1619 Journal of African American Studies - Vol 7, Issue 1 Winter/Spring 2025 by Central Connecticut State University

A Poem

by Amya Smith

When a black girl cries in her home Does she make a sound?

When the burden of girlhood

And hatred from the world closes in on her Are her cries heard?

Especially when those tears stem from being Overlooked, overworked, and underpaid She should appreciate that the foot she has in the door

Even though it’s cracked to her toe

Any anger she feels can’t be shown

And she can only imagine the power of being in the room where it happens When she cries because her brethren won’t protect her at home

Unappreciated in all spaces

Tell me who listens?

Injustice does not scream; she weeps.

Amya Smith is a sophomore at Central Connecticut State University, New Britain, Connecticut.

Belonging In The Room

Dr. Shawn Council, Esquire

This paper examines the internal and external forces a black female attorney must endure to belong in the various rooms she enters throughout her academic and professional career. My central argument is black female attorneys struggle to fully belong, in academic and professional arenas, because they lack adequate mentors and role models to explain the subtle nuances and strategies for participatory belonging and unmasking of identity.

Accordingly, let me tell you a story. In June of 1999, I started my law practice, on Congress Street, in Hartford, CT. My first legal cases were family law matters in Probate and Juvenile courts. At that time, court appointments were plentiful, and I received a lot of them.

One day, while waiting for my case to be called, at the Broad Street juvenile courthouse, I noticed a woman walking down the hall with an oxygen tank and plastic tubes inserted into her nose. I was conflicted. On the one hand, I felt sorry for her for having to come to court, while visibly so gravely ill. But, on the other hand, I respected the dedication she showed to her clients by appearing in court and advocating for their legal interests. After she departed, a court staffer told me she was the first black female attorney in the State of Connecticut. The following year, in 2000 at the age of 61, she passed away. Her name was Bessye Bennett, and she passed the Connecticut Bar in 1974.

Although Bessye Bennett originally hailed from Prairie View, TX, she resided in Hartford and Bloomfield, CT, she served as the Deputy Town counsel, for the Town of Bloomfield, CT, as well as other illustrious positions throughout her trailblazing legal career. During our brief encounter, I remember her smiling at me. I recall saying “hello” as I made room for her to navigate

around me with her green oxygen tank. Over the years, I regret not having the opportunity to talk to her. I wish I knew her journey as a black female attorney. I specifically wish I had an opportunity to ask her if she felt the practice of law had adversely affected her health. I would have also asked her advice on how to “belong in a room” where the air is often caustic and hard to breathe. I wonder if the weathering process took hold of Attorney Bennett. The weathering hypothesis states that chronic exposure to social and economic disadvantage leads to an accelerated decline in physical health outcomes and could partially explain racial disparities in a wide array of health conditions. The weathering hypothesis describes how racism, microaggressions and socioeconomic disadvantages put someone under chronic, daily stress that wears down – or weathers – their physical health, leading to accelerated aging and leaving them susceptible to poor health outcomes.1

Bessye Bennett once remarked “At the time you really had to work so hard to get your point across, and it really always didn’t seem fair,” she said in her 1999 oral history.2

Bessye Bennett was barred over a century after Charlotte E. Ray, who in 1872, became the first female African American lawyer in the United States. Charlotte E. Ray was admitted to practice law in Washington, D.C. She eventually closed her law practice, citing racism, for her inability to financially sustain her law firm. Upon winding up her law practice, she moved to NYC where she taught in the NYC public schools.

Bessye Bennett, married with two daughters and a son, taught in the Hartford Public Schools while her husband enjoyed a flourishing post doctorate career throughout Connecticut. Bessye Bennett, a graduate of Radcliff, was accepted to Harvard Law School but did not attend because she could not afford tuition, for her and her husband, who was enrolled in Harvard’s Ph.D. in Mathematics program.

1 https://www.npr.org/sections/health-shots/2023/03/28/1166404485/weathering-arlinegeronimus-poverty-racism-stress-health

2 https://www.ctexplored.org/uconn-law-the-trailblazing-bessye-bennett/

After the couple moved to Hartford, where her husband accepted a job offer, Bessye Bennett obtained a master’s degree from Trinity College. While teaching in Hartford’s Public Schools, Bessye dreamed of being an attorney. Soon, thereafter, she enrolled in the University of Connecticut’s Law School.

In the Fall of 2004, I started teaching at one of Connecticut’s flagship public institutions, CCSU, while practicing law in CT. My office was in the Blue Hills section of Bloomfield, near where Bessye Bennet lived decades before my arrival in Connecticut.

Experience in teaching enhances the practice of law. You must explain to a jury or trier of fact the elements of the crime or cause of action. You must explain or teach a fact witness how to testify in court and what to wear to make a psychologically positive impression on a court of spectators, empaneled jurors, or a Judge. A teacher and lawyer must convey complex information in a succinct, digestible, and understandable way to a diverse audience of listeners and learners.

