Since this Executive took office nearly two years ago, just seven acts have reached the statute book – three of them tied to the annual budget. 12 further bills are in progress. To put that in context: the 2017-2022 mandate produced 46 acts, while the 2011-2016 mandate passed 67.
This inaction has real consequences: the annual scramble for SEN school places persists; nearly 32,000 households have been accepted as statutorily homeless; and the ecological catastrophe at Lough Neagh continues with no end in sight.
Local parties were applauded for finally returning to work after two years of deadlock. They received warm media coverage for symbolic gestures. However, 18 months on and less than two years until the next election, the Executive must begin passing meaningful legislation and showing the leadership people need and deserve.
This 125th edition of agendaNi explores where progress can and must be made. Our annual economy and skills reports frame the challenges and opportunities for advancing the region’s economy and living standards of its people.
Our cover story with Sam Turner, CEO of Queen’s University Belfast’s Advanced Manufacturing Innovation Centre, outlines a vision of technological advancement, economic opportunity, and sustainability combining to create jobs and drive a green economy.
We also bring you two round table discussions: the first, hosted by Early Years, examines childcare and early years provision; and the second, hosted by NIE Networks, discusses Northern Ireland’s future energy needs.
This issue also features an exclusive interview with Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA, alongside a series of conversations with DUP and UUP figures about the future direction of unionist politics.
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Department of Health appoints new Chief Digital Information Officer
Paul Rice was appointed to the role of Chief Digital Information Officer at the Department of Health in June 2025, having most recently held the position of Chief Digital Information Officer at Bradford Teaching Hospitals NHS, and Airedale NHS Foundation Trusts in West Yorkshire.
Rice will be responsible for leading the continuation of progress towards digitisation of health and care digital systems in Northern Ireland. He has also been appointed as the Senior Information Risk Officer for the Department, and the leader of Digital Health and Care Northern Ireland (DCHNI).
‘No tangible improvements’ in Executive delivery since restoration
A report by public affairs think tank Pivotal into the performance of the Executive claims that “the public are yet to see tangible improvements in improvements in health waiting lists, GP access, affordable housing, policing, poverty and more”.
While the report notes the publication of a Programme for Government and two budgets agreed, the think tank says: “There are no real plans in place to address some long-term challenges.” It also criticises ministers by saying “there does not appear to be recognition that a step-change is needed… that continuing with current policies will only lead to further deterioration in outcomes”.
With over 25 years of experience in the NHS, including nearly two years as Regional Director of Digital Transformation for the now-defunct NHS England, Rice says he is “delighted” to take up the role.
Welcoming the appointment, Health Minister Mike Nesbitt MLA says: “His leadership in implementing hospital electronic patient records, enhancing primary care workflows, and deploying innovative technologies to support clinical, operational, and administrative staff will be an invaluable asset to the role.”
The Leader of the Opposition in the Assembly, Matthew O’Toole MLA, chastised the “continued failure of the Executive” after labelling the report as “damning”.
During an Assembly committee meeting on 10 September, deputy First Minister Emma Little-Pengelly MLA said: “I could not disagree more with this report.”
Pointing to falling waiting lists and increased free childcare provision, she added: “It is a nonsense to say there has been a lack of delivery when the facts demonstrate otherwise.”
Described by Minister for the Economy Caoimhe Archibald MLA as “the biggest upgrade in workers’ rights since the Good Friday Agreement”, the draft Good Jobs Employment Rights Bill contains four themes: terms of employment, pay and benefits, voice and representation, and work-life balance.
Proposed measures include a ban on ‘exploitative’ zero-hour contracts, a right for trade unions to request access to workplaces, greater protections for agency workers, fair distribution of tips, enhancement of flexible working, and improvements to carer’s, neonatal, and paternity leave.
‘Good Jobs Bill’ proposals outlined
Reaction to the proposals have been mixed with ICTU assistant general secretary Gerry Murphy saying the bill represents “basic, long-overdue modernisation” to workers’ rights, while Suzanne Wylie, chief executive of Northern Ireland Chamber has called for “more in-depth engagement and greater clarity from the Department for the Economy”.
Speaking to agendaNi, the Minister says: “It is my intention to introduce that [Bill] into the Assembly in January 2026… We will have to seek Executive approval to do that… but good progress is being made.”
Consultation launched on Fourth Carbon Budget
The Department for Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs (DAERA) has launched a 16-week consultation on the Fourth Carbon Budget. It will close on 17 November 2025.
A legal requirement of the Climate Change Act, the fourth budget outlines the maximum amount of greenhouse gases that can be emitted in a five-year period expressed as an annual percentage level compared to the 1990 baseline. It will cover the period from 20372042. The first three carbon budgets, covering the period from 2023-2037, was published in December 2024.
DEARA Minister Andrew Muir MLA described the budget as “an important step in ensuring that we have a gradual transition to net zero which can be done in a fair and just way”.
“Whilst 2038 is 12 years away, it is important to set out a trajectory now, not only to meet the legal requirements set out in the Act, but to provide certainty to investors, businesses and to allow for gradual transition which can be delivered in a fair and just way as we work to reduce our emissions,” he said.
£600 million boost for public sector
Following an agreement between the UK Treasury and Finance Minister John O’Dowd MLA, the UK Government has allocated £600 million to fund public services in Northern Ireland.
The agreement follows the publication of an independent review into Northern Ireland’s level of need of financial subvention from the Treasury. The author of the report, Gerry Holtham, placed the current overall need level at a central estimate of 128 per cent, meaning that for every £1 spent per head of population in England, £1.28 needs to be spent per head of population in Northern Ireland.
This includes the need-based adjustment factor of 124 per cent applied via the Interim Fiscal Framework alongside a further 4 percent to compensate for the removal of ringfenced farm and fisheries support.
The Treasury agreed to exclude £329 million of unringfenced agriculture funding included in the spending review in June from the relative funding calculation, providing a further £600 million to the Department of Finance.
O’Dowd said the funding “will enable the Executive to take a long-term strategic approach to public service delivery” and helps “avoid a public funding cliff edge”.
New NIO Junior Minister appointed
Matthew Patrick MP has been appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Northern Ireland as part of a cabinet reshuffle undertaken by Prime Minister Keir Starmer MP following the resignation of former Deputy Prime Minister Angela Rayner MP.
First elected to the Wirral West constituency in the 2024 general election, Patrick previously worked for the Financial Ombudsman Service and Pay.UK.
Following his appointment to the Northern Ireland Office (NIO), Patrick said he is “honoured to have been appointed to this role to support the important work
of Hilary Benn MP in helping deliver a stable and prosperous Northern Ireland”.
His appointment follows the sacking of Fleur Anderson MP. Speaking to agendaNi in May, Anderson said the decision to hold a border poll “would be based on opinion polls”, drawing the ire of unionists, with DUP deputy leader Michelle McIlveen MLA branding the comment “disgraceful”. The NIO subsequently distanced itself from Anderson’s remarks.
TUV leader Jim Allister MP welcomed Anderson’s removal, posting “good” in response to a news article on the matter on X (Twitter).
“We have 38,000 households in housing stress, 5,000 children living in temporary accommodation – a 76% increase since 2020 – 2,500 of those are under nine. That is unacceptable.”
