2023 CALD Annual Report: Democracy's Future

CHAIRPERSON

Counting on the Collective Desire for Freedom

by Mardi Seng

“What is the future of democracy in Asia?”

This was the main question that animated CALD’s 30th Anniversary celebrations in Taipei, Taiwan in September 2023. Such a question was and is a relevant one, especially since Freedom House’s most recent Freedom in the World report showed that 2023 was the 18th consecutive year that civil liberties declined.

The report pointed out that one of the primary reasons for the decline was “widespread election manipulation and intimidation before, during and after elections.” A case in point is what happened in my own country, Cambodia. The opposition party where I belong, the Candlelight Party (CLP), was prevented from participating in the July 2023 parliamentary elections on the basis of a technicality in the registration requirements. Prior to this, CLP officials and members were routinely harassed, intimidated, and even imprisoned during the campaign – most likely as a result of CLP’s strong performance in the preceding commune elections the year before. Unsurprisingly, the ruling Cambodian People’s Party eventually won the July 2023 elections by a landslide – facilitating the transition of the post of prime minister from Hun Sen to his son, Hun Manet. Hun Sen now serves as president of the Senate, while his youngest son, Hun Many, has assumed the deputy prime minister post.

In May 2023, Thailand also had its parliamentary elections. The elections were different from that of Cambodia, as there were a number of political parties that participated and the campaign environment was vibrant. The poll watchdog Asian Network for Free Elections (ANFREL) in its report took note of the competitive campaign period, the high voter

turnout, and the peaceful and orderly conduct of the elections. The results showed the opposition Move Forward Party (MFP) gaining the most number of seats in the House of Representatives, but not enough to form a government. The leader of the party faced a case in the constitutional court for breaching election laws. He was eventually cleared in that case. The same court, however, ruled that the MFP’s proposal to amend the royal defamation law can be considered an attempt “to overthrow the democratic regime of government with the king as a head of state.” Following this ruling, the Thai election commission has already taken action aimed at disbanding the party.

The recent elections in Cambodia and Thailand show the continuing challenges to democracy in Asia. In the course of CALD’s 30-year existence, the region’s progress in terms of institutionalizing democracy can be described as “one step forward, two steps back.” Liberal political parties came to power in Thailand, Japan, and the Philippines in the first decade of the 21st century, but could not remain in government long enough for them to undertake substantive social, political, and economic reforms. Around this time, entrenched authoritarian regimes in Cambodia and Myanmar also showed willingness to hold relatively open elections in 2013 and 2015 respectively, only to be completely reversed in the following electoral cycle. The victory of democratic political parties in Indonesia and Taiwan in 2014 and 2016, respectively, was eclipsed by a coup d’état in Thailand and the rise of a populist strongman in the Philippines in the same years. And when COVID-19 hit, the populist and authoritarian leaders in the region used the pandemic to further restrict fundamental freedoms and strengthen their hold to power

Three decades after CALD’s founding, therefore, democracy is undeniably in retreat. This democratic recession, combined with rising inequalities, creates uncertainties on the future of democracy and development in Asia. Together with China’s growing influence, populism, ethno-nationalism, religious fundamentalism, disinformation, electoral authoritarianism, militarization of politics, and systemic corruption, the prospects for institutionalization and consolidation of liberal democracy in this part of the world appear to be grim.

Yet it must be noted that Asia is also home to the most passionate opposition political leaders, a vibrant civil society, and empowered young people who are willing to fight for democracy at whatever cost. As demonstrated most recently by the Sunflower Movement in Taiwan, the Umbrella Movement in Hong Kong, the Candlelight Protests in South Korea, the Civil Disobedience Movement in Myanmar, and the regional Milk Tea Alliance, the yearning for freedom, even in the face of the most oppressive regimes, remains to be strong in this part of the world.

It is for this reason that I remain to be optimistic about the future of democracy in Asia. In this fight for democracy, I firmly believe that we have the people on our side. And our individual and collective desire to be free will, in due course, lead to the triumph of democracy.

Mardi is currently the chairperson of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD) and treasurer of the Candlelight Party (CLP) of Cambodia. In the recently concluded February 2024 Cambodian senatorial elections, he is one of the three from the opposition who were elected.

He will be returning to the senate, where he also previously served as secretary of the Anti-Corruption Commission. He also used to be the treasurer of the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) and in such capacity, managed four electoral campaigns and elections in different provinces.

He worked in US banks focusing on Compliance, Audit and Risk Management for 15 years. He finished a bachelor’s degree in Economics from Calvin College and Master of Business Administration from Northeastern University in Boston.

Three Decades After, the Work Continues

by Francis Gerald ‘Blue’ Abaya

When CALD was founded three decades ago, the world was optimistic regarding the prospects for freedom, democracy, human rights, and the rule of law. The Cold War had just ended, and there was an expectation that the end of the ideological rivalry would lead to the universalization of liberal democracy.

But the events of the past 30 years proved that the path to liberal democracy is not unilinear or unidirectional. To a significant extent, CALD’s journey as a network of liberal and democratic political parties reflects that of liberal democracy. There have been highs and lows, ups and downs, and successes and failures in our quest for a more democratic and developed Asian region.

In the past years, the challenges to democracy have become more pronounced with the rise of extremist populism, digital authoritarianism, and transnational repression. In Asia, this has resulted in the emergence or further entrenchment of populist, illiberal, and authoritarian leaders with little or no regard for human rights, democracy, or the rule of law.

Amidst this worrying development, CALD deemed it important to ask: “What is the future of democracy in Asia?” In its 30th anniversary conference in Taipei, Taiwan on 8-11 September, members and partners of CALD discussed the question extensively by looking at the regional impact of the great power competition, the exercise of sharp power, and the implications of China’s economic projects. On ensuring that the future of Asia is free and democratic, CALD emphasized the role of building and strengthening networks, as well as empowering women and the youth.

It was for this reason that a few days before the 30th anniversary conference, on 6-8 September, CALD held a joint leadership workshop for members of the CALD Women’s Caucus and the CALD Youth. The workshop aimed to lay the foundational knowledge, transformative attitude and critical skills deemed strategic for strengthening leadership among the members of these sectors. The event was a good follow-up to the 5th CALD Youth Political Academy, which was held in Cavite, Philippines on 14-17 June.

Youth and women wings are of course critical components of political parties as institutions. Strengthening political parties as democratic institutions has always been one of CALD’s core missions. In this regard, CALD held its 8th Party Management Workshop in Jakarta, Indonesia on 27-30 October, where the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle showcased its best practices in terms of training its candidates and officials, political campaigns, and political communication.

Earlier, CALD had also organized an election observation mission in Bangkok, Thailand (11-15 May) and training on election preparation and monitoring in Siem Reap, Cambodia (8-10 February) in order to expose its members to the issues and problems that accompany election preparation and management.

Elections are the lifeblood of political parties, and winning elections entails connecting with the people and addressing their needs. CALD believes that it is at the level of local governments that the effective governance is most felt by the people. The network, through its smart mobility project, thus held a workshop targeting local governments in Jakarta, Indonesia (13-16 July), as well as consultation meetings in Bohol and San Mateo, Philippines on 12-15 October and 15/23-24 November respectively. These

events hoped to look at key issues and problems affecting transport and mobility in these areas and to come up with a tailor-made and inclusive plan that addresses them.

Apart from working with local governments, CALD also expanded its reach in 2023 by attending Asia Centre’s 8th International Conference (23-25 August) and Internet Freedom in Southeast Asia Regional Conference (9-10 May). CALD officials participated as well in events organized by the Asia Democracy Network (20-22 November / Bangkok, Thailand), Westminster Foundation for Democracy (29-30 November / Bali, Indonesia), and the Global Democracy Coalition (11 December / Washington DC, United States). In addition, CALD started to lay the groundwork for membership expansion in Timor-Leste by holding an executive mission to Dili on 17-19 July.

CALD’s expansion in terms of membership and networks was among the recommendations raised in the CALD Leaders’ Meeting held on 23 August in Bangkok, Thailand. The event, which brought together past and present officials of CALD, aimed to take stock of CALD achievements in the past, assess its current standing, and set its future directions in order for the organization to remain true to its commitment of advancing a society based on personal liberty and responsibility, social justice, the rule of law, and social market economy.

Admittedly, the institutionalization of these liberal and democratic values in Asia is still a work in progress, and the future of democracy remains uncertain. This means that three decades after CALD’s founding, the work for a more democratic Asian region continues.

Francis is the Secretary General of the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD) and a former member of the Philippine House of Representatives representing the 1 st District of Cavite. At the House, he was the Chairperson of the Committee on Bases Conversion; Vice Chairperson of the Committees on Science and Technology, Climate Change, and Information and Communications Technology; and a member of the Committees on Housing and Urban Development, Social Services, and Government Enterprises and Privatization. Francis was an Architect prior to his stint in Philippine Congress. He graduated from Wenworth Institute of Technology in Boston, USA in 2002.

A Roadmap for the Next Two Years

by Jaslyn Go

As I embark on this journey as your Women’s Caucus Chairperson, I feel a profound sense of honor and responsibility. Witnessing the progress of the CALD Women’s Caucus since 2008 has ignited a passion within me to build upon those achievements and chart a course for even greater progress in the next two years.

Our world still faces stark realities for women and LGBTQ+ friends. The echoes of violence against women in workplaces are sadly present, and the fight for true inclusivity and participation in all spheres, including politics, is still ongoing. These challenges fuel my determination to lead our caucus toward positive change.

My vision is this: To create a nurturing, inclusive space where all voices are heard and respected, where we stand together in solidarity for those marginalized, and where women and LGBTQ+ individuals thrive.

Here’s how I plan to achieve this:

• Building a Safe Haven: We will strengthen existing initiatives and create new ones to ensure a safe and secure environment for all members, fostering an atmosphere of mutual respect and understanding.

• Championing Inclusivity: We will expand our reach to women and LGBTQ+ individuals with diverse backgrounds and experiences, embracing their unique perspectives and creating a truly inclusive community.

• Amplifying our Voices: We will advocate for our rights and empower each other by collaborating with other organizations, participating in public dialogues, and mobilizing collective action.

• Empowering the Next Generation: We will develop programs and mentorship opportunities to nurture the leadership potential of young women and LGBTQ+ individuals, equipping them to be agents of change.

This journey cannot be walked alone. I call upon each and every member to join me in building a stronger, more inclusive future for all. Let us use the power of our collective voice to create a world where every woman and LGBTQ+ friend can reach their full potential and live free from discrimination.

Together, we can turn this vision into reality. Let’s embark on this exciting journey together, united in purpose and empowered by collective action.

Jaslyn represents the Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) internationally since 2008. She participates and speaks at many events organized by the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD), Liberal International (LI) and other political and civil organizations. Jaslyn contested as a candidate for SDP in the 2015 General Election. She is also currently the Chairperson of the CALD Women’s Caucus.

She was a fundraiser for the SDP from 2008-2018. A two-term member of the Party’s Central Executive Committee, Jaslyn served as its Treasurer in one of the terms. Even though it has been more than 14 years in the political scene in Singapore, Jaslyn has not forgotten what moved her into politics. She had wanted to champion the cause of underprivileged citizens, who are oppressed by Singapore’s repressive and authoritarian regime. The same passion still burns in her today as she seeks to forge a freer and more egalitarian world.

Igniting the Flames of Change

by Jeremiah Tomas

The year 2024 stands as a pivotal moment for democracy, with over half of the world’s population casting their votes in nations as diverse as the United States, India, Indonesia, Russia, and Taiwan. The outcome of these elections will shape the trajectory of global governance for not just the next decade, but potentially the entire century.

Yet, amidst this global democratic fervor, our region grapples with the stark reality of authoritarian regimes still clinging to power. The specter of democratic regression looms large, casting a shadow over the hard-fought freedoms we cherish.

My personal journey toward championing democracy was an unexpected one. Initially drawn to the promise of swift change under President Rodrigo Duterte’s leadership, disillusionment soon set in as promises remained unfulfilled. This disillusionment sparked a fire within me—a desire to actively participate in reshaping our nation’s course.

Fortune led me to the esteemed Senator Francis Pangilinan, under whose guidance the Liberal Party of the Philippines underwent a transformative evolution. No longer confined to the elite, the party opened its doors to individuals like myself, ordinary citizens yearning for change. Tasked with revitalizing the party’s youth wing, I found myself immersed in the vibrant tapestry of liberal ideals and democratic principles.

My journey took me further, to the CALD Youth political academy, where I encountered a diverse array of perspectives on

liberalism and democracy. Elected as the Secretary General for the youth, I embraced the responsibility of representing not just my party, but the entire region.

Over four years within CALD, I bore witness to the ebb and flow of democracy—the fragility of its flame, susceptible to the slightest breeze. It became evident that our collective strength lies in unity, in standing shoulder to shoulder with our peers, drawing strength from each other’s experiences.

The path toward liberalism and democracy may be fraught with challenges, but the blueprint for progress lies before us. Relationships forged today will serve as the bedrock of tomorrow’s democracy. Together, we carry the mantle of democracy, entrusted with passing on a brighter torch to future generations.

As we navigate the complexities of our political landscape, let us not falter in our resolve. The future of democracy rests firmly in our hands, and it is incumbent upon us to nurture it, to safeguard it from the forces that seek to extinguish its flame.

Let us, then, unite in our pursuit of a more just and equitable world, where the principles of democracy reign supreme. Together, let us ignite the flames of change, illuminating the path toward a brighter, more democratic future for all.

Jeremiah is a Business Economics graduate from the University of the Philippines–Diliman. He was active in the University Student Council serving as the Ways and Means Councilor where he oversees the income generation and external relations of the Council. Currently, he assumes the role of Student Affairs Coordinator for the Youth Wing of the Liberal Party (LP) of the Philippines. One of his main roles is organizing student-led initiatives as expansions inside various Universities. He regularly attends and speaks in workshops, conferences and seminars. He was also CALD Youth’s Secretary General from 2018-2023 before assuming the chairperson role. Currently, Jeremiah has been advocating and promoting mental health wellness through the movement MindCare club.

CALD PROJECTS 2023

CALD Thailand Election Observation Mission & 47 th CALD Executive Committee Meeting

In May, for the first time, CALD organized an election observation mission in Thailand. The mission aimed to learn from the country’s experience in administering elections, as well as to witness firsthand one of the most crucial polls yet in the country’s postwar history.

5th CALD Youth Political Academy

With the support of the Liberal Youth of the Philippines, the fifth installment of CYPA focused on strategic communications and digital democracy. Held in midJune, it also brought together previous and new participants to help ensure the continuity and expansion of the network.

CALD Smart Mobility Workshop Jakarta

Hosted by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), this Smart Mobility workshop had the theme “Building Networks and Fostering Smart Mobility Solutions in Local Governments in Asia.” The workshop, held in July, aimed to discuss avenues in building sustainable and people-centric transport systems and the emerging technologies that can help the public sector deliver social, environmental, and economic outcomes to communities.

Given Timor-Leste’s status as the most democratic country in Southeast Asia, CALD deemed it important to include representation from the country in its roster of member parties. But the CALD executive mission to Timor-Leste in July was not only explore the possibility of inviting major political parties to become CALD members, it also aimed to gain insights from the young nation’s impressive democratic development and facilitate knowledge exchange with key political leaders.

CALD Executive Mission to East Timor

CALD Leaders’ Meeting

With the theme, “CALD @ 30: Toward the Next Phase,” this leaders’ meeting on 23 August looked at CALD’s past achievements, assessed its current standing, and set its future directions so that the organization can remain true to its commitment to advancing a society based on personal liberty and responsibility, social justice, the rule of law, and free market economy.

CALD 30 th Anniversary Events

Taiwan’s democratic credentials made it natural for CALD to choose its capital Taipei as the venue for the Council’s 30th Anniversary Events that lasted for several days in early September. Taiwan also happened to be where preparatory meetings that led to CALD’s founding took place three decades ago. Hosted by the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) of Taiwan, these 30th Anniversary Events had the theme “The Future of Democracy in Asia,” as CALD deemed it appropriate to have a platform where liberals and democrats could come together to understand the causes of democratic recession, learn best practices on how to address them, and build democratic networks to counter authoritarian populists.

CALD Smart Mobility Workshop Bohol

Panglao was the first stop for the CALD Smart Mobility Project’s aim to extend technical assistance in developing smart-mobility plans to local governments. With the theme “Transforming Smart Mobility Ideas into Local Government Solutions,” CALD, in cooperation with AltMobility PH, convened in mid-October the local officials and stakeholders to discuss ways to improve the coastal Philippine resort town’s tourism and transportation system through smart mobility planning.

8 th CALD Party Management Workshop

Before October ended, CALD organized its 8th CALD Party Management Workshop in Jakarta, Indonesia, a choice that holds significance as the very first such workshop conducted by CALD was in Indonesia in 2007. With the theme “From Opposition to Ruling Party: Best Practices in Party Management,” CALD members got to learn from PDI-P’s story, including how the party was able to manage the transition from being an opposition party to becoming the most successful governing party in post-Soeharto Indonesia.

CALD Smart Mobility Workshop San Mateo

The CALD Smart Mobility Workshop’s final stop for 2023 was San Mateo, Rizal, Philippines, a town right next to Metro Manila’s Quezon City. Together with AltMobility PH, CALD in November provided technical advice and aided the municipality of San Mateo in identifying the appropriate and concrete steps in building mobility plans.

CALD Thailand Election Observation Mission & 47th CALD Executive Committee Meeting

It was described as “generation-defining” election. In a number of ways, it was—and CALD was there to witness it.

Thailand’s 14 May general election saw a record turnout exceeding 75 percent or around 39 million people. Of the registered voters, around 14.7 percent or 7.7 million people belong to the so-called Generation Z, or those who are 18 to 26 years old. More importantly, among these Gen Z voters, around 90 percent had expected to see change due to their political engagement.

“May 14 is indeed a momentous occasion for the Thai people as these elections can determine the direction of this country – whether it would be trapped in the past or would look forward to the future,” CALD Secretary General Francis Gerald Abaya who was part of the CALD observer mission in Bangkok, said early on. “Thailand…(and) Malaysia are currently the region’s democratic bright spots, and their success — not only in holding elections but also sustaining reforms – could push the region back on the democratic track.”

Change indeed seemed to be in the horizon when the unofficial election results showed opposition Move

Forward Party (MFP) and the Pheu Thai Party winning 152 and 141 seats, respectively, in the 500-member House of Representatives. But many believed that the battle to bring power back to the people had just started.

It was the first time that CALD had organized an election observation mission in Thailand. With delegates from Taiwan, the Philippines, Malaysia, Singapore, Cambodia and Indonesia, the mission aimed primarily to understand the key actors, issues and problems in the Thai elections, and to learn from the country’s experience in administering the electoral process.

The mission’s first full day in Thailand focused on disinformation and misinformation, particularly in the context of the Thai elections. The delegates visited the Meta/Facebook office in Bangkok, where Clare Amador, country head for public policy (Thailand and the Philippines), discussed the “three-way approach to misinformation”; that is, remove, reduce, and inform. Afterward, the delegates received a briefing from Asia Centre’s Korbkusol Neelapaichi on online disinformation and its impact on electoral integrity in Thailand. Cofact Thailand Co-Founder Supinya Klangnarong also met with the CALD mission to share the fact-checking platform’s initiatives to engage Thai civil society during elections. Radu Magdin, CEO of Smartlink Communications, meanwhile discussed the different ways to ensure smooth communication before and after the elections, stressing that communication is key in countering disinformation and misinformation.

Day One included a briefing as well from former CALD Secretary General and Democrat Party (DP)

candidate Kiat Sittheeamorn, who even treated the delegates to a tour of the party premises. On Day Two, the delegates were off to an early start to observe the DP candidates’ caravan. But the afternoon was devoted to the 47th CALD Executive Committee Meeting, where internal organizational issues were discussed.

The mission’s third and last day was Election Day, which had the delegates putting on another hat as official international election observers. They observed the opening of the polling station, and the vote-casting process both in Bangkok and in nearby Pathum Thani, and then on to the closing of the polling station, as well as the vote counting process. Some delegates were even able to discuss possible post-election outcomes and scenarios representatives of the national research organization King Prajadhipok’s Institute and the Thai media company Workpoint.

Reflecting on the mission and the election results, one of the delegates said, “We need to have political parties and candidates who actually listen to what the people want. Change is difficult, but not impossible.”

5th CALD Youth Political Academy

When it comes to digital technology, the youth have always been the primary innovators and users. With digital democracy, who else would be more fit to take the lead but the youth?

And so for the 2023 edition of the CALD Youth Political Academy (CYPA), CALD Youth chose as theme “Youth-centric Leadership in the Age of Digitalization.” Organized in collaboration with the Liberal Youth of the Philippines and with FNF support, the latest CYPA was held in mid-June at the Hotel Casiana in Cavite, Philippines. Acting as moderators were Jiggy Calucag and Jobelle Domingo from the Liberal Youth of the Philippines.

Participants from all over Asia had four days of jampacked sessions aimed at enhancing their leadership skills and effectively engaging in the

digital realm. CYPA 2023 also made it a point to foster both continuity and network expansion by bringing together previous participants and new faces. Said CALD Youth Secretary General Jeremiah Tomas in his opening remarks: “CYPA is not just about workshops and themes. It’s about building connections, embracing the diversity of ideas, challenging assumptions, and growing together.”

Since 2017, CYPA has provided a platform for Asian youth leasers to come together to foster collaboration that will help safeguard liberal and democratic values. Through interactive workshops, lively discussions, and exciting networking activities, CYPA creates an atmosphere where young leaders learn and collaborate while having a great time together. This combination of youth-centric leadership and a fun-filled approach makes CYPA an unforgettable experience for all participants, nurturing lifelong connections and inspiring a new generation of liberal and democratic changemakers.

For the fifth CYPA, the aims included providing a refresher session on liberal democracy; harnessing an open space for CALD Youth political socialization through online civic and political engagement; building stronger bonds among the CALD Youth networks; and identifying the qualities needed of the next CALD Youth officials.

Setting the foundation for later activities and lessons were the first day’s farm tour and a refresher session on liberal democracy. The farm tour, which had no less than CALD Chairperson Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan as guide, allowed participants to experience firsthand the importance of sustainable agriculture, food security, and its implications for socio-political development. The refresher session,

Democracy Program Officer Philipp Leynes, focused on liberal democracy’s fundamental principles and values.

In Module 2, Kwankaow Kongdecha of the Office of Innovation for Democracy of King Prajadhipok’s Institute in Thailand emphasized the significance of civic and political engagement in the digital age. She discussed the importance of the youth’s political participation, which she said allows them to have a voice, influence decision-making processes, and shape the policies and direction of their society. Kwankaow pointed out, “Liberalism and democracy go hand in hand… Political participation is

Communications, revolved around strategic communication in leadership. By recognizing the pivotal role of effective communication and storytelling in the digital age, participants gained insights into key concepts and techniques to shape public discourse and mobilize support for their causes. This module also tackled how technology can be

In his closing remarks at the event, Pangilinan said that young leaders today can transform and create a brighter society.

“Even if it’s just a flicker, we cannot allow the fire to die out,” he said. “Because that fire—that flame of democracy, that flame of truth, that flame of human rights—must continue to burn. Because one day, that flicker of a flame will become a wildfire. Democracy will spread far and wide – and that’s the challenge

“You are the catalysts for change, for your respective societies,” he continued. “You have the energy, you have the passion, you have the

CALD Youth Chairperson Siripa Intavichein echoed this, saying, “Throughout this workshop, you have witnessed the tremendous potential and energy that resides within each of you. It is this collective power that empowers us to drive positive change in our communities and beyond.”

CALD Smart Mobility Workshop Jakarta

Whether one is a private or public commuter, getting from one place to another in an Asian city or town can be a struggle. CALD has long recognized this, which is why in 2022 it launched the Smart Mobility Project to showcase smart-mobility solutions in Asia and assist local governments in coming up and implementing their own.

The project includes a series of workshops, of which two had already been conducted in 2022. The 2023 series began in Jakarta, arguably among the cities in Southeast Asia with the worst traffic. Held in mid-July and hosted by the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDIP), with FNF support, the workshop had the theme “Building Networks and Fostering Smart Mobility Solutions.”

A highlight of the event was the signing of the Mobility for All Manifesto, a framework that aims to guide local governments in developing smart mobility plans that: commit to building sustainable cities; call for urgent action to radically reform transportation; and provide people from all walks of life access to high-quality public transportation.

Recognizing that “urban mobility is an essential public good,” local leaders belonging to CALD member-parties signed the manifesto. Among them were Hevearita Gunaryanti Rahayu, Mayor of Semarang, Indonesia, PDIP; Mochamad Nur Arifin, Mayor of Trenggalek, PDIP; Romtham Khumnurak, Member of Parliament, Democrat Party Thailand (DP); Bartolome ‘Omie’ Rivera Jr., Mayor of San Mateo, Rizal, Liberal Party of the Philippines,; and Dennis Hora, Councilor of Panglao, Bohol, LP. CALD member-party leaders and liberal partners from Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore also endorsed the document.

MOBILITY FOR ALL A Manifesto of Local Government Leaders of Asia

Our Duty for the Welfare of All – Building Sustainable Cities

We, local government leaders of Asia, are committed to the advancement of our constituent’s welfare and development. We strive to build cities and communities where people can live safely, healthily, and happily, and to achieve this, we recognize the crucial role of mobility. We believe that people are entitled to accessible, inclusive, safe, efficient, equitable, and sustainable transportation options in order to enjoy quality and prosperous lives in the city. We therefore declare mobility as an essential public good.

Urgent Action for Mobility for All

We acknowledge that our cities today continue to face challenges stemming from unequal access to mobility; a pressing concern for our constituents as our cities grow and become denser. We also acknowledge that many other social and urban issues are deeply intertwined with mobility. Addressing present mobility gaps will help improve people’s access to vital basic services, employment, and other social opportunities. Consistent with the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 11, we recognize the urgency to radically reform transportation toward building sustainable cities and communities.

Mainstreaming Mobility for All – Our Call to Action

To that end, we believe in building urban and rural mobility systems that put people at the heart of the solution. We commit to making this a reality by taking the following actions:

Mobility as a Right – we declare mobility as a right of each and every individual. We assert that mobility is integral to other policy areas such as climate change, housing, and inclusive economic development.

Environmental Sustainability and Decarbonization – we commit to developing urban and rural mobility systems that move towards lesser use of fossil fuels and overall lower carbon footprints.

Public Transportation as a Backbone of Mobility Services – we shall prioritize public transportation and will allocate the necessary space, resources, and legal and fiscal support to provide quality services for our constituents.