Undoubtably, Bessye Bennett was impactful when she entered a classroom or courtroom. But it is unclear whether she ever truly felt she belonged in either room. When she was admitted to practice law in CT, 1974, she was the only one. No doubt, that distinction came with a lot of pressure to perform above and beyond her white male counterparts. If given the chance to ask Attorney Bennett a few questions, I would ask her the following:

1. Did she endure personal attacks from her fellow attorneys?

2. Did she “shrink” her personality while engaging with others at the courthouse?

3. Did she feel welcomed by the Bar?

4. Did she feel harassed when practicing law?

5. Were her professional qualifications constantly scrutinized?

6. Was she deemed suspicious when encountering individuals at the courthouse?

7. Were her state contracts put into jeopardy by individuals who did not like her even though they had never had a meaningful conversation with her?

8. Was her reputation disparaged or was she defamed during her legal career?

9. Did she enjoy practicing law in Connecticut? If she affirmatively answered, then I would pepper her with an additional question “how did you respond?”

I readily acknowledge that lawyers have different experiences. Not every black lawyer, male or female, has experienced racism, to the same degree as another black attorney. And many have managed to create a noteworthy work/life balance. Considering this truism, the question becomes “what were your challenges when practicing law while black?”

One of the great tragedies, for many black attorneys, is the lack of mentorship from other more seasoned and experienced lawyers. Many solo practitioners lack meaningful connected relationships, with fellow attorneys, in their home jurisdictions and across the country. This lack of professional connections may account for the stagnant growth of black attorneys in the past decade in the United States, while Asians and Hispanics attorneys experienced significant growth. Tuition costs may also significantly dissuade many black students from considering law school as a post undergraduate option.

Bessye Bennett delayed attending law school because of tuition costs, even in the 1960’s and 1970’s. In 1970, Harvard’s law school tuition was approximately $2,100-$2,800 per year. By comparison, for the 2022-2023 academic year, Harvard’s law school tuition was $73,734.00 for a 9-month term. Moreover “…the price of law school is on the rise, with the average total tuition increasing by $1,398 per year. The average total cost of law school is $220,335. The average total cost of tuition alone for law school is $146,484, or $48,828 per year. Living expenses on average total out at $73,851, or $24,617 per year.”3

3 https://educationdata.org/average-cost-of-law-school

According to the American Bar Association, “…in 2020, 86% of all lawyers were nonHispanic whites, a decline from 89% a decade ago. By comparison, 60% of all U.S. residents were non-Hispanic whites in 2019. Nearly all people of color are underrepresented in the legal profession compared with their presence in the U.S. population. For example, 5% of all lawyers are African American – the same percentage as 10 years earlier – but the U.S. population is 13.4% African American. Similarly, 5% of all lawyers are Hispanic – up from 4% a decade earlier – although the U.S. population is 18.5% Hispanic. And 2% of all lawyers are Asian – up slightly from 1.6% 10 years earlier – while the U.S. population is 5.9% Asian. 4

Tuition costs remain a significant barrier for black students.

Today, if faced with the daunting challenge of rising tuition costs, coupled with a lack of role models and mentors, I would forego law school. When I was in law school, as an out of state law student, I was ineligible for in-state tuition for my first year of law school. Most of my financial aid was earmarked to pay for my tuition. There was barely enough money left to pay my rent. I could barely feed myself during my first year of law school. Ramen noodles were my constant companion. I was in an unfamiliar city and state, and I lacked basic resources beyond a poorly furnished and roach infested studio apartment in Houston, TX. It was such a lonely time. I lamented leaving the life I created for myself, in sunny southern California, for swampy humid Houston. But based on my extensive research at the time, in one of UCLA’s beautiful on-campus libraries, Houston and Texas was the better economic choice over debt-burdened and heavily taxing, California. Surprisingly, I attended law school, in Houston, TX, decades after Bessye Bennett graduated high school as her school’s Valedictorian.

I would also reconsider being an attorney because of the costs associated with practicing law. Lawyers must annually pay for malpractice insurance, continuing legal education classes,

4 https://www.americanbar.org/groups/young_lawyers/about/initiatives/men-of-color/lawyerdemographics/

state and local occupational taxes, online legal research and case management software, online marketing, state bar dues, client security funds, and state and federal taxes, just to name a few.

In particular, Connecticut still levies an annual Occupational Tax on lawyers engaged in the practice of law, which was enacted before there was a state income tax in CT (1972) but exempts lawyers and judges who work for a political subdivision, state or probate court systems, federal and state government lawyers (1984). All use their law degrees in their respective occupations, but only some lawyers experience double taxation based on their private sector jobs. Self-employed and private sector employees are repeatedly taxed on their net income while public sector attorneys and judges are not. 5

If one group of practicing lawyers, in CT, are taxed, then all lawyers should be equally taxed despite their client being the Commonwealth or an arm of a municipal or state government. respectively. At the federal level, taxes must be imposed uniformly Similarly at the state level, taxes should be uniformly imposed.

Specifically, in Article First, Sec. 1 of the Connecticut state constitution, WE DECLARE, That all men when they form a social compact, are equal in rights; and that no man, or set of men are entitled to exclusive public emoluments or privileges from the community.

In short, the practice of law is nimble. It requires interpretation and application to the current facts. Our social compact embodies We The People but without active participation and challenges to its application, it rings hallow. The social compact, the law, governs the behavior of We the People but sometimes it is incredibly hard to get your point across. Everyone is supposed to be equal, before the law, but at various times in the history of our nation and state, some are more equal than others.

