Smithville Master Plan

1

+

Š 2012 Carl Small Town Center http://www.carlsmalltowncenter.org All work Š 2012 Carl Small Town Center Use by permission only. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any other information storage and retrieval system, without the written permission from the publisher and the artists.

Carl Small Town Center Mississippi State University P.O.Box AQ Mississippi State, MS 39762

Written by: John Poros, Vanessa Robinson Edited by: John Poros, Vanessa Robinson, Danielle Glass Graphics Template: Frances Hsu 2

Special Acknowledgements:

Information and assistance in the making of this book provided by :

Mayor Greg Kennedy of Smithville, MS Michelle Bond, Local Disaster Recovery Manager Mike Armour at the Appalachian Regional Commission Michelle Hermann, Building Construction Science faculty John Poros, Director of The Carl Small Town Center Leah Kemp, Assistant Director of The Carl Small Town Center Francis Hsu, Architecture faculty 5th year Architecture students: Byron Belle Katelyn Bennett Amy Bragg Younju Choi Brian Funchess John Hooker Nick Jackson Zach James Walter King Michael Klein Carolyn Lundemo Bradley Mallette Cody Millican Michael Moore Scott Penman Brennan Plunkett Will Randolph Drew Ridinger Chris Rivera Andrew Robertson Mathew Robinson Vanessa Robinson Melissa Sessums Tayler Stewart Casey Tomecek Joel Wasser

3

4

TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 INTRODUC TION

6

Greensburg, Kansas Smithville, Mississippi Moving Forward

9 15 19

2 MA STER PL ANNING Region Infrastructure 1 Infrastructure 2 Block Street Landscape

3 CIVIC COMPLEX Public space Civic place

4 INDEX

21 24 28 32 34 40 44

49 50 56

66

5 BR A SFIELD & GORRIE COLL ABOR ATION 84 5

Introduction A natural disaster, such as a flood, hurricane or tornado, can devastate lives and destroy entire neighborhoods and towns. There is no question about the large immediate effect of a natural disaster on a community. In the long term, ten, twenty, fifty years in the future, what is the effect of a natural disaster on a town? Is the disaster an event that retards growth and development forever, or can the disaster provide new opportunities for the development of a town? Are there factors that go beyond the effect of a disaster that play a greater role in the future of a town? The dynamics of disasters within the history of a place must be taken into account in any effort to provide long term recovery and guidance.

A natural disaster can cause a number of changes to a community, such as loss of life, destruction of buildings, homelessness, population shifts and destruction of natural resources.

Many of these changes can be addressed in the short term; buildings can be rebuilt, the homeless sheltered temporarily. Other problems are long term, such as loss of population, and others permanent, such as fatalities.

The long term problems from a natural disaster add to the long term problems faced by a community before a disaster, such as population shift, transportation, economic development, education, etc.

While the short term challenges from a natural disaster are more immediate and apparent, they should not be prioritized above the existing challenges that the community faced before the disaster. To do so would be to ignore factors that would completely overwhelm efforts to repair problems brought on by the natural disaster.

In fact, an argument can be made that natural disasters simply accelerate or decelerate the overall direction of urban development.

Neighborhoods, towns and cities change through time.

Long time residents can see change occur within their lifetimes. Changes in size, residents, use and building fabric happen continually in towns. The key reason for change can be economic, political or due to natural disaster.

The large scale mechanism by which these changes are manifested is expropriation. Expropriation is conventionally defined as government taking of private land for public use.

Expropriation can also take the guise of speculation; when investors see land and buildings as undervalued either in the present or in future value and purchase them seeking profits. Obsolescence, accidents and natural disasters can also be thought of as forms of expropriation.

The sociologist Maurice Halbwachs hypothesized that the type of expropriation (government taking, speculation, obsolescence, or accident) is irrelevant to how the town or city is changed.1 In Halbwachs view, if a piece of land is available for development because it is underused, or a fire occurs, or a tornado destroys the structures on it, that condition does not have an effect on how the land will be used or unused in the future. This hypothesis has some value in that the underlying physical values for property; immobility, heterogeneity, and indestructibility, are unchanged. The quantity and location of the land will exist no matter what state the land is in; even flooded, the land can be identified. Also, the principal of highest and best use will prevail and only certain uses or nonuses will provide the greatest return to either the owner, investor or the state no matter what happened to make the land available.

6 1 Aldo Rossi. The Architecture of the City. (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press). 1984. P. 141.

While the ultimate use of the land may not depend on how the land is expropriated, the expropriation has much to do with how land is made available. Land that is expropriated by the government or by large speculators has few use restrictions placed on it for redevelopment because of the ability of those groups to accumulate and control large tracts of land and capital. From Pope Sixtus in Rome, to Henri the IV’s development of the Place Royale in Paris, to the typical convention center/hotel development today, government and speculators have both profited from these projects. While the accumulation of property to make the necessary large parcels is usually slow and difficult, this large scale expropriation allows for larger, more coordinated, projects within the city.

When independent speculators make the decision to invest in a part of the city, the changes are smaller and less coordinated, but can create as much change as a large, singular project.

Gentrification, the process where wealthier owners and speculators move into an area that is obsolescent or has poorer residents to become the dominant group, is one of these more piecemeal changes. The property by property changes in a gentrified neighborhood does not favor large changes in the city plan and even in buildings; gentrification tends to retain the existing stock of buildings and improve them because these buildings are seen as an asset. The social and economic effect of urban gentrification is much larger; ethnic and economic groups that have traditionally lived in these neighborhoods are reduced because of higher costs and the opportunity to profit from change. New services and retail to cater to the new “gentry� in the neighborhood usually boost economic activity but alienate long time residents. In many cases, a socioeconomic conflict is played out block by block between the long time residents and newcomers.

Expropriation by a natural disaster has an entirely different character. The destruction of property has nothing to do with identifying land and property that is obsolescent. In fact, fires, hurricanes and tornados destroy buildings that are already productive and at their highest and best use along with obsolescent buildings. The random nature of the expropriation divides these natural disasters from expropriations through the mechanisms of government and market. Yet, does the fact of this random destruction change the long term, overall development of a city or town in a significant way? To answer this question, particularly for the instance of a tornado impacting a small town, the legacy of the Greensburg, Kansas tornado of 2007 seems most instructive.

7

8

Greensburg, Kansas L.E.E.D. by example On May 4, 2007, an EF5 tornado destroyed nearly all of Greensburg, Kansas. In rebuilding, the residents and local government of Greensburg set their goals high. The city council passed a resolution six months after the disaster requiring all city buildings larger than 4,000 square feet to be built to and certified LEED Platinum. LEED Platinum is the highest designation of “green” building by the U.S. Green Building Council. In an interview with Mayor Lonnie McCollum, the mayor stated, “Some people seem to think that we can just build back the way it was. We can’t do business that way. We’re going to build a new city from the ground up.” The mayor also stated, “we have a blank piece of paper. There’s nothing to hamper our efforts.”2 The opportunity to rebuild was certainly seen as a way to remedy Greensburg’s loss of population over the past decades and to bring new economic development to the town.

The reality of the experience has turned out differently than envisioned.

Greensburg has certainly pursued the green initiative; the town has the most LEED certified buildings per capita in the world.3 Greensburg’s city hall, school, business incubator, arts center and even John Deere dealership are among the 28 projects listed by the town as having sustainable elements; five of those projects are certified as LEED Platinum. In addition, the town also prepared a comprehensive plan which detailed a commitment to sustainable practices communitywide.4 How has this commitment affected the overall planning and rebuilding of Greensburg?

The answer seems more in the details than in the larger scope of town re-planning. Despite the complete eradication of all buildings by the tornado, the rebuilding plans for Greensburg are very similar to before the tornado. The town of Greensburg is located on Highway 54, part of a route that connects Albuquerque, NM with Kansas City. Greensburg is also on a Union Pacific and BNSF rail line that parallels the road and connects El Paso, TX with Chicago, IL. The town was, and is, oriented to the road and rail by Main Street, which is perpendicular and Kansas Ave, which runs parallel. From this crossing, the town is laid out in a grid of blocks approximately 375' square. To the east is Rattlesnake Creek, a watershed that bounds the town. Greensburg derives a great deal of its economic activity to agriculture, but also from governmental sources, being the seat to Kiowa County and to the public school system as well. The tourist attractions to Greensburg that predated the tornado are the Big Well, the largest hand dug well in the world, and the Pallasite Meteorite.

