markets. However, the state remained in control of the main industrial enterprises and of foreign trade. Many workers referred to the NEP as the ‘New Exploitation of the Proletariat’.

kulak A kulak was a rich peasant (named from the Russian word for a fist, i.e. a grasping fist). There were two other categories of peasants: seredniak (a middle peasant) and bedniak (a poor peasant).

nepmen Nepmen were traders and middlemen who began to grow wealthy under the NEP.

Socio-cultural explanations of Stalin’s rise to power are closely linked to structural explanations. They emphasise the impact of the social structure on the politics and development of the Communist Party and the Soviet state.

During the civil war, for example, the Bolsheviks attracted Russian patriots who resented the foreign intervention used by the Whites (anti-Bolsheviks) (Sheila Fitzpatrick). Then, when it looked as if the Reds (Bolsheviks) were winning, a large number of careerists flocked to join the winning side. This situation worsened after 1921, when all opposition parties were banned. In addition, many new party members (often ex-peasants) had no real understanding of Marxism or recent Bolshevik history. All these groups were easily manipulated by the party leadership.

Ideological explanations Several historians stress the genuine political differences among the communist leaders of the 1920s, especially over the NEP. In particular, E. H. Carr, Alexander Erlich and Moshe Lewin have treated the ideological positions argued by the leading Bolsheviks as much more than mere fronts to hide any personal desire for power. The left feared the NEP might eventually lead to the restoration of capitalism, especially as many of the new groups (ex-tsarist bureaucrats or expeasants) tended to favour capitalist rather than socialist policies.

The right argued that, as the Soviet Union was overwhelmingly agricultural and backward, while industry was in crisis the NEP was essential if the economy was to revive. However, the right tended to overlook the conflicts that might arise between the kulaks and the nepmen on the one hand, and the workers’ state on the other, and seemed to envisage a long period of a mixed economy.

Thus Stalin’s rise can be seen as a genuine political response by the centre to steer a midway policy course. But, later, the centre came to see that a change was needed – it became necessary to attack the policies of the right, who wished the NEP to continue.

Stalin’s policies can thus be seen as consistent and in tune with the bulk of the party membership, who desired stability above all. Stalin’s policy of continuing the NEP and ‘socialism in one country’ (see page 25) seemed safer than the idea of Trotsky’s ‘permanent revolution’, and it also appealed to national pride. Stalin’s dramatic change of course in the years 1927–28 can be seen as a response to a real crisis. This was one reason why so many ex-oppositionists moved to support him in 1928.

One interpretation of Stalin’s rise, which combines elements of the sociocultural explanation, is that developed by Trotsky himself. Pointing to the failure of international revolution and the consequent isolation of the new Soviet state, Trotsky argued that early soviet democracy was undermined by

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Russian backwardness and the growing political apathy of the working class.

This allowed conservative and reactionary elements to come to the fore, and eventually resulted in what he called ‘bureaucratic degeneration’. Trotsky argued that a new social and political élite – not a new class – with increasing privileges emerged. At first, members of this élite supported the right but then shifted to Stalin and the centre as the best bet for maintaining their positions.

Thus Stalin’s victory was the result of unforeseen historical and cultural developments after 1917 rather than the mistakes of his opponents.

End of unit activities 1 Draw a spider diagram and, using the information from this unit and any other materials available, make brief notes under the relevant headings for the different theories about the reasons for Stalin’s success in the power struggle. Try to mention specific historians.

2 Carry out some additional research on the various political issues that began to turn Lenin against Stalin continuing in the post of general secretary.

Which one do you think was most significant: a) from Lenin’s viewpoint; and b) for the immediate future of the Soviet Union?

3 Produce a chart with two columns – ‘Mistakes by the left’ and ‘Stalin’s tactics’ – to show the main tactical errors made by the various Left Opposition groups in the years 1922–29 and the corresponding actions taken by Stalin.

Which do you think was the most important factor behind Stalin’s success in the power struggle – the mistakes of his rivals, or his own political and organisational skills?

4 Find out more about Bukharin and his Right Opposition. Then write a couple of paragraphs to explain what you consider to be the biggest mistake they made during the power struggle. Do you think there was a point at which they could have blocked Stalin’s rise before 1929?

5 Stalin has been described as a ‘Red Tsar’. Find out more about what is meant by this term. Then imagine you are a lawyer – either for the defence or the prosecution – and draw up a case to prove/disprove the allegation. You can ‘summon’ specific historians to support your case.

6 Working in pairs, develop arguments for a class presentation on: a) how Trotsky could have prevented Stalin’s rise; and b) why Trotsky’s position was already too weak by 1924 for him to stop Stalin winning the power struggle.

Theory of knowledge History and ethics Historians examine the past. Sometimes they make judgements about historical personalities and their actions. Is it possible for historians to do this when their contemporary circumstances are probably very different from those of the society or period they are studying? To what extent should they take into account the historical context and legacy of the past?

Origins and rise, 1924–29

Activity Using the information in the section ‘Why did Stalin emerge as leader of the Soviet Union?’, produce a chart summarising the main historical interpretations and explanations of why Stalin was able to come to power. Remember to include the names of relevant historians.

Historical debate Historians are divided over the links between the methods of rule adopted by Lenin from 1917 to 1924 and those used later by Stalin. Read the extract from Lenin’s Testament and Postscript (Source A on page 16) again. Does this document show that, had Lenin lived longer, the Soviet Union would have become a more democratic state?

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