5 Net income is what a business or individual makes after taxes, deductions, and other expenses are taken out, in business, net income is what a company has left after all expenses are subtracted, including taxes, wages, and the cost of goods.

None of the 55 delegates to the 1787 Constitution Convention, in Philadelphia, was a black person, slave or free. Sadly, 25 of the 55 Constitution Convention delegates were slaveholders. Notably, Benjamin Franklin, 81 years old and greatly infirmed, was a former slaveholder6. James Madison, a slaveholder and the 4th President of the United, drafted the Constitution and subsequently the Bill of Rights to ensure ratification of the proposed social compact.

In Independence Hall, the U.S. Constitution codified black personhood. The 3/5 compromise7 cemented the legal identity of black people as chattel or personal property of his or her master/owner. The Constitution also gave state actors the right to claim their escaped personal property. 8

None of the delegates were woman. None of the delegates belonged to an indigenous tribe (i.e., the Mohawk, Cherokee, Delaware, Miami, Mohegan, or the Massachusetts). At its inception, the Constitution did not bestow rights on all of the approximately 4 million people who lived in America at the time. If you were male and a property owner, the Constitution was written to protect your interests in 1787. If you were not, it did not apply to you.

Attorney Bessye Bennett’s membership in the Connecticut bar preceded mine. I follow in her footsteps, without knowing her real shoe size. Because of her, today I walked into this room.

But also, today the Constitution did not prevent me from entering the room. It took a civil war and multiple ratified amendments to ultimately allow my entrance, herein, before you today.

In conclusion, belonging in the room requires strategies for unmasking the identity of the black female attorney in the room, today. Law School changed the U.C.L.A. undergraduate, and

6 https://benjaminfranklinhouse.org/education/benjamin-franklin-and-slavery/

7 https://www.britannica.com/topic/three-fifths-compromise

8 Article IV, Section 2, Clause 3:

No Person held to Service or Labour in one State, under the Laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein, be discharged from such Service or Labour, but shall be delivered up on Claim of the Party to whom such Service or Labour may be due.

what emerged had to be reintroduced to the world, friends, family and most importantly to herself.

For the black female attorney to fully belong in the room, she must introduce her whole self to the current audience in the room. Hopefully, they will allow her to do so. Only thereafter can she truly begin the process of belonging in the room.

Shawn Council, PhD and JD was an adjunct in the African American Studies program and Department of Philosophy at Central Connecticut State University. She practices law in the states of Connecticut and Georgia.

News Headlines and Black Americans: Ethnic Identity, Distress and Outgroup

Comfort

Robert Perry-Crawford and Marisa Mealy

News Headlines and Black Americans: Ethnic Identity, Distress and Outgroup Comfort

While 40% of the population identify as racial minorities, only 20% of newsroom leaders or senior staff are minorities (Media Bias, 2020). More specifically, only 7.5% of journalists identified as Black (Media Bias, 2020). The result is that news outlets often function as a source of negative and/or stereotypical information about Black Americans (Dixon, 2006). The media fosters race-based stereotypes by highlighting information that supports negative stereotypes of Black Americans (Abraham & Appiah, 2006). For example, Dixon and Linz (2000) point out that many local news sources over-represent Black people as criminals. They are more than twice as likely to be portrayed as a perpetrator than White people and six times more likely to be portrayed as a perpetrator than portrayed as an officer (Dixon & Linz, 2000). Sustained exposure to images of Black criminals can activate negative stereotypes in outgroup members (Dixon & Azocar, 2007) and may create feelings of distress in Black Americans. Headlines

Headlines are the first thing most people see when reading an article and, in some cases, it may be all they read. In fact, readers spend more time scanning headlines than reading the full article (Dor, 2003). Because a headline is the first piece of information processed from an article, it can affect what information the reader chooses to focus on or ignore while reading (McCrudden & Schraw, 2007; Otero & Kintsch, 1992). Furthermore, information that is initially read and perceived as valid can influence a reader’s memory and reasoning even if the information is

demonstrated to be incorrect (Ecker et al., 2014). Thus, headlines can sway public opinion and influence reader’s opinions about the subject an article discusses (Australian Centre for Independent Journalism, 2011).

Mentioning race in a headline can affect how readers perceive the people discussed in the article; especially if it builds upon already established stereotypes. For example, Pfau (1995) gave participants the same article with two headlines one referring to a “black riot” and the second referring to a “union riot.” Pfau (1995) found that participants rated the violence of a “black riot” higher than that of a “union riot.” The “black riot” headline elicited more fear and was perceived as more brutal Participants were also more biased against the protestors than after reading the “union riot” headline (Pfau, 1995).