Building Safe and Walkable Residential Neighborhoods – we shall develop vibrant neighborhoods that promote walking, cycling, and other non-motorized modes. As such, we will invest in the requisite infrastructure and amenities towards this end. We will take steps to reduce dependency on private automobiles and motorcycles to improve air quality and reduce traffic fatalities.

Judicious Use of Digital Technology – we shall make the most out of digital technology to improve our mobility systems and make transaction platforms more inclusive while making sure that the user’s right to privacy is never compromised.

Closing Statement

As leaders, we hold ourselves accountable to ensure the implementation of this 5-point action plan into concrete and contextualized policies, programs, and investments within our respective jurisdictions. We are committed to articulating measurable outcomes as a way to make clear our goals and track our progress in delivering our promise of a sustainable and more livable city for our constituents. We commit to ensuring that people are properly consulted and engaged in the process of improving their cities and communities.

We believe progressive cities are ones where people from all walks of life are afforded access to high-quality public transportation and not cars. Only then can we truly achieve Mobility for All.

The workshop included a study visit on 15 July to the Jakarta Smart City Lounge, a co-working space and a CCTV command center for public servants and innovators to work together and meet the needs of the Smart City efforts. Workshop participants made courtesy visits as well to the Acting Governor of Jakarta, Heru Budi Hartono, and the DPP PDI Perjuangan Headquarters.

The workshop proper, however, consisted of two sessions with workshop components that were both held on 14 July. Acting as workshop facilitators were Dr. Harya S. Dillon, transport sector public private partnership (PPP) specialist, and AltMobility PH Officer Karlo Abadines.

Session 1 on focused on mobility developments in Indonesia and discussed the experiences of institutions, organizations, and private businesses in providing accessible, effective, equitable, and secure

public transport systems. Session 2 zeroed in on best practices and challenges of local governments, and explored their ideas and plans particularly in tackling urban mobility problems.

Speaking in Session 1, Yoga Adiwinarto, vice president for policy engagement and advocacy of the nonprofit Intelligent Transport Systems (ITS) Indonesia, said that TransJakarta, one of the largest Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) system in the world, was a result of strong political will, efficiency, and vision of local leaders to attain good public transport. The former TransJakarta operations added, “Integration, infrastructure, and the operational system make TransJakarta seamless and useful.”

At present, TransJakarta operates more than 4,000 buses in 230 routes and 13 corridors, and caters to 192 million passengers annually. Yoga said that by 2030, the government plans to electrify all public transport.

Aditya Brahmana, vice president for Mobility NeXT Products of GoJek, Indonesia’s biggest ride-hailing app, meanwhile shared that GoJek’s goal is to increase public transport ridership by adding commuter-centric features and industry collaborations in digital transactions. In fact, GoJek had already partnered up with public transport operators TransJakarta and KAI Commuter or the Greater Jakarta Commuter Rail in providing unified online ticket systems. As a result, online transactions on KCI or commuter tickets had grown three times.

Aditya also said, “We want to really help customers to get exposed to public transport as much as possible.”

First, though, “we need to shift our paradigm from prioritizing cars to prioritizing people,” said Gonggomtua E. Sitanggang, interim director of another nonprofit, the Institute for Transportation and Development (ITDP) Indonesia. He said that doing so would ensure that public transport is accessible and that inclusivity is mainstreamed in

the public transport system. This in turn would help reduce carbon emissions.

Gonggom stressed that “we should give priority in terms of facility provisions to transport modes based on its energy usage and emissions per passenger… We should give the highest priority on non-motorized transport such as walking, cycling, and followed by mass public transport system, and the last priority should be given to private vehicles.”

Notably, these will be addressed by a five-point action plan that is part of the manifesto signed at the event. The plan emphasizes: mobility as a right; public transportation as a backbone of mobility services; building safe and walkable residential neighborhoods; judicious use of digital technology; and environmental sustainability and decarbonization.

The local leaders committed to ensure the action plan’s implementation through concrete and contextualized policies, programs, and investments within their respective jurisdictions.

CALD Executive Mission to Timor-Leste

Freedom House had described its democratic institutions as “fragile” and its politics as being dominated by “disputes among leaders from its independence struggle.” But in the global rights monitor’s 2023 “Freedom in the World” report, Timor-Leste was the only Southeast Asian country it rated as “free.”.

Taking note of this and the fact that the country was closer than ever to become the 11th member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, CALD thought it high time to have representation from Timor-Leste in its roster of member-parties.

Mid-July thus found CALD heading for Dili, Timor-Leste’s capital on an executive mission to understand the background, ideology, and policies/ advocacies of major political parties and explore the possibility of inviting them to become CALD members. At the same time, it sought to learn from Timor-Leste’s impressive democratic development, and to exchange views with key political leaders regarding the country’s lingering issues and problems that affect its democratic institutions and processes. In addition, it hoped to discuss with civil society and media representatives current political issues and developments in the country.

Leading the CALD delegation was CALD Chairperson Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan, former Philippine Senator and incumbent Chairperson of the Liberal Party of the Philippines. Also part of the mission were CALD Secretary General Francis ‘Blue’ Abaya, former

Member of Parliament; CALD Program Manager Paolo Zamora; and FNF East and Southeast Asia head Moritz Kleine-Brockhoff.

The CALD delegation met with Nobel Peace Laureate and Timor-Leste President José Ramos-Horta at the Presidential Office, and discussed with him political developments in the country, the results of the

parliamentary elections, possible partnerships, and pressing issues that need regional cooperation.

Pangilinan raised the political situation in Myanmar and invited President Horta to join future initiatives of CALD to strengthen regional efforts in helping address the ongoing conflict. The Timor-Leste chief executive said that he was closely working with the National Unity Government (NUG) of Myanmar, the government-in-exile, and agreed to receive the first group of 100 refugees – people in agriculture, IT, medicine, education — who would be granted full privileges and freedom to travel in Timor-Leste.

With regards to CALD’s expansion efforts, Horta suggested that the Council engage the Congress for Timorese Reconstruction (CNRT) and Democratic Party (PD), current coalition partners of the new government.

The delegation was able to establish initial contacts with these two parties when it visited the National Parliament during the plenary hearing of the

government’s national program. CNRT even agreed to set up a meeting online to discuss collaborative next steps.

CALD met as well with Fretilin, the current opposition party, represented by Deputada Lídia Norberta Dos Santos Martins and Deputada Cristina Yuri Rebelo Dos S. Costa. Its discussion with Fretilin was mostly on the party’s role as a fiscalizer to make sure priority programs will benefit the people.

Making most of its brief visit to Dili, CALD met with António De Sá Benevides, former Member of Parliament, representing the Party of Unity for Democratic Development (PUDD). Benevides gave CALD an overview of the political party dynamics in parliament and the role of President Horta and Prime Minister Xanana Gusmao in pushing for economic policies while balancing talks with coalition partners.

During a press briefing at the Presidential Office, Pangilinan said the visit to Timor-Leste was inspiring, noting the unwavering aspiration of its people to achieve peace and a more democratic society despite the challenges. He invited political parties to join and work with CALD and use the network not just to talk about local and regional issues, but to find common areas for cooperation in strengthening freedom and democracy.

CALD Leaders’ Meeting

23 AUGUST | BANGKOK, THAILAND

Has CALD outlived its usefulness?

This was the key question raised during the one-day CALD Leaders’ Meeting held in Bangkok, Thailand in August. With the theme “CALD@30: Toward the Next Phase,” the Meeting aimed to take stock of CALD achievements in the past, assess its current standing, and set its future directions in order for the organization to remain true to its commitment of advancing a society based on personal liberty and responsibility, social justice, the rule of law and social market economy.

More specifically, the Meeting hoped to: examine the opportunities and constraints that characterize the political, economic, social, and technological environments where CALD operates; assess CALD’s organizational performance in the past and its standing at present in order to reveal its strengths and weaknesses; discuss structural, procedural, and programmatic reforms or changes the organization should undertake in order to maintain and expand

its relevance at present and in the future; identify key areas the organization should concentrate on to continuously advance the cause of liberal democracy and social market economy in Asia and the rest of the world; and come up with a set of concrete recommendations that would be presented to the next CALD Executive Committee Meeting in Taipei, Taiwan.

The Meeting was structured to ensure full participant ownership and management, and the organizers played primarily consultative and facilitative roles. Emil Kirjas, former secretary general of Liberal International and founder of Kirjas Global, facilitated the event.

“Democracy and market capitalism were the unquestionable operating system of global politics and economy in the past,” said CALD Founder Florencio ‘Butch’ Abad at the Meeting. “However, there were serious questions about this system now: What are the alternatives to it, or what are the possible reforms that could be done to address the ills of the system?”

Past and present CALD leaders provided their views regarding this question all throughout the Meeting. But there was an agreement that the models represented by China, Russia, Vietnam, and Singapore present themselves as alternatives to the once dominant democratic capitalist system. The CALD leaders also noted that emergence of alternative models was a product of the decline of the United States and Europe, and the resultant changed attitude toward them. Moreover, they were all of the opinion that democracy and market capitalism marginalized a significant segment of the population, which in turn made them a target of authoritarian and populist leaders.

After analyzing how the international and regional contexts changed in the past 30 years, the CALD leaders came up with several concrete recommendations on what the network could do as it enters its fourth decade:

Continue to emphasize the importance of liberal and democratic values and principles;

Translate these principles and values to actual policies that are proven to work for the general public, particularly the marginalized;

Adopt a pilot project that showcases these principles and values, with the support of other actors, including the business community;

Work across the board and pursue the unification or constructive engagement of democratic forces from various sectors and persuasions;

Identify issues where democratic forces across ideologies can work together such as technology, artificial intelligence, social media, disinformation, youth empowerment, among others;

Engage more with various actors in Japan and Korea, as well as IGOs, INGOs and the business community;

Consider the election of CALD Chairperson, expansion of CALD membership, and rebranding of CALD;

Hold more issue-based workshops, targeted activities and mentorship programs to project CALD as a training ground for future leaders; and

Ensure that those who participated in CALD programs share what they learned through replication activities.

“Dictators lost, they learned, they come up with new tricks,” observed former Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva, who had also been chairperson of CALD. “The game has changed, and we liberals and democrats have become complacent.”

But he also noted that “liberal and democratic values match the innate human nature… and for this reason, liberal democracy may become vibrant again.”

CALD 30th Anniversary Events

6-11 SEPTEMBER | TAIPEI, TAIWAN

Three decades after the founding of CALD, democracy has been in retreat, both globally and regionally. In Southeast Asia in particular, democratic regression has been accompanied by rising inequality, as evidenced by the subregion’s lack of progress in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals. UNESCAP has said that in the Asia Pacific, Southeast Asia is the only subregion with widening inequalities within and between countries.

Yet even in the broader Asian region, the interplay between democratic recession and rising inequalities has put the future of democracy and development on shaky ground. Combined with China’s growing influence, populism, ethno-nationalism, religious fundamentalism, disinformation, electoral authoritarianism, militarization of politics, and systemic corruption, the prospects for institutionalization and consolidation of liberal democracy in this part of the world appears grim.

Taiwan, however, has been one of Asia’s democratic bright spots, which is why it was the ideal venue for CALD’s 30th anniversary celebrations. Also, CALD had been sanctioned by China for its alleged involvement in “promoting Taiwan independence under the guise of academic and research exchanges.” That CALD’s Anniversary Events took place in Taipei therefore represented a significant milestone in the network’s unwavering efforts to strengthen democracy,

preserve peace in Asia. At the same time, it embodied the spirit of cooperation and determination that unites nations in their quest for a freer and more democratic future, even in the face of threats and intimidation.

No anniversary commemoration would probably be complete without a grand party, of course. But CALD also marked its 30th year with a series of forums, with the crown jewel being the Public Conference on “The Future of Democracy in Asia” held on 9 September.

The conference kicked off with opening remarks from CALD Chairperson Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan, Liberal International Vice President Henrik Bach Mortensen, FNF Southeast and East Asia Office Regional Director

MEP and Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Co-President Ilhan Khuckyuk. Taiwan Vice President Lai Ching-Te delivered the keynote address.

The morning’s highlight was the signing of the Joint Declaration on the Current State and Future of Democracy in Asia by CALD leaders and partners. Among other things, the declaration had CALD and its partners reiterating their “unwavering commitment to democratic principles, human rights, and the rule of law as fundamental to achieving peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region.” They also declared their “dedication to advancing democracy, human rights, and the rule of law through collaborative efforts among like-minded parties,” and “recommitted to strengthening

Joint Statement on the Current State and Future of Democracy in Asia

We, the Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD) and its partners, on the occasion of CALD 30th Anniversary Events in Taipei, Taiwan on 6-11 September 2023;

Acknowledging that CALD has evolved from its humble beginnings in the 1990s to becoming the region’s foremost political party network today;

Emphasizing that for the past thirty years, CALD has been committed to advancing democracy, human rights, and the rule of law for all people of Asia, with the understanding that these are universal values that transcend borders and cultures;

Aware that democratic norms face growing challenges from authoritarianism, illiberalism, and populism, with this being the root cause behind increased instability and geopolitical tension in Asia;

Underscoring that Taiwan’s resilience in upholding democratic principles, even in the face of external challenges, serves as an inspiration to countries around the world and is crucial to maintaining peace and stability in the region; and

Recognizing that as a community of like-minded parties, CALD will continue to support the people of Taiwan in their ongoing efforts to preserve regional peace and stability, while upholding their democracy, freedom, and way of life.

Do hereby:

1. Reiterate our unwavering commitment to democratic principles, human rights, and the rule of law as fundamental to achieving peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacifc region;

2. Pledge to stand with the people of Taiwan against all challenges and threats on their freedom, democratic way of life and human rights;

3. Highlight peace as being in the common interest and objective of all people across Asia, and support the people of Taiwan in their ongoing efforts to preserve the cross-strait status quo;

International Federation of the Liberal Youth

Incoming Chairperson

Liberal International

Red Liberal de America Latina

Chairperson Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats

Chairperson Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

PEDRO URRUCHURTU

YEVHENIIA FEDOTOVA

WILLIAM TOWNSEND

MARDI SENG

Friedrich Naumann Foundation

MORITZ KLEINE-BROCKHOFF

FRANCIS PANGILINAN

LAI CHING-TE

International Network of Liberal Women

JAYANTHI DEVI BALAGURU

The conference then went on to have a high-panel discussion on factors contributing to the erosion of democratic freedoms in Asia, as well as the conditions that still prove conducive for democratic governance. The afternoon of the conference meanwhile featured a fireside chat on leadership qualities that are needed to respond to the rise of authoritarians, populists, and illiberal. Capping all these was a gala dinner that included the launch of CALD’s 30th anniversary book.

Bookending the conference, though, were workshops and forums aimed at stimulating discussions on what can be done to keep democracy from flagging in Asia.

The 2nd Asian Women/Youth Education for Transformative Leadership, for instance, was held on 7 and 8 September. The workshop was designed to lay the foundational knowledge, transformative attitude, and critical skills deemed strategic for strengthening leadership among the members of the CALD Women’s Caucus and CALD Youth. It also

On 10 September was the hybrid

The CALD Chair-Party Handover from the Liberal Party of the Philippines to the Candlelight Party of Cambodia was also conducted on 10 September during a special luncheon. The day included a democracy tour of Taipei in

CALD was indeed busy during its time in Taipei in September. But all the activities it put together with its partners and friends could perhaps be summarized in the same way that Taiwan Vice President Lai described the CALD conference in his keynote speech: “This conference proves that we can stand together with purpose and agency. More broadly, we can work together as societies and countries that are bound by shared values and interests.”

“This is our greatest strength,” Lai said, “and it is also the reason democracies will prevail.”

CALD Smart Mobility Workshop Bohol

12-15 OCTOBER | PANGLAO, BOHOL PROVINCE, PHILIPPINES

CALD always puts its words into action, and even the groundbreaking Mobility for All Manifesto would not be any different.

One of its October trips had CALD off to Panglao, a resort town in the central Philippine province of Bohol, as part of its activities to address and aid local governments in developing smart-mobility plans. Resisting the allure of nature in the coastal town, CALD held a two-day workshop using the vision of the Manifesto as guide to help local officials craft plans to reform transformation in Panglao and provide high-quality public transportation to residents and visitors alike.

Organized with FNF support and in partnership with the people-centered transport advocacy group AltMobility PH, the workshop took as theme “Transforming Smart Mobility Ideas into Local Government Solutions.” Councilor Dennis Hora of the Liberal Party of the Philippines helped CALD convene local officials and stakeholders for the workshop.

The first order of business included site visits and sectoral consultations to observe the state of transportation in the locality and to identify “hot spots” or areas where transportation issues were most present. Vice Mayor Noel Hormachuelos pointed out, “Despite the fact that tourism is the primary driver of our economy, we cannot draw in more visitors if our transportation system is inefficient, inconvenient, or ineffective.”

Before the pandemic struck, Panglao was already attracting more than a million visitors a year. That figure declined significantly during the lockdowns, but by 2022, the number of annual visitors was already more than half a million, and climbing.

Hormachuelos attributed this to Panglao’s “stunning beaches, an incredible marine biodiversity, exquisite corals and sea life, and hard-to-discover schools of tropical fish.” Transport specialist Sarah Arrojado observed, though, “Panglao has the potential to further boost its economy by enabling better access to places of interest and attracting more tourists through improving its transport system.”

Indeed, the community consultations that the workshop participants conducted on the first day of the workshop yielded key concerns such as the lack of regular and reliable public transport; lack of designated stops for public transport; lack of pedestrian infrastructure; lack of a comprehensive transportation network plan; poor knowledge of public transport drivers of traffic laws, rules, and regulations; and inconvenient and unroadworthy public-utility vehicles.

The participants discussed all these during the workshop proper. Later, through the input and guidance of experts on public transportation, active transportation, as well as local government and policy for

“As a start, making walking and cycling easier can already unlock several economic, health, and environmental benefits for everyone, whether you’re a local or a tourist,” Arrojado also said. “Integrating these in the long run to achieve an intermodal transport system can transform Panglao into a world-class destination that will set it apart from other tourist spots in the country.”

In her presentation on the ideal public-transport system during the workshop’s Day Two, Arrojado emphasized reliability, safety, accessibility, affordability, as well as convenience and comfort – all of which could help increase access to goods and services and therefore stimulate economic growth.

The workshop was part of the CALD Smart Mobility Project that serves as a platform for local governments to push for urban and rural mobility systems that put people at the heart of the solution. Apart from the municipality of Panglao, the Philippine municipality of San Mateo, Rizal was also on the CALD list of smart-mobility workshops for local governments, along with those in Indonesia, Taiwan, and Thailand.

“What transpired here in Panglao in the past two days is crucial,” CALD Secretary General Francis ‘Blue’ Abaya said in his closing message at the workshop. “It’s an important milestone in our Smart Mobility Project, which we launched last year, to push for opportunities to consolidate ideas and efforts in providing inclusive, safe, efficient, equitable, accessible, and sustainable transportation for the people.”

He added, “This event, I hope, is a first of many discussions to come to further develop mobility plans and to sustain the exchange of ideas on new and revolutionary approaches to transportation.”

8th CALD Party Management Workshop

A party management workshop that was one for the books – made possible by a political party whose management practices deserve to be turned into a book.

This, in essence, is how the 8th CALD Party Management Workshop hosted by Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDI-Perjuangan) can be best described. Held on 27-30 October in Jakarta, Indonesia, the event became one of the most instructive and enjoyable workshops that CALD has had the pleasure of co-organizing.

The event would not have been possible without the impeccable support and assistance extended by PDI-Perjuangan, which ensured that workshop participants were well taken care of — from the time they arrived in Jakarta until their departure from the Indonesian capital. PDI-Perjuangan also ensured that the program was substantive in terms of highlighting best practices in party management based on its experiences, and looking at whether these could be replicated by political parties in other countries.

CALD had decided on Jakarta as the venue for the workshop after noting that PDI-Perjuangan has had a wealth of experience — both as an opposition and governing party — which could be useful to other CALD

members. In particular, CALD thought that it would be instructive to know how the party was able to manage the transition from being an opposition party to becoming the most successful governing party in post-Soeharto Indonesia.

“Imagination is more powerful than knowledge,” said PDI-Perjuangan Secretary General Hasto Kristiyanto, while explaining how the party handled the transition. Indeed, the imagination of PDI-Perjuangan officials led them to introduce a floating hospital that now provides medical services to communities of Indonesia’s remote islands. But PDI-Perjuangan also made it a point to tap the talents at the grassroots. It constructed a total of 127 party offices all over the country that have become centers for grassroots democracy and cultural engagement.

Pak Hasto stressed as well the importance PDIPerjuangan places on educating its cadres. The party even has a dedicated party school where, Pak Hasto said, party cadres “are trained to become future leaders and public servants in accordance with the party’s ideology.”

As a result of its efforts and innovations, PDI-Perjuangan has received several awards, including the top award given by Indonesia’s Central Information Commission (KIP). Testaments to how well-managed the party is in terms of administration and human resources have also come in the form of ISO Certificates 55001 in 2014 and 9001 in 2015 — making PDI-Perjuangan the only party in the Asia Pacific to receive such distinction.

But the party’s most significant achievement so far is its contribution to the flourishing of Indonesian democracy.

“This journey of Indonesia to becoming one of the world’s most outstanding democratic success

stories would not have been possible without the PDI-Perjuangan,” said CALD Secretary General Francis Abaya. And while he acknowledged that, like all parties in power, PDI-Perjuangan has been at the receiving end of criticisms, Abaya said that such are part and parcel of governance. After all, Abaya said, “winning is easy, governing is harder.”

The workshop proper also had a number of leaders and experts from both PDI-Perjuangan and the broader CALD network sharing their experiences and knowledge with the participants.

Ganjar Pranowo, PDI-Perjuangan presidential candidate and former Central Java governor, highlighted the role of Pancasila not only as Indonesia’s national ideology and as a way of life, but also as the party’s compass.

Pancasila consists of five principles: belief in one God; just and civilized humanity; unity; democracy; and social justice.

“The party’s strategy has always been rooted in our national ideology,” Pak Ganjar said, “regardless of whether we are in opposition or government.” He said that this was the reason that in the then upcoming presidential campaign, PDI-Perjuangan pledged not to use identity politics, group-based politics, black propaganda, and radical separatism.

Apart from its commitment to Pancasila, PDIPerjuangan is also known for its capability to turn crisis into an opportunity. According Bonnie Triyana, historian and PDI-Perjuangan candidate, the party used the years when it was in opposition to

reorganize and consolidate. It did this by organizing a task force to evaluate the party’s electoral performance, recruiting intellectuals, forging relations between old and young party members, training party leaders, among others.

One of these leaders is Mochamad Nur Arifin, currently bupati (mayor) of Trenggalek in southern Java. At the workshop, Pak Mochamad tackled the role of affiliated party organizations, particularly those coming from different sectors like youth and women, as well as those set up for specific purposes such as responding to natural disasters. He also discussed how he incorporated Pancasila and processes like gotong royong (mutual assistance) in his governance style.

PDI-Perjuangan’s success in the last two general elections was the focus of the presentations of party campaign strategist Kiki Taher and communications expert Putra Nababan. Pak Kiki talked about the “rise, fall and resurrection of the PDI-Perjuangan brand” and the role of artificial intelligence (AI). He reckoned that the 2024 elections, like the previous elections, would be a data-based battle. Given the potentials (and pitfalls) of AI, he hinted that it would be a gamechanger in terms of managing and analyzing big data in future elections.

Pak Putra, an incumbent member of parliament, recounted PDI-Perjuangan’s journey from being a party that relied heavily on conventional communication to what it is today. He emphasized the role of the party leadership in facilitating this journey, particularly that of the chairperson and the secretary general. He credited PDI-Perjuangan Chairperson Megawati Sukarnoputri for her moral leadership and for always reminding them that “winning or losing (in elections) is not the main goal.” At the same time, he underlined the importance of Pak Hasto, the secretary general, as the party’s center of political communication.

All these were put into perspective by Dr. Julio C. Teehankee’s presentation on the role of political parties in democratizing Asia. Citing examples drawn from PDI-Perjuangan’s experience, Teehankee highlighted the importance of party institutionalization, defined as the “process in which individual political parties that participate in elections experience an increase in organizational stability and value.” Needless to say, more institutionalized parties like the PDI-Perjuangan have greater potential to contribute to consolidating and deepening democracy.

The workshop proper culminated with the participants sharing the key lessons they learned from the event. With Participate PH Training Manager Lambert Ramirez as facilitator, participants from Cambodia, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand, and Timor-Leste reflected on the PDIPerjuangan practices and analyzed how these could be applied in their respective contexts. A tour of the mangrove ecotourism center and dinner cruise later brought the two-day workshop activities to a close.

Earlier, FNF Indonesia Project Director Stefan Diederich had remarked that knowledge-sharing on the “importance of parties within a democracy, and also democracy within parties, on institutionalization… on best practices… is a very important process.”

“Taking Indonesia and the PDI-P as an example of a working democracy,” he also said, “we all hope for a better democratic situation in Asia in the future.”

“Indonesia has been an inspiration to many of us in Southeast Asia,” CALD Chairperson Mardi Seng had said as well. “Considering the state of democracy in many countries in the sub-region, Indonesia should be proud of what it was able to achieve in a short period of time. We in CALD are also proud to be associated with the political party which contributed so much in Indonesia’s successful transition to democracy — the PDI-Perjuangan.”

CALD Smart Mobility Workshop San Mateo

CALD’s last smart mobility workshop for 2023 had it traveling just outside Metro Manila, Philippines to San Mateo, a municipality in Rizal province. Located next to bustling Quezon City, the town of San Mateo is popular with local tourists for its fresh, clean air and breathtaking mountain views. But much like its next-door urban neighbor, San Mateo also has transportation challenges, albeit on a smaller scale.

Among the things the experts looked at were the conditions of roads and sidewalks, signages, parking areas, and transportation stops, as well as the mobility of people and the flow of public transportation.

The workshop then took a break, picking up again on 23 November for two days of discussions and activities aimed at the town coming up with concrete transportation action plans.

For the local government, its priorities included more and wider sidewalks, PWD-accessible walkways, more connected transportation routes, clearer road signs, better loading and unloading zones, stricter implementation of traffic rules and regulations, and alternative roads and bridges. Its goal was to mainstream mobility and address present mobility gaps to help improve people’s access to vital basic services, employment, and other social opportunities.

CALD Secretary General Francis ‘Blue’ Abaya, who previously served

is about thinking-forward and thinking out of the box for the welfare of the people by enhancing our transport systems, developing public transport infrastructures, and expanding pedestrian and cycling infrastructures.”