Paddy Gray on Northern Ireland’s housing shortage.
“We have exploited it and ignored it and now, nature is – quite rightly –taking her revenge.”
Campaigner and former MP Bernadette McAliskey on Lough Neagh.
“Thank you Deputy Speaker and I do not need to be patronised… you need to look at the way you speak to many of the women in this chamber.”
Alliance MLA Nuala McAllister in a heated exchange with Assembly Deputy Speaker Steve Aiken MLA.
“They [MI5]
are out of control.”
Sinn Féin MLA Gerry Kelly speaking after MI5 admitted to having unlawfully accessed the phone of RTÉ northern editor Vincent Kearney.
Limited time to deliver on Northern Ireland’s first Climate Action Plan
Published in June 2025, Northern Ireland’s first draft Climate Action Plan for 20232027 outlines the policies and proposals intended to meet the region’s inaugural carbon budget. However, with the consultation now underway, delivery against targets is already constrained by the passage of time.
The Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 set a statutory target of net zero greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions by 2050, alongside interim reduction targets of 48 per cent by 2030 and 77 per cent by 2040 against 1990 baseline levels.
Supporting these ambitions, the Act requires the setting of five-yearly carbon budgets, limiting the total permissible GHG emissions. Regulations passed by the Assembly in December 2024 set the first three carbon budgets:
• 2023-2027: 33 per cent average annual reduction from 1990 baseline;
• 2028-2032: 48 per cent average annual reduction; and
• 2033-2037: 62 per cent average annual reduction.
The draft Climate Action Plan is therefore focused on ensuring compliance with the first carbon budget, now in its third year of delivery.
Scope of the draft plan
The plan sets out 52 policies and proposals spanning nine sectors:
1. energy production and supply;
2. transport;
3. business and industrial processes;
4. residential buildings;
5. public buildings;
6. waste management;
7. agriculture;
8. land use, land-use change and forestry (LULUCF); and
9. fisheries.
Analysis indicates that the combination of quantified policies should be sufficient to deliver the required 33
Credit: DAERA
issues agenda
per cent reduction. However, the draft plan acknowledges that this relies on “stretching assumptions” around investment, policy alignment, and public behaviour change.
Consultation process
A 16-week public consultation on the draft opened in June 2025 and will close on 8 October 2025.
On 20 August 2025, DAERA launched a programme of 10 in-person consultation events, beginning in Belfast and extending to locations including Cookstown, Enniskillen, Ballymena, Newry, Omagh, and Derry. Two online events were also scheduled.
Launching the process, DAERA Minister Andrew Muir
MLA said: “The launch of the draft Climate Action Plan is a significant milestone for Northern Ireland that will inform how we reduce carbon emissions, grow our green economy, protect our environment and improve our health and wellbeing. Everyone in society will have a key role to play in delivering it.”
Departmental responsibilities
DAERA holds lead responsibility for preparation and publication of the plan. However, each Executive department has been assigned sectoral responsibility:
• Department for the Economy: energy production and supply, business and industrial processes, and public buildings;
• Department for Infrastructure: transport;
• Department for Communities: residential buildings; and
• DAERA: waste management, agriculture, LULUCF, and fisheries.
Governance is provided by a strategic oversight group of senior officials from all departments, chaired by the DAERA Permanent Secretary and supported by an evidence and analysis group to oversee quantification methodologies.
Sectoral pathways
The UK Climate Change Committee (CCC) provided advice on Northern Ireland’s pathway to net zero, setting indicative sectoral reductions. Key actions include:
• Energy: expansion of renewable electricity generation with storage and back-up;
• Transport: scaling zero-emission vehicle uptake and encouraging modal shift;
• Buildings: retrofitting and adoption of low-carbon heating;
• Agriculture: a reduction in livestock numbers alongside efficiency measures;
• LULUCF: afforestation and peatland restoration; and
• Waste: elimination of biodegradable waste to landfill.
Public consultation responses to the CCC’s advice demonstrated broad support for most pathways, though agriculture generated significant divergence of views.
Monitoring and reporting
The plan establishes a statutory monitoring and reporting framework, with DAERA required to publish annual updates to the Assembly. Public bodies will also be subject to new reporting requirements.
Additional oversight is expected from the new Northern Ireland Climate Commissioner and the Just Transition Commission, established under the 2022 Act.
Just transition
The Act requires all departments to have regard to the “just transition” principle when developing policies. This includes ensuring fairness, supporting vulnerable groups, and creating new green jobs.
The draft plan states: “Bringing about the transformational change required will mean everyone doing things differently. The Climate Action Plan can be implemented in a way that is fair to everyone through applying a just transition approach.”
Risks and challenges
Despite its breadth, the draft CAP identifies several challenges:
• reliance on adequate funding and investment across sectors;
• uncertainty over public and political support for behavioural change;
• limited time, with the region already two years into the first carbon budget; and
• gaps in data and evidence, requiring further development in future plans.
DAERA has also emphasised that failure to act decisively will increase long-term costs, both economic and environmental.
Next steps
The consultation outcome will inform the final Climate Action Plan, to be laid before the Assembly later in 2025.
In parallel, DAERA has launched consultation on Northern Ireland’s fourth carbon budget (2038-2042), closing on 17 November 2025.
With Northern Ireland entering the midpoint of the first budget period, delivery against targets will require accelerated action, significant investment, and crosssocietal commitment if the 2050 net zero goal is to remain credible.
Unlocking the advanced manufacturing opportunity
Overlooking Belfast’s harbour estate on Queen’s Island – now known as the ‘Titanic Quarter’ – Sam Turner, CEO of Queen’s University Belfast’s Advanced Manufacturing Innovation Centre (AMIC), discusses economic opportunity, technological advances, sustainability, and his vision for advanced manufacturing.
Having been seconded from the High Value Manufacturing Catapult in the UK, Turner identifies “a significant economic opportunity in Northern Ireland” in terms of its industrial strengths.
Having keen awareness of the manufacturing research and innovation strengths across the UK, Turner was cognisant of Queen’s University Belfast’s status as a leader in design, cybersecurity, and digitalisation research.
“I knew there were real strengths that could be consolidated into an international centre of expertise. After three years, I am pleased to say that the economic opportunity is even greater than I first anticipated,” he says.
“For example, the aerospace sector is delivering a series of partnership projects in collaboration with indigenous companies and prime contractors.”
From a UK perspective, AMIC is “fresh and exciting”. “There are real skills and talents to tap into here, and from our perspective, AMIC was the missing puzzle piece. We are linking the prime contractors such as Short Brothers to the supply chain and creating a sense of ‘team Northern Ireland’ which was absent beforehand.”
AMIC translates the R&D from academia to industry, while also acting as a convener, understanding what industry’s
needs are, highlighting solutions, connecting companies, and seeking to establish Northern Ireland as a place for investment, while consolidating what already exists.
In fact, AMIC itself is doubling in size, year-on-year. Having established a team of 60 people to date, this total is set to increase to 100 by the beginning of 2026.
Wider economy
Discussing what “already exists”, Turner identifies manufacturing as a core part of the economy in Northern Ireland.
“Manufacturing certainly has a disproportionate socioeconomic tailwind here relative to the wider UK economy,” he says.