White Perpetrators and Black Victims

Articles focusing on White perpetrators often have headlines that include positive personality descriptions (i.e., brilliant, athletic, soft-spoken, and polite) (Wing, 2014). For example, when describing the Aurora, Colorado shooter James Holmes, the headline run by CBS News reads, “Colo. suspect James Holmes "smart" but "quiet," teachers and neighbors say” (Whitaker, 2012). In relation to a 2014 shooting in Santa Barbara, where a White man stabbed and shot multiple people around the University of California, a local California paper writes, “Santa Barbara shooting: Suspect was ‘soft-spoken, polite, a gentleman’, ex-principal says” (Gazzar, 2014). When describing a White school shooter in 2014, The Associated Press used the headline; “Oregon school shooting suspect fascinated with guns but was a devoted Mormon, his friends say” (Associated Press, 2014). When describing Kaleb Franks, accused of plotting to kidnap the governor of Michigan, a local Michigan news site writes, “Accused Gov. Whitmer kidnapping plotter, a recovered addict, argues for release pending trial” (Burns, 2020). These headlines all

emphasize positive traits of White perpetrators, thereby focusing on their humanity rather than the crime. Additional headlines can be found in other mainstream articles (e.g., Papadopoulos, 2012).

Conversely, when Black people are the victims of a crime, headlines often seem to engage in “character assassination ” (Wing, 2014, para. 4) Headlines might highlight a history of drug use, past run-ins with the law, or trouble the victim got into while in school. Oftentimes, this information is irrelevant to how the victim died (Wing, 2014). Smiley and Fakunle (2016) looked at headlines related to Black victims including Eric Garner and Michael Brown. These headlines unnecessarily highlighted Eric Garner’s weight and health as well as Michael Brown’s height and weight (Smiley & Fakunle, 2016). Further examples include an NBC News headline stating, “Trayvon Martin was suspended three times from school” (2012) and an NBC News headline about Walter Scott that reads, “Walter Scott Had Bench Warrant for His Arrest, Court Documents Show” (2015). In addition, the New York Times ran an article about Philander Castile saying, “Philando Castile Was Pulled Over 49 Times in 13 Years, Often for Minor Infractions” (LaFraniere & Smith, 2016). Many of these headlines draw attention to a seemingly irrelevant detail that suggests the victim was the cause of their own death. Other mainstream news headlines also highlight irrelevant information about Black victims (e.g., Levkulich, 2014)

Even when the media reports a heroic Black figure, negative information is sometimes highlighted. For example, after Charles Ramsey helped rescue Amanda Berry, Gina Dejesus, and Michelle Knight from Ariel Castro, national news outlets soon ran stories about his history of domestic violence (Bindley, 2013; Oritz, 2013; Simpson, 2013). Examples of these headlines include “Charles Ramsey Has a Rap Sheet” (Simpson, 2013) and “Charles Ramsey Criminal Record: Cleveland Hero Has Domestic Violence History” ( Bindley, 2013). This is yet another example of how the media perpetuates negative stereotypes about Black people

Images

Images that accompany news articles may have a similar effect to headlines. Images associated with an article are typically noticed and processed even before an article is completely read (Ecker et al., 2014). Furthermore, readers relate the information from a headline to the associated picture (Ecker et al., 2014). News stories use these images to frame guilt and victimhood for White victims and Black perpetrators (Stabile, 2006). When a White person is the victim of a crime, the media often uses images that portray them as an “ideal victim.” An ideal victim is someone who can be perceived as innocent, helpless, and worthy of sympathy and compassion (Greer, 2007). For Dylan Noble, an unarmed 19-year-old victim of a police shooting in 2016, one of the most used photos is one of him sitting in his truck smiling (e.g., Rocha, 2016). For Daniel Shaver, an unarmed victim of a police shooting in 2016, one of the pictures recurrently published is of him and his wife (Silverstein, 2016). The most frequently seen picture of Justine Ruszczyk, a white woman shot by a Black officer, is one of her smiling (e.g., Goyette, 2017).

Conversely, pictures of Black victims often portray them negatively or in poses that could suggest delinquency or anger. In the case of Michael Brown, the picture that gained popularity in the news was not his recent graduation photo. Instead, he was wearing a sports jersey and holding up three fingers (in a style reminiscent of a gang sign) (Judah, 2014). Media outlets that used these photos include USA Today (Brown, 2015), NBC (NBC News, 2014), and CBS (“Michael Brown’s family,” 2015). The most common picture of Freddie Gray is one of him sitting in the street with a neutral, almost angry, expression (“Freddie Grey’s Death,” 2016; Newman, 2015). A photo of Philando Castile that made its way around the news is a selfie with an antagonistic or unapproachable pose (“Facebook video shows aftermath…,” 2016; Raymond, 2017). This trend of negatively portraying Black victims has been noticed and has elicited a response from consumers

of the news media. The hashtag #IfTheyGunnedMeDown became a trending topic on Twitter following Michael Brown’s death (Chappell, 2014). Twitter users asked what kind of picture the media would use if they had a run-in with the police. Individuals began posting dueling pictures of themselves: One in which they looked very wholesome and another in which they could be perceived to be doing something troubling (Chappell, 2014). This hashtag shows that Black Americans are aware of negative connotations associated with images shared by news media. This trend has also been acknowledged by the media. The Washington Post posted an article that highlighted how Nia Wilson, who was attacked on a train in Oakland, CA, was misrepresented in news images (Chiu, 2018). This article discusses how most outlets used pictures from the victim’s social media accounts. However, one local Fox station selected a picture of the victim from social media in which they appeared to be holding a gun (Chiu, 2018). People called out the outlet for their biased reporting and even clarified that it was not an actual gun. In response, a reporter from the station publicly acknowledged the mistake (Chiu, 2018). Thus, there is greater awareness of this issue and some efforts to mitigate it. Nevertheless, when Black Americans are exposed to negatively biased news headlines and images, that exposure is likely to elicit feelings of distress as well as feelings of discomfort with the outgroup (White Americans)