These basic parameters were unchanged in the new comprehensive plan despite the fact that almost no buildings remained after the tornado. The largest changes in planning had to do with accommodating a future limited access Highway 54 bypass. Residents in their planning decided that the bypass should be routed close in to the town so that the opportunity for travelers to see Greensburg and exit would not be lost. Another change involved the relocation of the school south of its pre-tornado location. The new location was picked to strengthen downtown development, allowing for walking access to residential areas, and sharing of facilities with the community.5 The hospital was also moved from the center of town to a location on Highway 54. For the 9 2 “Tornado-stricken town plans total rebuild”, American City and County, June 2007, Vol. 122, Issue 6, p.24 3 City of Greensburg Kansas. Internet: http://greensburgks.org/ 4 BNIM Architects. Greensburg Sustainable Plan. May 19, 2008.

5 BNIM. Greensburg. 2009.

most part however, changes in street pattern or the placement of major institutions in the comprehensive plan have been minor. Some large scale changes were discussed as part of the long term planning but were rejected or not completely embraced. Placing a median or a green space in the center of Main Street was seen as dividing the commercial district as well as delaying rebuilding and making the annual parade impossible. The issue of density also divided the community.

The planners suggested a higher density residential district near the downtown termed the “Village Core Residential.”

The district would keep the smaller, existing land parcels and build higher density and multifamily housing. While not rejected, the planners noted that, “the concept of using zoning to protect the ‘Village Residential’ area was not met with universal approval. While a majority of the citizens and stakeholders were in favor of the concept, some people voiced a concern that it went too far.”6 While there is the appearance of a clean slate in a natural disaster, the reality is that there is anything but. Land ownership, economics, transportation infrastructure, and history are all factors that have enormous leverage on any future plans for change. In a review of Reconstruction Following Disaster, Professor Dan Moore of Pennsylvania State University sums up the situation well: As the authors of the book point out, planners are probably the individuals who become most excited about opportunities for change. However, the authors also caution that attempts to over plan can be counterproductive because, in fact, the most dominant, if implicit, plan of all is the plan embodied in the pre disaster processes of the community. That is to say, there is a plan for reconstruction: the pre disaster city.

And the greatest force for reconstruction is the rush to normalcy, the desire to get things back to normal on the part of the business community and the population in general. Thus, even though a disaster seems to open a number of questions about land use and the organization of the community, on the basis of their study the authors conclude that, if anything, the disaster simply accelerates the ongoing processes of community change and development.7

10 6 BNIM Architect. Greensburg Sustainable Plan. May 19, 2008. P.147 7 Dan E. Moore, “Review of Reconstruction Following Disaster”, Rural Sociology, Vol. 43, No. 1, Spring 1978. P. 124.

The push for normalcy and the plan of the pre-disaster city was certainly the result in Greensburg. As seen, the changes made to the overall planning of the town were small or non-existent due to the fact that the inherent geographic and economic conditions of Greensburg were unchanged. The community moved quickly to reestablish one of the key economic and social cornerstones of the community: the school. The greatest possible change in the overall plan came from outside the community: the future routing of the highway bypass.

Otherwise, the basic facts of the place had not been changed enough to support an entire rethinking of the town.

Given this result, important questions would be; why promote change and where is the opportunity for change in long term recovery after a disaster? One of the reasons to promote change is if the plan for the pre-disaster city is the implied blueprint for rebuilding. Then the problems and missed opportunities for the town are bound up in that plan as well. Small towns such as Greensburg are losing population and increasing in median age.

The mechanisms for this decline are built into the pre-disaster city; new conditions must exist to change that reality.

In Greensburg, that change occurred in the commitment to LEED and sustainability in general. By adopting these standards and goals, the town leapt ahead of most of the country and created a new reality. The new reality for Greensburg included not only the building of energy efficient buildings, but the commitment to living sustainably and becoming evangelicals for the “green” movement. One of the effects of this evangelism was the actor Leonardo Di Caprio centering a reality television series around Greensburg’s struggle to become “green” and donating $400,000 to the effort. Private foundations, along with the federal and the state government also committed to this new “green” vision spawning a new set of opportunities.

The knowledge to design and build with sustainability as a goal had to be brought in to Greensburg, as well as the education of residents in sustainable practices. In turn, the town became a visitor’s destination for other towns looking to be sustainable. Green tourism has become a part of the economy of Greensburg. A tour book and tour have been produced to guide visitors, as well as a gift shop downtown. Greensburg has also gone beyond merely demonstrating sustainable practice and making sustainable products. The Estes family, which owns the John Deere dealership in town, installed wind turbines to power their rebuilt dealership. From their experience, the family went into the business of selling and servicing wind turbines throughout the United States and Canada.8 11 8 Greensburg Green Town. Greensburg Green Town Green Tour Book. Second Edition. May 2011. P. 23.

The commitment to sustainability has manifested itself through the rebuilding of the buildings themselves rather than efforts on the scale of the town, such as increasing density. While efforts to create sidewalks and paths have taken shape and are accepted by the town, the efforts to create more density, particularly in housing, seems too radical for residents.

While larger efforts in terms of landscape have yet to occur to judge their effectiveness, sustainability in Greensburg has been circumscribed to the buildings and their internal technologies, but not the way of life. With an approach that is only technological, the question is whether a culture of sustainability can be nurtured and grow. Sustainability must be more than the application of technologies to keep up practices that are essentially unsustainable, such as excessive dependence on automobiles and agricultural practices that require enormous expenditure of fossil fuels and create problems with run-off and pollution. A rethinking of these basic economic realities could point to a very different Greensburg, a difficult path to take for a town already demolished.

This question of the ability to commit to the instrumental changes has already begun to surface in Greensburg. The lack of indigenous expertise in sustainable technologies has also created difficulties. To install and maintain many of these “green� technologies, such as ground source heat pumps and solar panels, companies from Kansas City, more than four and a half hours away need to be called. This difficulty is not only taking its toll on existing systems put in place, but on decisions for future sustainable technologies.

The planned Big Well museum will not be built with a ground source heat pump system for reasons of cost and maintenance.9 A solution might be a greater commitment to these technologies by setting up a training program in conjunction with community colleges for future technicians and maintenance workers. Greensburg is already in talks to bring German wind power firms to Greensburg and create training programs with Wichita Area Technical College and Wichita State University.

12

While the problem of maintenance and repair is just a small part of the commitment to sustainability, it points to the problem of bringing a large change to an area simply trying to rebuild what was lost. Changes must come out of the long term resources and the abilities of the community otherwise any gains will only be temporary. To set up systems, whether technical, economic or cultural, that do not have sustainability built in defeats the purpose.

9 Conversation with the Mayor Bob Dixson, September 17, 2011

13

14

Smithville, Mississippi Lessons to be Learned On April 27, 2011 an EF5 rated tornado touched down along Mississippi Highway 25 and damaged or destroyed a 3 mile long by 1/2 mile wide area of the Town of Smithville. An estimated 25 percent of the town’s total housing stock was destroyed. The Town Hall, Police Station, and Post Office were destroyed. The largest employer, a furniture manufacturer, was destroyed and temporarily relocated. The Smithville School and the town’s only grocery store were heavily damaged. The Town of S mit hv i ll e was li ste d i n a Federal Disaster Declaration on April 29, 2011.10

Greensburg’s experience with rebuilding after the tornado shows the need of the community to build back institutions that were expropriated but not obsolescent in the community, such as the school, in the face of a natural disaster. This urge to rebuild previously working elements of the community may overwhelm the opportunity to change elements that held the town back. How does one determine what and how much to change? To make the determination, the identification of urban elements that are propelling versus pathological, in the terminology of the urbanist Marcel Poete, seems critical to the re-planning effort.

Poete’s ideas, as expounded by Aldo Rossi, hold that the elements of a town that are seen as primary to a place, essential to the character of a town, vital, and can be used and modified for future use, are propelling elements. Urban elements that are permanent but stuck in history with no relation to the rest of the town, and no ability to be used or modified in the future are the pathological elements.

An example of a propelling element in an urban context is Rockefeller Center in New York City. A landmark for the entire city, Rockefeller Center also organizes the city’s Midtown, interacting with both Avenue of the America’s and Fifth Avenue. While the buildings are monuments that New Yorkers would defend if threatened with demolition, the uses of these buildings are constantly changing and will be desirable now and in the future. A pathological urban element would be Grant’s Tomb. The tomb’s location in relation to its purpose had personal significance to Grant’s family, since it was close to their residence, but never had a larger, more public connection to Riverside Park or New York City as a whole.

The inward looking tomb does not engage the park or the city. Although the old joke, “who is buried in Grant’s Tomb?” relates to that fact that no-one can be buried in a tomb, the answer of “no one” could describe the impact of the tomb on the city and vice versa.