AltMobility PH Director Ira Cruz meanwhile remarked, “Transportation is the nervous system of cities where roads act as arteries that empower people to take advantage of its many opportunities. But judging from the way the roads are congested, our cities are primed for a heart attack.”

District of Cavite -- another

Mateo’s smart – mobility initiatives and plans were

way the public perceives

Through the help of CALD and AltMobility PH, San Mateo was able to take the first step in studying its transportation situation and make plans so that it could address mobility concerns and needs with the appropriate ordinances and legislation, as well as coordinate and cooperate with neighboring municipalities and cities, and engage various sectors. Its bigger goal was to mainstream mobility and address present mobility gaps to help improve people’s access to vital basic services, employment, and other social opportunities.

Moving forward, San Mateo envisioned building sustainable communities with

San Mateo Mayor Bartolome ‘Omie’ N. Rivera Jr. said that smart mobility falls under their local government platform to transform the municipality into a happy and vibrant community.

“As we welcome developments and a growing population,” he said, “San Mateo needs to adapt to smart mobility concepts and systems not only to attract new businesses, but help build healthier and more livable communities.”

“We’ve seen that when we all participate, ideas flourish,” Rivera added, “and we can all look forward together toward progress.”

NEW CALD CHAIR PARTY & NEW SET OF OFFICIALS

Cambodia’s opposition Candlelight Party became the latest CALD Chair Party on 10 September, taking over the reins from the Liberal Party of the Philippines. CALD also acquired its latest Chairperson at the handover ceremonies cum special luncheon in Taipei, Taiwan: CLP Treasurer and longtime CALD Executive Committee member Mardi Seng.

The official handover was conducted on the sidelines of the CALD 30 th anniversary events held in the Taiwanese capital.

The Candlelight Party started out as the Khmer Nation Party, which was formed on 5 November 1995 and formally launched on 9 November 1995. At the time, the Khmer Nation Party had a statue of Jayavarman VII as its symbol. But on 10 March 1998, the Khmer Nation Party found itself in a conflict of ownership over its name. To ensure that no one could again claim ownership of its name and cause confusion, the party took on the name of its founding president, Sam Rainsy. It was also during this time that the party began using a lighted candle as its symbol.

Then on 17 July 2012, the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party merged to create the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP). But on 30 September 2017, through the Extraordinary Congress, the Sam Rainsy Party changed its name again, this time to

the Candlelight Party to comply with the Law on the Amendment of the Law on Political Parties and maintain the lighted candle symbol and the motto “Integrity, Truth, Justice.”

Seng meanwhile is a former member of the Cambodian Senate, where he also served as Secretary of the AntiCorruption Commission. Previously, he had served as treasurer of the Sam Rainsy Party, and spearheaded SRP’s electoral campaigns in four election cycles. He has an economics degree from Calvin College and a Master of Business Administration degree from Northeastern University in Boston, U.S.A.

At the handover ceremonies, Seng reappointed Francis Gerald ‘Blue’ Abaya as CALD Secretary General. Abaya, a former member of Philippine Congress and an architect by profession, had delivered a short speech at the event on behalf of outgoing CALD Chairperson Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan.

“CALD has now turned into a vibrant and bigger network, backed by an enduring legacy, that is always ready to take the challenge,” Abaya said. “Yes, much needs to be done, but the fact that we’re all here is a testament to how we’ve grown and how much value we put in promoting and fighting for freedom and democracy.”

In his acceptance speech, Seng pledged to make CALD indomitable, inclusive, and innovative. He observed that CALD has shown its indomitable spirit by not just surviving—but thriving—amidst the challenges and adversities that come its way. He noted that the common thread that binds CALD members is the liberal ideology. “It is our ideology that makes us indomitable,” he said.

Seng also said that he aimed to make CALD more inclusive because “(in) this day and age of authoritarian populism, we need to forge solidarity with all democratic actors – whether they are liberals, social democrats or conservatives.”

“The gravity of the issues and problems we are confronting today entail cooperation, not division”, he argued.“While we may disagree with other democratic actors in degrees or in specific details of policies, let us not forget that we are all united in our fight against autocracy.”

The new CALD Chairperson pointed out as well that CALD should be more innovative in its approach since the enemies of freedom do not play by the rules. He observed that liberals and democrats lose because “we follow the rules, while our competitors don’t.” But he clarified: “This does not mean that we should also do all the illegal, unethical, and immoral things

that these authoritarians and populists are doing. But it means that we can’t keep on playing in the same way if the game has already changed.”

The handover ceremonies also introduced two other new officials: CALD Women’s Caucus Chair Jaslyn Go from the Singapore Democratic Party; and CALD Youth Chairperson Jeremiah Tomas from the Liberal Party of the Philippines.

“I’m excited to collaborate with the new officials, Chair Mardi and Sec Gen Abaya, as a team to broaden the reach of CALD Women’s Caucus beyond regional boundaries,” said Go. “Our aim is to establish partnerships with organizations to raise awareness, educate about women’s issues, and empower and inspire women to become leaders both within their own organizations and in broader society.”

Tomas, for his part, emphasized the incredible potential inherent in the region. He pointed out, “Asia is home to over 60 percent of the world’s youth, presenting a significant opportunity to empower and engage this generation in the fight for liberalism and democracy. CALD Youth’s overarching vision would be to cultivate enduring relationships that could last for generations to come.”

The Three I’s Have It

MARDI SENG

incoming cald chairperson treasurer, candlelight party

Acceptance speech delivered at the CALD Chairmanship Handover Ceremony on 10 September in Taipei, Taiwan

First and foremost, please allow me to extend our sincere gratitude to the member-parties of CALD for giving the Candlelight Party of Cambodia (CLP) the privilege of leading this esteemed network of liberal and democratic political parties in the next two years.

We accept this honor with humility, pride, and great optimism on what we can jointly achieve together.

Optimism -- it may be hard to observe this virtue these days, with everything that is happening around us. It may be much harder to be an optimist if you were a Cambodian like me.

As you may be aware, almost every Cambodian family lost a loved one to the notorious Khmer Rouge regime, which killed about a third of the country’s population in the 1970s. Me and my siblings, for one, had to emigrate to the United States for our safety after our parents were killed.

My sister, an accomplished lawyer in the United States, has been languishing in jail for more than a year now for allegedly conspiring to commit treason.

For those of us who are living in Cambodia, we fear for our lives and freedom every single day.

But those of you who know me always say that I am one of the funniest guys you’ve met. There is a reason for this: I always believe that no matter how bad the situation is, it will change, and life will get better.

“Things will always get better. But they will not happen out of thin air. We have to work–and we have to work hard–to make them happen.”

Cambodia also has the dubious distinction of having the longest-reigning dictator in the world, who recently handed over the reins of power to his son as if it were a family heirloom.

In my country, activists and members of the political opposition are routinely harassed, threatened, and killed. The political party where I belong, for example, was prevented from participating in last July’s elections on a minor technicality.

This sense of optimism is what I want to bring to CALD in the next two years – not the false type of optimism, but an optimism backed by competence and hard work.

Yes, things will always get better. But they will not happen out of thin air. We have to work – and we have to work hard – to make them happen.

In the next two years, we in the CLP pledge to make CALD indomitable, inclusive, and innovative, or what I mnemonically called, “the 3 I’s.”

In the past 30 years, we in CALD have shown our indomitable spirit by not just surviving but thriving amidst the challenges and adversities that come our way. I believe that we have been able to do so because liberal democratic values and principles serve as our foundation. Even if some say that the world is already becoming “post ideological” or even “post

politics,” I think the common thread that binds us and makes us strong in CALD is our liberal ideology. It is our ideology that makes us indomitable.

It is our liberal ideology that emboldens us to speak out and act despite the threats to our lives and freedoms. It is our liberal ideology that makes us believe in progress and the value of hard work. It is our liberal ideology that allows us to keep an open mind and be more accepting of those whose views are different from us.

Which brings me to the next ‘I’: inclusiveness. During the term of the CLP, we intend CALD to be more aggressive in being inclusive. In this day and age of authoritarian populism, we need to forge solidarity with all democratic actors – whether they are liberals, social democrats, or conservatives. The gravity of the issues and problems we are confronting today entail cooperation, not division. While we may disagree with other democratic actors in degrees or in specific details of policies, let us not forget that we are all united in our fight against autocracy.

So while liberal democracy will always be our guide in dealing with each other internally, our external relations should be broader and more reflective of the various political hues that color the struggle for democracy and freedom.

Finally, considering that the enemies of freedom do not play by the rules, we in CALD should be more innovative in our approach. I remember quite well the numerous discussions we had in CALD on why authoritarian populists are winning and why we – liberals and democrats – are losing. And the conclusion that we reached is that we follow the rules, while our competitors don’t. This does not mean that we should also do all the illegal, unethical, and immoral things that these authoritarians and populists are doing. But it means that we can’t keep on playing in the same way if the game has already changed.

We have to think outside of the box, to be receptive to fresh ideas, and to be open to new collaborations. To paraphrase Thomas Edison, there is always a way to do it better… all we have to do is to find it.

Dear colleagues and friends, CALD under the chairmanship of CLP will leave no

stone unturned in our search for a more democratic and progressive Asian region. We in the party are ready, and with your support, I am confident that CALD will be a stronger voice for freedom as it enters its fourth decade.

This is our dream for CALD. Join us, so that together, we can make that dream a reality.

Ever Steady in Our Direction

LAI CHING-TE

taiwan vice president chairperson, democratic progressive party, taiwan

Keynote address at the CALD 30th Anniversary Public Conference held on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

Let me begin by saying that democracy is the greatest unifying force around the world today. Our belief that people are born free, human rights must be respected, and peace is in the common interest, transcends all boundaries. It provides a shared sense of purpose amidst turbulent times.

And this is exactly what CALD has been promoting for the past 30 years. When the Council held its first planning meeting in Taipei on 15 October 1993, there was a recognition that Asia needed to do more to support our fledgling democracies. Our founders understood that freedom and democracy were not just Western concepts, but universal values that should be supported around the world.

faced with the rise of authoritarianism and must respond to increased tensions in the South China Sea and East China Sea. We see not the ‘End of History’ as Francis Fukuyama had argued, but the beginning of a new era of competition.

Fortunately, as liberal and democratic parties, we do not have to face these challenges alone. This conference proves that we can stand together with purpose and agency. More broadly, we can work together as societies and countries that are bound by shared values and interests. This is our greatest strength and it is also the reason democracies will prevail.

“We can work together as societies and countries that are bound by shared values and interests.”

The Democratic Progressive Party is proud to have been part of that founding group. After the DPP was established in 1986, we fought for the lifting of Martial Law, free elections, and freedom of expression within our society. Like CALD, we see freedom and democracy as being part of our DNA. And together, we have succeeded in becoming beacons for the values we champion.

This year’s theme is ‘The Future of Democracy in Asia,’ a particularly relevant topic as we think about the many challenges in the region. We are

Against a backdrop of growing authoritarian influences around the world, I recently proposed the ‘Four Pillars for Peace’ action plan. I introduced a clear vision of ensuring peace through defense resilience, economic security, international partnerships, and maintaining the cross-strait status quo. I also put forward a new platform for values-based diplomacy, promising to enhance our international engagements through the three core principles of Democracy, Peace, and Prosperity – in other words, D, P, and P, which also happens to be the acronym of our party. The vision Taiwan will present will be centered on human rights and sustainability.

This April, CALD was sanctioned by the People’s Republic of China for supporting Taiwan. But far from being silenced, CALD and its members have remained determined to support factions that advance democracy, human rights, and the rule of law for all the people of Asia. As a CALD statement said, we will not “shy away in the face of authoritarianism or from those who threaten our freedoms.” We all admire CALD’s courage in the face of adversity. This is not only a testament to the values we share, but also shows the strength of our convictions.

In CALD’s 30-year history, there is much to remember and cherish. From an initial conversation about the values that bring us together, to building an organization that can turn ideas into reality, CALD should be proud of its accomplishments. The DPP was present on the first day and we will continue to stand together every day, and even far into the future.

This morning, we not only commemorate those past 30 years, but also present a roadmap for the future. This joint statement we are about to sign showcases our enduring commitment to building a more democratic, peaceful, and prosperous Asia. With peace as the lighthouse and democracy as our compass, we will work together to bring a better future for people across this region.

A Bold Prediction

FRANCIS ‘KIKO’ PANGILINAN cald chairperson chairperson, liberal party of the philippines former philippine senator

Opening remarks at the CALD 30th Anniversary Public Conference held on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

For this event, we have chosen the theme ‘The Future of Democracy in Asia.’ More specifically, we wanted to address the question: “How can we ensure that the future of Asia is free and democratic?”

This question grew out of the recognition that the world today is becoming less free and democratic. According to Freedom House’s latest Freedom in the World Report, 2023 is the 17 th consecutive year that global freedom and democratic governance have been suffering an overall decline.

Ladies and gentlemen, Asia is also reflecting this global trend of democratic decline. Actually, in certain subregions of the continent, the breadth and depth of democratic regression have been much worse compared to the global average.

and the poor, without doubt, fuel the rise or strengthening of autocrats, populists, and illiberals.

Take the case of the country where I came from -- the Philippines. We used to be the bastion of democracy and freedom in Southeast and East Asia, having ushered in the third wave of democratization in the subregion through our People Power Revolution in 1986. That bloodless revolution toppled the 20-year Marcos dictatorship and reinstated our democracy.

“We wanted to address the question: ‘How can we ensure that the future of Asia is free and democratic?’ ”

Our restored democracy, however, seems to have failed in delivering the systemic reforms necessary to make democracy meaningful. For this reason, the Marcoses are back in power in the Philippines, following the populist-authoritarian regime of Rodrigo Duterte.

In this part of the world, democratic recession has also been accompanied by widening inequalities between and within countries. This potent combination of democratic decline and growing gap between the rich

While the Philippines is regressing, our neighbor in the north – Taiwan – appears to be on track in consolidating and fortifying its democracy. There remains to be issues and problems, of course, but as a whole, Taiwan’s

democracy stands on solid ground. That is why we from Southeast Asia consider Taiwan as a democratic role model. And we think the People’s Republic of China should do so, too.

My dear friends, earlier this year China sanctioned us in CALD for supposedly “promoting Taiwan independence under the guise of academic and research exchanges.” Today we stand here with you, fellow defenders of freedom and democracy, to tell all the autocrats, populists, and illiberals of the world:

That we will not cower in the face of authoritarianism;

That we will fight for our democratic principles and values; and

That we will win in the end.

With our passion and commitment, I have no doubt that the future of Asia will be free and democratic.

Thirty Years ofandCooperation, Counting

ILHAN KHUCKYUK member of european parliament co-president, alliance of liberals & democrats for europe party

Speech delivered via video at the Opening Session of the CALD 30th Anniversary Public Conference on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

I want to wish you many happy returns and congratulations on marking your 30th anniversary. Many things have changed in the last 30 years; the world has become an entirely different place. The ‘90s were a decade of optimism around the world, a decade where many thought history was over. In fact, it is that optimism that led us to begin the century. We found ourselves making a fateful decision—the decision to admit China into the World Trade Organization.

“We

I am personally sanctioned by Beijing, but because I truly believe that the Chinese Communist Party poses the biggest geopolitical threat to liberal democracy worldwide.

value the benefits that regional cooperation can bring… these will become even more as

we tackle the biggest challenges together…”

Twenty-three years later, we find ourselves dealing with an authoritarian nation that is now also wealthy, trying to export its authoritarian model as an alternative to liberal democracy. Officials from Beijing go around the world telling countries that democracy cannot solve problems. They tell them their system is so much better. We liberals know that they are wrong and it’s up to us to show people worldwide that democracy is the only way people can truly thrive. I don’t say all of this because

Dear liberal friends, this is why it is most fitting that you organize your congress in Taiwan, a vibrant democracy in Asia and where we will have an important election shortly. And we wish our partners, the DPP, a lot of success. They must succeed. The ALDE Party and its members have been vocal and constant supporters of Taiwan from Day One.

My predecessor, former ALDE President Hans van Baalen, who sadly passed away a few years ago, was the embodiment of this support. He cared passionately for liberalism around the world, and he understood the importance of getting together and learning from each other. He would have dearly loved to have been with you in Taipei again today. It is his legacy that

the ALDE party is launching this year a scholarship on EU-Taiwan relations in his name. He always said liberals must unite, and that together we can learn from our individual experiences and work to get more liberals into elected office where we can make the difference.

This is why the ALDE Party is a great supporter of, and engages happily with, CALD. We value the benefits that regional cooperation can bring and that these will become even more as we tackle the biggest challenges together from COVID to climate change to migration, to China—you name it. So on this 30-year anniversary, please allow me to congratulate you and wish you the very best for the next 30 years. You will no doubt face additional challenges along the way, but you can count on our continued engagement, your European allies.

Progressives Always Right

CHEE SOON JUAN

Speech given during the High-Level Panel on the Future of Democracy in Asia at the 30th CALD Anniversary Public Conference on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

Progressives are always right. Or more accurately, progressives are always on the right side of history.

A progressive, for purposes of this presentation, is one who seeks to improve the human condition, both physical and psychological, through continual reform with the help of social organization and evidence-based policy-making.

To this end, the UN Declaration of Human Rights, with all its imperfections, is still the best embodiment of progressivism.

In this context, it is not inaccurate to say that progressives are always on the right side of history. Such a statement is not born out of hubris but by hundreds of thousands of years of human evolution. I don’t want to get nerdy and bore you with a discussion of evolutionary biology and psychology. But human progress took us from animal-like features and behavior to becoming bipedal creatures, standing on two legs and walking upright to making tools and becoming hunter-gatherers, to Iron and Bronze Ages, to early civilization in China and Mesopotamia, to the Age of Enlightenment, to the Industrial Revolution, and now arriving in the digital age where we are looking to AI and colonizing Mars.

Which also means, happily for progressives, that because human nature makes us look forward to and plan for our future, we’re constantly looking for change. Unlike for autocrats whose aim is to maintain status quo to perpetuate their hold on power.

So, who always wins out? Human nature and, by default, progressives.

I raise this matter to drive home the point that change—including political change—is driven by the need for the human race to continually make progress. This is akin to Maslow’s pyramid of human development.

“Indeed, much more needs to be carried out in the struggle for political rights and civil liberties.”

Which brings me closer to the topic at hand. Years ago, before CALD was born, the political landscape was much different than today’s. As recent as the 1990s, East Asia was still very much in the thrall of dictators and strongman regimes. From Korea to Taiwan in the north to Indonesia in the south, autocratic regimes prevailed in the region.

Fast forward to the present era, and the political map has radically changed. Sure, there have been reversals and setbacks in modern-day Asian democracies. But this is no different in the fits and starts of political development in other regions of the world.

There is a common thread that runs through such progress, which is the seeking out of physical and psychological comfort, including security, pleasure and, ultimately, happiness.

However one looks at the scenario, signs of democratic progress in Asia are unmistakable.

secretary general, singapore democratic party

Nothing I said in the preceeding paragraphs, however, should be taken as a declaration that our work is done. Indeed, much more needs to be carried out in the struggle for political rights and civil liberties.

But I would also like to caution against unnecessary hand-wringing and self-doubt, especially in view of the backsliding of democracy in certain parts of the region.

We need to see democracy for what it is: an interminable work in progress, a dedication to eternal vigilance against autocracy. To this end, liberals, progressives, and democrats in Asia and beyond must continue to strive and work with and for each other in the push for political advancement.

How do we, as CALD, become more effective in getting this done? I have three suggestions:

1. Engage civil society, rather than just political parties, it in our meetings.

2. Involve Japan and South Korea more.

3. Link trade to human rights and democracy.

On this third suggestion, I had warned in a piece I wrote for international human rights lawyer Robert Amsterdam’s website in 2007:

“By itself, jailing dissidents and crackdown on the media would be insufficient for Putin to stay on as the strongman of Russia. He also needs to sell Russia as a ‘stable,’ albeit undemocratic, place for foreign investment. Russians, and much of the capitalist world, are willing to accept such authoritarian methods in exchange for immediate and rapid economic gain – a situation not unlike that in Singapore… For a period, the trade-off may seem worthwhile, desirable even. But in the longer term, without the political checks and balance that democracy provides, problems in society become entrenched and ultimately unmanageable.”

Fast forward again to today where, without a system to check Vladimir Putin, Russia is at his mercy and Russians are feeling the brunt of his undemocratic rule.

Let me disabuse everyone of the notion that democratic change is the inevitable outcome of human progress. On the contrary— change never comes without struggle and sacrifice. If it is not already abundantly clear, democracy cannot be wished for. It must be fought for.

Lessons from the War Zone

KIRA RUDIK

vice president, alliance of liberals and democrats for europe party member of parliament, ukraine

Speech delivered via video at the CALD 30th Anniversary Public Conference’s High Level Panel on the Future of Democracy in Asia on 9 September held in Taipei, Taiwan

Hello dear people of free Taiwan, I am Kira Rudik, member of the Ukrainian parliament, leader of the Liberal Party GOLOS, and vice president of ALDE. I’m speaking to you from Kyiv, Ukraine.

First of all, let me use this opportunity to say thank you, on behalf of Ukrainian people, to the people of Taiwan and the government of Taiwan. You have been amazing, supporting us in the fight, imposing sanctions on Russia on the first day of the full-scale invasion, and supporting Ukraine with everything that we need. I remember last year, when I had the pleasure to visit Taiwan, how all the people were so helpful, so supportive, and so kind to me. How your leadership was incredibly kind. And then when I came back to Ukraine, there was more help to follow—first of all, a million dollars to support Kyiv and buy diesel generators. So we would not freeze during the winter. And then more and more help in different areas.

Right now, as we speak, there are 50 emergency vehicles that are to arrive at the port of Poland and then to be transferred to Ukraine, from Taiwan. They will literally help save lives of the people. This is absolutely amazing. So I make it my personal job and my personal mission to make sure that people of Ukraine know who their true friends are, and that they have friends and allies in the people of Taiwan. I think this is amazing what you’re doing for us. And on behalf of Ukrainian people, thank you so much. Xièxiè, Taiwan.

believe that it’s been already 19 months since the full–scale invasion started. And that this is how our life looks right now. But no matter; we are so happy to be alive. So happy to be fighting. And so happy to share the lessons that we’ll learn during this time with you, our friends.

“I make it my personal job and my personal mission to make sure that people of Ukraine know who their true friends are.”

So the first lesson that we learned is the lesson of unity. We would not be able to fight this war alone, we would not be able to stand for as long as we have so far. I keep saying that there are two reasons why we are still here and still alive. The first is the brave men and women of Ukraine who are fighting at the front. But the second reason is the brave men and women throughout the world who are standing with us, pushing their governments to provide us with weapons, supplies, money— everything that we need—pushing their governments to pressure Russia and make sure its economy will collapse. This is critical. So we know that for the future, we should even be better at making friends, to remember who supported us at this time of need, and to make sure that we build wider alliances.

The second lesson is that there would always be countries that will be neutral or be in support of Russia. And we need to figure out how to work with them. We need to make sure that we bring them to our side. There are those who are saying that sanctions are not working or working worse than expected. But this is because there are countries like China or India or Brazil, which are still trading with Russia, helping it to jump over sanctions and making our struggle longer.

As you watch this video, it is five or six a.m. in Kyiv. This is usually the time when the Russians attack us with drones and missiles, and my family and I are hiding under the stairs in our home, waiting until the attack is over. I cannot

The third lesson that we learned is you have to be technologically advanced, you have to be creative, when you are David fighting Goliath. We didn’t choose this war. It just

happened to us. When you’re fighting a country that is 10 times larger, has a larger army, and has military production, you have to be modern, you have to be creative, you have to be agile. You have to figure out and advance in all the ways that you can. This is why we are building innovative drones. This is why we are creating all kinds of military innovations. Because we have no other choice.

The fourth lesson is to make sure that you hit where it hurts. Whenever we talk with our international partners about what can be done to hit Russia harder, I have one good answer: while the sanctions are working slower, military support can be faster. But there is one thing where Russia is not being hit enough: the Russian state assets, its money. As of this moment, there are US$500 billion of Russian money stored in democratic countries. These are frozen right now. What needs to happen with those monies is that they need to be confiscated and used for the rebuilding of Ukraine. This way, not only Russia but all the other tyrants who are closely watching what is happening, as well as what would be the result of the invasion—they would know that all their money will be confiscated. I think this is a very effective way of pressuring countries and stopping them from further invasions.

The last but not the least lesson is something that I shared with your president, and the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the members of Legislative Yuan last year: Be prepared for the worst–case scenario. Even if it sounds over the top right now. When you feel a threat, make sure that you are ready. Even though it seems over the top to build bomb shelters, it is not. It may seem over the top to train people how to operate weapons, but it is not. It is not over the top to make sure that people know how to provide first aid, and that kids at school know how to react to the eerie tyrants. The tyrants are watching, authoritarian regimes are getting ready. We need to

be ready, too. We in Ukraine know that we are fighting against the precedent—the precedent that in 21st century one country can attack another one, commit all kinds of war crimes, and get away with it. We say no, it’s not going to happen to us. And we know the people of Taiwan that this precedent is very important for you. We understand that. And I make sure that people in Ukraine know that and realize that.

There is one thing that we are absolutely sure of. We are sure that we will win this war. Remember, on the first week of war, there were not too many people who believed that we would stand for more than a couple of days. Then there were people who did not believe—almost everyone did not believe—that we would get the heavy weapons. Afterward, there were doubts that we were capable of counter offense, then that we would able to get the tanks, then that we would regain Kherson. Then nobody believed there would be fighter-jets coalition. And of course, nobody believed that we would receive Patriot missiles. But you know what’s most important? We believed that, and we knew that we would be fighting for it. Same way as we are fighting for our country, fighting for our people, making sure that we will win this war.

Dear people of Taiwan, thank you so much for standing with us, for supporting us, and for making sure that the values such as freedom, ability to define your own future, value of human lives are not just meaningless sounds. This is something that you’re ready to fight for, and die for. But better to live for. Thank you so much. And glory to Ukraine.

Democracy as a Weapon

ANA THERESIA ‘RISA’ HONTIVEROS-BARAQUEL philippine senator

Remarks given at the Fireside Chat: Leadership in the Time of Democratic Recession at the 30th CALD Anniversary Public Conference held on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

I am delighted to be back in Taiwan! I was just here last May, irked and fueled by the Chinese Ambassador to the Philippines who threatened overseas Filipino workers living here, telling them they should not support Taiwan’s independence.