Distress

Stress is a system of interdependent processes involving appraisal and coping which mediate the intensity, frequency, and duration of a response (DeLongis et al., 1988). A person’s evaluation of a situation can result in either positive or negative feelings (Lazarus & Folkman, 1984). A positive cognitive response to the stressor is eustress, while distress is associated with negative feelings (Lazarus, 1993). Lazarus (1984) suggests that distress is the result of a disconnect between the environment and the stressors, and how well a person believes they can

cope with the stressors. Distress can refer to an aversive emotional state in which one’s coping skills and ability to adapt to the situation fail (Moberg, 1987; National Research Council, 1992).

According to Moberg (2000), distress can be caused by continued exposure to a stressor or multiple stressors. Not surprisingly, racism itself may be considered a stressor. Perceptions of experiences with racism are directly related to feelings of distress (Watson-Singleton et al., 2022). Discrimination also contributes to the psychological distress of Black Americans (Chae et al., 2011; Barnes & Lightsey, 2005). Thus, racially noxious situations can cause distress, especially if one does not have effective coping mechanisms (Sutherland & Harrell, 1986).

Media is another possible stressor. For example, Samson and Potter (2016) found that viewers reported higher levels of distress when exposed to unwarranted media violence. Thus, exposure to negatively biased race-based news can exacerbate the effects of racist stressors In other words, exposure to negatively biased news perpetuates racism, serves as a reminder of the existence of racism and, at times, provides repeated exposure to unwarranted violence. Accordingly, exposure to negatively biased news can compound the experiences of distress that are already present within the larger tapestry of racism. Thus, many Black Americans will experience distress after exposure to negative race-related media.

Outgroup Comfort

Outgroup comfort refers to the emotional comfort a person experiences when interacting with those outside of their group (Cole et al., 2011). Black Americans, historically, have many reasons to feel uncomfortable with Whites. Slavery, segregation, economic disparity, and police brutality all have roots in direct discrimination against Black Americans. Although many Black Americans frequently have comfortable interactions with Whites in their daily lives, exposure to

negative media may trigger an awareness of both past and current injustices. This awareness may, in turn, decrease levels of outgroup comfort.

In addition, Ford (1997) found that when Whites view stereotypical portrayals of Black people on television, they tend to judge Black people more negatively. Furthermore, when Black Americans view negative or stereotypical portrayals of Black people in the media, they believe other groups will believe and endorse these stereotypes (Fujioka, 2005). Relatedly, Lee and Ahn (2013) found that Black participants who perceived higher levels of discrimination believed that Black people were not viewed positively by others. These studies show how what Black Americans witness can impact their perceptions of the way they may be treated by the outgroup. In turn, this could increase feelings of discomfort in interactions with outgroup members

Ethnic Identity

Ethnic identity stems from a sense of belonging to a group, a culture, or a setting (Phinney & Ong, 2007). It is a social construct in which people choose whether to be viewed, by themselves and others, as a part of a specific ethnic or cultural group (Trimble & Dickson, 2010). It stems from experiences with in-groups and out-groups, past instances of discrimination or acceptance, and one’s own actions and choices (Phinney & Ong, 2007). Black students tend to have more a positive ethnic identity than Asian and White students (Jaret & Reitzes, 2009). They report feeling less group estrangement and valuing ethnic group activities more than Whites (Jaret & Reitzes, 2009). Currently, ethnic identity may also be increasing among Black Americans. Rogers et al. (2021) found that, from 2014 to 2016, there was a significant increase in caring about one’s racial identity and a significant decrease in those who do not care much. One explanation for this increase in ethnic identity is the prominence of the Black Lives Matter movement (Rogers et al., 2021).

The more one associates with a group, the more invested they are in emphasizing the group's positive traits (Tajfel & Turner, 2001). Thus, people who have a high ethnic identity feel more committed to having positive associations with their ethnicity - even when they feel discriminated against (Tajfel & Turner, 2001). Accordingly, a high ethnic identity could function as a coping mechanism to tolerate or reduce perceptions of discrimination. Chae et al. (2011) examined whether racial group identification could buffer the effect of racial discrimination. They found that a high racial group identification buffered against moderate levels of racial discrimination (Chae et al., 2011). Additionally, Tynes et al. (2012) found that ethnic identity was a significant protective factor against online racial discrimination Finally, Romero et al. (2014) reported that a positive perception of one’s ethnic group in Black youth leads to fewer depressive symptoms.