15 10 “Smithville, MS Long Term Recovery”, Internet: https://sites.google.com/site/smithvilleltcr/our-mission

The destructive force of a natural disaster can eliminate both propelling and pathological urban elements. With the difficulty of building back the propelling elements of the urban environment, it is easy to forget the opportunities to correct pathological elements. A plan for rebuilding must make the distinction between those propelling and pathological elements that existed before the natural disaster to take advantage of any opportunities.

The other aspect of a plan is the ability to envision new futures. To do this, intense planning activities over a short timespan, known as charrettes, are usually held as a matter of course after natural disasters. In 2005, a series of planning charrettes were held on the Gulf Coast of Mississippi after Hurricane Katrina. These charrettes tried to re-imagine coastal towns destroyed by the hurricane as being reborn with “New Urbanist” principles underlying them. These principles called for denser, more pedestrian oriented towns in contrast to the more automotive oriented development occurring on the coast.

The effect of these charrettes have been mixed in instigating these changes. In a study done to evaluate postKatrina planning on the coast, some of the New Urbanist principles were incorporated into the final planning of these towns, while some that had participated in the charrettes had not incorporated any of the principles.11 One of the reasons given for the non-incorporation of some of these principles was a lack of understanding on the part of the planners on the goals and resources of the communities. In Biloxi, the “SmartCode” advocated by the planners would have required the hiring of 40 more people in the planning department, a budgetary impossibility. 12 In other cases, residents had a hard time adjusting to the different way of thinking about land use advocated by the New Urbanist planners. A comment by the mayor of Long Beach, Mississippi summed up much of the dissatisfaction with the charrettes; the plan was just a ‘pretty picture’ about design and not about the needs and interests of the local community. 13 While the comment from the mayor of Long Beach could be seen as condemning the entire charrette process and indeed, some have advocated a completely bottoms up approach to disaster recovery, the comment may also 16 11 Jennifer Evans-Cowley & Meghan Simmerman Gough, “Evaluating New Urbanist Plans in Post-Katrina Mississippi”, Journal of Urban Design, Vol. 14, No. 4, November 2009, P. 439-461.

12 Ibid. p. 453.

13 Ibid. p. 456.

illustrate the different priorities for residents and planners.

Residents, as we have seen, are trying to bring everything back to normalcy as fast as possible. Given also that the existing plan for the post disaster city is given as the plan for the new city, the appetite for substantial change is fairly small.

To abandon planning ideas that go beyond restoring the status quo is just as problematic and short-sighted. As seen in Greensburg, the idea of sustainable design and living that has given the town hope to grow and prosper has come from completely outside the town’s experience. To not be able to propose ideas that go beyond the bounds of a place’s previous history can doom the entire town to a pathological existence.

In Smithville, our goal must be to balance these two realities: the history and conditions of the town that predate and propel the urban development of the town forward and the need to postulate a new reality that takes advantage of pathological elements cleared out by the natural disaster and creates a new basis for growth and prosperity. An understanding of the town must occur that goes beyond the current needs of the disaster, it must be an understanding that analyzes both the history and social-economic-political connections that Smithville has with the region around it. At the same time, a plan can destroy urban pathologies and thus imagine a future to be arrived at more quickly and with less roadblocks than before the natural disaster occurred. The work shown in this book is an imperfect attempt to strike this balance and propose multiple futures for Smithville.

17

18

Moving For ward Carl Small Town Center and the Students In early May of 2011, the Carl Small Town Center (CSTC) was contacted by representatives of the Mississippi Development Authority, the Appalachian Regional Commission, F.L. Crane, the program managers for the town, as well as by local architects and were asked to get involved with the long term rebuilding of Smithville, MS. We knew how the CSTC could be useful, but did not know how we might fit into the recovery process started by FEMA in Smithville.

We attended our first meeting of the FEMA Long Term Recovery Committees on June 1, 2011. The meeting was well attended by not only residents, but contractors, engineers and others involved in the rebuilding process. Headed by Myra Shird and a group of veteran FEMA facilitators, the effort to bring back Smithville was well under way before this meeting. The mayor, Greg Kennedy, had been working continually since the tornado to coordinate and spearhead recovery efforts, but this meeting was the first to bring residents and experts together to plan for the future. The major work of this first meeting was to divide the interested parties into five subcommittees: Housing, Education, Infrastructure, Economic Development and Community Services. These “sectors� would develop their own goals and then projects for the town, coordinated by an advisory committee.

In discussions of the future of Smithville, problems and opportunities that faced Smithville before the tornado were at the top of the agenda. A declining tax base with two thirds of the citizens as retirees and little existing opportunity for employment was contrasted with Smithville being the fastest growing area in Monroe County, an excellent school system, affordable housing and small town values.

The sector teams had a great deal to consider in addition to the devastation inflicted on Smithville by the tornado.

The CSTC volunteered its services to the Infrastructure Sector. Led

by Chad Atkinson of FEMA, the group explored not only issues of utilities and services, but roads and overall planning. A key issue to the rebuilding of the town was hidden in a plan by the Mississippi Department of Transportation (MDOT) for Highway 25; the main thoroughfare through Smithville. MDOT had in its long-range plan, to either bypass the town of Smithville, or widen Highway 25, a two-lane highway, to five lanes through Smithville. The consequence of a bypass through Smithville would have been not only the loss of traffic and therefore retail customers, but also the closing of an old bridge in need of repair. The bridge, if the bypass were to be completed, would have been demolished and left some residents of Smithville without direct access into town. The acceptance of the five-lane plan would require the state of Mississippi to repair the bridge, but this comes with problems of its own. A five-lane road through the center of Smithville would be equally destructive, splitting the town in two and making pedestrian access across the five-lane difficult. However, the mayor and other town members saw the five-lane as more beneficial than not because it potentially represents more traffic flow and commerce than a two lane highway.

19

20

THE WORK At the beginning of the Fall semester of 2012, four months after the tornado hit Smithville, John Poros the Director of the Carl Small Town Center as well as Mississippi State University faculty member Francis Hsu led a group of 27 fourth year architectural students in a semester long master planning and civic design project for Smithville. The semester proved to not only be a lesson in history and in community design and planning, it also became a lesson in collaboration, real world expectations, and consequences for a town and its people. Smithville decided to see opportunities in this disaster, as an opportunity, unfortunate as it may be.

Smithville would continue to move forward, stronger, better, and as a whole.

The following chapters discuss aspects of the plans and designs created by the students. The chapters are divided not in terms of individual projects, but as an integrated collection of ideas involved in the city master planning process.

Often times people relate an ideal city or town to certain elements, such as a types of walkways, street lights, store fronts and public parks. While all of these things are components of an ideal and functioning city or town, it is most important to keep in mind is how these elements relate to one another, the city as a whole and the lifestyle of the residents. Decisions made during this crucial post disaster time frame will affect its progress in the future. These chapters discuss the devices that must be understood for a city plan to develop.

21 14 Bowstring: Similarity of the Dissimilar

22

MASTER PLANNING

1 INTRODUC TION

6

Greensburg, Kansas Smithville, Mississippi Moving Forward

9 15 19

2 MA STER PL ANNING Region Infrastructure 1 Infrastructure 2 Block Street Landscape

3 CIVIC COMPLEX Public space Civic place

4 INDEX

21 24 28 32 34 40 44

49 50 56

66

5 BR A SFIELD & GORRIE COLL ABOR ATION 84 23

R E G I O N Region and the development of Smithville Region: how does one define it?

Region is generally described as an area that does not necessarily have definite boundaries or edges but maintains specific characteristics and qualities. Would the term ‘rural’ be enough to define the region of Smithville, MS? Probably not.

An understanding of location and place ties both region and geography together. So what makes the specific idea of region here so impor tant; past the characteristics of geography and into the heart of what makes North East Mississippi so intriguing?

These were some of the questions that drove the semester long project and investigation for some of the students throughout the Smithville master planning proposal.

One approach the students took to tie Smithville to the region was to look at the possibility of restructuring Smithville’s main street, which is ultimately the lifeline of any small, rural town. The proposal was to reorient the main street from its parallel relationship to Highway 25 by rotating it ninety degrees, explicitly connecting the town to the Tennessee Tombigbee waterway nearby. This would allow the main street to have an identity of its own, apart from the highway. As a result of this shift, Highway 25 could be developed as a byway with the planned five lanes. The reasoning for this change lies in the students perception and understanding of what the region is and what it can mean for rural towns like Smithville.