In fact, a recent study undertaken by Manufacturing NI demonstrates the social impact of manufacturing, including beyond Belfast.
“Manufacturing is an SME-intensive ecosystem, with many successful, independent, and phenomenally innovative family-owned businesses. From an AMIC perspective, we want to demonstrate how they can be even more successful by providing access to the latest technologies, working in collaboration, developing the skill base, and securing new contracts and work. In short, we want to scale indigenous manufacturing businesses and enhance their competitiveness,” Turner explains.
Challenges
Perennially, the major challenges facing manufacturing are cost competitiveness and pricing which, in competing economies, are often determined by government incentives and cheap labour.
The solution, Turner maintains, lies in technology. “While AMIC is assisting the universities and colleges to produce graduates and apprentices with relevant skills, we also want to upskill the existing workforce to embrace technology in a way that is novel and sustainable,” he says.
Other challenges include geopolitics and a shifting of supply chains. Though the AMIC CEO interprets these as an opportunity for Northern Ireland.
“After three years, I am pleased to say that the economic opportunity is even greater than I first anticipated.”
Sam Turner, CEO, Queen’s University Belfast’s Advanced Manufacturing Innovation Centre (AMIC)
“Consider, for example, how the western economies are seeking to grow semiconductor manufacturing. Uncertainty around tariffs could open opportunities to markets in the United States, differentiating Northern Ireland from competing economies which have higher tariffs. Here in Northern Ireland, we have the only UK land border with Europe and our all-island supply chains are a major part of the opportunity.”
Strategic priorities
From a strategic perspective, AMIC is exploring the challenges associated with creating next generation products and cost effectiveness of the aligned manufacturing processes.
“We are working in partnership with several companies in the fabrication sector in Mid Ulster called ‘Project 4WARD’, examining Industry 4.0 for automation and welding.
“There is also a direct one-to-one dimension of what AMIC does, helping companies with business cases on technology insertion to improve productivity, automation, factory flow, layout, and design for products.”
Simultaneously, AMIC is beginning to develop its skills offering in collaboration with both Queen’s University Belfast and Ulster University, as well as the further education colleges.
“We are working with both industrial partners and academia to determine the collective need and solutions,” Turner explains. “That way, progress is made collectively by AMIC, the universities,
and dozens of companies to establish an attractive and unique proposition in contrast to competing parts of the world.”
Policy
Advanced manufacturing transcends a range of sectors: aerospace; materials handling; nanotechnology/photonics; parts of agritech; and construction. So what does the broader industry require of the Executive?
“Clarity of strategic intent is important,” Turner emphasises. “Executive support is not always defined by money alone, rather it is about providing confidence for investors.”
Some of the challenges from the perspective of a potential investor, including energy cost, infrastructure delivery, and skills provision, are within the remit of the Executive. “The Executive has a role in incentivising companies to invest in the skills pipeline at all levels while also supporting the upskilling of the existing workforce.
Harnessing research strengths to deliver tangible socioeconomic impact is a major aspect of Queen’s President and Vice Chancellor Ian Greer’s strategic vision for 2030 and, in fact, was fundamental to the establishment of AMIC.
One factor informing AMIC’s raison d’être, therefore, is the high-risk profile of R&D. “University is the right place for very high-risk research and there is some excellent research being undertaken,” Turner observes. 4
“Often, it is too expensive and risky for industry to invest in R&D that may or may not deliver. As such, it requires public sector funding – whether UK, Executive, European, or Irish – to derisk the investment and enable the innovative spectrum of industry to pursue innovation. That is the ultimate mission.”
With all the pressures on the Northern Ireland economy, Turner believes that a clear and combined strategic message from the Executive and both local universities could leverage transformative investment from the British Government and the private sector alike.
“Clear strategic intent can demonstrate Northern Ireland’s strengths to the UK Government. That will draw additional funding and support from beyond Northern Ireland,” the AMIC CEO says.
AIMeanwhile, artificial intelligence (AI) increasingly plays an influential role in design processes, accessing manufacturing materials data, and building design tools. Other uses include quality control, which is at the heart of manufacturing competitiveness.
“If a manufacturer has full control of their costs and processes, they will be able to deliver on time, build credibility, and win customers. Northern Ireland businesses
are exceptionally good at doing that,” Turner states.
However, rapid advances in AI makes it difficult for SMEs – and even large companies – to keep pace.
Simultaneously, while Turner acknowledges that Northern Ireland is adept in terms of its knowledge base, this will become less important as other economies without that existing knowledge begin investing in and deploying AI tools. In other words, the risk is that AI could be a leveller.
“If we combine the knowledge of manufacturing processes and products with the emerging technology – and that is what AMIC is here to do – we can get ahead of those who do not have the knowledge base or heritage and are over reliant on the technology,” he says.
“In areas such as aerospace or materials handling, Northern Ireland supply chains have an excellent global reputation for delivering on quality and cost. Emerging technology, including AI, can help consolidate this reputation by getting products to market more quickly, at a higher quality, and at a lower cost.
“As we begin to implement more AI solutions, the opportunities for productivity and quality are significant. However, new threat vectors emerge in tandem and are not well understood. There is a responsibility, therefore, to
advocate for increased cybersecurity research in parallel with AI in the manufacturing domain.”
Sustainability
Similarly, Turner believes that if manufacturers can demonstrate lower carbon emissions than competitors, this will unlock fresh opportunities.
“There is an opportunity at a macroeconomic level for Northern Ireland to become a destination for low-carbon manufacturing,” he indicates, adding: “If we can get clusters of low carbon, affordable, and reliable energy certified –leveraging local fintech expertise – then we have a phenomenal opportunity.
Through the demonstration of competitive, high quality, and certified low carbon manufacturing footprints, therefore, Northern Ireland businesses have a huge opportunity to win more contracts in a global market and scale.
“AMIC can support companies to understand how they navigate reporting requirements on the scope one, scope two, and – importantly – scope three emissions. More importantly, we can help companies start reducing emissions.
“For example, when designing a product, 80 per cent of the carbon content is embedded which has a cost. As such, AMIC is developing toolkits to support businesses in designing for lower embodied carbon.”
Turner also believes that a carbon border adjustment mechanism could ensure a level playing field for those investing in low carbon technology versus economies outside of Europe involved in the manufacture of carbon intensive and lowcost products.
“Northern Ireland has been at the forefront of trading into Europe and into the UK and has been ahead of the curve in terms of low carbon manufacturers,” he remarks.
“Disruption also brings opportunity, and we must ensure that manufacturing in Northern Ireland is in a position of agility. Rather than looking for differential advantage, we must seek to establish competitive advantage. Pace of innovation is fundamental to success amid these challenges, whether geopolitics, digitalisation, or sustainability.”
‘Factory of the future’
With the local nanotechnology/photonics sector as a major focus for investment, AMIC intends to harness this through the construction of the ‘Factory of the Future’.
As AMIC’s 10,500m2 flagship facility, Factory of the Future at Global Point Business Park in Newtownabbey draws upon the research excellence of both Queen’s University Belfast and Ulster University, opening access to “the best of Northern Ireland”. This facility, funded in partnership with Antrim and Newtownabbey Borough Council, will allow scaling companies to develop new products and access facilities that would be prohibitively expensive to buy themselves.