It was a very packed couple of days, and I had the chance to meet and have meaningful conversations not only with our fellow Filipinos, but also with the Taiwanese officials from the Ministry of Labor, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the National Health Insurance, the Legislative Yuan, and of course President Tsai Ing-Wen.

It was invigorating to have been able to engage with leaders who deeply value our hard-won democracies.

We talked about how we can strengthen economic, security, labor, and people-to-people relations between our governments, and crucially, I raised the exacerbating tensions in the West Philippine Sea and the entire South China Sea, with China’s aggression making the situation worse by the day.

protect our national interests and national security; we are also part of the first island chain of democracy.

Since the ‘80s, since the victory of the People Power Revolution, since the promise of a more free, more equitable society, we in the Philippines are still struggling to show how democracy can make a positive, concrete, and tangible change in our people’s lives. The liberalization and deregulation of too many industries, for example, while a boon for foreign investors, started to widen inequality at home.

“Nonetheless, what is clear is that we are amidst a democraticglobal recession.”

We had fruitful exchanges, sharing common challenges that both Taiwan and the Philippines face. I remember how the President of the Legislative Yuan, the honorable You SI-Kun, talked about how the islands of South Korea, Taiwan, and the Philippines all toppled dictatorships and began democratic transitions and processes around the same time in the ‘80s. We marveled at how we are not only part of an island chain that works to

I often borrow Filipino activist and professor Nathan Quimpo’s term “contested democracy” to describe the Philippines, as this best encapsulates the struggle for a genuine democracy — one that should turn “an elite-dominated, formal democracy into a participatory and egalitarian one.”

Unfortunately, the struggle continues. In the recent national polls, the Philippines elected the son and namesake of our former dictator, Ferdinand Marcos. Barring talks of electoral fraud and the well-oiled ground and digital machinery of the Marcos-Duterte tandem, it cannot be denied that a significant number of Filipino voters still believed Marcos’s lies and propaganda, in what only seems like a despairing,

last-ditch attempt to salvage what is left of their growing grievances. Our people’s discontent was taken advantage of.

While it has been said that democracy as we know it today has not always been kind to the most vulnerable among us, others do argue that this is only a narrative that our adversaries push to paint democracy as incapable of addressing people’s needs.

Nonetheless, what is clear is that we are amidst a global democratic recession. Since 2006, the NGO Freedom House has monitored a decline in political rights and civil liberties, while the Economist Intelligence Unit said that in a 2021 survey, only 8.4 percent of the world’s population lived in a fully functioning democracy.

Independent Foundation Bertelsmann Stiftung also reported that democratic erosion has been happening since the 2000s, highlighting the vulnerabilities of older democracies like Sri Lanka and India, as well as countries like Pakistan, Bangladesh and Thailand, whose democracy crises were punctuated by military putsches.

This democratic recession was made even more apparent at the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. In Hungary, Viktor Orban used the pandemic to seize unlimited power, establishing what has been called Europe’s Corona dictatorship. In the Philippines, then President Rodrigo Duterte was granted similar near-limitless emergency powers as we were railroaded by our own Congress. In Cambodia, a one-party legislature passed guidelines making way for drastic surveillance measures that curtailed citizens’ political rights.

Instead of a health-centric approach to a health crisis, we saw how governments around the world used force and violence to implement lockdown and quarantine measures. The continuing worry is that democracy has become even more under threat as a result of the policies enforced during the height of the pandemic.

Democracy experts and political scientists have noted that this democratic recession in most of the AsiaPacific has taken the form of what they term “executive aggrandizement,” defined as a process that uses political power to insidiously erode democratic institutions through “legal” means. It is the chipping away of mechanisms of check and balance, the weakening of independent media, and the constricting of democratic spaces, whether on the ground or online.

In fact, as an opposition Senator in the Philippines, I have a front-row seat to how people within our government have hollowed out institutions of accountability. A prime example is the million-peso confidential and intelligence funds proposed by the Office of the Vice President, led by former President Duterte’s daughter and Marcos ally, Sara Duterte. These are funds that have less auditing and reporting requirements than the regular public funds. These are funds that are usually given to our security and law enforcement agencies to perform their mandate of addressing internal and external national security concerns.

However, the Philippine Congress, filled with Marcos-Duterte allies, has easily given these funds to the current VP. In fact, in the most recent

budget hearing on the VP’s proposed confidential funds, the House of Representatives did not make way for interpellation, with Presidential son and Congressman Sandro Marcos moving to suspend the hearing and approving VP Duterte’s proposal under the guise of “parliamentary courtesy.”

Meanwhile, in the Senate, Minority Leader Senator Koko Pimentel and I were able to ask the VP about the use of these confidential funds, as it is beyond ridiculous that our security agency such as the Department of National Defense does not even have funds as large as the Vice President’s. Despite this, the Senate, majority of whom are allied to the administration, still went on to approve the 500-million-peso fund.

Clearly, the democratic deficit in our country is structural, with political dynasties at the local level treating public service like inherited family businesses. This is only one of the many modes of executive aggrandizement that we are witnessing firsthand. This mode is said to be the chosen tool for autocratization in Asia, replacing the armed rebellions and military adventurism of the pre-2000 period.

While this is not viscerally and visually scandalous than, say, an image of a group of military personnel in their full garb holding institutions hostage, executive aggrandizement is even more difficult to stop. It is stealthy, gradual, and consistent, making it hard to identify a sole perpetrator or

point to one particular time or moment that signals democracy’s singular death.

Thankfully, our democracies are not completely out of oxygen. We wouldn’t be here today if it were. But just as important is for us to continue to monitor, analyze, and study the ebbs and flows of democracy in the Asia Pacific region as this is where two of the three largest democracies in the world, India and Indonesia, are situated. We should closely examine the health of our democracy because what happens in our region signals what could happen with the state of democracy around the world.

On top of a democratic backsliding in many democracies in the Asia-Pacific, totalitarianism is also hardening in places like Hong Kong and Cambodia, whose governments have been deeply influenced and infiltrated by the People’s Republic of China. We in the Philippines and our friends here in Taiwan are also experiencing the heavy hand of the autocratic regime of China largely due to Beijing’s sweeping and hegemonic territorial claims.

At the moment, both the governments of the Philippines and Taiwan have categorically pushed back against China’s aggressive attempts to undermine our sovereignty. As I mentioned earlier, it was China’s unwanted and unwarranted statements against our overseas workers in Taiwan that prompted me to visit and work on improving their welfare and living conditions. It goes without saying that my visit was not only a show of support for

our citizens, but also a show of solidarity for the people of Taiwan.

In the face of a global superpower that is hell-bent on bullying us into submission, it is only necessary that pro-democracy forces band together to resist repressive actions.

We know that China wants to influence our region and promote its style of politics because a deeply authoritarian state views the liberal world order as a threat to its existence. An autocracy is never secure of its power as it is power that is not freely given by the governed. This will not stop China from trying, however. She will try to reel us in through promises of investments and economic growth.

We have seen this in how it is part of Beijing’s foreign policy to “invest,” or at least promise to invest, in developing countries, particularly in Asia, Africa, and Latin America through its Belt and Road Initiative. But experience has taught us that these promises are often never met.

In fact, then President Duterte’s kowtowing to Beijing never resulted in concrete, resplendent gains for Filipinos. Sure, there’s a China-funded, lessthan-one-km bridge connecting two cities in the Philippines. But major infrastructure plans never materialized. China had failed to make good on her promises of support for Filipino projects, all while dredging the Philippines’ sea bed, harassing our fisherfolk, and building artificial islands in the West Philippine Sea.

government can show a measure of good faith by reigning in its coast guard, navy, and militia. But, as believers of democracy, freedom, and the rule of law, we cannot forgo our duty to a peaceful and diplomatic way of resolving our differences. Violence is out of the question.

As I told President Tsai during my last visit, peace is our only option. And the only way to ensure deep and lasting peace is all of our dogged commitment to democracy. Democracy is a powerful vaccine to armed conflict. Democracy guarantees that we can resolve disputes without the use of force. While far from perfect, democracy is the best thing we’ve got.

All of us here today know this and yet we still found ourselves in this democratic recession. In its 2021 report on freedoms in the world, Freedom House shared a bitter pill that we might as well swallow: “Democracy is in decline because its most prominent exemplars are not doing enough to protect it.”

“Leaders who respect, value, and recognize the significance of democracy should ...work together to deliver on democracy’s gains”

Leaders who respect, value, and recognize the significance of democracy should urgently and resolutely work together to deliver on democracy’s gains, fight off democracy’s adversaries, and protect democracy’s staunchest defenders. Democratic leaders across the globe have the responsibility to help each other not only in common issues that our nations face, such as the escalating tensions in the South China Sea, but also in domestic problems, such as poor access to healthcare, that one or the other can contribute solutions to.

Yet whether or not we have an administration that is friendly to China does not matter. China will do whatever it takes to get what she wants, according to her own pace, in keeping with what she believes is her Manifest Destiny. So instead of pursuing legal and diplomatic means in solving disputes in the South China Sea, instead of simply following the rule of law at sea, instead of recognizing the 2016 Hague Ruling, China has fired a water cannon at our indigenous boats, shined a military-grade laser that blinded Filipino personnel, removed a naval gun cover aiming at Philippine vessels—all in service of her delusion.

It is hard to imagine China backtracking on her claims. It is hard to believe that the Chinese

Within our own countries, we need to keep pushing for and electing leaders who will uphold our democratic values in all levels of governance. We need to keep broadening our networks and attracting more people to participate in strengthening our democratic institutions. We need to be talking about these things beyond our immediate spheres of influence, beyond ourselves.

With the power of new technologies and our traditional ways of organizing, let us foster a stronger public understanding of our cherished democratic principles. Only then can every citizen make choices—whether in their personal, professional, or public life—that would always err on the side of democracy.

Shared Values, Twin Histories

YOU SI-KUN president of taiwan’s legislative yuan

Speech given at the CALD 30th Anniversary Gala Dinner held on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

The Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats was established in 1993, which was the first year of democracy in Taiwan. Democratic politics is parliamentary politics; 1 February 1993 is the day when Taiwan’s Democratic Congress was officially born and began to exercise its powers. Thirty years after, Taiwan’s Congress has fully implemented regular elections. Today, the 30th anniversary of the Taiwan Democratic Congress, we gather together to celebrate the 30th anniversary of the establishment of CALD, which is of special significance.

of this year, when Chinese President Tsai Ing-Wen passed through the United States and met with Speaker McCarthy of the U.S. House of Representatives, China arbitrarily announced sanctions on CALD and its important members. Your alliance is not afraid of coercion by powerful forces and often speaks out for Taiwan internationally. On behalf of the Taiwan Congress, I would like to express my heartfelt respect and gratitude.

“Your alliance is not afraid of coercion by powerful forces and often speaks out for Taiwan internationally.”

The Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats has not only accorded longterm attention to the development of Taiwan’s elections and democratic politics. It also often speaks out on international incidents that violate human rights and endanger freedom and democracy. For example, in 2020, China passed the “Hong Kong National Security Law”; CALD immediately condemned it. At the beginning

China’s rise has seen it indulging in domestic oppression and external expansion, taking back its promise to Hong Kong’s people about having ‘one country, two systems,’ violating its commitments to the United States by militarizing the South China Sea, and bullying Taiwan with Tiantian aircraft. Recently, China included disputed territories with neighboring countries into its “New Standard Map,” ignoring the protests expressed by nearby nations, including the Philippines, India, Malaysia, and

my country. In the face of the Chinese Communist Party’s deliberate destruction of the status quo, escalating tensions in the IndoPacific region, and jeopardizing international peace and stability, unity and cooperation among liberal democracies have become even more important.

Taiwan is a sovereign and independent country that has always advocated for freedom, democracy, and respect for diversity. We will continue to support and cooperate closely with democratic allies with similar ideas to jointly safeguard the universal values of freedom, democracy, and human rights, and promote international peace, stability, prosperity and development. We look forward to more exchanges with democratic parties around the world in the future.

How to Deal with a Bully

EDCEL C. LAGMAN

member of the philippine house of representatives president, liberal party of the philippines

Speech delivered during the Parallel Session on Great Power Competition, the Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea Disputes at the 30th CALD Anniversary Public Conference held on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

The history of nations is punctuated by the intense rivalry for expansion and power— from ancient times to the Persian and Roman empires, to the European nations’ quest for colonies in Asia and the Americas, the Napoleonic wars, and down to the present day powerplay between the United States and China in the West Philippine Sea (also known as the South China Sea) and the Taiwan Straits, disturbing the geopolitical landscape in Southeast Asia and East Asia.

international order. Accordingly, China’s “nine-dash line” that asserted ownership over the vast and mineral-rich WPS was rejected as spurious with finality.

However, China has contumaciously defied the arbitral decision by:

“This is not one crisis but a series of military actions instigated by China.”

On 12 July 2016, the Permanent Court of Arbitration unequivocally awarded to the Philippines most of the territories in the West Philippine Sea (WPS), which were declared part of the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone (EEZ).

This decision was based on the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) and the regime of rule-based

• Continuing its occupancy of areas declared under the Philippine sovereignty and ownership;

• Amassing additional areas;

• Building structures and military facilities in areas it reclaimed in the WPS;

• Prohibiting fishing by Filipinos in the adjudicated areas awarded to the Philippines; and

• Obstructing navigation and transit in the WPS.

China just recently disclosed a new map, which it denominated as its 10-dash line,

expanding its pretentious claims in the WPS. This new spurious map has been rejected by most Asian nations, particularly those in Southeast Asia.

It needs emphasis that the enforcement of the arbitral award in favor of the Philippines has growing international support. All G-7 countries, and many European Union member nations, along with Australia and India, have expressed their support. They have vowed to help the Philippines enforce the award by stopping China’s recidivist defiance of the arbitral decision and its continuing incursions and militarization in the West Philippine Sea.

But we also have the Taiwan Strait Crises, or the series of tense situations and conflicts that have occurred between China and Taiwan over the status and sovereignty of Taiwan and its surrounding waters. This is not one crisis but a series of military actions instigated by China.

The Taiwan Strait’s importance is directly linked to its strategic location. For one, it is a vital global maritime trade route, linking the East China Sea and the West Philippine Sea. For another,

it is strategically positioned and connects the western Pacific Ocean to East and Southeast Asia. It is also a foothold with enormous national security implications for China. Lastly, it has implications for international relations, particularly with regard to the United States. Any crisis or conflict in the Strait could affect U.S. relations with China and other regional powers.

As the two economic giants and military superpowers face off for dominance, Southeast Asia, East Asia, and the Indo-Pacific have become hotbeds for their powerplay and increasing rivalry.

Both countries are vying for control and influence in these subregions. This competition has significant implications on the security and stability of these areas and beyond.

With 10 countries and a combined 655 million people, Southeast Asia has the world’s third largest population and its fifth largest economy. It is a top investment and export destination of both the United States and China.

As they struggle for regional hegemony, the United States and China maintain and expand their respective military and economic presence and influence in Southeast and East Asia. But their ambitions have inflamed tensions in these subregions. That is why individual nations must always stand their ground when it comes to their sovereignty and independence; economic deals based on fair and transparent trade agreements; and adherence to the international rule of law, democracy, and liberalism.

The strategic maneuverings of the United States and China and their implications are also keenly felt by Taiwan. Its security is a major concern in this power struggle.

Although not mirror images of each other, Taiwan Straits Crises and the territorial claims of China and the Philippines over islands in the WPS have several stark similarities.

Like in the Taiwan Strait Crises, the dispute over the WPS revolves around territorial claims, maritime rights, and marine and petroleum resources. There have also been instances of military aggression, including China’s brazen occupation of disputed islands, incidents at sea, and the construction of military installations by China.

But one major difference is that the Philippines initiated arbitration action against China, which it eventually won and is now final and executory.

The Philippines needs to expand its military alliances with friendly nations in order to deter further maritime terrorism in the WPS.

not be allowed to flourish and celebrate its 40 th anniversary 10 years from now.

I am not saying that the other protagonist does not have its own share of aberrations. But how do we pursue diplomacy and dialogue with a recidivist aggressor that rejects the rule of law and CALD’s cherished missions?

“We must seek nonmilitary recourse with the help of kindred nations.”

It is time for the Philippines to consider requesting kindred nations like the United States, Japan, Canada, the United Kingdom, Australia, India, along with Germany, France, Italy, and other European Union countries to enforce calibrated economic sanctions on errant China so that it would honor the final arbitral award in favor of the Philippines over its Exclusive Economic Zone of maritime territories known as the West Philippine Sea, and stop its military intervention in the Taiwan Strait.

Resorting to diplomacy fortifies peace. The initial and principal response is diplomacy and dialogue. We must seek consensus, not conflict. We must, perforce, strive for peace in the regions and help maintain the balance of power, or balance of terror, if you may, between the United States and China.

If the fragile balance is superseded by the ascendancy of one of the superpowers, which is known for its hostility against libertarian values and democratic ideals, the CALD will

Economic sanctions will fall hard on China at this time when it is threatened by an impending economic meltdown.

No amount of diplomatic protest and discourse can tame a recalcitrant bully. We must seek non-military recourse with the help of kindred nations.

Exhortations on democracy and liberalism, now truisms, may become motherhood statements if China continues and succeeds in its aggression in Southeast and East Asia.

A Renewed Call for Unity

CHIH-CHENG LO

member of taiwan’s legislative yuan executive director, policy research and coordination committee, democratic progressive party, taiwan

Speech delivered at the Regional Networks Meeting on 10 September at Taipei, Taiwan

As we gather here today, on the one hand, we want to celebrate CALD’s anniversary and reflect on our achievements over the past three decades. But on the other hand, we need to have a serious discussion of the challenges we are facing. On balance, we have to examine the progress of democracy, as well as the regression or recession of democracy. Of course, there are many factors that contribute to democratic regression. Today, however, I will focus only on China’s authoritarian expansion and the threat it poses to democracies.

Before we talk about China’s rising influence and continued expansion, we need to understand the very nature of our relationship with China. Simply put, it’s a competition or even a war between democracy and autocracy—and Taiwan is standing at the forefront of the two opposing camps.

eventually move toward a more open, free, and even democratic society.

But obviously and unfortunately, this has not been the case. China has in fact become less free and more authoritarian. To make things worse, China has become more revisionist and more aggressive, not only challenging the regional and world order, but also attempting to influence the domestic politics of other countries.

“…it’s a competition or even a war between democracy and autocracy…”

The threats and challenges encountered by Taiwan may take place —and some are already happening—in other countries. In the past, we had long believed that through our engagement with China, we could change China. The traditional paradigm also suggests that as a consequence of modernization and development of the Chinese economy, China would gradually and

It is worth noting that military intimidation is not the only tactic that China uses to coerce or subdue Taiwan. In the face of a rising China, Taiwan and other democracies are facing a whole range of common challenges.

For instance, our dependence on China as a trading and investment partner has given China political leverage in our relations with it. . Our government is very aware of the economic risks and political costs that may be caused by our dependence on China’s market. Over the past few years, China’s trade sanctions against Taiwan have affected our industry after industry. Taiwan’s agricultural products and tourism are often the targets of Chinese Communist Party’s sanctions.

In addition, as democracies, our free and open societies offer some vulnerabilities for Beijing to implement its influence operations. The CCP has been implementing covert, coercive, or corrupting tactics to influence and shape the public discourse and political outcomes within targeted countries. Some of the key elements of China’s influence operation include cognitive warfare, disinformation campaign, economic coercion, cyber espionage, cultural influence, and military intimidation, among others.

In the case of Taiwan, the methods of China’s influence operations have included monetary inducements to politicians, business leaders, academics, local grassroots organizations, media, and cyberspace influencers.

One of the goals of China’s influence operations is to promote and support narratives and policies in Beijing’s favor. The CCP has consistently cultivated networks of influence, developed long-term dependencies, and shaped discourse on China across many facets of politics, business, academia, and society in Taiwan.

Apparently, China knows the vulnerabilities and opportunities it can exploit in our free and open society. In short, we democracies are in

a defensive position in the face of authoritarian China’s expansion.

As I mentioned earlier, the challenges we face are multi-faceted. So what should be our counter-strategy or counter-measures?

I am very pleased to see that China’s influence operations have raised concerns among foreign governments and policymakers, who see these as a threat to national security and sovereignty. More importantly, some countries have already taken actions to respond to such challenges.

For instance, some governments have shut down the

Confucius Institutes as their counter-measures against China’s influence operations. Also, lawmakers in some countries are now calling for actions and passing legislation against Beijing’s ‘United Front’ activities, which are designed to interfere in our politics and society in very subtle and sophisticated ways.

Let me share with you my own views about how we can do more to cope with China’s authoritarian expansion in general, and influence operations in particular. Obviously, coping with China’s influence operations also involves a multifaceted approach.

First, we have to understand that China is a revisionist power. China not only does not accept the status quo in the Indo-Pacific, but also takes actions to challenge and change the status quo The so-called “ new normal” CCP regime wants to create is an internal and external environment conducive to its authoritarian rule. And the very existence of democracy in Taiwan is a challenge to China’s authoritarianism. That is why China is using Taiwan’s freedom and openness to undermine our democratic way of life. Taiwan is not the troublemaker, China is. In this war of democracy against autocracy, we must act in self-defense.

The second countermeasure I am suggesting is de-risking . The economic dependence on China increases our sensitivity and vulnerability to Chinese influence operations. The way to de-risk our dependence on China is to diversify our investment and trade markets.

Don’t get me wrong, I am not proposing de-coupling . I’m simply arguing that we can’t

put all our eggs in one basket, because it’s very risky economically and politically.

On the contrary, we have to make good use of China’s dependence on us and demand that China must abide by the rules of the game. We have not and will not change China easily, but at least we should ask China not to challenge these existing political and economic orders. In short, a healthier economic relationship between China and the outside world should be one of interdependency.

My third suggestion for democracies in the face of authoritarian challenge is to pass legislation to strengthen our democracy and security. As mentioned earlier, China is using the openness and freedom of our democratic society to undermine our democratic life. But we must not sacrifice our freedom and democracy in the name of national security. Because doing so will fall into what China wants.

of the problem. Raising public awareness is the key to effective legislation. And this responsibility lies with the government.

Finally, we need to strengthen international alliances and partnerships to collectively address China’s influence on a global scale. We must understand that any democratic country that wants to stand alone against China’s influence offensive is doomed to fail.

All like-minded countries should unite to cope with the threat of authoritarian expansion. We have many possible areas where we can cooperate, such as the joint study of China’s influence operations, the sharing of information and intelligence, the implementation of countermeasures, the exchange of experience with relevant legislation, and so on.

“All likeminded countries should unite to cope with the threat of authoritarian expansion.”

The best way to strengthen our defense mechanism and to strike a balance between democracy and security is through democratic legislative procedures. We need to enact and enforce laws and regulations that require transparency in foreign lobbying and funding, as well as restrictions on foreign interference. We may need to pass legislation that imposes restrictions on some Chinese activities within our territory. Whether these activities are in the name of NGOs or academics, we may have to make special provisions.

To be sure, such legislation will be quite controversial in many countries. So to pass such legislation, we must engage dialogue with the public in order to obtain social support. We also need to encourage civil-society organizations to promote democratic values and human rights, counteracting China’s influence. We have to let the people understand the seriousness and urgency

That’s why I think forums like we have here today are very timely and important. With your wisdom and experience, I believe that more creative and effective methods can be proposed to counter China’s influence operations.

China, you see, challenges not only our national interests, but also our democratic way of life. Allow me to stress once again that China’s influence warfare is a clear and present danger. Military or economic threats are just the more visible ones. China’s penetration and infiltration into other democratic societies is actually more threatening. To counter that, we need a whole-of-government and whole-of-society response.

So my dear colleagues, at this important historical moment, to defend democracy, let’s work together. We have to work together because we all know that “united we stand, divided we fall.”

In Praise of Solid Work

HAKIMA EL HAITE president, liberal international

Closing remarks delivered via video at the CALD 30th Anniversary Public Conference held on 9 September in Taipei, Taiwan

Ladies and gentlemen, dear colleagues, dear friends, dear Kiko, allow me to start by extending my heartfelt congratulations on your 30th anniversary General Assembly. I would also like to commend Kiko, the outgoing CALD Chairman, for his exceptional leadership and achievement. We have had the opportunity to work together through virtual meetings and online platforms during the pandemic. And we performed together, so thank you, Kiko, for your valuable participation.

I must also express my gratitude to Lito and the CALD Secretariat for their continuous hard work, and also for organizing this memorable meeting in Taiwan. Although I regret not being able to join you in person today, rest assured that you are in good hands with our Vice President Henrik and Phil. Their vast knowledge and experience will certainly contribute to enrich your discussions and debates.

not only the region but also global energy, food security, while causing devastating effects on civilians. Additionally, we are witnessing military coups in Africa and a growing division in the world order that is undermining the multilateral system.

Asia is not immune to these perturbations and threats to democracy and individual freedoms, as well as to challenges to countries’ sovereignty that are becoming increasingly prominent. In such turbulent times, regional organizations like CALD are vital platforms for upholding the values of freedom, democracy, and peace.

“Today we find ourselves in a time of severe pressure on the liberal democratic world order.”

Ladies and gentlemen, today we find ourselves in a time of severe pressure on the liberal democratic world order. Humanity has been grappling with one crisis after another, first with the pandemic and its profound social, economical, and even psychological effect. Now the conflict in Ukraine has added another layer of complexity affecting

Your work in empowering women and youth, advocacy, as well as uniting Liberal Democrats to safeguard liberty and hold autocrats accountable, is commendable. I must share that one of the proudest moment of my time with Liberal International was standing together with Juli Minoves, our president of honor, and together with you in the Philippines to support Senator Leila de Lima, who has become an inspiring symbol of resistance against repressive regimes for liberals worldwide.

With this message, dear friends, I raise a toast to all of you here to the next 30 years of global

partnerships, working hand in hand to create a more liberal, democratic Asia. I send my best wishes for a successful assembly on behalf of the Bureau and the 122 members of your global liberal family.

Lastly, I would like to acknowledge Mardi Seng, the incoming CALD Chairperson, and her sister Theary, who we remember fondly. The Liberal International Bureau takes pride in having nominated Theary for the Hans Van Baalen Medal of Liberalism at our Executive Committee in Ottawa. Mardi, I eagerly anticipate presenting you with the medal on behalf of Theary very soon. Until then, I wish you every success in your chairmanship. Rest assured that Liberal International is an active and dedicated partner in supporting our shared values across Asia and worldwide. Cheers to your achievements and brighter future for CALD.

