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By Any Means Necessary
Sudan’s Revolution: Putting the Roots Back in Grassroots Movements Marine Alneel
News of a power-sharing deal between the forces representing Sudanese protestors, the Declaration of Freedom and Change Forces (DFCF), and the military council on July 4th could have been easily interpreted by international audiences as the happy ending that the revolting Sudanese people have been seeking. However, the situation is far more complex than that. The deal that gives the military council power for months before surrendering it to civilian representatives falls short of the aspirations of the protestors. They have been shouting in the streets a simple and concise chant – “civilian!”– which sends a clear message of what the people want. And while the DFCF appears willing to settle for less than the core demands of the revolution, what’s known as the neighbourhood resistance committees might be the forces to set the route of the revolution straight. The current events started in early December when hikes in bread prices caused an eruption of protests in the towns of Damazein and Gadarif. A coalition of professionals’ unions, including doctors, journalists, and lawyers, under the name of Sudanese Professionals’Association (SPA), adopted the movement and took the role of organizer and leader channeling the energy that was already in motion on the ground. On January 1st of 2019, the SPA announced the Declaration of Freedom and Change, which was signed by many opposition parties, youth resistance groups, and armed resistance groups. Together with the SPA, they form the DFCF. The declaration calls for an end to Albashir’s presidency and the conclusion of his administration, as well as for the formation of a transitional government formed of qualified people based on merits of competency and good reputation. The military council members that will have power for the first 21 months of the transitional government, as per the deal, fit neither of the two criteria, mentioned above. The members of the military council which took power after protests led to the ousting of Albashir, whose dictatorship lasted almost 30 years, on April 11, 2019, are the same generals who formed Albashir’s Security Committee. In a confirmation of the fact that they are merely an extension of Albashir’s regime, the military council continued the tradition of violence and oppression practiced by the deposed regime. On June 3rd, a 56 day-long peaceful sit-in by the protestors was dispersed by armed forces that used indiscriminate violence and caused the death of dozens of protestors and the injury of hundreds more. Some remain missing. Shortly after the sit-in had been dispersed a complete Internet blackout in all of Sudan was ordered by the military council. Many feared that the month-long blackout might squash the resistance, considering how heavily dependent it was on social media. Since December, the SPA would announce dates and locations of protests through its Facebook and Twitter pages; thousands of protestors would show up to these announced protests. The events that took place during the blackout were surprising. A 3-day nationwide disobedience was successfully conducted towards the beginning of the blackout, and even three weeks into their isolation, Sudanese protestors managed to organize mass protests. On June 30, tens of thousands of people joined the protests in cities all around Sudan and even among the Sudanese diaspora worldwide. The blackout, rather than squashing the resistance, might have strengthened the networks created by the protestors as they were forced to find alternatives to the easy distribution of information through social media.