“The Factory of the Future will have a representative production environment where we can demonstrate, test, and derisk novel technologies for industry,” Turner explains.
“This is difficult to replicate in a university lab. Instead, it must be conducted in an environment that mirrors a factory, with production systems, equipment, and technology, which can be resource intensive.
“People will be able to utilise our facility to explore use cases, problem solving, and proof of concept before deploying this knowledge in their own facilities.”
The Factory of the Future will also have class five and class six clean rooms which will be accessible to organisations in the photonics, nanotech, and biotech spaces. We will be able to help organisations to develop products, optimise manufacturing processes.
Turner anticipates that AMIC will move into the new site by the end of March 2026, with a formal opening in autumn 2026 once it becomes fully operational.
AMIC’s footprint will therefore be spread between its existing harbour facility – the Northern Ireland Advanced Composites and Engineering Centre (NIACE) building, and the Factory of the Future at Global Point.
At the end of July 2025, Finance Minister John O’Dowd MLA and Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA visited the Factory of the Future site. With construction ongoing, the former emphasised the potential economic growth and social benefits of the new facility.
“This centre is a key part of the Belfast Region City Deal and will be a state-of-the-art research and innovation facility that will serve as a hub for advanced manufacturing technologies... It will have a positive impact on local communities through new jobs, an increased skills base and its support of local businesses,” he said.
Archibald added: “AMIC’s Factory of the Future is a £98 million investment that will transform local manufacturing. It will create 1,500 new jobs, train hundreds of apprentices, and inject millions into the local economy... helping businesses boost their productivity and global competitiveness. Both of which are central to my Economic Vision and the long-term economic development of the North.”
“We want to scale indigenous manufacturing businesses and enhance their competitiveness.”
The Factory of the Future, Turner insists, will “become a site of European significance”. “Rather than being a Northern Ireland equivalent of what is happening elsewhere, it will build on local strengths to become a global centre of excellence.
“Capital intensive production sites are needed to do some of that work. One thing AMIC is keen to pursue is assisting manufacturing technology developers. Locally, there are many cyber companies moving into areas such as manufacturing. AMIC is assisting companies seeking to grow and scale with digital solutions to connect with manufacturers who have problems and challenges.
Vision for AMIC
Summarising, Turner defines AMIC’s vision in terms of economic impact. The CEO wants manufacturing to reassert itself as a fundamental part of the economy, replete with high-value, longterm careers. “We are establishing manufacturing clusters, collaborating right the way through the supply chain and strategic leadership, and seeking to achieve more with Executive support,” he outlines.
Referencing Strategy 2030, Queen’s University Belfast’s 10-year strategy, he emphasises the strategic priority of delivering a transformative and sustainable economy, establishing Queen’s as a global research-intensive university, providing the skills hat Northern Ireland needs.
“AMIC is here to move the dial for the economy in Northern Ireland,” Turner asserts, concluding: “I want Northern Ireland also to be a place where people want to build factories, put their work into supply chains, and become an exemplar of high-tech, highskilled, sustainable manufacturing.
“For decades, offshore it/relocate it has been a trend where people take manufacturing and relocate it to low-wage, low-cost economies. Conversely, greenshoring is taking manufacturing and instead locating it in low-carbon economies. We could be a leader in that; a green destination.
“To be an exemplar, we need the right skills and technologies, but we also need a sense of strategic purpose at Executive level –internalising that ambition and delivering the enabling infrastructure.”
Limited progress towards housing strategy targets
Following the launch of the Housing Supply Strategy 2024-2039 and against the backdrop of a chronic housing shortage, recent data highlights modest improvements in private housing starts but ongoing challenges in meeting social housing commitments.
Northern Ireland continues to experience significant housing pressures, with almost 48,000 households on the social housing waiting list, over 36,000 of which are in housing stress. In recognition of these challenges, the Department for Communities (DfC) published its Housing Supply Strategy 2024-2039, setting an ambition to deliver at least 100,000 new homes by 2039, including 33,000 social homes.
The strategy adopts a whole-system approach and is structured around five objectives:
1. increasing supply and affordable options;
2. preventing homelessness and reducing housing stress;
3. improving quality and safety;
4. building thriving communities; and
5. ensuring low-carbon housing.
Aligned with the draft Programme for Government, the strategy aims to tackle affordability pressures, improve housing conditions, and meet net-zero targets.
Social housing delivery
The Programme for Government commits to starting work on 5,850 new build social homes by 2027, equating to approximately 2,000 per year. However, progress has fallen significantly short of this benchmark.
In 2024, 1,504 new social homes were started, while current budget allocations are expected to fund around
1,000 homes in 2025, less than half the annual target. Communities Minister Gordon Lyons MLA has indicated that 80 per cent of available capital funding is directed towards housing but acknowledged that the budget remains “continually constrained”.
To remain on track, the Department estimates that an additional £62 million would be required. While the Department can bid for extra funding through in-year monitoring rounds, there is no certainty regarding availability or prioritisation.
Recent construction trends
Data for the second quarter of 2025 indicates an improvement in overall housing activity, with work starting on more than 2,000 new homes, the highest quarterly figure since early 2018. This marks only the second time since the onset of the pandemic that new starts have exceeded 2,000 units.
Despite this, it remains uncertain whether the increased level of activity can be sustained. Historically, quarterly housing starts exceeded 3,000 in the mid-2000s, prior to the global financial crisis. By comparison, recent figures highlight the scale of the gap between historical peaks, current delivery, and long-term need.
The Housing Supply Strategy outlines that 8,000 new dwellings per year are required to address existing demand and projected household growth. However, current trends fall well below this level.
Affordability pressures
Alongside supply constraints, affordability remains a core challenge. Figures for Q2 2025 indicate that the average house price in Northern Ireland increased by 5.5 per cent year-on-year, reaching just over £185,000. Quarterly growth was more modest at 0.3 per cent.
Regional variations persist:
• Mid Ulster recorded the largest annual increase at 8 per cent;
• Newry, Mourne and Down experienced the smallest increase at 1.2 per cent;
• Lisburn and Castlereagh reported the highest average price at £219,000; and
• Mid and East Antrim recorded the lowest at £164,000.
The strategy acknowledges affordability as a key driver of housing stress and identifies intermediate housing options such as shared ownership and intermediate rent as part of the solution.
Long-term objectives and enabling actions
To achieve its targets, the Housing Supply Strategy sets out commitments including:
• optimising financial transactions capital (FTC) and attracting alternative finance, including capital markets and ESG investment;
• enhancing planning system efficiency, through the Planning Improvement Programme and statutory consultee reforms; and
• increasing land availability via digital mapping of public sector holdings through the Government Land and Property Register.
The Department has also committed to commissioning research on housing affordability measures, improving data on housing supply and demand, and strengthening interdepartmental collaboration to support delivery.
Prevention and intervention measures
Alongside increasing supply, the strategy prioritises reducing homelessness and providing tailored housing solutions. Key actions include:
• supporting delivery of the Ending Homelessness Together Strategy (2022-2027);
• progressing the Interdepartmental Homelessness Action Plan;
• implementing recommendations from the Fundamental Review of Social Housing Allocations; and
• developing alternative models of supported housing and improving access to adaptations for disabled and older people.