A TALE OF TWO WOMEN

FRANCIS ‘KIKO’ PANGILINAN

It has been the worst of times for two Asian women lawyers who are currently languishing in jail for going against the powers-that-be. One is a former senator who valiantly criticized the drug war of a populist president. The other is a civil-society activist who brought attention to a myriad of human rights violations committed by an autocratic regime. One tried to change the system from within; the other one opted to stay outside. Both ended up behind bars for fighting for what is right.

They are Leila de Lima of the Philippines and Theary Seng of Cambodia. On 24 February this year, de Lima will mark her sixth year of detention. Seng meanwhile was sentenced to six-year imprisonment in June last year. Both faced charges that were clearly politically motivated.

De Lima, who is a former justice secretary and chairperson of her country’s human rights commission, was charged with three counts of conspiracy to engage in the drug trade. She was acquitted of one count in February 2021, while the other two remain on trial. In the course of the trial, several judges assigned to the cases recused themselves or opted for early retirement. In recent months, a number of key prosecution witnesses also recanted their statements against the former lawmaker, stating that they had been pressured by administration officials to execute those statements.

Seng, a U.S. citizen and survivor of Cambodia’s bloody Khmer Rouge era, was convicted of “conspiracy to commit treason” and “incitement to create gross chaos impacting public security.” The cases were in relation to the failed attempt of Sam Rainsy, acting leader of the defunct Cambodia National Rescue Party, to return to Cambodia in 2019. Seng was sentenced together with 60 other defendants for allegedly organizing the return of the self-exiled leader, an accusation that she has vehemently denied.

De Lima and Seng’s imprisonment on trumped-up charges reflects how the political situation in both the Philippines and Cambodia has worsened in recent years. The Philippines’ ranking Freedom House’s Democracy

Index declined from 50th place in 2016 to 52nd place by end of 2022.

De Lima’s nemesis, Rodrigo Duterte was sworn into the Presidential office on 30 June 2016 and ended his term on 30 June 2022.

Cambodia’s decline is much more glaring, falling from 124th place in the Democracy Index in 2017, when the country last held its general elections, to 152nd spot out of 167 countries in 2022. It has practically been a one-party state in the last six years.

The drift to authoritarianism in both countries has been accompanied by the rise of corruption.

Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Index shows that the Philippines slipped from 101st place in 2016 to 116th place in 2022. While Cambodia’s ranking improved from161st in 2017 to 150th in 2022, it remains to be the 2nd most corrupt

country in Southeast Asia, with only post-coup Myanmar ranking lower. The Transparency International report also indicates that Cambodia’s judicial system remains to be one of the main sources of corruption in the country.

In the World Justice Project’s Rule of Law Index, which measures adherence to the rule of law through a comprehensive and multidimensional set of outcome indicators, Cambodia currently ranks 139th out of 140 countries, while the Philippines fares better at 97th place. The close-to-the-bottom ranking of Cambodia indicates that it scored low on most indicators, including constraints on governmental powers, respect for fundamental rights, and criminal and civil justice. In the case of the Philippines, its lowest scores among the indicators were also on civil and criminal justice and fundamental rights.

when she investigated the latter’s extrajudicial killings when he was still serving as mayor of a major city in the Philippine South. Seng became a target of Hun Sen when she used both her international and local connections to draw attention to human rights abuses in Cambodia. The vague charges against both women, and the resulting trials, were clearly a sham. In the words of Seng, her trial was nothing but “political theatre… (where the) actors have to go by the script written by politicians.” The same can be said with regard to de Lima’s.

The cases against de Lima and Seng provide an illustration (and justification) of why the two countries scored relatively low in the Rule of Law Index. In both countries, the legal system has been used, and is continually being used, against government critics with the aim of harassing and intimidating them. Lawfare, defined as the “strategic use of legal proceedings to intimate and hinder an opponent,” has become the order of the day in both contexts. Democracy, as they say, dies by a thousand cuts. Lawfare, without a doubt, has been an integral part of this process.

In the hands of autocratic leaders like Rodrigo Duterte and Hun Sen, the courts and the law have been used as instruments of political vendetta. De Lima first earned Duterte’s ire

Despite their current predicament, the two women have remained unbowed, unbent and unbroken. De Lima continued to perform her responsibilities as an elected senator remarkably well until the end of her term in 2022. She once said that she would rather be jailed in defense of what is right, than to go to hell in the company of those persecuting her.

Late last year, Seng launched a hunger strike to protest her prison conditions ahead of U.S. President Joe Biden’s visit to Cambodia. She also recently embarked on Khmer translation of the Bible while in jail. She had previously said that her detention can only limit her freedom of movement—but it can’t take away her freedom of conscience.

“We must remember that all power, no matter how seemingly absolute, is fleeting,” said de Lima. “What is permanent is truth and justice.”

The best of times will come. Truth and justice will find de Lima and Seng. We hope, and—together with opposition allies—will pursue efforts, so that this happens sooner rather than later.

CALD Chairperson Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan is also the chairperson of the Liberal Party of the Philippines

The Women Left Behind

MU SOCHUA

Cambodia has been described as the “land of the widows.” Decades of war and political oppression have left many women with no choice but to be head of the household, as their husbands have either been killed or put behind bars.

I am one of the lucky ones. My husband died of natural causes. But the pain of being a widow becomes much worse now that I am living in exile and unable to visit the final resting place of my husband.

Being in exile is like when your loved ones are taken away from you in the most unjust way. It is not a choice; it is forced upon you. Much like what many Cambodian widows have gone through.

I remember getting a call on that fateful day. It was almost nighttime. The caller warned me that I would be arrested. Our party, the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), had been dissolved just a month before, and our leader Kem

Sokha had already been taken from his home by around 200 police officers. I feared for my life. I knew that I was no longer safe, so I packed my suitcase and fled.

Six years have passed since that day, but I still feel the fear and the pain. I didn’t have time to say goodbye to my daughters, my loved ones. I didn’t know where to go. Cambodia is my home and fleeing it was never part of my agenda. My family didn’t know where to find me because I was moving fast. I knew the regime had and has its eyes everywhere. But the uncertainty of not knowing where I would wake up the next day, whose room, whose bed I’d be sleeping in brought me

immense discomfort—mentally, physically, and emotionally.

Until now, even after three attempts, I am unable to return to Cambodia. Cambodian authorities have blacklisted me. When I tried to come back home in 2019, I could not even make it through Thai immigration, which had me detained and then deported.

But one of the painful things about being in exile is that I can no longer visit my late husband. I had brought his ashes to Cambodia in 2016 and I was able to honor his wish to have them scattered in the river where our family house is. He had taught our children the values of respect, patience, and compassion. He

was the center of our family, and he brought all of us together. He supported me in everything. When I am by the water, I miss our home. I miss the family. I miss being on the campaign trail with him. I miss the rivers, the mountains, and the rice trails. Like a lot of Cambodian women, I long for my loved ones.

During the Khmer Rouge period, women were subjected to forced labor, sexual violence, and other forms of abuse. Women at that time accounted for 60 percent of the Cambodian population, and onethird of them were widows. These women were forced to become the principal breadwinners of their families. Today, 44 years later, our women are going through the same experience.

Just last year, more than 100 activists and politicians from the opposition party, many of them males, were charged with alleged treason or incitement against Cambodia’s ruling party. Their mass arrest left their wives as household heads. These women are responsible for providing for the family’s basic needs and ensuring that their children are healthy, well-fed, and safe. They also supervise their children’s education and social development. They take care of the house—from cleaning to grocery shopping and cooking. And since the fathers are gone, it is also their job to provide emotional support and comfort to their children in these times of crises.

Despite all these, these women are still tirelessly protesting on the streets to demand their husbands’ release. There is a group called “Friday Women of Cambodia” that

is made up of wives and mothers who brave the possibility of arrest and violent attacks as they picket courts and embassies. They know that every time they do this they’re putting their lives on the line.

But as the Cambodian election nears, it seems that this movement has even moved beyond the women fighting for themselves and their husbands; they have moved toward justice for all. Their voice is more political, and they are now protesting for free and fair elections and the release of all prisoners of conscience. Recently, during the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Cambodia, the group held its Women’s March, its members holding signs that had slogans pushing for democracy and human rights in the region. Friday Women is the picture of the full strength of women—politically, economically, and morally. As the Friday Women movement continues to grow, there is hope that it will inspire more women to take action and become leaders in their own sphere.

Looking back, I’ve realized that it was the same conviction and dedication these women now have that pushed me to enter politics. Cambodia at the time was plagued with poverty and riddled with landmines. Phnom Penh had become a destination for sexual predators who exploited vulnerable young women and girls. I knew things had to change. I needed to fight for the rights that had been stripped away from the country’s women. And now, as the deputy president of CNRP, I travel with a suitcase around the world to tell the story of Cambodia and look for

ways on how to bring our country back to the path of democracy. I have been advocating for human rights, freedom, and the rule of law, but now I know that I am not alone in this fight. I have my sisters in Cambodia who are going through the same battle and becoming a voice of defiance.

I look forward to the day that I can work with these women on the streets of Cambodia. As I sit here in my place of exile, my thoughts are consumed with the longing to return home. It has been too long since I last immersed myself in the familiar sights and sounds of my homeland. But Cambodia can be safe only if the opposition parties will be allowed to operate freely without the fear of being dissolved again or being prosecuted. If the voters – the people – are safe to make statements and express their opinions. If there is an independent and free media, and an independent National Election Commission. And if Hun Sen will allow the opposition members in exile to be able to come home and drop all charges against them.

Until then, I will continue to advocate for democracy, freedom, and the rule of law however I can and from wherever I am. I owe this to all the widows and all women left behind in Cambodia. I owe it to my people.

Mu Sochua is the deputy president of Cambodia National Rescue Party and former chairperson of the CALD Women’s Caucus. She now lives in exile in the United States.

CALD marked its pearl anniversary not only with the usual conference and party, but also with the publication of a book that recounts the Council’s story so far while trying to envision how its next chapters could turn out. Launched on 9 September at the CALD 30th anniversary dinner in Taipei, Taiwan, Enduring Legacy, Evolving Odyssey was penned by former CALD Executive Director John Joseph S. Coronel, who drew insights from 15 individuals who had played significant roles in CALD’s first three decades: Florencio ‘Butch’ Abad, Jayanthi Balaguru, Moritz Kleine-Brockhoff, Chee Soon Juan, Siegfried Herzog, Siripa Intavichein, Jules Maaten, Mu Sochua, Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan, Wolfgang Sachsenröder, Sam Rainsy, Mardi Seng, Abhisit Vejjajiva, Graham Watson, and Maysing Yang. Although coming from different countries and offering a wide range of experiences, all 15 share a vision of—as CALD Chairperson Kiko Pangilinan put it in his message in the book—a “more democratic, developed, and equitable Asian region.”

The book includes recollections about CALD’s challenges and triumphs through the years, which reflect democracy’s story in Asia as well. As CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue has noted, though, the book is also “a call for deeper self-reflection for CALD members, its stakeholders, and its partners as we chart together a roadmap for the future.”

Pangilinan meanwhile wrote in his message, “The book rightly acknowledges the legacy of CALD as the foremost political-party network in the Asian region while also raising the difficult questions that CALD has to address as it enters its fourth decade.”

“This book may not provide answers to all these questions,” he also said, “but the intersecting (sometimes contradicting) views of the resource persons interviewed, without doubt, are great starting points for reflection and discussion.

CALD YOUTH OFFICIALS & THE FUTURE

“I envision a future where the youth can dream freely, unhindered by societal constraints, with democracy and liberalism prevailing in every part of our region. CALD plays a vital role in empowering young leaders to embody this vision, advocating for inclusive policies and amplifying diversity. Cultivating dialogue, embracing diversity, and promoting active participation, CALD can pave the way for a more equitable and prosperous future for all.”

Jeremiah Tomas, CALD Youth Chairperson

“My hopes and aspirations for CALD Youth for the future call for stepping out of our bubble and networking and collaborating with big institutions in Europe and North America. These would include possible partnerships with the likes of World Liberty Congress, International Republican Institute, and the National Democratic Institute. I want CALD Youth to expand and create spaces for young leaders not just regionally but also globally—to network, share ideas, and collaborate on initiatives. This would not only strengthen the individual capabilities of young leaders but would also foster a sense of regional solidarity among democracies.”

Samady Ou, CALD Youth Vice President

vision for the future

Kindly share your vision for the future of democracy and diversity in the region. What are your hopes, and aspirations? How can CALD continue to empower young leaders and advocate for positive change in the years to come?

My vision for the future of democracy and diversity in the region is rooted in fostering understanding and empathy. I hope to see a future where individuals embrace differences and engage in constructive conversations, transcending polarizing narratives brought about by populists’ disinformation and influence operations campaigns. I hope CALD continues to provide a platform to empower young people to break down barriers and build bridges between and among siloed communities, promoting mutual respect and cooperation. I also wish CALD continues to cultivate a culture within the region where diverse perspectives are valued, leading to a more inclusive and democratic society.

Jobelle Domingo, CALD Youth Secretary General

AWE -- DAY ONE

ASIAN WOMEN / YOUTH EDUCATION FOR TRANSFORMATIVE LEADERSHIP

AWE -- WELCOME DINNER

AWE -- DAY TWO

CALD YOUTH ELECTION

PUBLIC CONFERENCE

48TH EXECUTIVE MEETING

REGIONAL NETWORKS

GALA DINNER

STATEMENTS & LETTERS

UNJUST DETENTION & JAIL TERMS, BANS, & SANCTIONS

CALD did not issue any resolution for 2023, but the continued press of autocrats against rights and freedoms in Asia and elsewhere had it putting pen to paper (or to be more exact, tapping on the keyboard) to write letters and statements.

Most of that furious writing were prompted by actions taken by the governments of Cambodia and China. CALD, however, also had a lot to say on particular instances of injustice and rights abuse in the Philippines, Myanmar, and even Venezuela.

FEB 25

CALD for instance issued a joint statement with Liberal International on 25 February, the sixth anniversary of the detention of Philippine Senator Leila de Lima. CALD and LI called on Philippine Justice Secretary Jesus Crispin Remulla “to expedite and complete a thorough review of the Department of Justice’s (DOJ) remaining charges” against de Lima, and “to immediately drop them should the review show insufficient grounds for these charges.” The statement also urged President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. “to ensure that rule of law is respected

within the Department of Justice and Senator de Lima’s case, and that her human rights are fully upheld.”

De Lima, a known critic of former Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte, was arrested in 2017 on trumped-up drug charges. She was finally released on bail in November 2023.

APR 3

On 3 April, CALD turned its pen toward Myanmar’s junta. In its first official statement of the year, CALD condemned the

junta’s dissolution of opposition political parties, including the National League for Democracy, which had clinched another landslide victory in the 2020 polls. The statement also noted that Myanmar’s new law on political-party registration “reflects provisions that fail to meet international standards on political participation, and prevents political parties and membership in parties to ‘play a significant role in the conduct of public affairs and the election process’.”

“The decision to suppress the operation of opposition parties is a tactic common to all authoritarian regimes that want to give a semblance of democracy but severely restricts political competition,” CALD also said. “It should be seen for what it really is – a ludicrous attempt to gain legitimacy while perpetuating power.”

CALD then reiterated its call for the military junta “to immediately and unconditionally release all NLD members and other political prisoners and to genuinely forge a path toward peaceful resolution of conflict and genuine democracy.”

SEPT 8 FEB 14

The Council reached out across the seas to issue a statement on the ban from public office imposed on Venezuelan opposition leader Maria Corina Machado. Joining the global liberal and democratic community in expressing solidarity with Machado, CALD said that the ban, “supposedly for supporting sanctions of the United States against the Maduro government and for backing a former opposition leader, appears to be politically motivated, anti-democratic, arbitrary and a violation of her fundamental political rights.”

“It also deprives the Venezuelan people of the right to freely choose their candidate for the upcoming elections without interference,” CALD said. The Council then called on UN agencies and democratic governments ensure that “free and fair elections will take place” in Venezuela “with full participation of the political opposition.”

It was CALD Chairperson Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan, though, who had actually started the Council’s statement-writing for 2023. In a statement dated 14 February, the CALD Chairperson had expressed his alarm over the shutdown of Cambodia’s Voice of Democracy (VOD) that had been run by the NGO Cambodia Centre for Independent Media. Pangilinan also pointed out that move came after a VOD report on the alleged involvement of Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen’s eldest son and nominated successor in approving the country’s financial aid to Turkey.

“With the shutdown of the VOD, the last vestiges of independent media in Cambodia ceased to exist,” Pangilinan said. “It also reflects a continuing and worsening trend of persecution directed against members of the press, the political opposition and civil society ahead of the July 2023 elections.”

“Independent media is the cornerstone of democracy,”

he added. “As a Liberal and as a Democrat, I appeal to the international community to put a stop to Cambodia’s accelerating slide into autocracy.”

MAY 26

That slide would only continue, however. By 26 May, CALD was issuing Statement No. 2 for the year, on the disqualification of the opposition Candelight Party in Cambodia’s July 2023 elections. The Council reiterated its call “for the international community to rally behind the people of Cambodia and the democratic forces that continue to fight through the struggles and rise above the fears and threats.”

“The elimination of the opposition is democracy’s demise in Cambodia,” it noted. “With Hun Sen and his party running unchallenged, it places in serious doubt the credibility of the election outcome.”

17 MAY 17 APR 11

Two of CALD’s 2023 letters were also related to Cambodia. The first, dated 17 April, was addressed to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, and expressed CALD’s strong support for the nomination of human rights lawyer and activist Theary Seng for the 2023 United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights. In 2022, Seng had been convicted of “conspiracy to commit treason” and “incitement to create gross chaos impacting public security,” and was sentenced to six years in prison.

“Ms. Seng dedicated her life to the realization of human rights and democracy in her native land despite the fact that she could live a comfortable life as a citizen and licensed lawyer in The United States,” CALD wrote, explaining why it believed Seng was worthy of the recognition. “The bravery, patriotism, and commitment to human rights of Ms. Seng have been an inspiration to all of us, Asian Liberals and Democrats. They ignite our passion to continue fighting for democracy and freedom, despite the difficult circumstances in our respective countries and the region as a whole.”

CALD’s second Cambodia-related letter demonstrated the Council’s determination to push against wrongs against rights, while at the same time showing its optimism even in the face of growing autocracy. Dated 17 May, the letter was addressed to Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, whom CALD requested to intercede on the matter of the opposition Candlelight Party being barred to participate in the 23 July elections. In urging Hun Sen to take action, CALD said that it would be “most unfortunate” if a “small bureaucratic issue becomes the reason for deeming the upcoming electoral exercise as not in line with the international standards of free, fair, and competitive elections.”

“Democracy and freedom can only have meaning if people have real or genuine choices,” CALD wrote to Hun Sen. “We are hoping that your leadership, guided by the principles of the Paris Peace Agreement and the ASEAN Charter, could pave the way for a political solution that allows the CLP to participate in the upcoming elections. After all, CLP’s participation could significantly improve Cambodia’s image in the international community, and would definitely highlight the country’s progress toward the institutionalization of democracy.”

Interestingly, CALD by then was already dealing with being the target of an autocratic government. In a statement issued on 11 April, CALD Chairperson Pangilinan announced that Beijing had imposed sanctions on CALD and its officials for “violating the ‘One China’ principle, advocating for Taiwan’s independence, and expanding Taiwan’s international space.”

Pangilinan also said, “While we consider the sanctions as unfortunate, the Council stands by its programs and activities that aim to advance democracy, human rights, and the rule of law for all peoples of Asia. We remain committed to promote the basic values of liberal democracy as stated in our Charter, and to not cower in the face authoritarianism or from those who threaten our freedoms.”

The CALD Chairperson would give more details on the sanctions in a memorandum he issued to members of the CALD Executive Committee during its 47th meeting in Bangkok. Dated 19 April, the memo said that the sanctions barred CALD officials from entering PRC, Hong Kong, and Macau. It added, “They also prevent relevant organizations and individuals in mainland China and its administrative regions from cooperating with CALD.”

Pangilinan cautioned member-parties to refrain from visiting mainland China and its administrative regions for the time being. In a letter also dated 19 April to Taiwan Vice President William Lai, Pangilinan said that immediately after the sanctions were announced, the remaining CALD individual member from Hong Kong, Emily Lau, resigned from the Council.

But the CALD Chairperson stressed that the Council remained “undaunted” by the sanctions that had apparently been prompted in large part by its engagement with the Democratic Progressive Party.

“As an alliance of liberal and democratic political parties, we continue to recognize the DPP as an integral part of the CALD family and an important force in deepening and strengthening democracy in Taiwan and in the region,” Pangilinan wrote in the letter to Lai. ”Together with the DPP, CALD will continue to serve as a platform for the promotion of liberalism and safeguarding of fundamental freedoms in the Asian region and beyond.”

He continued, “As Chairperson of CALD, I will also ensure that we remain committed to the promotion and further strengthening of the principles that define and bind us—human rights, rule of law, freedom, and democracy. No

amount of sanctions or threats can stop us from realizing our mission of building a more democratic and progressive Asian region where freedom reigns.”

And so it was by design that CALD held its 30th anniversary events in Taipei, Taiwan for several days in September. It was also in the Taiwanese capital that CALD and its partners issued their Joint Statement on the Current State and Future of Democracy in Asia and reiterated their “unwavering commitment to democratic principles, human rights, and the rule of law as fundamental to achieving peace and prosperity in the Asia-Pacific region,” as well as pledged to stand with the people of Taiwan against all challenges and threats on their freedom, democratic way of life and human rights,” among others.

NOV 6

Fortunately, CALD’s last letter for 2023 – and the first bearing the signature of Mardi Seng as the new CALD Chairperson – was in reaction to a very positive event. In the 6 November missive to Hasto Kristiyanto, Secretary General of Partai Demokrasi Indonesia – Perjuangan, CALD expressed its “sincere gratitude and appreciation” to Indonesia’s ruling party for co-organizing the 8th CALD Political Party Management Workshop in Jakarta.

“Based on our personal experiences and the feedback we received from the other participants, we consider the event as one of the most insightful and most organized workshops we ever attended,” CALD said of the workshop that was held on 27-30 October.

“We were impressed by the achievements of PDI-Perjuangan in terms of party organization and management, not to mention your broader contributions to the consolidation of Indonesian democracy. Most particularly, we were so pleased to know how you rooted your party to the national ideology of Pancasila, and how you invested in the political education and training of your party cadres. These, we believe, contributed significantly to the party institutionalization of PDI-Perjuangan.”

The Council said as well, “The level of party institutionalization you achieved is an inspiration to many of us. Like PDI-Perjuangan, we also want our political parties to be better organized and managed so that we can contribute to the deepening of democracy in our respective countries. After all, the stability of democracy rests on the level of institutionalization of political parties.”

CALD gets buzzworthy training

Technology is supposed to make things easier, yet it in this age of cutting-edge tech, it has become even more complicated for political campaigns to make themselves heard loud and clear. So when U.S.-based award-winning political and public affairs consultancy firm BuzzMaker offered to hold a series of online training on political campaigns, digital fundraising, and field campaigning, it was just too good an opportunity for CALD to pass up.

For three consecutive Thursdays – 16 and 23 February and 2 March – BuzzMaker President Matthew Macmillan himself conducted the seminars, which attracted participants from Cambodia, Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Taiwan, Thailand and the United States. Right off Macmillan demonstrated his expertise, which he gained working at even the highest levels of campaigns. Macmillan, in fact, was named international political consultant of the year at the 2021 Napolitan Victory Awards. In total, he has won nearly 100 awards for outstanding political communication, leveraged strategy to mobilize millions of people to take action, raised tens of millions of dollars

online and introduced cutting edge digital political technology around the world.

The first installment of the series, “Best Practices in 21st Century Political Campaigns,” took a holistic look at campaigns –from “air campaign” and “ground campaign” to digital persuasion and organizing.

“Political campaign is a big operation with lots of moving parts,” Macmillan said. “Hence,

the best way to think about it is by putting it in compartments.” He then explained that compartmentalizing a campaign can be done by dividing it into four phases: developing the message scientifically; establishing the advertising creative; building the database; and protecting the vote.

All four phases, however, entail costs, which is why the second part of the series focused on “Digital Fundraising – How You Can Harness the Power of Collective Fundraising.” For this part, the discussion revolved around best practices in digital donor prospecting, acquisition, cultivation and conversion. In particular, it identified the

political and advocacy environments where collective fundraising can thrive. According to Macmillan, among these would be significant and passionate support base for candidate; jurisdiction is with large population; election or cause is high profile; and candidate has an established/known/trusted brand. The technology, strategy, and personnel needed to put into place the collective fundraising infrastructure were also taken up.

The last part of the series – “Field Campaigning: How to Build a Formidable Voter Mobilization Campaign” – examined the principles of voter ID, get-out-the-vote and election protection along with how to deploy simple yet effective technology to empower them. Macmillan presented, in particular, the features of Canvass (https://www.canvass. today), a user-friendly political canvassing platform. The tool, born of developers in Africa and strategists in the Caribbean, is lightweight, can be used in low data environments, and easy to use with older technology.

ASIAN PARLIAMENTARIANS ADDRESS INTERNET FREEDOMS

All together now: The rights that we enjoy offline should also be protected online. Freedom of expression, access to information, privacy, and association and assembly are fundamental rights that should be respected and promoted whether in the physical world or in the digital realm.

This should be clear to everyone, but many of even those in power still seem unable to grasp this fact. Unsurprisingly, the Internet Freedom in Southeast Asia (IFSEA) Regional Conference held 9 and 10 May in Bangkok, and which was co-organized by the Asia Centre and International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (ICNL) attracted many from all over Southeast Asia. CALD of course was among the 30 or so parliamentarians and representatives from UN agencies, civil-society organizations (CSOs) and media associations across Southeast Asia that were present at the event.

The conference was part of the wider IFSEA project undertaken by the Asia Centre with the support of ICNL to assess the situation of Internet freedoms in the region and improve digital rights through advocacy work, public engagement, UN human-rights mechanism engagement, and network-building. The project

also aimed to identify key regional trends on Internet freedoms and find new solutions to improve freedoms of people in accessing and using the Internet.

Asia Centre set the scene at the conference by highlighting the overarching themes across its four reports on Internet freedoms in Myanmar, Timor-Leste, Cambodia and Malaysia that were published between 2021 and 2023. The reports’ common themes were the inclusion of “Internet” as a human right; compliance with international standards of Internet freedoms; measures taken by state authorities that violate and restrict these freedoms; and the joint role of parliamentarians and CSOs in drafting rightsbased legislation and establishing oversight mechanisms.