“Small towns don’t have to grow or develop along the highway in order to survive. Instead, they can begin to use networks and resources to rely on each other. By using both existing and new infrastructural lifelines and support systems, communities can resist both decay and excessive growth at the same time. Northeast Mississippi has a wealth of resources and networks already available for this task, from beautiful antebellum homes to blues festivals - not to mention the Tennessee-Tombigbee waterway.”15 The Tennessee-Tombigbee waterway, which flows through Northeast Mississippi and West Central Alabama, is not only a working waterway but also provides for many recreational activities as well as wildlife habitats. The Tennessee Tombigbee extends from the Tennessee River to the Black Warrior-Tombigbee River near Demopolis Alabama. The waterway connects towns from Tennessee, to Mississippi, to Alabama. The diagrams on pages 22 and 23 show ways in which this waterway connects its various counterparts.

24 15 Scott Penman and Matt Robinson’s semester statement of intent

The re-alignment of the main street creates, a greater connection to The Tennessee-Tombigbee Waterway. A direct connection to the waterway would mean the possibility of marinas and various waterside attractions. Lookout points along the waterway can become destinations for not only residents but visitors as well. Neighboring towns such as Amory, Mississippi would be able to utilize the marina. The development of regional resources allow small towns to “exist as the fabric connecting these networks.� The network of small towns allows resources to be pooled and so amenities found in larger cities can be offered in rural areas. As the town develops and grows along this new Smithville Main Street, it draws focus not only to its small town charm and pedestrian friendly atmosphere, but it also draws attention to its physical and regional connection to the Tennessee-Tombigbee waterway.

New Main Street axis

xis reet a

in St al Ma

n

Origi

25

26

Airport Locations

Public Bus Routes

Community Stitches

Regional Proposal

27

TOWN INFRASTRUC TURE Systems of Sustainability Infrastructure is the “physical and organizational structures and facilities needed for the operation of a society or enterprise.” This would include buildings, roads, power supplies, modes of communication and so on. How far does the conception and understanding of infrastructure need to go? In theory would it not also include the ideals of community, social growth, and the economy? Are there ways in which infrastructure can help guide a new way of life for the residents of Smithville? More recent trends in infrastructure include methods that enhance the ideals of community integration and residential health in the form of sidewalks, nature paths and bike trails. Several students investigated the ways in which these modes of infrastructure can be woven into the plan of Smithville, Mississippi.

From the region section, we saw that one group of students reoriented Smithville’s Main Street toward the TennesseeTombigbee waterway. The goal is to change the role of a major piece of infrastructure, Highway 25. What was once the artery to the town now functions as a vein. Highway 25 becomes a scenic byway allowing the main street to stem from it rather than grow and sprawl along its edge. By letting Highway 25 become simply a vehicular corridor and not a retail area as well, the new main street can be more pedestrian and retail oriented.

“Infrastructure is a systemic integrator - across spatial scales, population groups, and disciplinary specializations - and as such it is suitable for a renewed vision of comprehensive planning centered on equity and sustainability.” 16 Prior to the tornado, there were little to no sidewalks found in the town, making walking unsafe for pedestrians and especially for children. Many of the proposed master plans include an extensive networks of sidewalks as well as bike trails in an attempt to promote a more active and healthy lifestyle for the town’s residents. These trails are intended not only for youth, but also for all members of the community. The bike trails and sidewalks encourage connections not thought of before in Smithville. These paths cross through various key points in the streets of Smithville, lead directly to Smithville’s schools, as to points along the waterway and throughout the downtown. Ease of navigation and the safety of these paths will encourage use and ultimately result in a healthy and sustainable way of life in Smithville. Much like road way systems have intersections, the points in which these paths meet and join various parts of the town can help to encourage walking and discourage the use of vehicles as a primary means of travel within the immediate downtown area.

28 16 Journal of Planning History; City planning and Infrastructure: Once and Future Partners pg. 22

In one proposal the students designed a pedestrian walkway connecting residences to Main Street.

In another proposal, the students proposed a grid system of the new Main Street, walking is encouraged with various outdoor public spaces. ``

29

In the image above, the red indicates new growth and additions to Smithville. The red lines indicate roads, that are lined with trees and new foliage for walking paths and sidewalks. These paths have been strategically placed to link together the existing and new developments of Smithville. They connect businesses with residences and parks with the school. This path also bridges the town to the waterway and encourages travel to and from the waterway and town.

The images to the right, on page 29, represent proposals for other amenities. The top image is of a small, proposed, outdoor amphitheater. This amphitheater would cater to the schools and to the public at large. Small plays and concerts could be held in town and all residents would have pedestrian access to the events. The middle image depicts a community garden. This garden would be in close proximity to the community center as well as the proposed amphitheater and the town gazebo. Residents would be able to grow their own vegetables and flowers and perhaps sell them at local farmer’s markets. The bottom image is a proposal for a new lookout at the waters edge. This lookout would be connected to and networked with other walking paths and picnic areas for the residents and visitors.

30

31

BUIL DING INFR A S TRUC TURE Infrastructure as Building Systems Throughout the semester, the studio was engaged in a series of discussions and readings based on The Architecture of the City by Aldo Rossi. Some of the points brought up through these discussions were of typology, urban artifacts and the history of the cities. Often times, cities can be recognized because of their natural geographic qualities, building types, and plan. A type provides the basic organization for a building or a space. A corridor, a courthouse square, a rowhouse are all types at different scales. While one can think of many specific instances of corridors, courthouse squares and rowhouses, the basic spatial and social organization of each creates the type. Rossi explains that: “ Type is thus a constant and manifests itself with character of necessity; but even though it is predetermined, it reacts dialectically with technique, function, and style, as well as both the collective character and the individual moment of the architectural artifact.” 17

The system begins with the row house ‘type’ and the re-investigation from the students shows the flexibility of the straight forward nature of the row house. The users of these buildings have the opportunity to do just as Rossi described, react to individual needs and manipulate the interior space and façade. The variation of space sizes, uses, and ever-changing façade responds to the of the idea of ‘type’ and reflects a particular use and style chosen by the users.

The building type proposed begins with the row house and the spacing of the parallel bearing walls of the row house. Varying the spacing of the walls allows different functions to occur. For example, with the addition of 10’ -12’ wall spacing, a secondary space is developed which houses not only bathrooms and stairs but also a storm shelter. A feature desired by the community of Smithville. Openings in the walls can be made to allow for doorways between the bays. As for the façade, this is where the community and building owners have more leeway in deciding the aesthetics of the building. A grid of panels that are interchangeable allow the occupants of the building to manipulate the façade. Whether the building is residential, business, or civic, the occupants are offered the opportunity to change the use and face of the building.

The idea of building type was explored by the students as a way to see the basis for a new architecture in Smithville that meets the larger needs of the community and culture while allowing individuals to change the specifics to suit their purposes.

32 *17 Aldo Rossi- The Architecture of the City; Typological Questions pg. 41

The ‘character of necessity’ here is a building system that can withstand natural disaster, has ease of construction, and adjusts to different functions. The technique, style, and character of the building can all respond to the time, functions needed and character of the inhabitants.

While understanding the building system, as a ‘type’ is important, an understanding of how the students intended for this system to be integrated into Smithville merits discussion. In their proposal, the students argued that the town’s important buildings, such as the court house, police station, and library, be first designed within this ‘type.’ The idea is that these buildings would guide the rest of building developments throughout Smithville. This being said, the once ‘type’ now becomes a ‘model’ for Smithville, a new building identity for the town.

33

B L O C K The Ordering Elements of a City Before any of the master-planning began, the students embarked on a weeklong investigation of cities. Some of these were New York City and the impact of The Rockefeller Center, Greenbelt, Maryland’s master plan, Ludwig Heilberseimer and new proposals for Chicago, IL, and Le Corbusier’s city of Chandigarh, India. Almost all conceptual and programmatic approaches to city systems and methodologies were discussed.

Existing towns of comparable scales to Smithville were also studied such as Amory, Aberdeen, Okolona, and Fulton, Mississippi.

The students asked the question, is the exisitng block structure in Smithville adequate or does a new model need to be proposed? The impact this research had on the students’ master planning can be seen in the varying master plans.

34

Blocks in a city have many roles. Blocks, along with streets, act as an ordering element to a city. The fsize, geometry, and orientation of the blocks in these proposals will help the people of Smithville work, live, move, respond to, and function within the city.

One master plan proposed has a particularly intriguing block order and was guided by an investigation of Savannah, Georgia. The blocks are developed as a very specific response to particular qualities of life and community interactions that the group wanted to encourage and enhance within Smithville. We have already seen a proposal that changed the orientation of Smithville’s main street and transforms Highway 25 to function as a scenic byway.

