a mass party that is capable of fighting for real reforms, committed to opposing the diktat of Capital, and capable of forming a government also committed to these things. This is not the current Labour Party, though the struggle for those principles continues in that Party. A mass working class party cannot be imposed on the working class 'from the outside'. It can’t be cobbled together by disparate 'left' groups. It needs to emerge from the struggle within the organised working class movement, and the struggle between that movement and capitalism. That struggle includes those fighting to 'reclaim' the Labour Party and those who believe that fight to be unwinnable. The united fight is not exclusive to those who want to reclaim the Labour Party, but it must be recognised that there are differences in strategic aims. 67. In this process the Communist Party has a vital role to play in leading a discussion about the relationship between the struggle for reforms, the fight for political representation, and the struggle for state power. That discussion best takes place in the context of mass activity, and the organisation of workers in that activity. The current situation provides plenty of scope for such activity and discussion.
The People's Charter for Change 68. The People’s Charter is a very important development in this direction. It encourages education and debate, organisation and action, and as such is a natural environment for Communists to work in. It needs to develop further as a main focus of Party organisations’ work. The Party played a very big part in developing and launching the People’s Charter. Now building the Charter as part of the campaign against Tory policies should be on the agenda of every Communist Party meeting. 69. The endorsement of the People’s Charter by the TUC and subsequently by an increasing number of affiliated unions, regions and branches—and by Trades Councils—was a great success, in which again the Party played a strong role, which overcame the defeatist view within the trade union movement that any serious class activity around it would be likely to undermine the Labour Party both in electoral and longer terms, and therefore could not be accepted. 70. Based on its six radical reforming points, it is not a socialist programme but it starts to challenge the power of the monopoly capitalist class, opening up the possibility of more thoroughgoing measures. 71. It can assist those still fighting for its principles inside the Labour Party, and those who are exploring new possibilities for political representation from within the organisations of the working class, showing the 'reclaim' or 're-establish' debate is an unnecessary division. 72. It establishes the class links between many areas of struggle. It has the potential to bring together those active in the trade unions, in campaign groups and community organisations. In some areas People’s Charter groups have been set up through Trades Councils. In others, a People’s Charter group has provided the stimulation to resurrect a moribund Trades Council. 73. It demands not just activity and organisation but debate and education about how to move forward—and, of necessity, the relationship between the fight for reforms and the fight for socialism. It provides a vibrant forum for the promotion and development of the Alternative Economic and Political Strategy and the Left Wing Programme, and for testing them in practice. It raises the questions of solidarity and unity, the nature of class struggle and that of the state.
The fight against racism and fascism 74. It rejects sectarianism and division, and promotes class unity. This is particularly important at a time Page 10
Communist Party 51st Congress