The CALD delegation, composed of Philippine Member of House of Representatives Adrian Michael Amatong, Malaysian Senator Dominic Lau Hoe Chai and CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue took part in Panel 4, which tackled parliamentarian and CSOs Partnerships for Internet Freedoms. They were joined by Madius bin Tangau, a parliamentarian from Malaysia, and Febrina Galuh Permanasari of Alliansi Jurnalis Independen Indonesia.

Arlegue, who moderated the panel, introduced the topic by asking: “Can parliamentarians and CSOs work together if there are prevailing trust issues between them – where parliamentarians are often seen as part of the problem rather than as part of the solution?” In his presentation, meanwhile, Senator Lau recognized the value of civil society in the work of parliamentarians. He noted, “We do not have adept knowledge in every field… so civil society can be a valuable resource since they are closer to the people on the ground.” Congressman Amatong, for his part, emphasized in his intervention the realities that district representatives have to work with, and how these affect their priorities. These realities, he said, should also be taken into account by CSOs in their engagement.

The conference, though, provided a starting point for potentially useful future collaborations between parliamentarians and CSOs, even if it was obvious that much more needs to be done so that they can work together on the issue of Internet freedoms in Asia.

As it was, among the recommendations in the group discussions was for parliamentarians to openly collaborate with CSOs in drafting relevant laws protecting Internet freedoms. Cross-ministerial initiatives in the drafting process could result in holistic and thorough legislation that strengthens the legal system advancing freedoms on the Net.

GETTING

THE YOUTH ALL READY AND ON FIRE

On 11 August, at the 21st floor of the Frassati Building of University of Santo Tomas in Manila, Philippines, more than 200 Filipino youths listened to national youth leaders and liberal stalwarts who shared invaluable insights. More than 200 youths discussed the pressing issues their country was facing and engaged in the creation of possible concrete solutions. That day in August, a flame was ignited in each of those 200 youths, all of whom are hopefully keeping it ablaze.

CALD has often highlighted the role of the young in keeping the liberal light burning. Partnering with Center for Liberalism and Democracy (CLD), CALD decided to hold “Dagitab,” a one-day youth summit designed to spark passion among young Filipinos to serve their country in whatever form they think

best suits their ability and skills. Through the theme “Kindle-a ng Kabataan: Pasiklabin ang Bayanihan (Let Cooperation Explode with the Light of Youth),” Dagitab teased out of the young participants their concerns, aspirations, and dreams for the Philippines.

CALD Chairperson and former Philippine senator Francis ‘Kiko’ Pangilinan kicked off the summit by having a dialogue with Filipino youth icon Jules Guiang, also a founding member of 2030 Youth Force. Pangilinan and Guiang talked primarily about idealism and how powerful it is when embodied by Filipino youth. Pangilinan noted that when the youth genuinely believe in something, all things are possible. He recalled his own days as a student activist at the University of the Philippines, even though he admitted that he was not “woke”

in the beginning. It was only when he was exposed to the real state of the nation, the former lawmaker said, that he realized how social ills were plaguing his country.

A roundtable discussion was next, with Guiang acting as moderator. Like Pangilinan, the panelists at the roundtable discussion talked of empowerment and gave advice to the youth in attendance. For instance, Dexter Yang, founder of GoodGovPH, a youth-led nonprofit for good governance in the Philippines, talked of the Sanggunian Kabataan or Youth Council, as well as not-so-commonly known laws in the Philippines that the youth have successfully implemented in certain municipalities and cities in the country.

Elementary schoolteacher Ryan H. Homan, meanwhile, recounted

his experience with poverty and how volunteering made him strong. He said that he was thankful to his hometown for supporting his studies. Homan has been paying it forward. In 2013, he built a balsa (raft) that he used to pick up the students and out-of-school youths from their homes every weekend so they could have reading lessons.

Certified Public Accountant and 2019 bar topnotcher Diane Azores, for her part, shared how she struggled to make ends meet when she was an adolescent, and how she gathered the courage to eventually put herself and her family in a better situation.

Later in the day, the delegates were divided into small groups so that they could discuss in depth the country’s many problems and social issues. Facilitating the

focus-group discussions were Guiang and some volunteer UST students.

A representative from each group presented the key points of their discussion to the whole body, with a volunteer taking notes to consolidate all the points raised by the groups. The results of this session became the basis of the Four Point Youth Agenda, a document outlining advocacies, concerns, proposed solutions, and demands of the Filipino youth for the Philippines’ 30 October 2023 Barangay and Sangguniang Kabataan elections.

In his solidarity message delivered after the drafting of the Agenda, ASEAN Youth Advocates Network Founder and Chairperson Emmanuel Mirus S. Ponon emphasized the need to take action. Outside of the

summit, he said, a world is waiting for the impact from the Filipino youth.

In truth, the participants were already given a leg up at the summit to effect change. CALD and CLD had partnered with several organizations to bring volunteer, internship, and other similar opportunities closer to the delegates, with the likes of EcoWaste Coalition, INCITEGov, Kilos Ko Youth, GoodGovPH, DAKILA, Liberal Youth, the Friedrich Naumann Foundation – Philippines, and Angat Buhay setting up booths at the event, ready for anyone interested in signing up.

CALD, however, also remembered the power of music to inspire, and had the Filipino indie band The Ridleys give the summit a rocking close.

CALD ponders over polls

Yes, most countries in Asia still have periodic elections. Whether these elections are free and fair is another matter. There’s also the question on whether these elections actually advance democracy or impede it.

Aiming to contribute to the discussion of this issue, CALD organized a panel in the 8th Asia Centre Annual Conference that was held in late August in Bangkok, Thailand. The panel, which took place on 24 August, had as theme “Toward Competitive Elections and Beyond: Realizing Electoral and Liberal Democracy in Asia” and focused on the most recent elections in the Philippines, Malaysia, Cambodia, as well as the February 2024 elections in Indonesia.

CALD chose these countries for discussion because they have been facing a number of issues and problems that either prevent the holding of free and fair elections or the consolidation of liberal democracy in the region. In countries like Indonesia and the Philippines, for example, election results can be significantly affected by disinformation, patron-client relations, populism, and political dynasties. In Cambodia, electoral politics has been dominated by a single political party that benefits from an uneven political field. And while the victory of the political opposition in recent Malaysian elections provides a glimmer of hope for democracy advocates, the country still has a number of issues and problems that hinder it from becoming a full-fledged liberal democracy.

Tackling the Philippine political landscape, Liberal Party of the Philippines stalwart Florencio ‘Butch’ Abad emphasized the structural constraints such as poverty and patron-client relations that affect not only electoral competition but overall political governance in the country. He said this is why “reforming Philippine politics should go beyond electoral rules and political parties” and address these structural issues.

Former Cambodian Senator Mardi

Seng meanwhile related the decades-long struggle of the political opposition in his country ever since the UNTAC-administered elections in 1993. According to Seng, the most recent setback they experienced was the disqualification of the Candlelight Party in the July 2023 elections on a technicality. The disqual-

multi-religious foundations. More worrying, she added, was that this rise was fueled by support from the youth.

Like Malaysia, Indonesia is also experiencing polarization because of religion. Young Indonesian politician Yashinta Sekarwangi Mega of Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan put it this way: “On the one hand, there are ‘nationalist’ groups who want to organize the state in ways that are plural and equal for everyone. On the other hand, there are ‘Islamist’ groups who feel that the interests of Islam must be prioritized and given greater attention.” Apart from this, she said, women political representation and disinformation continue to be election issues.

“There are still a myriad of issues and

ification was most unfortunate, he said, as they were really prepared to compete.

In Malaysia, electoral competition was robust as evidenced by the victory of the political opposition in the 15th General Elections held in 2022. But Jayanthi Balaguru of the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia pointed to the threat posed by the rise of a hardline religious party to the country’s pluralist, multi-ethnic,

problems that affect the realization of electoral democracy and liberal democracy in Asia,” remarked CALD Executive Director Lito Arlegue, who acted as panel moderator. But he added, “While these issues and problems appear insurmountable, we have to remember that liberal democracy is the only system of governance that caters to human aspirations, and that the last man will remain to be a liberal democratic man.”

VIOLENCE AS CAUSE & EFFECT OF WOMEN’S POLITICAL EXCLUSION

Women in the CALD family have always been very visible and very vocal, but that is unfortunately not the case in the global political landscape. According to UN Women, achieving gender parity in politics across the world is not about to happen anytime soon. Indeed, it says that at the current rate, gender equality in national legislative bodies will not be possible until 2063, while that at the highest levels of political power will not be reached “for 130 years.”

For the U.K.-based Westminster Foundation for Democracy (WFD), violence against women in politics and elections (VAWP) is “both a cause and a consequence of women’s political exclusion.” This was why for the workshop it organized on the sidelines of the Bali Civil Society and Media Forum 2023 in Indonesia, the Foundation chose to focus on VAWP.

“As women’s leadership becomes more visible, technology advances, and anti-democratic forces grow stronger, the threat of VAWP increases,” WFD said. It added that the workshop, held on 29-30 November, would deep dive into the issue in the hope of coming up with a multi-layered, multi-stakeholder response to it. Among the matters that it aimed to have participants consider were “how to challenge technology and media practices and hold them accountable for the harmful, violent, misogynistic narratives that radicalize young men and deter young women from engaging in politics” and “how gendered disinformation plays a critical role in the backsliding of women’s rights, democracy, peace, and security and could become an early warning system for conflict prevention and building sustainable peace.”

During the event’s opening plenary, former Thai parliamentarian Pannika Wanich highlighted the need to make gender-based violence a

thing of the past, saying, “The next generation need not focus on the same topic again.” Allison Merchant of Open Government Partnership meanwhile argued that among the keys to addressing gender-based violence are open data and collaboration among various stakeholders. UN Women Indonesia Country Representative and Liaison to ASEAN Jamshed M. Kazi also hit the nail on the head when he emphasized the problem’s systemic elements. As he put it, “We shouldn’t be ‘fixing’ you (women in general), we should be fixing the system.”

Apart from the engaging opening plenary, the workshop featured a variety of approaches that included lightning talks, panel discussion, world café, and action dialogues. The action dialogues were facilitated using the so-called “three horizons” framework, which “connects the present with desired (or espoused) futures, and helps to identify the divergent futures which may emerge as a result of conflict between the embedded present and these imagined futures.” Through this model, the workshop participants were able to come up with recommendations on how to address VAWP, and consequently, to further promote women’s political participation.

CALD Women’s Caucus Chairperson Jaslyn Go was among the participants from 14 countries and territories across Asia. Reflecting on her key takeaways from the event, she said, “In the Asia-Pacific, while progress has been made in recent decades in terms of increasing women’s representation in national parliament, the regional percentage still lags compared to the global average.”

“This workshop affirms that part of the reason for this is the continuing violence committed against women at various levels and across several platforms,” Go also said. “In this light, we in the CALD Women’s Caucus commit to promote greater awareness among our member political parties regarding this problem, as well as empower our women members to counter such violence whenever it happens. The work is cut out for us, I must say.”

Rights advocates & democrats, unite!

One of the largest gatherings yet of Asian civil-society activists and democracy supporters took place in November in Bangkok, Thailand, and CALD made sure it was present. More than 200 rights advocates gathered in the Thai capital for the Asia Democracy Assembly 2023, whose organizer, the Asia Democracy Network (ADN), was also celebrating its 10th anniversary.

Held on 20-23 November, the Assembly took the theme “Fostering Democracy Movements: Building Strategic Partnerships and Sustainable Cooperation.” It commenced with thematic conferences organized by ADN members and partners, followed by two days of intensive plenary and breakout sessions. Nobel laureate and Timor-Leste President Jose Ramos-Horta delivered the keynote address. Other notable speakers also shared their views on the state of democracy in Asia, among them Myanmar activist

Thinzar Shunlei Yi, Human Rights Watch Asia Division Deputy Director Phil Robertson, and Malaysian politician and activist Maria Chin-Abdullah. High-ranking Thai government officials and political leaders graced the gathering as well.

CALD also made its voice heard at the Assembly. CALD Executive Director Celito Arlegue, in fact, had been invited to speak in two sessions: RiseTalk 2: Looking for New Paths Toward Effective Defense of Democratic Institutions and Processes; RiseHuddle 2: Forging Meaningful Engagements with Authorities to Protect Democratic Principles.

In his first intervention during the plenary session, Arlegue tackled the new ways civil society and social movements can engage legislative bodies and political parties to ensure maximum protection of democracy and human rights. He began by pointing out the key

trends that challenge democratic institutions and processes: the slow-motion democratic breakdown or death of democracy by a thousand cuts; democracy’s real or perceived failure to improve the lives of the people; and the role of money in politics. Arlegue then discussed possible ways to successfully engage legislative bodies and political parties, such as adopting a multi-pronged approach in engagement, framing advocacies well, and working with all possible allies across the political spectrum.

Arlegue’s second presentation, this time in a breakout session, focused on lessons learned on engagement, and how civil society and social movements can elevate their engagement capacity. He emphasized three strategies in particular: grounding the engagement on evidence-based analysis; practicing empathy in engagement; and communicating advocacies in ways that resonate.

In addition, he talked about the importance of strengthening pro-democracy narratives amid the propaganda trumpeted by populists and autocrats.

In one of his interventions, Arlegue cited this quote by CALD Chairperson Mardi Seng with great relevance to engagement, especially in these times: “In this day and age of authoritarian populism, we need to forge solidarity with all democratic actors – whether they are liberals, social democrats or conservatives. The gravity of the issues and problems we are confronting today entail cooperation, not division. While we may disagree with other democratic actors in degrees or in specific details of policies, let us not forget that we are all united in our fight against.”

Mr. Arlegue goes to Washington

It is a landmark document that enshrines the inalienable rights for everyone regardless of race, color, religion, sex, language, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status. And on 10 December, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) marked its 75th anniversary, more relevant and more important than ever.

A day after UDHR’s 75th birthday, the Global Democracy Coalition, in cooperation with Alliance for Vietnam Democracy and Counterpart International, held the hybrid event “Human Rights Defenders Unite: Challenges, Experiences and Opportunities.” The event, which had its live base in Washington, D.C., was part of the Coalition’s year-long celebration of the passage of the UDHR. It had three panels with one focusing on global perspectives, another on inter-regional perspectives, and the third a deep-perspective on Asia. CALD Executive Director Lito Arlegue was part of the Asia panel.

The event’s objectives were: to provide a platform for human-rights activists and defenders to share their experiences, challenges, and successes within their respective regions; to explore the common challenges faced by human rights defenders globally and discuss potential solutions; to discuss the potential backlash experienced by individuals and organizations involved in human rights work; and to explore support mechanisms for human rights activists and organizations.

“We all want an open and pluralistic civic space that guarantees fundamental freedoms,” Arlegue said at the opening of his intervention. “However, to realize this, we need to recognize contextual, organizational and strategic realities that human rights activists in Asia have to contend with.”

In Asia, he said, democracy (and by extension, human rights) is not that strong regionally

CANDLELIGHT PARTY

A Beacon of Hope

As highlighted in reports from rights organizations such as Human Rights Watch, the Cambodian government’s efforts to silence dissent and curtail freedom of expression have intensified, prompting widespread condemnation both domestically and internationally. In the July 2023 elections, for instance, the opposition Candlelight Party (CLP) of Cambodia was banned from participating. During the runup to the polls and on Election Day itself, the crackdown on the opposition was also prevalent. But despite harassment and intimidation from the authorities, members of the CLP have

remained resolute in their pursuit of democratic ideals.

In October 2023, CLP announced that it will join with three smaller parties in a political alliance that will aim to field candidates in the 2027 local commune elections and the 2028 general election.

This “Alliance Toward the Future” includes the Khmer Will Party, the Grassroots Democratic Party, and the Cambodia Reform Party.

But the alliance has already begun making its mark. In the February 2024 Senate elections, the alliance secured three seats — one of which is now being occupied by CALD Chairperson Mardi Seng – and demonstrated its growing influence and legitimacy. In a political landscape marred by repression and uncertainty, the Candlelight Party stands as a beacon of hope, inspiring citizens to uphold the principles of democracy and fight for a better future.

CAMBODIA NATIONAL RESCUE PARTY

A Strategy to Fight Autocracy

To effectively unite the international community against a dictatorship, a comprehensive strategy has been implemented by CNRP America executives. It encompasses a series of interconnected steps that are designed to mobilize global opinion, build coalitions, and leverage international mechanisms to apply pressure on the regime in question. This strategy begins with the establishment of clear, achievable objectives that focus on pushing for the bills to be passed.

allies who share our interests and can help us make this happen.

H.R. 4659 and S 2331, the Cambodia Democracy and Human Rights Act of 2023:

CNRP America Foreign Affairs Committee employs a multi-faceted approach that involves research, coalition-building, public engagement, direct advocacy, and strategic communication. Currently, we are advocating for the following bills to be passed, and are identifying

Seeks to encourage and support the development of democratic institutions and practices in Cambodia, aiming to foster a more open and participatory political system. It aims to address human-rights abuses in Cambodia, and calls for the protection of basic freedoms and rights, including freedom of speech, assembly, and the press. Strengthening the rule of law, including judicial independence and legal frameworks that protect human rights, is probably a key focus, ensuring that laws are applied fairly and consistently. The

legislation proposes sanctions or other measures against individuals or entities involved in undermining democracy or violating human rights in Cambodia. Providing support for civil-society organizations, including those advocating for human rights, democracy, and good governance, could be another aspect. The bill demands that the U.S. government monitor and report on the situation in Cambodia, including progress on democracy and human rights, and adjust U.S. policy accordingly.

H.R.3654 & S.2331 – Transnational Repression Policy Act:

This bill is aimed at addressing the issue of transnational repression, which involves actions by foreign governments to harass, intimidate, or harm individuals outside their borders, particularly those within diaspora and exile communities. The Transnational Repression Policy Act is critically important for human rights as it addresses the issue of authoritarian governments persecuting individuals beyond their borders, upholding fundamental freedoms such as speech, association, and political participation. It extends the protection of human rights universally, ensuring accountability for repressive actions through measures like sanctions, thereby deterring future violations. By reinforcing international norms and providing support to vulnerable diaspora and exile communities, the act not only safeguards individual rights but also promotes global stability and security, affirming the international community’s commitment to defending human rights against transnational repression.

These bills include the interest of other advocacy groups, community organizations, experts in the field, and the bills’ potential beneficiaries. We have great support from Action for Democracy by advocacy through petition signing.

Forming a coalition to amplify our advocacy efforts is another avenue to help ensure the bills will pass. There is strength in numbers, and a coalition can bring diverse resources and perspectives to the campaign. In addition, we are strengthening partnerships with the Myanmar diaspora and the Hong Kong groups in the United States to form strong alliances to fight autocracy.

We also engage with institutions like the UN, NDI, IRI, Vital Voice, RDI, and NED through the Khmer Movement for Democracy to help our activists who are currently in hiding in Thailand. We are strengthening our advocacy with many other NGOs and Freedom House to support the protection of our refugees from the transnational repression by Hun Manet’s regime, which has threatened our activists who are exiled in Thailand.

The cornerstone of this strategy is a comprehensive public-relations campaign designed to expose the regime’s human-rights abuses and authoritarian practices. This involves creating and disseminating compelling narratives through social media, traditional media outlets, and digital platforms worldwide. The development of advocacy materials, such as reports, infographics, and videos, will play a pivotal role in highlighting the regime’s violations and galvanizing international support when meeting with Congress and Senator in Capitol Hill, Washington D.C.

Parallel to these efforts, the strategy necessitates leveraging international law. The regime performed mass evictions at Cambodia’s UNESCO World Heritage site of Angkor in which 10,000 families were affected. This allows us to advocate for the involvement of international bodies such as the International Criminal Court and the United Nations Human Rights Council to

investigate and hold the dictatorship accountable for its abuses. Lobbying for targeted sanctions against the regime’s leaders and their enablers, as well as diplomatic efforts to isolate the regime internationally, will increase the cost of its repressive actions.

Supporting the internal opposition and civil society is essential for fostering change from within. This can be achieved by providing these groups with technical assistance, resources, and training to enhance their capacity to challenge the dictatorship effectively. Offering international platforms for these voices ensures their struggle gains visibility and support on the global stage.

Monitoring and evaluation mechanisms must be embedded within the strategy to assess the impact of these initiatives continuously, allowing for adjustments as necessary. Moreover, contingency plans should be in place to mitigate risks and protect the activists and partners involved in the campaign.

We are finally able to put the Cambodian Women’s advocacy for UN CSW68. On behalf of women in Cambodia, we discussed the crucial issue of the Feminization of Poverty in Cambodia and the continued detention of Ms. Theary Seng and many other political prisoners.

Ultimately, this strategy requires a long-term commitment and a coordinated effort among a broad coalition of international actors. Through sustained engagement and the strategic application of pressure, it is possible to unite the international community in opposition to a dictatorship, paving the way for a return to democratic governance and respect for human rights in Cambodia.

LIBERAL PARTY OF THE PHILIPPINES

As it celebrates its 78th Anniversary in 2024, the Liberal Party of the Philippines stands as an unwavering beacon of resilience, embodying a legacy deeply rooted in democratic liberalism, reverence for the rule of law, safeguarding human rights, fostering good governance and accountability, advocating for progressive taxation, combating authoritarianism and despotism, and championing genuine people empowerment. Under the visionary leadership of Party President, Congressman Edcel Lagman, the party advances with renewed vigor, dedicated to fortifying its enviable foundations and steering the nation toward a future defined by justice, inclusivity, and progress.

Under the current administration of Ferdinand Marcos Jr. (son of the late dictator), the Liberal Party (LP) has emerged as a stalwart defender of Philippine democracy.

Prominent Opposition to Charter Change: The Liberal Party courageously led the charge against attempts to amend the fundamental Charter, recognizing the grave threat the move posed to democratic principles and governance.

Exposing Unlawful Use of Confidential Funds: LP fearlessly uncovered and exposed the illicit utilization of Confidential Funds, shedding light on opaque practices and advocating for transparency and accountability in governance.

Resilient and Committed Working to Realize a Dream

SINGAPORE DEMOCRATIC PARTY

Fighting Against Disinformation: Amidst the proliferation of disinformation, LP has remained steadfast in its commitment to combat falsehoods, defending the integrity of public discourse and ensuring that truth prevailed.

Standing Up Against Bullying by China: In the face of external pressures and China’s aggressive tactics, LP has stood resolutely, defending the sovereignty and dignity of our nation against all forms of intimidation and coercion.

Our good news include the November 2023 release of former Senator Leila de Lima, who endured nearly seven years of unjust imprisonment. Her decision to embrace the role of LP spokesperson not long after, coupled with her unwavering commitment to persist in the struggle for justice, serves as a profound source of inspiration and empowerment for the entire party. De Lima’s resilience in the face of adversity exemplifies the indomitable spirit of the party, igniting a renewed sense of purpose and determination among its members. Her triumphant return from detention marks a significant milestone in the ongoing quest for truth and accountability, reaffirming the party’s unwavering dedication to upholding the principles of democracy and human rights.

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) Secretary General Dr. Chee Soon Juan has a new book, It Starts with a Dream, in which he delves into the challenges facing Singapore and offers a vision for a better future.

DEMOCRATIC

Still Pushing Forward

As authoritarianism continues its unrelenting assault on democracy worldwide, Taiwan held its elections under the threat of coercion and misinformation campaigns from our neighbor to the West. Various observers have labeled our 2024 presidential polls the “most consequential” or “most watched,” with some going as far as to describe this election as a critical juncture in the global democratic narrative.

China has been undertaking a massive interdiction campaign against the Taiwanese people’s democratic impetus to hold free and fair elections. We have dealt with an onslaught of misinformation, especially now with short-form media and TikTok, which has increased polarization in society and created distrust between the Taiwanese public and our democratic partners worldwide.

Despite these assaults on Taiwan’s freedom and sovereignty, the Taiwanese people have not wavered in their pursuit of peace and stability. In light of being neighbors with a disruptor of the rules-based international system, we must be the stabilizing democratic force for good in the region. Taiwan cannot do this alone, however, and we have been building lasting connections with friends – both new and old — around the world. Like-minded partners can support us through public statements of support, which not only instill confidence in the Taiwanese people about our conscious choice to stand with democracies, but also act as effective bulwarks against Chinese misinformation.

Under the leadership of Chairperson Lai Ching-te, the DPP will devote its efforts to address social issues in Taiwan, with the goal of creating a more equal society where everyone has the opportunity to flourish. Youth issues will be a focus of the party’s work going forward. We hope to listen and seek out opinions from young people all across Taiwan to better understand their opinions and hopes for the future. Gender equality is another important plank of our party’s platform. We seek to build on our existing protection for LGBTQ members of society and further empower women to participate in civic society.

For 2024, the DPP will host a series of speaker seminars aimed at identifying and creating a critical mass of youth interested in international affairs and global democracy. We also plan to send up-and-coming party members on overseas exchange programs to engage in dialogue with our global partners and train the next generation of young Taiwanese leaders. The DPP will listen to suggestions and advice from all walks of society, especially civic groups, to further our tradition of excellent governance and democratic participation.

Taiwan will always stand with people threatened by authoritarianism. Through multilateral engagement, we hope to forge ahead in a world defined by democratic values and respect for human rights.

“The deteriorating quality of governance in Singapore has worried many in this country,” Chee said during the book’s launch in February 2024 at one of the branches of his coffee shop chain Orange & Teal. “It is clear that the anachronistic paradigm of undemocratic, one-party dominance is the proverbial

albatross around Singapore’s neck. Already, signs of our slide into a bleak future are unmistakable, and our quality of life is trending southwards. Now more than ever, we need a renaissance of our own.”

“We don’t need big ideas that will change the world, we just need

to foster a cultural shift where we refuse to accept the status quo as immutable,” he continued. “Orange & Teal is a microcosm of the society that I wish to see in this country, a vision that embodies compassion, equity, and intellectual excitement. It is a society that remains a dream for now, but one which I have worked toward all my adult life. Admittedly, it is a dream that sometimes seems nigh impossible to reach. But I have seen and heard enough to know that the long journey to realizing a dream starts with having one.”

SDP itself has been working hard toward realizing its dream for Singapore. Following its 21st Ordinary Party Conference (OPC), the party unveiled its 2024-2026 Central Executive Committee (CEC)

line-up. While the CEC remains largely unchanged, there were notable adjustments, including the appointment of Abdul Salim Harun to fill the vacancy left by Alfred Tan’s decision to step down. Salem, a dedicated party member since 2018, brings valuable experience and a commitment to community engagement.