Future outlook
While the Q2 2025 increase in housing starts suggests potential for improved performance, systemic challenges persist. Budgetary constraints, infrastructure bottlenecks, and skills shortages remain significant barriers.
The long-term ambition of delivering 100,000 homes by 2039 will require sustained investment, crossgovernment collaboration, and continued innovation in financing and planning processes.
Failure to accelerate delivery risks further widening the gap between housing supply and demand, with implications for affordability, social equality, and economic development.
issues agenda
Integrated Education Strategy published
While the Integrated Education Act (NI) 2022 contains a statutory requirement for an Integrated Education Strategy, the newly-introduced Integrated Education Strategy has only three quantitative targets.
The Department of Education (DE) has published Vision 2030: A Strategy for Integrated Education, 2025 to 2030 alongside an action plan. The publication and maintenance of an integrated education strategy is a statutory requirement under the Integrated Education Act (NI) 2022.
The strategy contains 19 actions to be pursued by the Department, aiming to complete five strategic aims outlined in the strategy. However, the document contains only three quantitative targets to be reached by 2030.
The Integrated Education Act (NI) 2022 states the strategy must “include an action plan, which must… include targets (including timetables) and measurable benchmarks against which the success of
the strategy (including progress towards meeting targets) can be assessed.
It further states that targets and benchmarks may include percentages of pupils granted or denied their choice of education in an integrated school, the number of schools transforming into integrated schools, and number of new integrated schools established.
Key objectives
The document says that the Northern Ireland Council for Integrated Education (NICIE) is to issue a ‘call for transformation’, particularly directed toward schools with sustainable enrolments or where transformation could provide sustainable enrolment.
The Department says this will “bring fresh visibility, prominence and momentum to transformation and act as a catalyst for the future growth of integrated education”.
The department is also set to review the objectives, funding and resources of NICIE. Formed in 1981, the public body, is an arm’s-length organisation independent from the Department. Its stated aim is to “support, advise, and offer training to integrated schools, and help schools through the transformation process”.
NICIE is also set to receive a minimum of £650,000 in departmental grand funding, with an increase of £65,000 per year, subject to available resources, to facilitate the additional actions laid out in the strategy.
issues agenda
However, this allocation represents a real-terms funding decrease of 32 per cent since 2010/2011. In that year, NICIE received £708,000 the Department of Education, according to a NICIE financial statement, £1.05 million in 2025 prices according to the Bank of England’s inflation calculator.
In the action plan, the department says it will commission the Innovation and Consultancy Service from the Department of Finance to review the objectives, resources and funding of NICIE.
By 2030, the department aims to reduce the gap between the percentage of first preferences for integrated education being met, currently 87 per cent, and the post-primary average of 90 per cent.
The Department will also review school governance arrangements, particularly the grant maintained integrated model and review current support services, including HR, professional learning, legal and governor support.
Maintaining the ‘integrated ethos’
Working with the NICE and other partners, the Department states it will “review the promotion and development of the integrated ethos within said schools and report on its findings”.
The Framework for Integrated Education toolkit, which offers a pathway to enable integrated schools to “develop, expand, promote and embed their integrated ethos,” is to be promoted alongside the NICIE’s Excellence in Integrated Education Award. The Department says also work with higher education institutions to includes integrated education considerations where appropriate.
The Department says it will commission research on the extent of “public understanding and knowledge” of integrated education with the goal of improvement; with the NICE publishing a communications and engagement plan focused on improving public knowledge of integrated education.
Resourcing
The department commits to providing:
• £50,000 annually to meet costs associated with engagement and surveying to assess demand, including the development of surveys, holding workshops and legal advice;
• meeting the costs of balloting parents in schools considering transformation;
• a minimum of £23,000 per annum to support schools immediately post transformation, adjusted to reflect number of schools transforming each year;
• recurrent funding to be provided when a development proposal is approved for a new
integrated school. Amount of funding will be determined on a case-by-case basis; and
• £471 million to progress and deliver new build projects for integrated schools alongside £13 million for extension and refurbishment projects.
Recent political challenges
Speaking to agendaNi, Alliance Party MLA Kellie Armstrong, author of the 2022 Act accused Education Minister Paul Givan MLA of “not meeting the legal requirements of the Act”.
A spokesperson for the Department of Education tells agendaNi: “The Department has met and will continue to meet its statutory obligation within the Integrated Education Act.
“The timeline for meeting the targets set out in Vision 2030 is on track and six monthly updates on implementation of the action plan for the development of integrated education will be published on the Department’s website.”
The 2022 Act widened the definition of integrated education to include those other than Protestant or Roman Catholic, and to include ‘those who are experiencing socioeconomic deprivation and those who are not’.
The Act was stress-tested in January 2025 when Education Minister Paul Givan MLA rejected applications from two schools in Bangor wishing to transform to integrated status.
According to documents published by the Department of Education, officials had recommended that both schools transform to become integrated. These recommendations were subsequently rejected by the Minister.
Givan stated at the time: “There was not enough evidence that there would be enough Catholic pupils at each school for it to provide integrated education”.
The Act outlines that there should be an undefined “reasonable numbers of both Protestant and Roman Catholic children” in integrated schools.
In Bangor Academy, which held a ballot in which 80 per cent of parents of pupils supported integration, 57.5 per cent of pupils are Protestant and around 40 per cent are from Catholic, non-Christian or nonreligious backgrounds
In a statement, the principal of Bangor Academy, Matthew Pitts, said the school community was “extremely disappointed” by the Minister’s decision. “We have been on a significant journey as a school and the transformation process has been exciting and has helped us redefine our school’s vision for education moving forward.”
Delivering more affordable, accessible, high-quality early learning and childcare
Early Years hosted a round table discussion with key stakeholders on early learning and childcare.
What is the significance of early years education and care in reducing educational disadvantage and promoting more equitable outcomes for children?
Pauline Walmsley
The first three years of a child’s life are highly formative and offer a window to address educational disadvantage. It is
Round table discussion hosted by
only in very high-quality settings that we can deliver impact on outcomes for young children and deliver change. Whilst a lot of focus for investment in early years is on the impacts for disadvantaged children, the evidence shows that it is important that there are integrated and holistic early years services for all children, with additional support for children from disadvantaged backgrounds and with special needs. Early years should never be about disadvantaged children only.
Noel Purdy
I certainly agree with Pauline but early years education and care are critical in tackling educational disadvantage and promoting equity. As our Fair Start panel on educational underachievement found, international evidence, such as the Heckman Curve, demonstrates that early investment delivers the greatest longterm educational, social, and economic returns, particularly for children from disadvantaged backgrounds. That is why 13 of our 47 actions in A Fair Start focus on early years, including the standardisation of the pre-school day,
improved ratios, and SEN support. Investment at this stage is essential for levelling the playing field and securing better outcomes for all.
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
Registered childminders play a unique role in childcare, offering mixed-age settings that foster empathy, sharing, and communication skills. Their work is vital during the first 1,001 days of a baby’s life, especially for infant mental health. Childminders often care for up to six children, including those with additional needs who may thrive better in homebased environments than larger daycare settings. Pilots such as curriculum childcare show promise, supporting disadvantaged families by combining child development with pathways into employment. Training initiatives, like communication support after the Covid19 pandemic, demonstrate ripple effects that extend beyond children to families, schools, and communities, strengthening equity and outcomes.
