Chris hedges ing in poverty, having exhausted her savings trying to save her son. “My mother,” he told me, “never understood the system is a sham.” The carcel state – composed of 1,719 state prisons, 102 federal prisons, 901 juvenile correctional facilities, 3,163 local jails and 76 Indian Country jails, along with military prisons, immigration detention facilities, civil commitment centres, and prisons in the US territories – is a subculture unto itself, with an $81 billion-budget and tremendous political clout. We spend a total of $265-billion on federal, state and local corrections and the police and court systems. The two main political parties compete to see which can be “tougher” on crime. Congress enacted 92 death-eligible crimes from 1974 to 2010. A first-time drug offence in the United States can lead to a life sentence. I taught a student who had been given a life sentence plus 154 years for weapons possession and drugs. He had never been charged with a violent crime. These kinds of sentences are unheard of in most of the industrial world. They are common in despotic states such as China and the Philippines, states we increasingly resemble. There are now 65-million people in the United States who because of past convictions make up a criminal caste that is denied things ranging from public housing to the right to vote. There are seven-million controlled by parole and probation officers. We have the highest rate of incarceration in the world. These numbers will, as our society unravels, go up.
T
he judicial system in recent years has been cruelly refined to close the tiny windows that offer any hope of reprieve to the 2.3-million people we lock away in cages. The courts routinely reduce sentences if the defendant gives up his or her right to an attorney and signs a waiver prohibiting him or her from filing an appeal. This bargaining tactic strips defendants of any legal protection. Corporations have taken over larger and larger segments of prison life, from food service
to money transfers, commissaries and phone communications. A million prisoners work for corporations in prison and are often paid under a dollar an hour. Prisoners and their families are exploited for billions in corporate profits. Corporate lobbyists sponsor legislation to make sure this captive population remains captive. Black and brown bodies on the streets of our cities do not bring in revenue for these corporations; behind bars they each generate $40,000 to $50,000 a year.
Once rights become a privilege for any segment, they can be revoked for everyone Deindustrialisation left hundreds of thousands of black people in urban areas without work. Their communities decayed and collapsed. Crimes rates rose. The social disintegration was accompanied by harsher forms of social control, militarised police and mass incarceration. But the cause of this social disintegration, as sociologists such as William Julius Wilson have pointed out, has been ignored. As the rot of deindustrialisation spreads across the country, the experience of people of colour – the lowest stratum in the hierarchy of classes – will become normalised. Once rights become privileges for any segment of a population, as Arendt pointed out, they can be revoked for the rest of the population. We have built a terrifying legal and policing apparatus that has placed the poor of our nation, victims of corporate pillage, in bondage. This system is creeping outward to cement into place an American tyranny CT
Chris Hedges spent nearly two decades as a foreign correspondent in Central America, the Middle East, Africa and the Balkans. He has reported from more than 50 countries and has worked for The Christian Science Monitor, National Public Radio, The Dallas Morning News and The New York Times, for which he was a foreign correspondent for 15 years. This article first appeared at www.truthdig.com
ColdType | Mid-March 2018 | www.coldtype.net
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