The re-election of members from the preceding CEC underscores the party’s confidence in its leadership and organizational stability. Noted Chairperson Dr Paul Tambyah: “The CEC line-up has a good mix of party veterans and bright young people with diverse talents and opinions, underpinned by a common dedication to a more democratic Singapore. Singaporeans can be confident that

our team will be able to run a great town council, or two, and raise critically important questions in parliament with creative solutions for a better future for all of us.”

Secretary General Chee meanwhile emphasized the need for a coherent, unified approach to strategic planning and public engagement as the party prepares for the General Election.

“We’re gearing up for an election toward the second half of this year,” he said, “and everything from getting out our message to our groundwork must continue apace. The nuts and bolts of election activities need to be put in place in the coming weeks and months.”

THE DEMOCRAT PARTY

Path to Renewal

The Democrat Party won only 25 seats in the May 14, 2023 General Elections, representing only 5% of the total 500 Lower House seats. This is a decrease from previous records of 10% in 2014 and 25% in 2008.

In addition, the Democrat Party has faced many difficult challenges thereafter, including deep internal divisions, a lack of a clear path forward, and the emergence of strong new competitors with effective social media platforms and campaigns more appealing to younger voters.

At present, under the new management team, the Democrat Party is in a state of transition. Some key issues need to be highlighted below:

discussions, and engaging in party reforms to regain better public support.

Redefining Party Identity: The Democrat Party has been reevaluating its platform and identity to attract a broader base of supporters, especially among younger generations. This includes reassessing policies on issues such as economic development, social justice, and decentralization to align with evolving voter expectations.

Reorganization of Strategy: As part of its reorganization strategy, the Democrat Party has focused on grassroots-level politics, aiming to rebuild its popularity and establish a stronger local presence.

Internal Party Reevaluation: The election loss prompted the Democrat Party to conduct a thorough review of its policies, strategies, and connection with the electorate. The Party has been reassessing its position, conducting internal

Active Engagement with Youth, Gender, and Civil Society: The new leadership will announce a new strategy and platform at the upcoming party convention in April 2024.

SPEAKERS & SESSION CHAIRS

THAILAND ELECTION

OBSERVATION MISSION & 47TH CALD EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MEETING

Chompoonut Nakornthap Secretary, Foreign Affairs Committee House of Representatives of Thailand

Chutikarn Sukmongkolchai Project Associate, Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue

Clare Amador Country Head of Public Policy, Philippines and Thailand, Meta

Ing Sirikulbordee Public Policy Manager, Thailand, Meta

Khwan Rueangkham Partner Manager in the Government and Social Impact, Thailand, Meta

Kiat Sittheeamorn Candidate, Democrat Party Former Secretary General, CALD

Korbkusol Neelapaichi Researcher, Asia Centre

Radu Magdin CEO, Smartlink Communications

Supinya Klangnarong Co-founder, Cofact Thailand

FIFTH CALD YOUTH POLITICAL ACADEMY WORKSHOP

Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan Chairperson, CALD Chairman, Liberal Party of the Philippines

Francis Gerald “Blue” Abaya

Secretary General, CALD

Jakravee Visutipo MP Candidate, Democrat Party of Thailand

Jeremiah Tomas Secretary General, CALD Youth

Jiggy Caluag Social Media Manager, Liberal Party of the Philippines

Jobelle Domingo Chairperson, National Organizing and Membership Commission Liberal Party of the Philippines

Kwankaow Kongdecha Researcher, Office of Innovation for Democracy King Prajadhipok’s Institute

Philip Joshua “PJ” Leynes Program Officer, Center for Liberalism and Democracy

Radu Magdin Chief Executive Officer, Smartlink Communications

Siripa Intavichein Chairperson, CALD Youth

CALD SMART MOBILITY WORKSHOP JAKARTA

Aditya Brahmana VP, Mobility NeXT Products GoJek Indonesia

Ahmad Basarah Chairperson of Foreign Affairs, Central Leadership Board

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Bartolome “Omie” Rivera, Jr.

Mayor of San Mateo, Rizal, Philippines Liberal Party of the Philippines

Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan Chairperson, CALD Chairman, Liberal Party of the Philippines

Francis Gerald “Blue” Abaya

Secretary General, CALD

Gonggomtua Sitanggang Interim Director, Institute for Transportation and Development

Harya Dillon Specialist, Transport Sector Public Private Partnership

Hasto Kristiyanto Secretary General, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Heru Budi Hartono Acting Governor, Jakarta

Karlo Abadines Officer, AltMobilityPH

Hevearita Gunaryanti Rahayu Mayor of Semarang, Indonesia

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Mochamad Nur Arifin Mayor of Trenggalek, Indonesia

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Moritz Kleine-Brockhoff Regional Director, Southeast and East Asia Office

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom

Paolo Zamora Program Manager, CALD

Romtham Khumnurak Member of Parliament, Democrat Party Thailand

Yoga Adiwinarto Vice President, Policy Engagement and Advocacy Intelligent Transport Systems Indonesia

CALD EXECUTIVE MISSION TO EAST TIMOR

António De Sá Benevides

Former Member of Parliament, Partido Unidade e Desenvolvimento Democrático

Cristina Yuri Rebelo Dos Costa Member of Parliament, Fretilin Party

José Manuel Ramos-Horta President, Republic of Timor-Leste

Lídia Norberta Dos Santos Martins Member of Parliament, Fretilin Party

CALD LEADERS’ MEETING

Abhisit Vejjajiva Former Chairperson, CALD

Celito Arlegue Executive Director, CALD

Chee Soon Juan Former Chairperson, CALD

Emil Kirjas

Former Secretary General, Liberal International

Florencio Abad

Former Chairperson, CALD

Francis Abaya Secretary General, CALD

John Coronel Former Executive Director, CALD

Kiat Sittheeamorn Former Secretary General, CALD

Mardi Seng

Incoming Chairperson, CALD

CALD 30TH ANNIVERSARY EVENTS

Alysa Wen-Li Chiu Deputy Director, Department of International Affairs Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Andrea Yang

Deputy Secretary General, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Anna Marti Head, FNF Global Innovation Hub

Anna Theresia HontiverosBaraquel Senator, Philippines

Celito Arlegue Executive Director, CALD

Chee Soon Juan Secretary General, Singapore Democratic Party

Chelse Racar Caballero Program Officer, CALD

Christian Esguerra Host, “Facts First”

Edcel Lagman Member, Philippine House of Representatives

En-en Hsu Co-founder, Co. Lab

SPEAKERS & SESSION CHAIRS

Emil Kirjas Founder, Kirjas Global Former Secretary General, Liberal International

Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan Chairperson, CALD Chairperson, Liberal Party of the Philippines

Francis Gerald “Blue” Abaya Secretary General, CALD

Gio Tingson Chairman Akbayan Party

Hakima el Haite President, Liberal International

Haoting Chang Co-founder, Co. Lab

Henrik Bach Mortensen Vice President, Liberal International

Hsu Li-ming Secretary General, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Ilhan Khuckyuk Co-President, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party

James Gomez Regional Director, Asia Centre

Jaslyn Go Cadre Member, Singapore Democratic Party

Jaushieh Joseph Wu Foreign Minister, Taiwan

Jayanthi Devi Balaguru Chairperson, CALD Women’s Caucus

John Joseph Coronel Author, Enduring Legacy, Evolving Odyssey

Josephine Wu Vuylsteke Vice President, Asia-Pacific, International Network of Liberal Women

Joyce Juo-yu Lin Director, Asia-Pacific Liberal Women Association

Karel Jiaan Antonio Galang Senior Program Officer, Asia Democracy Network

Katrien Van den broeck Core Trainer, Alliance of Her CEO, Bam.boom Consultancy

Klaikong Vaidhyakarn Director of Local Policy, Progressive Movement Foundation

Kira Rudik Vice President, Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party Member of Parliament, Ukraine

Lai Ching-te

Taiwan Vice President Chairperson, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Lai I-Chung President, Prospect Foundation

Lee Yen-jong Director, Gender Equality Department, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Lin Ching-yi Member, Legislative Yuan of Taiwan

Liu Shyh-Fang Member, Legislative Yuan of Taiwan

Lo Chih-cheng Member, Legislative Yuan of Taiwan

Executive Director, Policy Research and Coordination Committee, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Lorna Israel Faculty Associate, WAGI

Luke De Pulford

Executive Director, Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China

Maiko Ichihara

Assistant Vice President, International Affairs, Hitosutbashi University of Japan

Margaret de Vos van Steenwijk

Immediate Past President, International Network of Liberal Women

Mardi Seng Incoming Chairperson, CALD

Marites Vitug Editor-at-large, Rappler

Matthew McMillan President, Buzzmaker

Miao Poya City Councilor, Taipei, Taiwan

Min Cheong-Subramaniam Member, Singapore Democratic Party

Mira Alexis Ofreneo External Associate, WAGI

Moritz Kleine-Brockhoff Regional Director, Southeast and East Asia Office, Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom

Ong-art Klampaiboon Founding Secretary General, CALD

Pacita Fortin

Faculty Associate for Training, WAGI

Paolo Zamora Program Manager, CALD

Patricia Licuanan Convenor, Southeast Asia Women’s Watch

Pedro Urruchurtu

Member of the Board, Red Liberal de America Latina

Peifen Hsieh

Candidate for Legislative Yuan, Democratic Progressive Party

Phillip Bennion

Vice President, Liberal International

Raiyan Abdul Rahim

Member, Supreme Council Deputy Chief of Strategy, People’s Justice Party of Malaysia

Richard Javad Heydarian

Associate Professor, Polytechnic University of the Philippines

Sin Chung-kai

Former Member, Hong Kong

Legislative Council Former Individual Member, CALD

Siripa Nan Intavichein Chairperson, CALD Youth

Tesa de Vela Faculty Associate, WAGI

Thekla Ebbert

Regional Program Manager Friedrich Naumann Foundation Southeast and East Asia

Vincent Chao Director, Department of International Affairs, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

William Townsend

Secretary General, Liberal International

Wu Jieh-min

Research Fellow, Institute of Sociology, Academia Sinica of Taiwan

Wu Pei-yi

City Councillor, Taipei, Taiwan

Candidate for Legislative Yuan, Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan

Yang Hao

Executive Director, TaiwanAsia Exchange Foundation

Yevheniia Fedotova Council Member, International Federation of Liberal Youth

You Si-kun President, Legislative Yuan of Taiwan

Zahir Bin Hassan Member of Parliament (Wangsa Maju), People’s Justice Party of Malaysia

8TH CALD POLITICAL PARTY MANAGEMENT WORKSHOP

Bonnie Triyana

Candidate for Banten 1 District, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Historian and Founder/ Editor-in-Chief, Historia Magazine

Francis Gerald Abaya Secretary General, CALD

Ganjar Pranowo Presidential Candidate, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Hasto Kristiyanto Secretary General, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Julio Teehankee

Professor of Political Science and International Studies De la Salle University –Manila, Philippines

Co-Editor of Rethinking Parties in Democratizing Asia

Kiki Taher

Campaign Strategist and Communication Expert, Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

Lambert Ramirez Training Manager, Participate PH

Mardi Seng Chairperson, CALD

Mochamad Nur Arifin Regent (Bupati), Trenggalek

Putra Nababan Member of Parliament, Indonesia

Stefan Diederich Project Director, FNF Indonesia & Malaysia

CALD SMART MOBILITY WORKSHOP BOHOL

Elijah Go Tian Expert on Active Transportation, AltMobility PH

Francis “Blue” Abaya Secretary General, CALD

Dennis Hora Councilor, Municipality of Panglao Provincial Government of Bohol, Philippines

Noel Hormachuelos Vice Mayor, Municipality of Panglao Provincial Government of Bohol, Philippines

Karlo Abadines Officer, AltMobility PH

Paolo Zamora Program Manager, CALD

Ramir Seraphim Llarinas

Angeles Expert on Local Governance and Policy for Transportation, AltMobility PH

Sarah Bianca Arrojado Expert on Public Transportation, AltMobility PH

CALD SMART MOBILITY WORKSHOP SAN MATEO

Celito Arlegue Executive Director, CALD

Elijah Go Tian Expert on Active Transportation, AltMobility PH

Francis “Blue” Abaya Secretary General, CALD

Bartolome “Omie” N. Rivera, Jr.

Mayor, Municipality of San Mateo, Rizal

Liberal Party of the Philippines (LP)

Jimmy Roxas

Vice Mayor, Municipality of San Mateo, Rizal

Ira Cruz Director, AltMobility PH

Jose Enrique P. Desiderio Municipal Administrator, San Mateo, Rizal

Karlo Abadines Officer, AltMobility PH

Luisito Obtinario Traffic Operations Officer, Department of Public Order & Safety (DPOS) San Mateo, Rizal

Ramir Seraphim Llarinas

Angeles Expert on Local Governance and Policy for Transportation, AltMobility PH

Sarah Bianca Arrojado Expert on Public Transportation, AltMobility PH

ContaCt

67 Setsiri Road, Samsannai Phayathai, Bangkok 10400, Thailand

T +66 2 0 2270 0036

F +66 2 0 2279 6086

public@democrat.or.th www.democrat.or.th

The Democrat Party

The Democrat Party, founded in 1946, is the longest-standing political party in Thailand, and is one of the longest-standing in Southeast Asia as well. Since its inception over 70 years ago, the Democrat Party has held ideologies that oppose all forms of dictatorship, and is committed to the promotion of democracy for the people, and most importantly, by the people.

The survival and existence of the DP has not come easily. The party had to go through political struggles throughout its history that has five periods:

1st Period (1946-1967) Party Building, Pro-Democracy and Anti-Dictatorship

2nd Period (1968-1979) Party Rehabilitation and Democracy Promotion

3rd Period (1979-1990) Policy Improvement and Participation in National Administration

ContaCt

Wen Lii

Director of International Affairs

10F, No.30 Beiping E.Rd., Taipei, Taiwan

T +866 2 23929989

F +866 2 23930342 www.dpp.org.tw

F dpptaiwan

4th Period (1991-2000) Leading Party of Opposition and Coalition Government

5th Period (2001-Present) Combating Parliamentary Dictatorship and opposing the abuse of power and conflicts of interest in public sector

Introducing the People’s Agenda

Throughout its history, the DP has always stood firm on the principles of democracy, freedom, transparency, accountability, and public participation. These principles are stipulated in the Party Guidelines, which have helped steer the party through both highs and lows in the last seven decades, and will continue to act as its compass for many years and generations to come.

Under the leadership and guidelines of the Executive Committee, DP aims to provide the Thai public with a viable responsible political alternative to the populist political environment that has been permeating the Thai atmosphere since 2001. Through various schemes

Democratic Progressive Party

The Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan (DPP) was founded on 28 September 1986 by political, social, and human-rights activists, along with defense lawyers of political prisoners. This was during Taiwan’s martial law era, when the nation was ruled by the authoritarian regime of the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT), which established a one-party state in Taiwan after losing to the Chinese Communist Party in the Chinese civil war. One can then say that the DPP was founded by political dissidents.

Through social and political movements as well as participation in local elections as independents, the founders of the DPP risked their freedom and lives to champion a democratic Taiwan. Throughout the process of Taiwan’s political transition, the DPP and its precursors played a pivotal role in consolidating Taiwan’s democracy.

In 2000, the DPP captured the presidency. From 2000 to 2008, DPP continued to push for freedom of expression, gender equality, social and transitional justice, judicial impartiality, and democracy. The DPP also gained valuable experience and lessons as a young party during its eight years of governance.

Although back in opposition from 2008 to 2016, the DPP in 2014 won Taiwan’s local elections by a landslide. DPP took 13 out of the 22 cities and counties, including four out

of six special municipalities. The 2014 election was the DPP’s best poll showing since its founding.

In 2016, the DPP’s Chairperson, Dr. Tsai Ing-wen, became Taiwan’s first female president. Dr. Tsai and her running mate Dr. Chen Chien-jen garnered 6.89 million votes, or 56.1 percent of the total in the presidential election.

In 2017, the DPP pushed through many reforms and progressive laws, including pension reforms, a forward-looking infrastructure plan, transitional justice acts, and other important policies geared toward a better Taiwan. The DPP has also long promoted legislation to protect the rights of the LGBTQ community. In 2019, a ruling by Taiwan’s constitutional court made Taiwan the first country in Asia to legalize same-sex marriage.

In 2020, President Tsai Ing-wen was reelected as the President, and Lai Ching-te was elected as the Vice President. The electoral result, where a record high of 8.17 million or 57.13 percent of the electorate voted for President Tsai and Vice President Lai, was a historic victory for the DPP.

President Tsai Ing-wen resigned as DPP chairperson in 2022 and Vice President Lai Ching-te was elected as her successor as the party’s head in January 2023.

and measures implemented since 2008, especially the People’s Agenda, the Party has been able to steer national development toward a new direction. It uses the idea of “policy for the people and by the people,” which highlights the point that “people must come first.”

The Party has assured the inclusiveness of its socio-economic policy and measures. Programs such as 15 years of free education, incomeguarantee initiative for farming population, debt relief and access to micro-credits, and social and health security schemes had been launched when the Party was in government.

LEADERS

Chalermchai Sri-on Party Leader

Det-it Khaothong Secretary General

Rachada Dhnadirek Acting Chairperson, Foreign Affairs Committee

In 2024, Vice President Lai Ching-te was elected as Taiwan’s President, and Ambassador Bi-khim Hsiao was elected as the Vice President. This marked the first time in Taiwan that the president-elect and the president are from the same party after two terms in office.

The DPP will continue to defend democracy against the onslaught of rising global authoritarianism. We will seek out connections with like-minded partners who share our commitment to furthering civil liberties and values-based diplomacy. Taiwan will seek to be an upholder of regional peace and security. On social issues, we also hope to create a society that encourages the participation of youth in civic affairs. Moreover, the DPP will build on its legacy of ensuring social equality by empowering women and protecting the rights of LGBTQ members of society

DPP is a founding member of CALD and a member of Liberal International.

LEADERS

Lai Ching-te Chairperson

Andrea Yi-Shan Yang Acting-Secretary General

Jason Gonzales Director General

Liberal Party of the Philippines Lower Ground Floor, AGS Building, EDSA, Guadalupe Nuevo, Southbound, Makati City, Philippines

www.liberal.ph F LiberalPartyPhilippines

ContaCt

Lee Boon Shian

Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia

Level 5, PGRM, No. 8 Jalan Pudu Ulu, Cheras, 56100, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia

T +60 3 9287 6868

F +60 3 9287 8866

www.gerakan.org.my

F partigerakan

T partigerakanrakyatmalaysia

Liberal Party

The Liberal Party of the Philippines is a founding member of CALD. It is a full member of Liberal International. The LP has championed freedom, justice, and the dignity and rights of the individual for 75 years. At great cost to its stalwarts and members, it stood among the few voices of dissent during the dark days of the Marcos dictatorship, and at every turn in the country’s recent history when democracy came under threat.

To this day, the LP upholds its legacy as the only major political party standing its ground against an increasingly authoritarian, populist regime. Its leaders and members have consistently adhered to the Party’s thrusts:

• Protecting human rights, as it did in challenging the return of the death penalty and lowering the minimum age of criminal responsibility, and in calling for an end to murder, violence, and lawfare as the primary instrument of the government’s anti-drug and anti-terrorism campaigns;

• Advocating for the welfare of workers and consumers; pushing back against anti-consumer, anti-poor economic policies, and burdensome tax laws; and demanding a more strategic, more transparent, and more humane whole-of-nation approach to the COVID-19 pandemic;

• Defending democracy, press freedom, and the rule of law against attempts to undermine democratic institutions to consolidate power.

The LP forges onward by harnessing the energy of a massive volunteer base that was at the heart of its unconventional election campaigns in 2019 and 2022. It builds on the promise of becoming a true people’s party through opening memberships to the general, liberal democratic public and key sectors of society; organizing and mobilizing citizens in the grassroots; and declaring a policy direction geared towards inclusiveness, dignity, and empowerment.

Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia

Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM) was founded on 24 March 1968 as an independent party. It won the general election the following year and ruled the Penang State for the next 40 years (1969 – 2008).

After successfully forming a state government in 1969 general elections, Gerakan was invited by Tun Abdul Razak, the second prime minister of Malaysia, to join the national ruling coalition, the Alliance Party, which formed the federal government.

In 1972, Gerakan joined the Alliance and inspired the formation of Barisan Nasional. On 23 June 2018, Gerakan left the coalition and became an independent political party.

In its 50 years of being in the Barisan Nasional, Gerakan was known as the conscience, or rather the opposition within the coalition. When Gerakan, led by Datuk Seri Mah Sew Keong, Gerakan, left the coalition in 2018, it did so because it could no longer the hegemony and arrogance of some members of the coalition who made unilateral decisions and disregarded the spirit of consensus and the need to abide by the constitution of Barisan Nasional.

Gerakan with its new generation of leadership led by Datuk Dr. Dominic Hoe Chai proceeded to carve a new identity and path to be the third political choice for the Malaysians — thus initiating a new third force in Malaysia’s political landscape.

LEADERS

Edcel Lagman President

Erin Tanada Executive Vice President

Francis “Kiko” Pangilinan Chairperson

Christopher Belmonte Vice Chairperson

Jason Gonzales Director General

Teddy Baguilat Secretary-General

Alfonso Umali Treasurer

LEADERS

Dominic Lau National President

Oh Tong Keong Deputy President

Loh Kah Yong Secretary General

ContaCt

Jufri Salim

International Liaison to CALD, and Organising Secretary

Singapore Democratic Party 3 Ang Mo Kio Street 62, #02-30, Link@AMK, Singapore, SIngapore

sdp@yoursdp.org

www.yoursdp.org

FIYT yoursdp

ContaCt

Kimhun Thit / Ry Kea

International Liaison to CALD

Cambodia National Rescue Party 111 Fitchburg Rd, Ayer MA 01432, United States

E kimhunthit@gmail.com rykea2015@hotmail.com F CNRP America

Singapore Democratic Party

The Singapore Democratic Party (SDP) was constituted in 1980. It believes in and is working toward restoring human, civil, and political rights in Singapore; cultivating a transparent and accountable political system based on free competition and equal opportunity for all; removing all policies and practices that discriminate against the less fortunate, women, and minorities, and cooperating with democratic parties and organizations in Asia to achieve peace and sustainable development in the region.

The SDP is widely recognized as the party in Singapore that is most adept in using the Internet to communicate with the public outside of the constraints of the state-controlled media in the city state. It uses blogging, political videos, and social media to reach out to the people. It was the first opposition party in Singapore to have a youth wing (Young Democrats).

The party has released 10 policy papers in the last several years on various topics, including Education, Healthcare, Housing, and Climate Change. The SDP was also the first political party in Singapore to produce a paper on the issues faced by the minority Malay community with community-driven solutions.

The Central Executive Committee (CEC) leads the party with Prof. Paul Tambyah as Chairman and Dr. Chee Soon Juan as its secretary general. A third of the party leadership are between the age of 30 and 40 years old. Party leaders and members have had to endure a series of court cases, and even imprisonment, for exercising their fundamental rights to freedom of expression and assembly in the recent past.

In the past two general elections, the SDP was seen to be the most “improved” opposition party, in terms of making the largest gain in the share of votes among opposition parties. In GE 2020, both Chairman Paul Tambyah and Secretary General Chee Soon Juan garnered more than 45 percent of the votes in their respective constituencies, placing them very close to electoral success. This was in spite of a very skewed campaign that had no campaign rallies, limited voter engagement allowed, and widespread use of the new draconian POFMA law, which allows ministers wide latitude in characterizing statements as “falsehoods.”

LEADERS

Paul Tambyah Chairman

Chee Soon Juan Secretary General

Cambodia National Rescue Party

The Cambodian National Rescue Party (CNRP) is an electoral alliance between two main democratic opposition parties in Cambodia: the Sam Rainsy Party and the Human Rights Party. CNRP was founded in mid-2012 to run together in the 2013 elections.

The party principles and values are the rule of law and democracy, with social merit and harmonization, as well as mutual respect of interest. The party believes in strengthening freedom and human rights, the institution of free and fair elections, and “rescue, serve, protect.”

After the 2013 elections, it became the second-largest party in Cambodia, accounting for 55 seats out of the 123 seats in parliament.

In the June 2017 commune elections, CNRP received 43.83 percent of the votes cast versus 50.76 percent of the ruling Cambodian People’s Party.

As CNRP’s electoral momentum threatened the ruling party ahead of the 2018 parliamentary elections, court cases, widely perceived as politically motivated, were filed against its leaders, resulting in the continuing exile of Sam Rainsy and the imprisonment of Kem Sokha.

In November 2017, the CNRP was dissolved by Cambodia’s high court with its 118 leaders banned from politics for 5 years. Despite this major setback, these former CNRP leaders still exert all their efforts, particularly by appealing to the international community, to bring Cambodia back to the democratic path.

LEADERS

Sam Rainsy Acting President

Kem Sokha President

ContaCt

ContaCt

Hanjaya Setiawan

Secretary of Government Affairs Department

International Liaison to CALD

PDI Perjuangan

Jl. P. Diponegoro No. 58, Menteng, Jakarta Pusat 10310, Indonesia

T +62 21 3909925

T +62 21 3900715 hanjaya@pdiperjuangan.id www.pdiperjuangan.id

F DPP.PDI.Perjuangan

T pdi_perjuangan

Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle

The Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI Perjuangan) came into existence as a result of the people’s struggle against the efforts of the New Order regime to hold onto power. The year 1999 was a milestone for the party, which emerged as the winner of the general election and thus put an end to Suharto’s regime. The sudden victory initiated a long and hard work of consolidation in the organization, from national level down to the community level.

The party’s ideology is based on Pancasila (Five Principles) that was first articulated by Indonesian nationalist leader Sukarno in a speech he gave on 1 June 1945. It is derived from the old indigenous Indonesian philosophy and way of life. Pancasila reflects Indonesian nationalism, humanity and internationalism, democracy, social justice, and belief in one God.

Our founding father, Ir. Sukarno, once said, “Indonesian nationalism is a nationalism that grows and flourishes in the garden of internationalism.” It is impossible to separate nationalism and internationalism; one needs the other. PDI Perjuangan thus understands the importance of international relations. We will continue to develop and strengthen mutually beneficial cooperation among countries.

As the vanguard force that raises Pancasila’s banners high, PDI Perjuangan faces constant challenges on becoming the uniting power of Indonesia. PDI Perjuangan is always at the forefront in supporting social diversity, pluralism, and human rights in Indonesia. We believe that equality among citizens is the basic foundation of unity in diversity.

In the current Indonesian democracy, PDI Perjuangan plays its role to fulfill people and state sovereignty by strengthening democratic institutions, mechanisms, and political practices. PDI Perjuangan also aims for a self-sufficient economy in the globalized era to bring prosperity and social welfare to the people. A nationalist party, PDI Perjuangan maintains a political stance of pluralism, humanity, democracy, and social welfare.