In the Savannah inspired master plan proposal, there is a re-evaluation of the future of Highway 25 as a five-lane highway. The scheme maintains a four-lane highway that does not merely run east and west in a straight line. In the new scheme, Highway 25, instead, undulates along in a sinusoidal wave through the northern half of Smithville.

The east and west lanes are divided from one another with three large open spaces. Adjacent to each open space are commercial zones. Mixed-use zoning is also incorporated within these commercial zones to allow for apartment living to attract a younger generation of residents. Beyond the mixed-use zoning are smaller park spaces to create a buffer between the commercial and residential zones.

This arrangement is not just a more landscaped approach to developing a highly trafficked road system; it allows for spaces of varying sizes and zoning, water run off management, pedestrian control, and traffic control. These features support the lifestyle and needs of the community. The primary open spaces can be utilized for festivals or craft shows, while still be a permanent home to playgrounds or a town gazebo. The smaller open spaces more directly relate to the residential areas and can function as small community gardens for the residents. Traffic is controlled and slowed by the division in the highway, and the integration of breaks and open green spaces, allowing for a safer pedestrian path throughout the northern half of Smithville.

2

B

A

4

1

A 3

B

35

The civic complex shown above tunnels under Highway 25 to create a safe pedestrian passage between the north and south side of Smithville.

36

Another way to approach the development of a city block is to understand its walkability and scale. Blocks that are too large makes traveling by foot tiresome and exhausting whereas too small of a scale makes development more difficult. Likewise, if there are no visual landmarks or distinguishing characteristics of the city and of the block system, it becomes increasingly difficult for pedestrians to locate themselves within the city. A block unit is merely a piece in an overall city puzzle and once the parts come together, an image of the town’s character and quality of life slowly reveals itself. The image below is of a complex that a team of students designed that acts as a locating element within the block. At the end of the business district a pedestrian would find themselves in a large courtyard which is defined by the civic complex. The civic complex defines both the spatial and operational ‘head’ of the town by its placement.

37

c.

b.

a.

38

In the example shown to the left and below, the arrangement of civic buildings along the main downtown street bolsters the importance of the new main street perpendicular to Highway 25.

On the left, the City Hall sits at the intersection of Highway 25 and the new north-south main street, defining the start of the new street. The fire station (b.) and the library (c.) are placed further along the new main street. Since the civic buildings would be developed before most commercial building, these civic buildings define the length of the street and provide an end and beginning to the street. Commercial buildings would the fill the lots inbetween, better defining the street spatially. The lower right example shows a similar strategy of distributing civic building along a new main street, but creates a new emphasis placing a new public space between city hall (d.) and the library (e.). The square moves the center of town away from Highway 25 with its high speed traffic, and to the new Main Street.

e.

Hwy

25

Main St.

d.

39

S T R E E T Take a walk down our street with us: When considering the architectural asp e c t s of m aste r p lannin g, an understanding of region, infrastructure, city circulation and block order are all impor tant.

So too are the consequences and perceptions of building scale, building density, and street atmosphere. Design of a city’s street can set the image and overall feel of the city itself. The way in which buildings are set back or become more or less dense set the tone for social interactions on the street.

Smithville voiced the desire to maintain a small town feel but also wanted to attract new residents.

How can design and function be integrated into a street system and appearance that is intriguing and safe? There is particulat inportance in how vehicular traf f ic and pedestrian traffic interact. Several of the students’ master plan proposals attempted to provide answers.

40

There are several ways to achieve a small town atmosphere while creating a street that can respond to a modern lifestyle. One group’s approach relied heavily on zoning, building density and public park spaces to achieve a street atmosphere appropriate for Smithville.

Taking the current economy and industry of Smithville into consideration, this group zoned the northern side of Hwy 25 for business and commercial development. The southern side of Hwy 25 houses the towns textile business, still in operation even after the tornado. The street face of this textile factory is in need of attention, not only due to damage from the storm but because the building does not appear to front the street. The lot is too shallow to propose commercial development and the particular location of the water tower proved to be problematic in bringing new buildings to the street front. To solve these dilemmas, this group of students proposed a small memorial park to be located along the street side of the textile factory. Brick seating would encircle the base of the water tower. Trees would be planted in the names of those lost in the tornado in a grove.

The plan would place across the street from the memorial park the business and commercial zone of the town.

Existing roads that fall within the business and commercial zone, used before the tornado as through ways and small drives, would now be converted into large walkways between these business lots. These new walkways would connect the street fronts to the parking that is allocated to the back portion of the lots. The walkways would also offer opportunities for small cafe seating and sidewalk dining.

41

Morning

Afternoon

Lunch

Night

Another group designed their civic complex to work with the daily routine of Smithville. The complex provides activities geared toward morning such as coffee shops. Various places are also geared towards noon day activities such as lunch and daily errands like the post office and banking. In the afternoon, activities are geared towards dining and a more casual and relaxed socializing in various public spaces.

By programing the complex for varying uses throughout the day, and extending main street into the building, the town becomes alive both day and night.

42

A small landscaped courtyard in this student groups’ civic center allows the street and sidewalk to become integrated, drawing pedestrians into the heart of the building. The courtyard is a quiet retreat away from the street, but a large entry promenade makes the courtyard visible to the street.

43

L A N D S C A P I N G Landscaping: more than just flowers.

Landscaping plays a key role in the public perception and image of a town from the roadway as well as from the perspective of a pedestrian.

Landscaping can create a buffer and a safe zone for pedestrians walking alongside more active roads as well as places of recreation natural beauty and even food production for the community.

In the course of the master planning process, a discussion of the necessity of open and green spaces developed. The question came up as to why the necessity of these spaces in a rural, mostly agricultural context.

How much green space does a rural place need? What does a green space mean to Smithville? Are there ways for these green spaces to become an integral part of the community? The following projects all respond to the idea of landscape as not only street accessories and aesthetics, but as a part of the community network in Smithville.

44

One student groups’ civic complex in particular took the idea of landscape to an entirely new level in regards to building systems and building styles in Smithville. This group of students really wanted to connect the new civic complex with the surrounding rural landscape. To do this, the land for the civic complex was built up and elevated.

Next, a series of retaining walls were proposed due to the elevated topography. These strategic moves allowed the building to exist within the landscape, not merely on it, and allowed landscaping to become the building.

Because of the variations in height and manipulation of the topography, portions of the complex’s roofs are used as green roofs and are accessible to the public. Some of these roofs are home to a community garden, a farmer’s market, and local playground. By combining landscape and building, the civic complex becomes part of the rural landscape and the history of Smithville while providing needed facilities like a city hall, library, and even a firehouse.

45

E

Section AA Scale: 1/8”=1’

Section CC Scale: 1/8”=1’

46 Section EE Scale: 1/8”=1’

Section BB Scale: 1/8”=1’

Section DD Scale: 1/8”=1’

In another student’s civic complex design the landscape takes shape as a sculpture garden and can be seen in the top left image. The spaces between each building mass are sculpted and shaped to encourage people to stay and rest, and other gardens encourage people to move through the spaces and the building. Landscape is used to bring a feature not found currently in Smithville, an art garden, which can then become an attraction.

47

48

CIVIC COMPLEX

1 INTRODUC TION

6

Greensburg, Kansas Smithville, Mississippi Moving Forward

9 15 19

2 MA STER PL ANNING Region Infrastructure 1 Infrastructure 2 Block Street Landscape

3 CIVIC COMPLEX Public space Civic place

4 INDEX

21 24 28 32 34 40 44

49 50 56

66

5 BR A SFIELD & GORRIE COLL ABOR ATION 84 49

P U B L I C

S P A C E The future Locus of Smithville, Mississippi

We have all at least seen pictures of famous public places in our lifetime such as the Rockefeller Center in New York City, Just imagine what the Roman Forum would have been like in its prime. In our lives we have all encountered shopping centers, school and university common halls, community parks and gardens.

Although these places each have very distinctive, albeit different, scale and characteristics they maintain one commonality. These places form a public space for those in the community and for the members of that community to come together.

They create places for events such as commencements, graduations, birthdays, fund raisers, and the public events of our lives.

