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schools (195 primary and 104 secondary), clinics, and hospitals, dedicated resources to improving Haiti’s infrastructure. Aristide also raised a demand of $21 billion in restitution from France for the 150 million gold francs Haiti was coerced to pay upon winning its independence from the European colonial power. The people’s momentum against imperialist neoliberalism increased in the Americas in the early 21st century. There was the election of social democrats to power both in Brazil, with Workers Party leader Lula da Silva, and in Argentina, with the neo-Peronist Nestor Kirchner in 2003. Bolivia elected indigenous radical Evo Morales of the Movement for Socialism political party as its President in 2006, who immediately condemned the U.S. neoliberal influence in his country and implemented radical reforms. The same year Nicaragua re-elected Daniel Ortega from the revolutionary nationalist, pro-socialist Sandinista Front for National Liberation to the presidency. These developments and others in the region also meant the expansion of political and economic space for the Cuban Revolution after decades of isolation from the blockade of the U.S. and the collapse of the Soviet Union and Eastern European socialist bloc. Cuba and Venezuela instituted the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (ALBA) as a new political and economic bloc with the vision of regional social, political and economic integration of countries in the Caribbean and Latin America and as an alternative to the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. Several states in the Caribbean, Central and South America joined Venezuela and Cuba’s call to join ALBA including Bolivia, Nicaragua, Antigua, Barbuda, Grenada, Saint Kitts and Nevis, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines. Counter-Revolution in the Americas The momentum towards radical democracy, self-determination, and opposition to neoliberalism would not proceed without a challenge from U.S. imperialism in alliance with counter-revolutionary forces inside the Caribbean and Latin America. The continuation of the Monroe Doctrine primarily aims at the destabilization and regime change of governments that do not willingly fall under U.S. control. And the U.S. supports and turns a “blind eye” to the human rights abuses of states complying with the neoliberal agenda. U.S. involvement in the 2002 attempted coup of Hugo Chavez and Bolivarian Revolution in alliance with the Venezuelan elite is a clear example of the imperialist-right wing inspired regime change. The George W. Bush Administration immediately recognized the government of coup-leader Pedro Carmona, before the revolutionary forces regained power with 48 hours. Immediately after the initiation of the coup, Otto Reich, Bush’s appointed U.S. Ambassador to Venezuela, invited other Caribbean and Latin American diplomats to the U.S. embassy to lobby support for the ouster of Chavez. Aristide and the Lavalas government were targeted for destabilization and regime change in Haiti. The U.S. withheld and blocked critical aid to the Caribbean state and provided support to opposition groups and counterrevolutionary paramilitary death squads to wage a counterinsurgency campaign against the Lavalas government. The economic destabilization and support to opposition groups and death squads ultimately created the crisis in Haiti to justify an invasion by U.S., French, and Canadian military and ultimately an occupation by the United Nations armed forces. U.S. imperialism and the Haitian elite were also effective in spreading disinformation and fake news to confuse the international public to dissipate solidarity efforts for Aristide and Fanmi Lavalas. President Aristide and his family were kidnapped and banished, first to the Central African Republic and then to South Africa until the Haitian grassroots movement and an international campaign forced his return home in 2011.

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By Any Means Necessary, Volume 1, Issue 3  

Black August Edition

By Any Means Necessary, Volume 1, Issue 3  

Black August Edition

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