After 10 years as an opposition party, PDI Perjuangan had its political comeback in 2014. It was during 2014 that PDI Perjuangan won around 19 percent of the votes in the parliamentary elections held that April, making it the biggest party in the legislature. Three months later, PDI Perjuangan’s Joko Widodo won the presidential polls, clinching more than 53 percent of the votes; his rival Prabowo Subianto, by comparison, garnered just less than 47 percent.

In April 2015, PDI Perjuangan held its 4th Party Congress in Bali. Her Excellency Madame Megawati Soekarnoputri was re-elected as party General Chairperson. The congress also solidified the party’s decision to become a major supporter and partner to the current government. In addition, the party restructured the organization in 34 provinces, over 550 regencies/ cities, more than 6,000 subdistricts, and down to tens of thousands at the village/community level.

In April 2019, incumbent President Joko Widodo was the party's presidential candidate running for a second term, with Ma'ruf Amin as his running mate. Widodo was re-elected with 55.50% of the vote. PDI-P remains the largest party in the People’s Representative Council, with 128 seats, and 418 in the Provincial People's Regional Representative Council.

PDI Perjuangan is not merely an electoral party, it is an ideological party. The biggest challenge that the party faces is to make Pancasila our living and working ideology, or something we practice in our daily life. For us victory is only a stepping stone towards our ultimate goal: a just and prosperous society, in a united yet diverse Indonesia.

LEADERS

Megawati Soekarnoputri General Chairperson

Hasto Kristiyanto Secretary General

ContaCt

Mongolia, Ulaanbaatar, Sukhbaatar district, 6th khoroo, Nogoonurlan City, bld.,#73, door#1-42

T +976 7734 7636 F +97611319006 info@iznn.mn batbtr.b@gmail.com irgeniizorignogoonnam.mn

BATBOLD Rinchindorj Secretary General, Head of Secretariat office

T +976 9909 9005 r.batbold2018@gmail.com batbold.r@iznn.mn

KHONGORZUL Chagnaadorj Foreign Relations Department, Deputy chairman of Women-wing

T +976 9966 3996 +997 8800 6667 khongorzul.mecc@gmail.com

Civil Will Green Party of Mongolia

The Civil Will Green Party (CWGP) is a social reformer party that respects democracy, human rights, freedom, and justice; cherishes the traditional national thinking and attitude of loving nature and country; and consistently implements a sustainable economy based on private property and green development as its leading policy. Based on the ideals of democracy, human rights, and freedom, the party will lead the country on the path of ecologically oriented socio-economic sustainable development, and will create an opportunity for everyone to live a good life in Mongolia based on their aspirations and honest work.

WE WILL BRING THE GOOD TIMES.

Chronology:

In February 2000, S.Oyun, Ts .Gankhuyag, T. Erdenebileg, H. Khulan, and L. Erdenetuul – all members of S. Zorig’s faction — announced that they would form an independent party.

On 9 March 2000, representatives of the capital and 40 municipalities gathered at the Congress to create a new party. Initiated by the faction of S. Zorig, the new Civil Will Party chose Oyun Sanjaasuren as its chairperson. The party won its first seat in the parliamentary election that same year.

In 2001, Civic Will Party began to work hard to create a space for a third force in Mongolian politics. The Civil Will Party participated in the 2001 presidential election by nominating Dashnyam Luvsandamba, a former deputy of the People’s Great Khural, and an academician and writer, as its candidate.

In 2005, the CWP strengthened its activities by establishing the CW-Youth wing, Women-wing, and senior and student organizations.

On 15 January 2006, a proposal submitted by the National Committee to change the party’s name was discussed during a special session. It was decided that the party would be called “Civil Will Green Party,” based on clause 19.1.7 of the party charter. It was announced as well that the party would work as the opposition in Parliament.

On 17 November 2007, during its 6th anniversary, CWGP was admitted as a full member of CALD.

On 4 December 2007, Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party Chairperson S. Bayar and Civil Will Party Chairperson S. Oyun signed an agreement to form a coalition government. With this agreement, the Civil Will Party led the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of Food and Agriculture in the government of S. Bayar.

In 2009, the party formed a coalition with the Democratic Party for the presidential election. The coalition candidate Elbegdorj Tsakhia was elected President of Mongolia.

On 26 March 2011, the National Assembly of the Civil Will Party-Green Party was held.

On 28 January 2012, at the 8th Congress of the Civil Will Party, the party’s name was changed to “Civil Will Green Party.” The party’s chapter was also changed, resulting in CWGP having three leaders who were elected into these posts: D. Enkhbat, S. Oyun, and S. Demberel. During the same year, CWGP participated in the Parliamentary and Local Elections and won 5.7 percent of the votes. It won two seats in the Parliament, one in the Capital Citizens’ Representative Assembly, and more than 10 seats in the Province and District Citizens’ Representative Assembly. As a result of the election, CWGP cooperated with the reform government and headed the Ministry of Environment and Green Development.

In October 2012, CWGP was elected as a member of Liberal International. B. Bulganchimeg, president of the CWGP Youth Union, was also elected as the General Secretary of the CALD Youth Organization.

On 27 January 2018, at the meeting of the National Committee, the party rules were changed again, resulting in CWGP having one leader: Ts. Gankhuyag. S. Oyun and S. Demberel resigned from the party leadership.

In 2023, CWGP had a change in leadership after the National Committee amended the party rules. CWGP Chairman Gankhuyag resigned voluntarily. Batbaatar Bat, the party’s vice-chairman, was elected as his successor with 100 percent of votes at the National Committee meeting.

Party structure: The CWGP consists of: the National Convention, which gathers once in every four years; the National Committee, which has 288 members; the Political Council with 45 members; and the Monitoring Council. The party’s main executive organization is the Secretariat, under the direct management of the Secretary General. The municipal branches of the party operate at the grassroots level.

LEADERS

Batbaatar Bat Chairman

Luluk Nur Hamidah

International Liaison

Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB)

Jl. Raden Saleh No. 9, Central Jakarta, Indonesia

T +62 21 314 5238

F +62 21 314 5329 dpp@pkb.or.id www.pkb.or.id

F DPP PKB

T DPP_PKB

Nation Awakening Party

The Nation Awakening Party or Partai Kebangkitan Bangsa (PKB) was founded on 23 July 1998 in the Ciganjur, South Jakarta at the residence of KH. Abdurrahman Wahid, Indonesia’s first democratically elected president. Wahid was also the head of the Council of Scholars, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, in which its members, the nahdliyyin, formed the party’s base support. The five key leaders who were instrumental during the party inception were KH. Munasir Ali, KH Ilyas Ruchiyat, KH. Abdurrahman Wahid, KH. A. Musthofa Bisri and KH. Muhith Muzadi.

PKB’s vision are: 1) to realize the desired ideals of independence of the Republic of Indonesia as stated in the Preamble of the 1945 Constitution; 2) to realize a just and prosperous society; and 3) to establish democratic, clean and honourable national politics.

The mission of party includes:

Religious Sector: To increase piety to the Almighty God by serving the society, nation and state;

Political Affairs: To maintain the Unitary of the Republic of Indonesia; To uphold the sovereignty of the people; To realize a clean, reliable, democratic government; To implement national development for the prosperity of the people; To carry out an independent and active foreign policy and develop foreign cooperation to create a

Sangkat Phnom Penh Thmei, Khan Saensokh, Phnom Penh City, Phnom Penh, Cambodia

Administration Office admin@candlelightparty.org

Public Relations and Press info@candlelightparty.org

candlelightparty.info.en

The Candlelight Party (CLP) was originally formed as the Khmer Nation Party on November 9, 1995, but not officially registered as a political party until March 10, 1998 as the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP). On July 17, 2012, SRP merged with the Human Rights Party to form the Cambodia National Rescue Party (CNRP), and the CNRP won 55 of 123 parliamentarian seats in the subsequent elections. After a very good performance in the June 2017 local elections, and being on the verge of certain victory in the upcoming July 2018 national election, the CNRP was dissolved on politicallymotivated charges of treason.

The SRP, in order to avoid the fate of the CNRP, held an Extraordinary Congress on September 30, 2017 to change the name of the party from the “Sam Rainsy Party” to the “Candlelight Party” (CLP). This was to comply with amended Law on Political Parties. CLP boycotted the 2018 general election in protest of the CNRP dissolution.

world of lasting peace that is also equitable, and prosperous;

Economic Sector: To uphold and to develop the economic life of people fairly and democratically;

Legal Affairs: To establish and develop a civilized state law that is able to protect all its citizens; To affirm human rights and social justice;

Social and Cultural Affairs: To endeavor in building an advanced culture and modernity while maintaining the nation’s identity for the sake of elevating the dignity of the nation;

Educational Sector: To strive to improve the quality of the human resources to be of noble character, independent, skilled, professional, and critical towards the surrounding social environment ; To seek the establishment of a national education system that is welfare-oriented, affordable, and sustainable; and

Defense: To build awareness of the obligation of every citizen to participate in the national defense effort; To encourage the establishment of community of self-defense against treatment that creates a feeling of insecurity, from either individuals or certain institutions in society.

The PKB is part of the Coalition Indonesia Superb (KIH), a group of political parties that supported the

Joko Widodo-Jusuf Kalla election campaign in 2014 and the Jokowi Widodo-Ma’ruf Amin in 2019. Aside from PKB, the other members the coalition were the Indonesian Democratic Party (PDI-P), Nation Democratic Party (Nasdem), while others including the United Development Party (PPP) and Party of the Fuctional Groups (Golkar).

The coalition has 388 seats in Parliament, with 128 seats from PDI P, 85 seats from Golkar, 58 seats from PKB, 39 seats from PPP, 59 seats from Nasdem and 19 seats from PPP.

Three PKB leaders have been appointed ministers in the Jokowi government. Ida Fauziyah is serving in the Ministry of Manpower, Agus Suparmanto in the Ministry of Trade, and Abdul Halim Iskandar in the Ministry of Villages, Disadvantaged regions and Transmigration.

LEADERS

A. Muhaimin Iskandar General Chairman

M. Hanif Dhakiri General Secretary

CLP was “reactivated” at the end of 2021 to prepare for the June 2022 commune elections. Even with a very short preparation time, the CLP was able to win 2,198 commune council seats (22%).

As the CLP was preparing for the July 2023 general election and with the momentum on its side, the government moved to prevent CLP from participating in all future elections by requiring the submission of the original party registration from March 10, 1998. SRP/CLP had participated in 12 different elections since 1998 with a photocopy of the registration; the original was never required. The original registration document was destroyed when the government seized and controlled the party headquarters on November 16, 2017. For this reason, the CLP can no longer compete in all future elections.

As a way out, on October 11, 2023, the CLP formed the Alliance Towards

the Future (ATF) with three other like-minded political parties. CLP transferred its leadership and grassroots network to Khmer Will Party (KWP), a ATF member party and asked KWP to continue CLP’s mission by participating in future elections on behalf of the CLP.

LEADERS

Teav Vannol President

Thach Setha Vice President

Kun Lum Ang Vice President

Chea Kimly Vice President

Lee Sothearayuth Secretary General

ContaCt

ContaCt

Candle Light Party

Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan

Founded in 2017, the Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDP) is a political party fostering democratic politics that value constitutionalism and deliberation. It is a party protecting human lives and wellbeing, and with the people as the leading actors. It aims to build a genuine grass-roots democracy in the country. A politics which is rooted in the real voices of real people.

They aspire to connect with a diverse range of people living in the Japanese society and to chart a new vision for the future.

LEADERS

Izumi Kenta President

Okada Katsuya Secretary-General

ContaCt

Shu Sakurai Deputy Director, International Department 3F, 2-12-4 Hirakawa-cho, Chiyoda-ku, Tokyo 102-0093 Japan

T +03 3595 8529 international@cdp-japan.net

INDIVIDUAL MEMBERS

Abdurraham Wahid

Abdurrahman Wahid served as the fourth president of the world’s most populous Muslim nation, Indonesia, from 1999-2001. He was an important figure among religious groups and political movements during the restoration of freedom and democratic rights after 32 years of the Suharto dictatorship.

More popularly known as “Gus Dur,” he showed fellow Indonesians his lifetime commitment to public service and the promotion of liberal democracy and staunchly defended human rights, ethnic minorities, and Indonesia’s secular tradition. Wahid headed the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Indonesia’s largest Muslim organisation.

His position as a moral leader was transformed, however, when he and his supporters formed the National Awakening Party (PKB) following the dramatic fall of President Soeharto. He became the Chairman of its Advisory Council and its official presidential candidate in 1999. Though dominated by NU members, Wahid promoted PKB as a party that is non-sectarian and open to all members of society. Wahid passed away in 2009.

Chung-Kai Sin

Chung-Kai Sin was previously the Deputy Chairman of the Democratic Party. He served as a member of the Central Committee of Democratic Party of Hong Kong since the party was founded in 1994. Chung-Kai was elected as Kwai Tsing District Councillor for a term of 4 years in November 2019 for a term of 4 years (20202023). Chung-Kai was a member of the 1200 members of Election Committee for Electing the Chief Executive Of HKSAR. He was an elected Legislative Councillor of Hong Kong serving a term of 4 years from Oct 2012 to Sep 2016. Chung-Kai also served as a Member of Legislative Council from 1995 - 1997 representing New Territories South and 1998 to 2008 representing the Information Technology Sector. Chung-Kai has a long public service record. Chung-Kai served as a member of the Housing

Authority from 2001 to 2009 and a board of director Hong Kong Mortgage Corporation Limited from 1999 to 2009. He served as an elected representative at all three tiers of the Government--Legislative Council, Regional Council (abolished by the HKSAR Government in 1999) from 1988 to 1994 and the Kwai Tsing District Council from 1985 to 2003. Born and educated in Hong Kong, Chung-Kai obtained his Bachelor of Science degree from the University of Hong Kong in 1982 and his Master in Business Administration degree from the Chinese University of Hong Kong in 1997. Chung-Kai is a life and fellow member of the Hong Kong Computer Society. Chung-Kai is married to Yvonne Ying Yee Chan. They have two sons Clement and Ryan.

Aung San Suu Kyi

Aung San Suu Kyi served as the State Counsellor of Myanmar in charge of the Foreign Ministry, Energy Ministry, and the Ministry of Education until a military coup in 2021 deposed her and the NLD-led civilian government. In 1991, she was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her struggle against oppression and her fight to attain democracy and human rights in her country.

“The Lady” has spent most of her life committed to the people of Burma’s struggle for justice, freedom, and democracy. Much of the last two decades has seen her locked up, but in 2010, she was released from house arrest. In 2012, she contested a by-election and won a seat in parliament. In 2015, NLD won by landslide, paving the way for her appointment as Myanmar’s State Counsellor. Suu Kyi, together with other civilian leaders, are now in detention.

PARTNERS

Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom

The Friedrich Naumann Foundation for Freedom (FNF) is a German foundation, which works in 60 countries and territories. FNF is funded by Germany’s parliament and has close ties to Germany’s Free Democratic Party (FDP). FNF has been working in Southeast and East Asia since 1969. We now have offices in Bangkok, Hanoi, Jakarta, Manila, Seoul, Taipei, and Yangon. We also work in Malaysia.

FNF and its partners promote freedom, liberalism, democracy, human rights, tolerance, curbing climate change, an open and digital society, social market economy, and the rule of law. FNF has partnered with CALD since its establishment in 1993. We work together to produce publications and to organize conferences and meetings. These collaborations are aimed at fostering international dialogue and promoting policy exchange and cooperation among Asian political parties sharing similar values.

Liberal International

Liberal International (LI) is the world federation of almost 120 liberal and progressive democratic political parties and affiliates. LI was founded in 1947 to strengthen liberal protection from totalitarianism and communism. Through its advocacy,

networking, and capacitation, LI has become the pre-eminent global network for promoting liberalism, individual freedom, human rights, the rule of law, tolerance, equality of opportunity, social justice, free trade and a market economy.

ContaCt

25th Floor BBC Tower, 29 Soi Sukhumvit 63, Sukhumvit Road, Bangkok, 10110, Thailand

T +66 2 095 2740 fnf-bangkok@freiheit.org

ContaCt

1 Whitehall Place, London, SW1A 2HD

T +44 20 7839 5905 office@liberal-international.org www.liberal-international.org

National Democratic Institute for International Affairs

The National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI) is a nonprofit organization working to strengthen and expand democracy worldwide. Calling on a global network of volunteer experts, NDI provides practical assistance to civic and political leaders advancing democratic values, practices,

and institutions. NDI works with democrats in every region of the world to build political and civic organizations, safeguard elections, and to promote citizen participation, openness, and accountability in government.

ContaCt

455 Massachusetts Ave., NW, 8th Floor Washington, DC 20001

T +1 202 728 5500

F +1 202 728 5520 www.ndi.org

PARTNERS

International Republican Institute

International Republican Institute (IRI) was founded as one of the core institutes of the National Endowment for Democracy (NED), with a mission to advance democracy worldwide. IRI has been working to strengthen civil society, political parties, marginalized communities, and other key areas essential to democratic governance. They encourage democracy in places where it is absent, help democracy

become more effective where it is in danger and share best practices where democracy is flourishing.

Since its founding in 1983 IRI has worked in more than 100 countries—in Africa, Asia, Eurasia, Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean, and the Middle East and North Africa.

Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party

Liberal Democrats created their European political family in 1976 in view of the first European elections, and in 1993 established a true transnational political party. Formerly the European Liberal Democrat and Reform (ELDR) party, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party is the party for liberal democrat values in Europe.

Today the ALDE Party consists of more than 70 member parties from more than 40 countries. Together with its liberal member parties across the European continent the ALDE Party is translating the principle of freedom into politics, economics, and all other areas of our societies. It provides an increasingly vital link between citizens and the EU institutions and is continuously growing in size and significance.

Leaders and key figures

Ilhan Kyuchyuk and Timmy Dooley were elected Co-Presidents of the European Liberal Democrats for a two-year mandate in June 2022 at the Congress in Dublin, Ireland. The ALDE Party brings together elected representatives, mayors, ministers, prime ministers, and members of the European Parliament from among its member parties. Together with the MEPs from the European

Renew Europe

Let’s Renew Europe together

There has never been a larger centrist group in the European Parliament. By ending the dominance of the Conservatives and the Socialists, Europeans have given us a strong mandate to change Europe for the better.

We will invest in a sustainable continent. We do not have a Planet B, so we must make sure that we preserve the one we have for future generations. The Paris climate agreement of 2015 set out the

Democratic Party and in partnership with Renaissance, ALDE forms the core of the Renew Europe group in the European Parliament, which is led by Valérie Hayer, MEP.

As of March 2024, three EU Prime Ministers belong to ALDE Party member parties:

• Alexander De Croo, Prime Minister of Belgium

• Kaja Kallas, Prime Minister of Estonia

• Mark Rutte, Prime Minister of The Netherlands

As of March 2024, six European Commissioners represent liberal democrats:

• Margarethe Vestager, Executive Vice President, Commissioner for A Europe Fit for the Digital Age

• Věra Jourová, Vice President, Commissioner for Values and Transparency

• Didier Reynders, Commissioner for Justice Janez Lenarčič, Commissioner for Crisis Management

• Kadri Simson, Commissioner for Energy

• Thierry Breton, Commissioner for the Internal Market

roadmap, now it is time to deliver on the promises made and even go beyond them.At a time when the rule of law and democracy are under threat in parts of Europe, our Group will stand up for the people who suffer from the illiberal and nationalistic tendencies that we see returning in too many countries.

We thrive for a more prosperous Europe to the benefit of all Europeans. By investing in the talents of our citizens and unlocking the potential of Europe’s internal market. We strongly believe that economic

Contact

1225 I (Eye) Street NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005

T +1 02 408 9450 info@iri.org iri.org

Mission Statement

In 60 years of European integration, the European Union has served us well in achieving peace, stability and prosperity. The EU has promoted and extended to half a billion people the four freedoms: the free movement

ContaCt

ALDE Party Rue d’Idalie 11 – box 2 1050 Brussels, Belgium

T +32 2 237 0140 info@aldeparty.eu www.aldeparty.eu

of people, services, capital, and goods across borders. We want the Union to play a key leadership role in tackling the global challenges of today, as well as those of tomorrow.

We strengthen the Liberal Democrat movement in the EU and throughout Europe. We assist Liberal Democrat politicians across Europe to become better acquainted and to define a common political vision. We draw up and adopt a common manifesto for the European Parliament elections.

growth, environmental sustainability, fair competition and responsibility go hand in hand.

Our mission is to Renew Europe. Because Europe is our future and is well worth fighting for!

Contact reneweuropegroup.eu FT reneweurope

Taiwan Foundation for Democracy

Taiwan’s peaceful transition to democracy is not only a historical accomplishment for its 23 million people, but a landmark in the worldwide spread of democracy. Only after years of struggle and effort could this transformation take place. We must never forget this history, for it shapes the cornerstone of our continued commitment to the principles of democracy and human rights.

The Taiwan Foundation for Democracy (TFD) was established with an inter-related, two-tracked mission in mind. Domestically, the TFD strives to play a positive role in consolidating Taiwan’s democracy and fortifying its commitment to human rights; internationally, the Foundation hopes to become a strong link in the global democratic network, joining forces with related organizations around the world. Through the years, Taiwan has received valuable long-term assistance and stalwart support

Africa Liberal Network

Developed from what was originally called the Organisation of African Liberal Parties, the network was established during an initial meeting of political parties in Mombasa, July 2001, and was later launched formally in Johannesburg, June 2003. At the Johannesburg, June 2003 meeting, one of our cornerstone commitments, the Johannesburg Declaration was adopted, pledging like-minded political parties, organisations, networks, thinktanks and individuals to the core principles of liberal democracy.

The network’s mission is to support and empower political parties, organisations, networks, think-tanks and individuals, to grow their support,

from the international community, and it is now time to repay that community for all of its efforts.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs initiated the Taiwan Foundation for Democracy project in 2002. After much research and careful evaluation, the Ministry integrated the required resources from many sectors of society. In January 2003, the Ministry obtained the support of all political parties to pass the budget for the Foundation in the legislature. The TFD formally came into being on 17 June 2003, with its first meeting of the Board of Trustees and Supervisory Board. At that meeting, Legislative Yuan President Wang Jin-pyng was elected its first chairman. According to its by-laws, the TFD is governed by a total of 15 trustees and five supervisors, representing political parties, the government, academia, nongovernmental organizations, and the business sector.

ContaCt

No.4, Alley 17, Lane 147, Section 3, Sinyi Road, Taipei 106, Taiwan

T +886 2 2708 0100

F +886 2 2708 1148 www.tfd.org.tw

to increase their influence on politics and to implement policies of good governance when in government.

The current active programme of the network is the Women Empowerment Programme. It is an an annual development programme for women politicians from ALN member parties. We aim to develop their knowledge and skills to win candidate nominations, upcoming elections, and internal party leadership positions. The programme also aims to dismantle barriers to women’s political participation and selection as candidates.

ContaCt

3rd Floor Travel House, 6 Hood Avenue, Rosebank, Johannesburg 2196 Republic of South Africa

T +27 11 880 8851

M +27 73 707 8513 www.africaliberalnetwork.org

Liberal Network for Latin America

RELIAL (Red Liberal de América Latina), the Liberal Network of Latin America, is a Latin America-wide network of currently 41 civil society organizations, political parties, think tanks, and research-institutes. RELIAL is forming the institutional frame for leaders and opinion makers, academics, intellectuals, business people, and personalities from the region who share and profess the ideas of individual freedom, limited government, the market economy, the rule of law, and a free democratic system in the continent.

ContaCt

IOS Offices Torre Murano, Av Insurgentes Sur 2453, Suite 6000, Piso 6

Col. Tizapan

Alvaro Obregon

CP 01090 CDMX

T +55 52 5556 5548 www.relial.org

The Council of Asian Liberals and Democrats (CALD) was inaugurated in Bangkok in 1993, with the support of then Thai Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai and South Korea’s Kim Dae-Jung. CALD, which offers a unique platform for dialogue and cooperation, is the only regional alliance of liberal and democratic political parties in Asia.

CALD was formed out of the recognition of leaders of like-minded political parties in Asia of the need for a dynamic forum promoting discussion and exchange of ideas regarding trends and challenges affecting democracy, human rights, and the rule of law in the region. The chair parties of CALD since its inception to the present have been the Democrat Party of Thailand or DP (1993 – 1995, 2002 – 2004, 20162018), the Democratic Progressive Party of Taiwan or DPP (1995-1997, 2004-2005, 2018-2020), the Liberal Party of the Philippines or LP (1997-1999, 2005-2007, 2020-2023), the Singapore Democratic Party or SDP (2007-2010), the Liberal Party of Sri Lanka or LPSL (1999-2000, 2010-2012), the Sam Rainsy Party/Cambodia National Rescue Party (2000-2002, 2012-2014), Civil Green Party of Mongolia (2014-2016), and the Candlelight Party (2023 to present).

The other members of CALD are the Parti Gerakan Rakyat Malaysia (PGRM), the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), and the Nation Awakening Party (PKB) of Indonesia, while Hong Kong legislator Chung-Kai Sin is an individual member. In 2010, CALD bestowed honorary individual membership to Daw Aung San Suu Kyi of Myanmar. The Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP) of Japan is an observer party.

Through CALD, political parties, groups, and individuals have a continuing discussion on the developments occurring in the various countries of the region. The aim is to assess the possibilities for liberal solutions to problems facing Asian democracies.

Accordingly, CALD organizes network meetings including those with its partners (Friedrich Naumann Foundation, Liberal International, Alliance for Liberals and Democrats for Europe, Renew Europe, Taiwan Foundation for Democracy, and the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs), international conferences on vital issues affecting the region, and regular workshops on communication, political management, and women in politics. It also sends missions for various advocacies, sponsors internship programs in its secretariat, as well as maintains a website, a social-network group account, and a weekly electronic newsletter.

MARDI SENG CALD Chairperson FRANCIS GERALD ABAYA CALD Secretary General

Unit 409, La Fuerza Plaza 2, 2241 Don Chino Roces Avenue corner Sabio St., 1231 Makati City, Philippines

Telephone +63 2 8819 6071

info@cald.org www.cald.org

CALD SECRETARIAT

Celito Arlegue Executive Director

Paolo Antonio Zamora Program Manager

Mari Julienne Janolo Communications Officer

Chelse Racar Caballero Program Officer

EDITOR C.C. Balgos

LAY-OUT & ART

Michael A. Gadi