On the other hand, while high ethnic identity may serve as a protective factor for coping with bias and discrimination in some situations, it may have the opposite effect in others. A metaanalysis found an equal number of studies supporting the benefits and disadvantages of ethnic identity on the effects of discrimination (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). Similarly, Lee and Ahn (2013) found that Black Americans with a higher sense of belonging, or a high ethnic identity, are more likely to perceive more discrimination In addition, when Black Americans belong to or seek out Black organizations, they may be more aware of racial issues and may be more likely to experience higher levels of race-related stress (Franklin-Jackson & Carter, 2007). Finally, Chae et al. (2011) found that, while ethnic identity could reduce the effects of moderate levels of discrimination, it did not protect against extreme instances of discrimination. Framework

Anderson (1991) uses Lazarus’ (1984) expanded model of stress to examine how stress specifically affects Black Americans. The Heuristic Model of Stress (Lazarus, 1984) breaks down this transaction into four parts. The first part is the source of stress. In this case, the negative headlines in the media may be considered a source of stress for Black readers. The second part is acculturative factors. Acculturative factors are sources of discomfort for Black Americans, including threats to their racial identity, culture-specific values, and ways of living (Anderson, 1991). Ethnic identity and one’s comfort with the outgroup may be considered acculturative factors. The third part is the mediating factors. In this case that would be whether one appraises the prime to be distressing and if the prime is a threat to racial or ethnic identity. Lastly, there are possible outcomes. These outcomes could include heightened levels of distress and decreased levels of outgroup comfort. Thus, in accordance with Lazarus’ theory, when Black Americans are exposed to negative racial headlines (stressor) and they have a high ethnic identity (acculturative factor), they may appraise the headlines as more distressing (mediating factor). As a result, they may report higher levels of distress and less outgroup comfort (outcomes variables). If ethnic identity were moderate or low (acculturative factor), people may appraise (mediating factor) the headlines as less distressing, resulting in less reported distress and higher outgroup comfort (outcome variables)

Present Study

Previous studies have examined how distressing the news is (Baden et al., 2019; Thompson et al., 2019). Other studies have looked at racial news bias (Abraham & Appiah, 2007; Dixon & Azocar, 2007). However, studies have not specifically looked at how negatively biased news affects readers’ mental health or intergroup relations. Thus, this study seeks to fill a gap in the literature by specifically examining how negatively biased news headlines about Black victims

affect Black readers both in terms of mental health (distress) and intergroup relations (outgroup comfort). The hypotheses were:

1. There will be a 2 (news condition) x 2 (ethnic identity) interaction effect, wherein Black people with high ethnic identity, who were exposed to negative headlines, report more distress than participants in other conditions.

2. Participants exposed to negatively biased headlines will report lower levels of out-group comfort than participants exposed to the neutral news prime.

2b. There will be a 2 (news condition) x 2 (ethnic identity) interaction effect, wherein participants, who have a higher ethnic identity, will experience less outgroup comfort after exposure to negative news media than participants in other conditions.

Method

Participants

Data were collected from 102 students at a state university during the 2018-2019 academic year; 38 participants were male and 64 were female. All students reported their race/ethnicity as being Black or African American, a combination of ethnicities including Black or African American, or they chose Other and specified their ethnicity as one falling under Black or African American Specific answers included Jamaican, Haitian, and Caribbean. Students were recruited from the psychology participant pool, Black Student Union, Africana Center, and surveying students in 2 criminology classes. Approximately 25 of the in-person surveys were done by members of the Black Student Union.

Measures

Primes. The primes consisted of a list of 7 headlines from various Google News results pages formatted as if they were one Google News search results page. The headlines were screen

grabbed from Google, and each screen grab was modified to focus only on the details from one article. In turn, these images were compiled into a tailored Google search results page. In some cases, pictures were added for consistency in appearance, or the images used were modified for consistency with the prime

The two primes each included headlines focusing on negatively biased stories about Black victims or seven news stories about the environment and recycling. Examples of negatively biased headlines included “Trayvon Martin Suspended from School Three Times: Report” and “#TamirRice Mom Had Illegal Weapon Charge, Criminal Record.” Headlines related to the environment and recycling included “Scientists Say Glitter Poses Major Environmental Hazard…” and “How to tell the difference between garbage and recycling.”

Distress. Distress was measured using the 8-item distress subscale of the Short Stress State Questionnaire (SSSQ; Helton & Näswall, 2015). Participants were asked to describe how much they felt each of 8 different emotions (i.e., dissatisfied, sad, annoyed) applied to their current state on a scale of 1 to 5; One being a little bit and 5 being extremely (See Appendix E). The worry and engagement subscales were not related to the purpose of this study and, as such, were not used.

Cronbach’s alpha for the measure was 0.88.

Ethnic Identity and Outgroup Comfort. Ethnic Identity and Outgroup Comfort were measured using the Two-Dimensional Black Acculturation Scale (Cole & Arriola, 2007). This 42item survey contains two subscales. The first scale measured ethnic identity using the Culture, Heritage, and Identity (CHI) subscale. The 26 items from this subscale include: “I take a lot of pride in Black historical accomplishments,” and “I spend time working in organizations that address Black people’s concerns.” The responses were rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree); with 17 reverse coded items. Cronbach’s alpha

was reported as 0.87 for the pretest and 0.88 for the post test. Participants were categorized as having either high (M = 4.11) or moderate (M = 3.26) ethnic identity using their pre-exposure scores based on a median split (Median = 3.80) Given that no participants reported an ethnic identity below 2.50, we determined that there were no truly low scores in this study

The second subscale measured Outgroup Comfort (OC). Sixteen items from this scale were used. These items included: “I participate in cultural practices of my own group, such as special food, music, or customs,” and “I feel a strong attachment towards my own ethnic group.” The item

“If I were to go away to college, I would be uncomfortable with a White roommate” was changed to read as “I would be uncomfortable with a White roommate” because all the participants were already college students. The responses were rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree); with 12 reverse coded items (See Appendix F) The Cronbach’s alpha for this measure was 0.87.