Paula Leathem
Early years experiences are crucial for all children, shaping their development and
Northern Ireland’s future workforce. Covid-19 significantly affected young children’s language development, socialisation, and confidence, highlighting the importance of early interactions and play. Building blocks such as first words, walking, and social engagement lay the foundation for lifelong learning. Equally important is supporting parents to return to work, as initiatives like Timely Careers help improve parental wellbeing, confidence, and mental health, which in turn positively impacts children. Early investment in both children and families strengthens development, equity, and longterm societal outcomes across Northern Ireland.
Roseann Kelly
Investment in early years care is not only a social good; it is an economic necessity. The Heckman curve demonstrates that the highest returns on public investment come from supporting children in their earliest years. Affordable, high-quality childcare enables mothers to return to fulfilling careers, strengthens their financial independence, and allows them to act as role models for their children. This independence is particularly vital in the context of gender inequality and violence against women and girls. For businesses, the evidence is equally compelling: companies that support gender diversity enjoy stronger staff retention, better problem solving, and higher profitability. Conversely, the lack of affordable childcare –especially during the summer months –weakens the labour market, limits women’s progression, and damages economic growth. No technological advance, including AI, will ever replace the human care and relationships young children need. That is why government must adopt a fundamental shift: recognising childcare as critical national infrastructure. We need every department to value childcare and the professionals who deliver it, in the same way that we value our teachers and health workers.
What are the main challenges facing the early years workforce, and what are the best solutions that could address these?
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
The early years workforce faces significant challenges, particularly among childminders, whose numbers have halved over 15 years. Many are sole traders, working part-time or caring for their own children, facing high costs for insurance, equipment, and additional support for children with special needs.
Round table participants
Pauline Walmsley
Pauline Walmsley is Chief Executive of Early Years. She began her career with Early Years in the mid-1990s as Manager of the Cross Border Rural Childcare Project and later International Manager. She was appointed Chief Executive in 2019. Her early work in communities in Northern Ireland and Ireland shaped her commitment to working with parents and to growing a rich tapestry of services for young children including community, voluntary and independent pre-school, daycare, school age childcare and childminders. Walmsley has been closely involved with cross-border cooperation at a local level as well as global networking for peace and reconciliation.
Roseann Kelly
Roseann Kelly is CEO of Women in Business NI Ltd trading as The WiB Group. With a combined community of 250,000 engaged people, The WiB Group has a vision to help build an inclusive prosperous economy in Northern Ireland. Established in 2002, Women in Business is a notfor-profit registered charity with a voluntary board of 10 Trustees. The WIB Group consists of four business units Women in Business, Diversity Mark, Timely Careers, and The Centre of Learning. The WiB Group is committed to driving positive change through connections, accreditations, employment opportunities, and skills development.
Paula Leathem
Paula Leathem is Head of Human Resources at NIE Networks. She is a Chartered Fellow Member of CIPD who has worked in the Electricity Industry for 37 years, the past 13 of which have been in HR senior leadership roles. As Head of HR, Paula leads a team of HR and payroll professionals. Key strategic areas of focus include change management; talent management and organisational training and development; employee engagement and communication at all levels internally and externally; and diversity and inclusion. This highlights her personal and professional dedication to fostering a positive and productive work environment.
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney is CEO of NICMA, the Childminding Association. Lewsley-Mooney served as the Commissioner for Children and Young People in Northern Ireland from January 2007-2015. As a former MLA and district Councillor, Lewsley-Mooney has a long track record of advocating for children, young people, and women across a range of policy issues. She promotes active citizenship through her leadership roles in various organisations including the Training for Women Network and Women into Politics. Lewsley-Mooney is currently a board member of NICVA, and Foyle Women’s Information Network (FWIN) and Chair of Training for Women Network (TWN) and Men’s Advisory Project (MAP).
Noel Purdy
Noel Purdy is Director of Research and Scholarship and Director of the Centre for Research in Educational Underachievement at Stranmillis University College, Belfast. A former Modern Languages teacher, he has worked in teacher education for 19 years. His main areas of research interest are in educational underachievement, special educational needs, and pastoral care, with a particular interest in addressing on- and offline bullying in schools. In 2020-21 he was invited to chair the Expert Panel on Educational Underachievement which led to the publication of the action plan A Fair Start.
“We have got a more complex group of children today in terms of special and additional educational needs, and our workforce needs to be supported in meeting those needs.” Noel Purdy
Retention is difficult, so training and accreditation are essential to keep expertise in the sector. Financial pressures and inflexible systems create barriers for both providers and parents. Solutions include funding support for equipment, flexible care models, affordable insurance, fair pay, and structured training pathways, ensuring sustainability, quality, and equitable access for children across all needs.
Roseann Kelly
Recruitment and retention are the most pressing challenges in the sector, driven by low pay and a lack of career progression. Childcare providers face spiralling costs – particularly staffing –but without adequate funding support, quality provision cannot be sustained. This is a sector in decline, with longstanding providers closing their doors because the work is no longer financially viable or attractive to the next generation. Government must treat this as an urgent economic and social issue. One practical solution would be to introduce a support model similar to that used for local pharmacies – where sustainability is underpinned by direct government funding, recognising childcare as a public good rather than a private burden.
Paula Leathem
From a career perspective, there is a lot of work that needs to be done to
promote the sector as a career choice. There are core skills that are needed in childminding. Those are core skills that many people already have. We need to liken it to someone who is considering becoming an educator or going into nursing or some sort of care. We need to give child minding that same sort of
professionalism and level of kudos and recognition.
Pauline Walmsley
Firstly, we do not have enough people interested in a career in early learning and care and how it is perceived by society as a career. We then have roughly about an 18 per cent turnover, and that is mainly due to burnout, low morale, and the opportunity to earn more elsewhere for less responsibility. But it is also due to a structural divide between the statutory and non-statutory sectors. There is the opportunity for very well-trained people in the non-statutory sector to access better paid employment in the statutory sector. So, there is an opportunity for government to help close that gap and cease creating a situation where they are competing with each other to the detriment of learning and development for birth to threes.
Noel Purdy
The Early Years workforce faces perceptions of being ‘low status’, as well as low pay, limited qualifications, and high turnover, despite the sector’s commitment and dedication. Rising numbers of children with additional needs increase the demand for training, assessment, and support. Addressing these challenges requires a high-quality, well-remunerated workforce. As part of A Fair Start, we recommended that the departments of Education and Health codesign a fully resourced Early Years
“We need to make sure there are career pathways, with some sort of competency-based training and development. This should be free and structured to allow for better terms and conditions of employment.” Paula Leathem
workforce strategy for training, qualifications, and continuing professional development, ensuring all Early Years staff are supported, skilled, and retained.
Pauline Walmsley
Early Years recently entered into a partnership with Stranmillis University College signalling our intention to form a professional association to address that issue. I hope that over the next five years, we will see some change. I would like to highlight that not only is the ability of parents to access work impacted, but with a staff turnover of one in 20, one in 20 children are regularly facing a new caregiver. They are probably facing a less experienced caregiver, and it brings us right back to development outcomes for children. Staff turnover has a really serious impact on those child development outcomes for children.
