POLITICS week to endorse Democrat Bill Thompson. However, some of the most influential, like the Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association, have yet to back a candidate. In the past, the law enforcement mantle has meant a lot to candidates: In 1993, the PBA helped topple David Dinkins by endorsing his opponent in the Democratic primary, then supporting Rudolph Giuliani in the general election. “The PBA was instrumental, rightly or wrongly, in labeling David Dinkins as weak on public safety,” said Levenson. As crime has declined, those endorsements have come to mean less, but strategists say they’re still significant. The teachers’ support can help too. Levenson, whose firm has worked for the union, said that the UFT’s endorsement could be considered more influential than The New York Times’. But others said that the UFT’s backing could be a mixed bag, given the fierce fights over education playing out through the mayoral race. “Having the teachers helps in some quarters and hurts in others,” Adler said. “There’s a lot of people out there who are mad at the teachers.” Sometimes the brand-name recognition comes not with the unions themselves but with their colorful and media-savvy bosses. Prime examples include the corrections officers’ Norman Seabrook, and the retail workers’ Stuart Appelbaum, who was already issuing press releases touting Council Speaker Christine Quinn’s credentials nearly a year before the official announcement of her mayoral campaign. Through a string of press releases and public statements, Appelbaum has pumped up Quinn’s liberal credentials, giving her cover on the compromise she brokered on paid-sick-leave legislation. He’s also gone on the attack to blast Quinn’s Democratic rivals, calling Bill de Blasio’s suggestion that she had watered down the legislation to please business allies “stupefying.”
INDEPENDENT EXPENDITURES Independent expenditures are the wild card in elections, an unpredictable element that could, under the right circumstances, sway key voters. It remains to be seen if the flood of outside dollars that deluged state and federal elections last year will also descend on the New York City mayoral race. But one outside group with substantial labor backing is already spending money to influence local voters. New York City Is Not For Sale has launched a campaign against Quinn. So far the effort, which includes two television ads, fliers and a website, has been largely funded by Communications Workers Local 1180, a union claiming to represent more than 8,000 members. After the ads launched, the union endorsed John Liu. According to filings with the New York
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City Campaign Finance Board, the union contributed just over a half million dollars to the effort, while two political activists each contributed $200,000. CWA Local 1180 also funded an attack ad campaign against Mayor Michael Bloomberg in the 2009 elections. That salvo was launched a few weeks before the election, while the effort against Quinn began much earlier—about four months before the primary. “Our concern this time was that there was momentum building in the primary,” said Arthur Cheliotes, president of CWA Local 1180. “You can win the primary, and it’s done.” After the TV ads aired, the Quinn campaign asked Time Warner cable to pull them from the air on the grounds that they made false claims. But that’s not stopping Cheliotes. He said the group has received a new infusion of cash from supporters, and that it plans to spend a total of $1.5 million—an amount he contends is significant enough to influence the election. “I think if you can strike a chord, if you understand what people are feeling, and [they] need to have it affirmed, then it doesn’t take much,” he said. The decision to air television ads this early in the election cycle can also be costeffective. “If you’re going to put money on an independent expenditure, the price point increases as you get closer to primary day, because you’re competing with more people on the airwaves,” said Levenson, whose Advance Group was hired by New York City is Not For Sale. “One of the reasons we launched our independent expenditure early is because we recognized that there was a bit of a vacuum on the political airwaves.” But the timing of campaign ads is not an exact science, and opinions are divided about when in an election cycle outside funding can make the greatest impact. According to 1199 SEIU’s Finnegan, it would take about $1 million a week to significantly affect the mayoral race through television spots—a sum he says other unions are more likely to spend if they turn out to be united in their endorsements. But just because they can make major investments in ad buys or send mailers to nonmembers doesn’t mean more unions will do so this year. Such moves could make an impact in the September primary, but according to 32 BJ’s consultant Adler, if unions are going to “slip into their swimsuit and jump into the pool,” they want to be sure that it’s worth the price. And that’s not clear yet, given that many of the Democratic candidates have similar—and often vague—positions on key issues, he said. “A lot of the unions I talk to don’t know which way to go. Most feel none of these guys, if they get elected, will really harm them,” Adler said. “And that’s the threshold question.”
Labor’s Leading Influencers Some of the unions to watch this year in the race for mayor of New York City District Council 37 (DC 37) Occupation: Municipal employees Claimed membership: 121,000 Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: 94,159 Political spending (2009): $2,443,016 Political spending (2012): $2,215,427 Special campaign superpower: Puts kids, retirees to work Endorsement 2013: John Liu
Local 1199 Service Employees International Union Occupation: Healthcare workers Claimed membership: 200,000 (New York City and Long Island) Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: 347,073 (includes members outside New York City and Long Island) Political spending (2009): $15,759,242 Political spending (2012): $13,031,548 Special campaign superpower: Huge volunteer strike force Endorsement 2013: Bill de Blasio
Communications Workers of America Local 1180 Occupation: Administrators Claimed membership: 8,000+ Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: 7,475 Political spending (2009): $212,655 Political spending (2012): $286,806 Special campaign superpower: Fiery attack ads Endorsement 2013: John Liu
New York Hotel Trades Council Occupation: Housekeepers, concierges, kitchen staff Claimed membership: 30,000 Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: 30,072 Political spending (2009): $355,981 Political spending (2012): $248,520 Special campaign superpower: Members motivated to preserve $60,000 salaries Endorsement 2013: No endorsement yet
Local 32 BJ Service Employees International Union Occupation: Janitors, building maintenance workers, security guards Claimed membership: 70,000 (New York City area) Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: 114,585 (in the Northeast) Political spending (2009): $5,679,510 Political spending (2012): $9,753,301 Special campaign superpower: Tech-savvy Endorsement 2013: No endorsement yet
Retail Wholesale and Department Store Workers Union (RWDSU) Occupation: Supermarket and retail workers Claimed membership: 45,000 (New York City area) Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: 61,985 (national) Political spending (2009): $341,394 Political spending (2012): $386,394 Special campaign superpower: Loudmouthed executive Endorsement 2013: Christine Quinn
United Federation of Teachers (UFT) Occupation: Teachers, school nurses Claimed membership: 200,000+ Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: 182,834 Political spending (2009): $2,621,057 Political spending (2012): $3,359,519 Special campaign superpower: Piles of cash … if they decide to spend it Endorsement 2013: No endorsement yet
Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association (PBA) Occupation: Rank-and-file police officers Claimed membership: 23,000 Membership reported to U.S. Labor Dept.: n/a Political spending (2009): N/A Political spending (2012): N/A Special campaign superpower: Valuable brand name Endorsement 2013: No endorsement yet
www.thenewyorkworld.com www.cityandstateny.com | june 17, 2013
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