These public places become moments in community member’s personal history which then becomes the town’s history. In The Architecture

of the City Rossi goes on to say:

“ All the great eras of architecture have re-proposed the architecture of antiquity anew, as if it were a paradigm established forever; but each time it has been re-proposed differently. Because the same idea of architecture has been manifested in different places, we can understand our own cities by measuring this standard against the actuality of the individual experience of each particular place.” 18 When the Mississippi State University architecture students met with the mayor and residents of Smithville, it was clear that whatever was to be done in Smithville must further enhance and encourage community. Smithville is a town that is very much a family and not just merely a group of people living within proximity to one another. The public places in Smithville become moments for people to meet, interact, and share stories about their day. They are places to make memories.

Up to this point in the book we have discussed aspects of the student’s work in regards to master planning.

Although various points were made utilizing both master plan designs and civic complex designs, the main idea in the prior sections was to understand key components of a city’s development and guiding order: Infrastructure, block, landscape, street, and region. These are the foundations in any city, especially a city that is growing anew. We will now look specifically at the student’s designs of civic complexes and, in this section, in particular, ideas of public space.

50 18 Rossi, Aldo; The Architecture of the City. The individuality of Urban Artifacts; Architecture. P. 107.

51

This student’s Civic Complex design accommodated the idea of public space in several ways. A major factor in the development of the civic complex was to boost the local economy. Encouragement of day use was achieved with businesses and municipal buildings, and night use with restaurants and plazas. A plaza is designed between the three civic buildings: the police station, the library, and the fire station. The public plaza between the buildings becomes a necessary path that the people travel through.

It provides a richer more community oriented connection from one building to the next. The students also developed a system of P.O.D.s (Portable On-Site Depots). These depots would be utilized as business incubators and placed in various locations through out the central plaza. New business within the P.O.Ds become a part of this path, with multiple places for people to sit, rest, meet and catch up with one another.

52

53

The sectional drawing above is through another group’s civic complex. Within the complex, the library is seen as the major daily use for the residents of Smithville. The students thought of the library as the ‘jewel’ within the ‘box’ of the complex. The library is lifted above the other building. It represents the idea of knowledge and light. It looks out onto a central courtyard between the fire station and the civic hall.

On the right is another design for the civic complex oriented in a way that allows the front of town hall to open out towards the main street. As a visitor is walking along the main street axis, there is a direct visual link towards the entrance of this civic complex. A shaded front entrance, a portico, helps to create not only a physical depth but also a visual one, further enhancing the entrance. The form of the building may seem very familiar. This group’s particular approach began with an investigation of the barn and the ideas that the local, agricultural vernacular buildings might be used for this civic complex and future building development within Smithville.

54

55

C I V I C P L A C E Public Perception and Relation Places can be public or private.

However, there are more facets to the idea of place. There are degrees of public and degrees of private. There are private and more personal places that can be found within public parks and there are public places that can be found in a very private buildings, like a house.

Civic buildings need to work as both public and private buildings. Although the town hall works everyday for court, bills, licenses and various duties, a building of this nature is also very much a public space. The design dilemma is how to make a building that is convenient and comfortable for everyday use, but can represent and hold the community for special events.

What is it about a bank or a post office that exudes an idea of grandeur and power? Many people have experienced the need to quiet their voice upon entering a library or court house. Is it just the social norm and expectations of the public that lends to these reactions or is something greater? Is it something innate within the architecture of the place itself? “ Thus, Architecture implies the city; but this city may be an ideal city, of perfect and harmonious relationships, where the architecture develops and constructs its own terms of reference. At the same time, the actual architecture of the city is unique; from the very first it has a characteristic and ambiguous relationship that no other art or science possesses. In these terms we can understand the constant polemical urge of architects to design systems in which the spatial order becomes the order of society and attempts to transform society.�

In this section, the projects presented explore the definition of public and private space in a rural, civic complex. The public spaces, the reading room of a library, the civic auditorium, the lobby of town hall, are the places that will define the values and aspirations for Smithville.

56

57

In these students’ projects, outdoor courtyard spaces for the library, fire station and town hall provide the necessary civic spaces for Smithville and tie these institutions together . They were all designed as private programmed space for meetings of a casual and of a formal nature. Each were designed with raised courtyards of varying sorts.

These courtyards act as more public spaces within the enclosure of the civic building. The fire stations’ courtyard serves as an outdoor classroom as well as a place to view the surrounding environment. The library, pictured above is meant to serve as a common space or play area for the children and a common space for the surrounding neighborhood. The library courtyard also provides a view to the town hall. The town hall’s courtyard is designed to serve more varied outdoor functions. Some of these functions include movie nights, speeches, receptions and ceremonies. All three buildings of this civic ‘complex’ are varied in their use, but the common theme of a semi-public elevated courtyard tie them together.

58

Library

Fire Station

Town Hall

59

60

Section of the Town Hall and Library with a public porch at the center.

Much how in the previous project, the concept of semi-private and semi-public space was created, so too does this students’ project create a semi-public space in the form of a public porch.

The porch was developed at two scales; that of the resident and that of the town. The public porch space on the town scale encourages pedestrians and to walk around the downtown in a shaded comfortable space. This porch also creates an entrance to the community. The public porch would be placed on both sides of Highway 25 allowing it to visually connect the two sides of the town.

On the pedestrian scale, the public porch becomes a point of refuge from the sun and rain. Within the public porch, pedestrians are brought into an almost interior condition. They are brought into a covered space that is flanked by the library, the town hall, and police station. This space is wholly public but still secure and safe because of the visual connection between the interior and exterior of the facility.

61

62

Another way that another student group’s design of the Smithville civic complexes developed a sense of civic space evolved around an idea of a ‘work-live’ space. The students felt that it was important to include the qualities of the town’s social life, their tendencies and habits , into the design of the complex. Daily errands in Smithville are not just a quick isolated trip into town, but for social gatherings and chance meeting of friends and associates. The complex responds to several intentions; creating a civic threshold to the community, providing a common safe environment and creating a clear interior path for visitors and employees.

In the diagram to the left, the peach toned band, shows a visual axis between all three of the separate buildings within the complex. The darker band shows the primary path for employees and everyday business. Shown above is the common space, located at the bend in the primary path. The common space is just outside of the court room, the mayors office, and is adjacent to the secretaries desks.

A small kitchenette is available for employees and special events. A door, which falls along the visual axis linking the three buildings, leads outdoors into the central public courtyard. The courtyard is a space for community events, but also for city employees and library users to relax and enjoy. These types of spaces make the complex a place where the community can both work and live.

Library

Town Hall

Police Station

Fire Station

63

64

INDEX

1 INTRODUC TION

6

Greensburg, Kansas Smithville, Mississippi Moving Forward

9 15 19

2 MA STER PL ANNING Region Infrastructure 1 Infrastructure 2 Block Street Landscape

3 CIVIC COMPLEX Public space Civic place

4 INDEX

21 24 28 32 34 40 44

49 50 56

66

5 BR A SFIELD & GORRIE COLL ABOR ATION 84 65

MA STER PL AN 1 “ W e wanted the municipal zone to ac t as a threshold into the town, recognizable to not only visitors but, recognized as a model for the rest of the town...”

“ W ith the municipal area, we felt the need to give Smithville a central area; one that can be called the center of Smithville.” “ A nchor points tie together a communit y that has been wiped clean.”

66

Any growing town must be aware of its resources, its people and its growing needs; no town knows that more than Smithville, Mississippi. In a conversation with some of the locals, a woman quoted, “I want to go home, it’s only seven miles away but, I can’t go home.” This is what we are here for, to help bring ‘HOME’ back. Not a picture perfect replica of the Smithville they once knew but, a new one that still responds to their way of life, the community feeling, the children and their school, the town activities and gatherings at local coffee shops. There are the things that make this town home for many of the residents of Smithville.

One way in which we attempt this is the integration of a new five-lane highway instead of the existing two-lane Highway 25. Our goal is to slow traffic through town in order to accommodate a pedestrian friendly lifestyle without the use of constant stops. These constant stops would lead to congestion, noise, and confusion. We also focused on the existing south side of 25 where many residents currently live. Before April 27 2011, there were no sidewalks. By incorporating sidewalks, the south side of Smithville will not be neglected in this revival proposal. The north side is zoned specifically to respond to expected growth. With mixed use, and residences proposed for this area, a dense commercial district shall grow over the years. The inclusion of a farmer’s market, civic center, walking and bike paths are all ways to integrate the new and old Smithville together.

67

68

KATELYN BENNET T, CAITLIN WONG, YOUNJU CHOI

team one

BYRON BELL, CHRISTOPHER RIVERA

team two

CAROLYN LUNDEMO, VANESSA ROBINSON

team three

69

MA STER PL AN 2 “ C irculation through the site is focused along four paths.” “ E ach building in the complex occupies its own corner or quadrant of the site.