What challenges do childcare providers face in maintaining sustainability, particularly in light of funding structures, parental fees, and wider economic pressures?
Paula Leathem
Inadequate funding is the main issue and that is compounded by rising costs. For childcare facilities costs are increasing, such as insurance costs. Because those costs are rising, the fees are having to rise, and that therefore makes it more inaccessible for parents. That has a knock-on effect to employers, as they are not getting people into the jobs market. Problems in accessing childcare leads to staff shortages in other sectors. With a lot of economic uncertainty in the background a structured funding model is increasingly needed.
Pauline Walmsley
High-quality, safe childcare is increasingly unaffordable on parental fees alone, requiring additional support. Costs are driven by salaries, regulatory compliance, and the need to meet parent demand, yet providers cannot adapt as quickly as the market due to strict regulation. Sustainability depends on unit size, with small rural settings often requiring financial backing. Community and voluntary providers face governance
“For 60 years, Early Years has been campaigning, and we have finally seen a clear Programme for Government action around this, and it is to be welcomed.” Pauline Walmsley
and volunteer challenges, while private providers face business costs such as rates. Broader economic pressures, including reliance on grandparents and workforce shortages, further impact sustainability. Effective planning requires better data, workforce forecasting, and targeted financial support to maintain quality and accessibility.
Paula Leathem
Employers are seeing increasing demand for flexible working, particularly from female colleagues, and supporting this is essential to retain skilled staff. Many seek partial days rather than full days off, which creates scheduling challenges within teams. Limited availability and inflexibility in early years childcare exacerbate the issue, as parents struggle to match working patterns with childcare provision. Some staff reduce hours to care for grandchildren, further impacting workforce capacity. Addressing these challenges requires expanded, flexible, and accessible early years services, enabling parents to work as needed while maintaining continuity and productivity in the workplace.
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
When I came into this job nearly nine years ago, what I realised was that child
minders were looked at as glorified babysitters. When in fact they are professional childcare providers and I hope that during my time with NICMA I lifted their profile. You do not need a qualification to be a child minder. And I do not ever want that to change, because the majority of our registered childminders are vocational; they just want to look after children. Some of the work that they do with children is amazing, because it is based on life skills and not on the academic side. They have that natural ability, rather than saying you have to have a level two or level three before you can go into childminding. That does not mean to say that we do not try to get them that accreditation or qualification, but some of them struggle because they are not academically minded. Some of the other issues and challenges for us as an organisation, is the length of time it has taken us to get people registered. It used to be three to six months, but now it is maybe six to nine months.
Noel Purdy
The status, the support and remuneration in the sector needs to reflect the significance of the sector. If government is really serious, as they appear to be in the Programme for Government, about 4
“Recruitment and retention are the most pressing challenges in the sector, driven by low pay and a lack of career progression.” Roseann Kelly
the new emphasis on Early Years, then there has got to be delivery of support and training for the sector. Rural disadvantage was also something that we heard a lot about in our Fair Start consultations. There is a big difference between provision in urban areas such as Greater Belfast compared to rural Fermanagh or West Tyrone. Rural areas are particularly vulnerable. If a childminder stops operating or a voluntary early years setting closes because of sustainability issues, that can have a disproportionately high impact on a rural community, much more so than in an urban area, where there is often other provision nearby. We therefore need to ensure that our policies are not too urban-centric or Belfast-centric, and that we realise that provision in rural areas is equally important.
Roseann Kelly
The single greatest challenge for providers is sustainability. Childminding units are closing at an alarming rate, and with each closure we lose not only a vital service but also skilled professionals. Without immediate intervention, the sector risks collapse. Government support is essential. Simple measures –such as rates relief for childminders, already explored by the Assembly’s allparty working group – could provide a rapid lifeline. Longer term, structured
funding must replace reliance on escalating parental fees. The cost of inaction is enormous. When women are forced into part-time roles because of unaffordable childcare, they lose out on promotion opportunities, long-term earnings, and pension security. Employers lose skilled staff. The wider economy loses productivity. Failing to invest in childcare means failing to invest in our current and future workforce, particularly women.
What are the opportunities that exist to strengthen the early years workforce so they can support both high quality provision for children and greater access to employment for parents?
Roseann Kelly
We must find a sustainable model that works for children, parents, providers, and the economy. Options could include adopting a pharmacy-style model of state support, extending the education system’s responsibility from age one, or introducing universal free childcare. What matters is that childcare is recognised as
infrastructure and funded as such. Making childcare the responsibility of the Department of Education would create coherence and accountability. Alongside this, the current childcare tax credit and registration systems should be simplified to make access easier for families. We can learn from international best practice: in Canada, the Government provides $10-per-day childcare, treating it as a long-term economic investment. Northern Ireland should be equally ambitious in building a workforce and funding system that sees childcare as central to social and economic prosperity.
Paula Leathem
We need to do something much more innovative than what we have been doing. There is no doubt there is a need for childminders. As a mother of four, I chose childminding, and I had the most amazing childminders, which was fantastic. I also worked part time for a number of those years. These are much needed roles, and they are really important roles. Someone can make a fantastic career from it. But then how do we support that? We need to make sure there are career pathways, with some sort of competency-based training and development. This should be free and structured to allow for better terms and conditions of employment, and maybe some type of mentor role support as well.
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
We have childminding academies across the 11 councils. We have had a good uptake, with 146 newly registered childminders in 2024/25. They get additional training in business and special education needs. They get a starter kit, which comprises of a stair gate, a fire blanket, first aid box etc. And they also receive NICMA membership, which includes public liability insurance, with the whole package worth about £800. That makes all the difference if you are on a low income or benefits if you think you might like to become a registered childminder. We have also approved home child carers, who work in the family’s home helping parents who have children with additional needs, work unsociable hours or who live in rural areas. The anecdotal evidence tells us that if you cannot get your childcare in the rural setting where you live, you may take them to the nearest town. And there is every likelihood that when you have taken them there for childcare you will take them there for school. Therefore, rural schools are losing out.
Noel Purdy
There are opportunities to strengthen the Early Years workforce. Let us celebrate first of all what we do have in terms of the higher-quality courses at Stranmillis and in all of our regional FE Colleges who also do fantastic work. But there has got to be greater encouragement and incentivisation for the Early Years workforce to upskill and to engage in further study. Many of them already do so, and it is a huge credit to them, but there is always room for more investment in training and support. We have got a more complex group of children today in terms of special and additional educational needs, and our workforce needs to be supported in meeting those needs.
Pauline Walmsley
The voluntary community and independent sector have held the space for the last 60 years, and they have demonstrated that they are very prepared to undertake new learning. We are seeing an increasing diversity in families and in children within settings. We need to ensure people have support with these additional needs. There are two aspects in particular that are very important. A practicum based learning for this sector works particularly well. Apprenticeships and more practicum placements for degree programmes along with mentoring and support for people is critical in the sector.
What single policy lever could help deliver a more affordable and sustainable childcare system that meets the needs of children, families, providers, and the wider economy?
Noel Purdy
It is quite simple. For the first time ever we have a commitment from the Executive parties as one of the nine key priorities of the Programme for Government to deliver more affordable, accessible, high quality early learning and childcare. This includes developing and producing the early learning and childcare strategy, providing enhanced funding for existing early years and childcare schemes to better support children facing disadvantage and those with additional needs. So, all the key
elements are there; we just need to see delivery of this with a costed implementation plan and a clear timescale to turn words on a page into action in our communities.