Procedure

Participants were asked to provide informed consent. Next, they were asked to provide demographic information. Then, they were asked to fill out the Culture, Heritage, and Identity

subscale of the Two-Dimensional Black Acculturation Scale Once that was finished, they were given a list of seven news headlines that focus on negative stories about Black people, or seven headlines about the environment and recycling. Once they finished reading the prime, they were asked questions about the content and asked to give a three to five sentence response with their feelings towards the headlines. They were then asked to fill out the Short Stress State

Questionnaire and the Two-Dimensional Black Acculturation Scale (measuring both out-group comfort and ethnic identity). Finally, participants were debriefed about the experiment.

Results

The first hypothesis stated that there would be a 2 (condition) x 2 (ethnic identity) interaction effect, wherein Black people with a high ethnic identity, who were exposed to negative media, would report more distress. To test this hypothesis, an ANOVA was run. As hypothesized, there was a significant interaction between ethnic identity and condition. Those who reported the highest levels of ethnic identity and were exposed to the negative prime reported the most distress (M = 2.72), F(1, 88) = 10.59, p = .002. Participants who reported high levels of ethnic identity and were exposed to neutral headlines reported the lowest level of distress (M = 1.90). Interestingly, participants with a moderate ethnic identity reported higher levels of distress in the neutral condition (M = 2.43) compared to those in the negative condition (M = 2.07) There was not a significant main effect for condition on distress, F(1, 88) = 1.63, p = .21, or for ethnic identity on distress, F(1, 88) = .11, p = .75.

To test the second hypothesis that participants exposed to a negative media prime will report lower levels of outgroup comfort, a t-test was run. The first t-test compared the means for outgroup comfort after exposure to the prime. There was a marginally significant difference, wherein participants in the neutral condition (M = 3.74) reported more comfort with outgroup members than those in the negative condition (M = 3.52), t(97) = -1.74, p = .085.

A follow-up 2 (Condition) x 2 (Ethnic Identity) ANOVA was run to see if ethnic identity and condition had an effect on outgroup comfort. On a one-tailed test, participants in the negative condition reported marginally less outgroup comfort (M = 3.48) than participants in the neutral condition (M = 3.70), F(1, 87) = 2.54, p = .057. There was also a main effect wherein the reported level of outgroup comfort for those with moderate ethnic-identity (M = 3.70) was marginally higher than for participants with high ethnic identity (M = 3.49) on a one-tailed test, F(1, 87) = 2.37, p = .064. Finally, on a one-tailed test, there was a marginally significant interaction effect,

wherein participants with a high ethnic identity who were exposed to the negative prime reported a lower level of out-group comfort, F(1,87) = 2.40, p = .063.

Discussion

Findings from this study highlight some of the effects of negative news coverage They reveal that participants with a high ethnic identity, who were exposed to the negative prime, reported significantly higher levels of distress. These same participants also reported slightly lower levels of outgroup comfort. This suggests that Black Americans, with a high ethnic identity, may experience heightened feelings of distress and lower levels of comfort with White Americans after exposure to negatively biased news media. These findings are particularly notable due to the weakness of the prime that was used and the continuous exposure to negative news headlines that can occur in daily life

Hypothesis 1

Participants with a high ethnic identity, who were exposed to negative news headlines, reported the highest levels of distress. Contrary to previous findings that high ethnic identity can protect one from anxiety (Tynes et al., 2012), ethnic identity did not protect the participants in this study from experiencing heightened levels of distress. Interestingly, participants with moderate levels of ethnic identity were more distressed by news headlines relating to the environment than by headlines related to racial and ethnic issues.

Instead of high ethnic identification protecting individuals from distress as found in Chae et al. (2011) and Tynes et al. (2012), it increased the likelihood that they would experience distress. Nevertheless, the higher levels of distress make sense given that racial or ethnic identity can account for how Black Americans perceive, interpret, and are affected by racism (FranklinJackson & Carter, 2007). Franklin-Jackson & Carter (2007) found that Black people who

demonstrated higher levels of ethnic identity by seeking membership in Black organizations may be more aware of racial issues. This awareness may influence how race-related issues affect them (Franklin-Jackson & Carter, 2007) and, in turn, may explain why those participants with high ethnic identity were more distressed by the headlines.

Hypothesis 2.

Results related to the second hypothesis suggest that Black Americans may feel less comfortable in intergroup interactions after exposure to negatively biased media. Findings from Pfau (1995) suggest that people may respond to race-based news with more fear and stereotypeconsistent responses. Black Americans are likely to be at least aware of this tendency. As such, when exposed to racially biased media Black people may predict that they will be judged by outgroups, in this case White Americans (Fujioka, 2005). Given that the primes highlighted negatively biased information about victims, this decrease in outgroup comfort may be protective. Participants may have been more likely to feel that ingroup members are judged negatively by outgroup members.