This is delineated most clearly by three main gardens.” “ R ebuilding the town has given the residents oppor tunit y to make Smithville what they want it to be.” “ B y separating the program into four separate building, we not only captured space ... but we also created a line of site from one set of buildings to the nex t.”

70

“Our main intention was to bring a sense of unity to the residents of Smithville with various green spaces placed throughout the downtown area. To do this, we split Highway 25 as it entered the downtown area. This created three large public areas in the center of the town which could host a multitude of different events within the community. Since this large green space receives the most traffic, commercial spaces are focused along Highway 25. Multi-use zones are incorporated into commercial zones, providing a denser living situation that is close to commercial amenities and is more appealing to younger residents. Residential spaces are organized behind the commercial and multi-use spaces, but smaller, more private green spaces provide a buffer between commercial spaces and residential spaces. These smaller green spaces relate to the larger green space and serve to unify the town and develop a stronger sense of community.

Potential uses for the large green space are endless.

Where the highway splits the green space could serve as a gateway to Smithville. The 7.4 acres of green space could host festivals or craft shows, while still being home to a permanent playground, community garden, or gazebo.

In addition, the smaller residential green spaces could be used for community gardens as well as providing food to the residents, increasing property values, and managing rainwater runoff. The large, green space would be landscaped with native trees and grasses, keeping in mind that minimal maintenance and water conservation are extremely important. There are many benefits for having a large central green space. For example, it provides residents a safe place to walk. By splitting Highway 25, a safer environment is created; rather than walking across a wide 5 lane highway, residents walk across a two lane street. Also, having a large gathering place is an amenity; now festivals are feasible for Smithville, bringing in tourists to encourage the local commerce.”

71

72

MELISSA SESSUM

team four

BRENNAN PLUNKET T, NICK JACKSON

team five

MICHAEL MOORE, JONATHAN HOOKER

team six

73

MASTER PLAN 3 “ W e propose a truly public all-hours porch space, shielded from sun and rain, positioned bet ween the town-hall and librar y, this space ser ves to unif y the public lobby and assembly rooms of the municipal building with the librar y.”

“ C urrently, communit y institutions such as the school, churches and youth spor t leagues do much to unif y and provide identit y to the people of Smithville.”

In the design of the City of Smithville, our group focused primarily on three basic topics: circulation, development/ density, and public space.

With circulation we focused on creating a pattern and landscape that improves the walk-ability and connectivity of the City of Smithville. We consolidated the primary “vehicular streets” to the perimeter and the center of the city by making most neighborhood streets dead end streets. These series of east-west dead end streets still connect neighborhoods to each other and downtown through sidewalks while limiting vehicular traffic. The breaks in the streets connected by pedestrian bridges that happen at low points in the land so that they become not only a pedestrian path, but also serve as storm water runoff for the neighborhoods. These east-west streets also become more pedestrian friendly through a higher density of trees and wider sidewalks. With Highway 25 being a major concern for pedestrian traffic, we inserted a median into the highway at critical points where vertical roads intersect the highway. The median not only contains a green space, but also highway parking with paths connecting the parking to the intersections.

In terms of development and density, we propose confining future development within the current city limits. We control the perimeter through large perimeter streets that define the city and a series of easily develop-able streets within the perimeter of the city. By keeping the growth of the city towards the center, a more vibrant and walkable city would emerge in the years to come. To potentially attract a younger population we zoned space north of the city center as mixed use commercial and residential.

To create a stronger community we designed pockets of open space in front of the main civic buildings and in the middle of the main commercial strip. The civic open space feature a fountain and path leading to the Tennessee- Tombigbee Waterway. The commercial open face features seating, trees, and space for a community or farmers market.

74

75

76

DREW RINDINGER, TAYLOR STEWART, WALTER KING

team seven

WILL RANDOLPH, ZACHARY JAMES

team eight

CODY MILLICAN, ANDREW ROBERTSON

team nine

77

MA STER PL AN 4 “ T he citizens are empowered to take a direc t par t in their civic infrastruc ture”

The recovery plan for Smithville is, in fact, much more than just an effort to rebuild. It is a view to the future: a process that considers just what it means to be a small town in 21st century America.

Many small towns were initially founded due to a particular natural or economic resource. With that founding purpose often either exhausted, defunct, or insufficient, communities may struggle to come up with the necessary support for their survival. Additionally, the automobile and the highway have completely altered society as we know it, becoming incompatible with small town main streets and their slow-paced charm.

“ T he goal of this complex is to boost the economy in the area, and to develop a sense of unit y ”

However, small towns don’t have to grow or develop along the highway in order to survive. Instead, they can begin to use networks and resources to rely on each other. By using both existing and new infrastructural lifelines and support systems, communities can resist both decay and excessive growth at the same time. Northeast Mississippi has a wealth of resources and networks already available for this task, from beautiful antebellum homes to blues festivals not to mention the Tennessee-Tombigbee waterway. Using funding provided by MDOT’s Non-Urbanized Transportation program, the region could invest in an intercity bus route, providing easy and affordable public transportation. Additionally, Highway 25 should be turned into a Scenic Byway instead of being five-laned; this would ensure its preservation and attract visitors while preventing it from becoming an industrial and economic thoroughfare. With these networks in place, small towns are no longer forced to line the highway - instead, the cities exist as the fabric connecting the networks. Smithville could become the model for this networked living. In comparison to the area south of the highway, the northern side of Smithville was almost completely wiped out; leaving a logical solution for where to build. Instead of re-developing the downtown along Highway 25, the new Smithville connects the waterway with the highway and centers the town near the railroad. Additionally, the school, which is in many ways the center of Smithville life, is moved to the physical center of the town. Instead of being left to sprawl and become weak, the town is concentrated and made lively. A variety of different building types, from commercial to civic to residential, come together to give life and vitality to the “downtown” and provide the infrastructure needed to reach the waterfront. A pedestrian path winds downtown all the way from the highway to the water. Different areas provide for different activities, from community gardens and playgrounds to a town plaza with a memorial to those lost during the tornado. The new Main Street draws the focus of both the town and the local region, while remaining pedestrian-oriented and maintaining the town’s small size. The result is big opportunities with home town charm.

“ T he Town Hall ac ts as a cap to the Main Street making its downtown more of an enclosed space.”

78

79

80

BRAD MALLET TE, JOEL WASSER

team ten

SCOT T PENMAN, MAT T ROBINSON

team eleven

MICHAEL KLEIN, CASEY TOMECEK

team twelve

81

82

BRASFIELD & GORRIE COLLABORATION

1 INTRODUC TION

6

Greensburg, Kansas Smithville, Mississippi Moving Forward

9 15 19

2 MA STER PL ANNING Region Infrastructure 1 Infrastructure 2 Block Street Landscape

3 CIVIC COMPLEX Public space Civic place

4 INDEX

21 24 28 32 34 40 44

49 50 56

66

5 BR A SFIELD & GORRIE COLL ABOR ATION 84 83

BRASFIELD AND GORRIE

Brasfield and Gorrie are a team of full-service general contractors, construction managers, and community minded people. B & G are ranked 28th among the nations top 400 contractors according to Engineering News-Record. Some of their most recent achievements include being ranked No.1 among the nation’s “Top Contractors in the Southeast,” ranked No. 3 in the nation for “Top Green Contractor,” ranked No.16 among the nation’s “Top 50 in Domestic General Building Revenue,” No. 28 among the nation’s “Top 100 Contractors by New Contracts,” as well as No. 2 among the nation’s “Top Healthcare General Contractors.” They employ 229 L.E.E.D. -Accredited professionals and are responsible for 46 green projects.

Their involvement with Mississippi State University in the fall of 2011 was an unprecedented event for the College of Architecture Art and Design as well as the Carl Small Town Center. For two weeks, teams of students from the fourth year Architecture studio, Building Construction Science, and Interior Design were led through a series of lectures and collaborative design methods to help enhance the understanding and importance of teamwork, having clear goals, and making contentious design and developmental decisions from the very beginning of a project.

84

COLLABORATION

The project presented was a civic complex for the town of Smithville Mississippi. Included in this complex would be a city hall, a police station, a volunteer based fire station, as well as a public library. Prior to this project the architecture students had been working with the town and residents proposing various master plans. These proposals focused on new ways of approaching the idea of rural downtown centers. There were four total master plans. Each group had to work within one of these plans.

