illegal associations. Even so, as the minister replied to Pasquier, “I am in agreement with your goals, but I differ somewhat as to your opinion as to means." The minister was likewise concerned at external sensitivities and instructed Pasquier to make the best use of existing legislation, including the power to deport foreign agitators and, moreover, to uphold the humanitarian ideals befitting France and its legitimacy (AOM Indo NF 556944340 “Notes Situation Politique de l’Indochine,” Pasquier, March 22, 1933). Undoubtedly, this rejoinder was a blow to Pasquier, who was demonstrably more inclined to repression than to the niceties
of humanitarianism. For good reason, the years 1932735 are described in Vietnamese communist histories as a “low ebb," just as attempts made to resurrect the party were interrupted by the colonial authorities. In any case, as discussed below, new direction would be given to the communist
underground with the return to Vietnam from Moscow by the future ICP supremo in the south, Tran Van Giau. The energetic repression of 1931732 that had disorganized the communist political movement also left it bereft of local leadership. Between July 1931 and March 1933, 6,661 conditional releases were effected, with 665 reductions in sentences. But the
revolutionary movement again showed signs of renewal. For example, in Vinh Province on March 29, 1934, individuals recently arrived from China sought to reorganize cells and to organize the revolutionary party. Certain agricultural societies were set up in the province with newly liberated prisoners participating in these activities. For the first time it was acknowledged that the revolutionary movement had turned to theatrical performances to get across its message. Its tacch had changed as well, targeting the notables and committing acts of vandalism against religious places and pagodas. In Ha Tinh, one Phan Can had “terrorized” the entire region and in April 1933 established an agricultural society, gaining attention all over the province. In Quang Ngai, worker and peasant syndicates had been operational for over a year, discouraging the notables, who also became objects of attack (AOM Indo/NF/ 2664 “Compte-Rendu de la gestion du RS Thibaudeau," July 1934).
THE BAO DAI/NGO DINH DIEM CHALLENGE From the outset, the French achieved their protectorate over Annam by force majeure. The establishment of the resident system backed by French military power sat uncomfortably with an ancient dynastic system modeled along the lines of the Ming court of China. Undoubtedly, the French modernized a creaking Asian feudal system, but they also alienated the court, such as evinced by the “save the king” movement. In their manipulation of the royal line along with the mandarinate in favor of pliant clientele, the French walked a tightrope. Bao Dai was only the last of a line of carefully vetted monarchs installed by the French, though far less tractable than certain of his predecessors. Privileging Catholics within the mandarin system (the Diem family, as mentioned below) was only one of many shocks to traditionalisrn, but the sacrifice of court protocol and even Chinese language (in its written form) were no less body blows, just
as the French invented their own version of a neotraditionalist court.