A follow-up analysis showed that ethnic identity had an effect on outgroup comfort. After exposure to the negative news headlines, participants with a high ethnic identity reported slightly less comfort (M = 3.27) with the outgroup than those with a moderate ethnic identity (M = 3.69). Since participants with a high ethnic identity feel more strongly about being Black, they may more strongly identify with the victims and be more likely to view these headlines as biased.

Implications

The most important finding from this study is that even low-grade exposure to negative racial news can create distress for Black consumers with a high ethnic identity. In fact, in this study, feelings of distress increased after exposure to only seven headlines. As such, continued

exposure to biased news (as occurs in the real world) is likely to lead to significantly higher levels of distress. More graphic content, such as televised news or video clips, may further enhance feelings of distress. These feelings of distress could have significant detrimental effects

Previous research has demonstrated that repeated exposure to distressing media can negatively impact a consumer’s mental health, leading to flashbacks of past trauma and intrusive memories, especially as collective trauma increases (Thompson et al., 2019). Collective trauma can result from the frequency with which events are presented as well as a greater awareness of the injustices associated with news reporting (Thompson et al., 2019). Thus, the distress that is experienced after exposure to negatively biased news may be considered a residual effect of a larger issue the dehumanization of Black Americans through the experiences that make the headlines. In turn, exposure to distressing media could have significant long-term effects on the community and individual well-being. This emphasizes the need for efforts to bring attention to bias in news sources. Hashtags such as #IfTheyGunnedMeDown and other forms of activism can bring awareness to the prevalence of distressing media and demand change. These changes can, over time, reduce collective trauma as well as feelings of individual distress.

Exposure to negatively biased media could also contribute to cumulative levels of stress. Higher cumulative stress levels have been associated with reducing preventive health behaviors and reduced physical health (McClenden et al., 2021). Thus, exposure to negatively biased media could contribute to racial health disparities in both mental and physical health. Again, this emphasizes the need for activism and wide-reaching systemic changes in news coverage. On an individual level, this knowledge can empower activists and others with high ethnic identity to take steps to counteract the negative effects of biased racial news coverage both on an individual and community level. These steps could include, but are not limited to, campaigns directed at changing

the pattern of biased news coverage and an awareness of the importance of preventative health measures such as stress-reducing activities (e.g., yoga, running, social support) and regular wellness visits.

Another implication is that feelings toward out-group members (White Americans) may be affected by negative racial news coverage – especially for people with high levels of ethnic identity. Thus, consuming biased or negative news content may lead Black Americans to experience increased discomfort in interactions with Whites. This is likely to be a protective response. In fact, Fujioka (2005) found that after exposure to racially biased media, Black Americans predict that they will be judged and discriminated against. Thus, after exposure to negative racial media Black Americans may also be less likely to trust Whites. This should not discourage Black Americans from identifying with their ethnicity or consuming news. Instead, it should empower people to recognize the impact of negatively biased news on intergroup relations. In other words, biased news coverage is an issue that affects both Black and White Americans as well as their relationships with each other. This awareness could also help with assessing individual interactions. For example, it might help a Black American more accurately assess whether an individual White American is a threat or if feelings may be due to recent exposures to biased media.

There are also broader implications for these findings. How does the proliferation of cellphone videos and social media exposure affect Black viewers? Are these more distressing than reading biased news headlines? Furthermore, if the prominence of Black Lives Matter is related to increases in ethnic identity among Black Americans (Rogers et al., 2021), could there be unintended consequences to activism? In other words, increases in racial awareness may make people more aware of discrimination and empower them to combat it. Yet, heightened awareness

of and identification with racial discrimination could also have deleterious effects on individual mental or even physical health. As a result, it might be important for Black Americans with a high ethnic identity, such as Black Lives Matter activists, to acquire or improve coping strategies that can help to mitigate the effects of distress on health and intergroup relations.

In sum, biased news coverage is an area of grave concern. It needs to be confronted by activists and others that are aware of its potential wide-reaching impact. In addition, Black Americans with a high ethnic identity can empower themselves further by understanding the relationship between systemic racism, news coverage, and individual health. This understanding could encourage efforts to affect changes in news coverage, to increase protective health behaviors in individuals and communities, and to engender more informed social interactions.

Conclusion

News influences its readers and viewers - even with just headlines. Repeated exposure to negative and biased headlines can impact how Black Americans feel and how they interact with the larger majority of White Americans. This is particularly true for Black Americans who have a high ethnic identity. Thus, biased news coverage is a critical issue that needs to be recognized and addressed. In addition, knowledge of the profound impact of negative news coverage empowers Black Americans, especially those with a high ethnic identity, to campaign for change, to recognize the importance of protective health behaviors, and to engage in informed social interactions.

Marisa Mealy, PhD is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Psychological Sciences at Central Connecticut State University. Robert Perry-Crawford is her research partner also affiliated with the University.

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1619 Journal of African American Studies - Vol 7, Issue 1 Winter/Spring 2025

JOURNAL

From the Desk of the Editor