Zoning, infrastructure, and commercial business were considered when locating the Civic Complex within the master plans. There was nervous and excited energy in the Giles Hall Harrison auditorium on the first day of the Brasfield and Gorrie competition, from students and faculty alike. Students from the Architecture, Interior Design, and Building Construction majors were about to meet and be teamed up for the first time in their college careers. Not sure of how to approach a project of this scale and collaboration, the students sat and waited eagerly for guidance. Once the students were paired off into ten different teams made up of 2 to 3 Interior Design seniors, 2 to 3 Building Construction seniors, and 2 to 3 fourth year Architecture students, they split off to find their workspaces for the next two weeks.

85

The teams immediately got to work, discussing each other’s strengths and weaknesses and learning how to rely on one another. Instantly ,certain contributions to the project were made clear. Building Construction could offer up more realistic and fiscal approaches to a design conception, being knowledgeable in regards to material costs, feasibility and time lines for ground up proposals. Building Construction students helped their teams realize how important it is to design a building system that local vendors and construction workers can understand, build, repair, and maintain. The Interior Design students had an entirely different set of skills. They immediately set up standards of lighting and workspace needs. Interior Design students were able to create spaces that are defined not by walls or partitions, but materials, lights, and textures. The Architecture students provided design concepts, positions relevant to the community, city planning and life style of the people in Smithville. Guidelines and expectations of one other, and knowledge of code structure, space, and atmosphere were combined to achieve a complete project.

During the first week of the collaboration, Brasfield and Gorrie also participated in Mississippi State University’s School of Architecture’s Harrison Lecture Series. These lectures included a review of Building Information Modeling (BIM), given by Sam Hardie, L.E.E.D. AP of Brasfield and Gorrie. A presentation of Leadership in Energy and Environmental Design (L.E.E.D.) was given

by John T. Wood, AIA, L.E.E.D. AP, Vice President of CMH Architects, Inc. A lecture on Integrated Project Delivery, (IPD) was presented by Douglas Lee, Chief Estimator of Brasfield and Gorrie. IPD is a contract system that involves all parties, designers, owners, and builders, and urges a collaboration of these disciplines early on in the design process. These lectures were beneficial to the students by showing not only the means of working within the three different disciplines, but also in using real world examples and expectations.

The collaboration culminated in a day long event and presentation to the CAAD faculty as well as the Dean of the college, Kristin Murray from the Seattle architecture firm Olson Kundig, and to members of the Brasfield and Gorrie team including Sam Hardie. The ten student teams stood together and proudly presented proposals for ten very different and innovative civic complexes for Smithville. Examples of project time lines, budgets, square footage costs, material choices, lighting features, floor plans, structural systems, building form and elevations, L.E.E.D. objectives, as well as a multitude of other information was presented.

“The collaborative project gave each field of study the opportunity to communicate and share ideas, which encouraged the critical thinking process needed to have a successful group. The idea of partnering the three industry related majors allowed each group to openly discuss project differences and possible solutions that surround real world applications.”

- Michael Thomas, Building Construction Science senior “The Brasfield and Gorrie competition stimulated collaboration across our departments, created vital partnerships within our college, and provided us with the opportunity to gain practical experience in preparation for the professional world.”

-Jennifer Gates, Interior Design senior

86

Here are some of the ways the Brasfield and Gorrie exploration impacted some of the involved students.

There are a few key points to note when embarking on a collaboration of this degree. It is important that expectations and goals are made at the very beginning so that a clear direction and end goal is evident. There should be no hesitation with a collaboration of this nature. Each field is proficient in their own nature and knowledge. It is perfectly acceptable to ask what someone’s strengths and weaknesses are and what their opinion is. There is always something someone can contribute to in a collaborative method of this nature. Communication is key and being able to rely on one another is important. If you expect everyone else in the group to contribute what you need of them, you too must put forth the effort and enthusiasm necessary. The strengths in working in these means are that decisions are made quicker, correlations are lined up earlier in the process and expectations are made clear. The end result will prove to be a whole project, physically, and as a conscious collective.

87

ID 1

Task Mode

Task Name

Duration

Start

1 day

Mon 1/2/12

Jan 1, '12 Jan 8, '12 Jan 15, '12 Jan 22, '12 Jan 29, '12 Feb 5, '12 Feb 12, '12 Feb 19, '12 Feb 26, '12 Mar 4, '12 Mar 11, '12 Mar 18, '12 Ma SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SMTWT F S SM

General Conditions

2

Site Work

3

Site cleared for construction

4

Excavation

4 days

Tue 1/3/12

5

Grading area

2 days

Mon 1/9/12

6

Excavation for utility trenches

2 days

Wed 1/11/12

7

Installing sewer line

3 days

Fri 1/13/12

8

Concrete

9

formwork

3 days

Wed 1/18/12

10

Install rebar

2 days

Mon 1/23/12

11

pour concrete

4 days

Wed 1/25/12

12

concrete walls

3 days

Wed 1/25/12

13

concret finish

2 days

Tue 1/31/12

6 days

Thu 2/2/12

14

Framing

15

Thermal & Moisture Protection

16

vapor barrier

1 day

Fri 2/10/12

17

water proofing

1 day

Fri 2/10/12

18

building insulation

4 days

Fri 2/10/12

19

Masonry

20

unit masonry

14 days

Thu 2/16/12

21

structural concrete masonry

6 days

Thu 2/16/12

22

Specialty Equipment

23

Fire pole

1 day

Fri 2/24/12

24

Stair Case

3 days

Fri 2/24/12

25

Hose Drying Tower

2 days

Tue 2/21/12

26

Doors/Windows

27

7 bay doors

4 days

Wed 3/7/12

28

glass encasement of staircase

4 days

Wed 3/7/12

29

2 sets of double doors

1 day

Wed 3/7/12

30

Flooring

31

Tile Flooring

4 days

Thu 3/8/12

32

Stained Concrete

4 days

Thu 3/8/12

33

Electrical

8 days

Mon 2/27/12

34

Plumbing

6 days

Mon 2/27/12

35

Finishes

36

gypsum wallboard

4 days

Thu 3/8/12

37

painting

4 days

Wed 3/14/12

38

wall coverings

4 days

Tue 3/20/12

Project: fire station schedule Date: Tue 11/29/11

Site Plan 1”=32’

Task

Project Summary

Inactive Milestone

Manual Summary Rollup

Deadline

Split

External Tasks

Inactive Summary

Manual Summary

Progress

Milestone

External Milestone

Manual Task

Start-only

Summary

Inactive Task

Duration-only

Finish-only

Page 1

ID

Task Mode

Task Name

Predecessors

DN

27

10/19

10/24

36 36 41 42 43 44

10/31

45 47 48

11/3

49 51 52 52 52 55

BUILDING INSPECTOR 529 SQ. FT.

32 34 35 36 37

11/9

Task

Project Summary

Inactive Milestone

Manual Summary Rollup

Split

External Tasks

Inactive Summary

Manual Summary

Milestone

External Milestone

Manual Task

Start-only

Summary

Inactive Task

Duration-only

Finish-only

Page 1

COUNTY CLERK 659 SQ. FT.

56 58 59 60 61

MAYOR’S ASSISTANTS 307 SQ. FT.

Project: Courhouse sched Date: Fri 10/21/11

Oct 16, '11 Oct 23, '11 Oct 30, '11 Nov 6, '11 Nov 13, '11 Nov 20, '11 Nov 27, '11 Dec 4, '11 S M T W T F S S M T W T F S S M T W T F S S M T W T F S S M T W T F S S M T W T F S S M T W T F S S 10/17 10/17 10/17 10/17 10/17 10/17 10/17 10/17 10/17

STORAGE WOMEN’S MEN’S 71 SQ. FT. 69 SQ. FT. 63 SQ. FT.

Phase 1-Courthouse Pre Construction Permits Pre-Construction Requirements Quality Requirements Mobilization Construction of Site Site Work Site Clearing Clearing and Grubbing Earthwork Erioson Control Site Excavation Back Fill Pavement Sub Base Sidewalk Sub Base Foundation Plumbing Rough In Electrical Rough In Foundation Excavation Foundation Walls Waterproofing Foundation Backfill First Floor Slab Form Work Rebar Install Concrete Second Floor Structure Form Columns and Beams Pour Columns and Beams Stairs Plumbing Rough In Electrical Rough In Concrete Roof Structure Form Columns and Beams Pour Columns and Beams Roof Decking Roofing Membrane Coping and Flashing

BREAKROOM 134 SQ. FT.

1 2 3 4 12 16 25 26 27 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62

Deadline Progress

MAYOR’S OFFICE 402 SQ. FT.

DN

TOWN CLERK 250 SQ. FT.

SCALE: 1/8”= 1’0”

TOWN HALL LEVEL 2

88