Paula Leathem
I think that the strategy and its implementation are key, as is the funding model for the sector. The idea of a similar model to doctors and pharmacies is really interesting, with perhaps a cap on the payments made by parents and government making up the rest. A policy supporting the sector funding model is key.
Roseann Kelly
The evidence is overwhelming; what is missing is long-term action. We need a fully funded, 20-year plan; not another short-term, four-year cycle. Funding must be stable, ambitious, and predictable if we are to build a sustainable system. Just as important is cultural change; caring for children must be recognised as critical to our economy. Carers must be valued and rewarded on par with teachers, because they are laying the foundations of our future workforce and society. Without that recognition, we will continue to lose skilled staff and weaken our economy.
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
We have it in the Programme for Government, but we have to see that
rippled out into action. We still have not got the childcare strategy, and if we get the strategy, it needs to be funded, and it needs to have an implementation and action plan with it, so that we all know what our role is and how we can contribute to it and make that difference, particularly for children.
Pauline Walmsley
For 60 years, Early Years has been campaigning, and we have finally seen a clear Programme for Government action around this, and it is to be welcomed. The aspiration within it is good, but we now need serious investment. There are things happening such as Fair Start, Learning to Learn, the curriculum review, and the other reforms that are happening within education. The Northern Ireland Childcare Subsidy Scheme is entering its second year, and we have to be able to learn lessons from that and look at how that can be expanded in the future, to provide more support to parents with childcare costs. Child development and enabling the workforce to best meet the needs of children are the two critical aspects of achieving the outcomes we need.
Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
Although we have the subsidy, we also need to look at business support measures. There has been a report done but not firm proposals yet.
“Community and voluntary providers face governance and volunteer challenges, while private providers face business costs such as rates.” Patricia Lewsley-Mooney
issues agenda
National Development Plan was missed opportunity to underwrite the politics of a shared economy
The July publication of Dublin’s National Development Plan Review 2025 cast new light on the pace at which the two parts of our island are drifting apart like two ice sheets cut adrift by the unrelenting force of climate change, writes Peter Doran, Senior Lecturer at the School of Law, Queen’s University Belfast.
Billed as “the largest ever capital investment plan in the history of the [Irish] State,” the Irish Government’s NDP Review promises thousands of new homes, more childcare and school places, investment in disability services, and better healthcare.
In Northern Ireland, conversations on the economy and infrastructure highlight the growing powerlessness of devolved ‘decision-makers’, while Dublin announced investments worth €275.4 billion (over £235 billion). The plan represents an increase of €34 billion on previous stages, aided by a September 2024 European Court of Justice ruling that Apple must repay unlawful state aid, plus interest, to Ireland.
While Dublin commits to budget surpluses, the UK fiscal picture is bleak. Brexit has hit growth, compounded by Keir Starmer’s alignment with US-led military spending priorities in Europe. The UK Office for Budget Responsibility reported government debt at 94 per cent of GDP in summer 2025, among the highest in Europe, while 10-year bond yields reached 4.5 per cent, placing the UK among the costliest borrowers globally.
For Northern Ireland and the devolved territories, the outlook is grim: no end to the “cost of living” crisis, energy pressures and strained public expenditure. Some commentators even warn of another IMF bailout.
issues agenda
The contradictions of devolution must be faced. Fiscal arrangements undermine the spirit of the Belfast-Good Friday Agreement by devolving responsibility without fiscal power. Only financial control translates into political power. Without it, the Northern Ireland Executive is a vassal: it performs governance but cannot deliver for citizens, lacking resources and the latitude to set priorities.
The ecological crisis at Lough Neagh illustrates this impotence. Even modest measures like a Nitrates Action Programme are buried in division. Governance sclerosis, combined with clientelist politics, leaves Northern Ireland ripe for industry lobbying. Resolution requires framing the crisis as a shared responsibility across Dublin, Belfast, and London.
As things stand, the Executive is little more than a democratic buffer for London, shielding it from direct accountability on social and ecological justice. Lough Neagh, the Mobouy landfill site, and degraded rivers and coastlines all stem from a powerless Stormont. Its mal-governance manifests in two ways:
• parties compete within the narrow fiscal envelope set by London, amplifying divisions; and
• devolution’s “democratic performance” forces parties to pretend they hold meaningful power.
This creates a spectacle that provides cover for a London Government itself in fiscal crisis.
Northern Ireland’s economy and democracy can only be viable with sustained investment underwritten jointly by London and Dublin. Devolution, conceived as conflict resolution, cannot function without fiscal reform.
Short-termism in Dublin
For these reasons, the NDP and the Dublin Government’s Programme for Government fall short for Northern Ireland. Short-termism in Dublin risks betraying future generations by failing to protect ecological assets such as Lough Neagh, regardless of constitutional outcomes. For republicans preparing for reunification, underinvestment in the North betrays the land of Ireland itself.
The NDP is Ireland’s strategic framework to transform infrastructure, addressing deficits in housing, transport and energy. Regional balance is emphasised, but the all-island dimension remains modest.
NDP priorities echo those in the Programme for Government 2025, Securing Ireland’s Future. Yet the commitment to a “shared island” is questionable given limited all-island investment. The PFG chapter on Building our Shared Island and Rebuilding Ireland-UK Relations reaffirms the goal of Irish unity “through a sustained focus and investment in reconciliation” and the Good Friday Agreement. This is underwritten by an extra €1 billion for the Shared Island Fund to 2035, aimed at reconciliation, respect and growth. A headline measure is a new NorthSouth statistical series, comparing economic, health and social outcomes. Diverging results will soon be clear.
Other commitments include:
• funding for independent cross-border research;
• completion of the Narrow Water Bridge;
• prioritisation of the FourNorth project from Connolly Station;
• delivery of the A5;
• deeper healthcare collaboration;
• improved water basin management and nature restoration; and
• integrated tourism strategies.
Additional all-island measures involve:
• implementing the All-Island Strategic Rail Review;
• developing an innovation and entrepreneurial ecosystem;
• consulting on Dublin-Derry air connectivity;
• assessing all-island air cargo infrastructure; and
• introducing a John Hume Fund awarded annually by the European Parliament to champions of reconciliation and shared prosperity.
These commitments are welcome, but the overall scale of support is far below what Ireland’s historic role under the Good Friday Agreement requires. If the Dublin Government truly claims to cherish the whole island, it must match rhetoric with sustained all-island investment to secure both ecological and democratic futures.
A5 further delayed by legal challenge
Following a successful legal challenge, the beleaguered A5 road upgrade scheme continues to languish in limbo, writes Clayton Taylor.
First proposed in 2006, the A5 Western Transport Corridor is a planned 58-mile, high quality dual carriageway from Newbuildings, just outside Derry, to Aughnacloy via Strabane, Omagh, and Ballygawley. Costs have increased from £560 million in 2007 to £2.1 billion as of October 2024. The Irish Government has committed to providing €600 million (£514 million) toward the scheme.
Since 2006, 57 people have been killed and over 1,200 have been injured on the current A5 alongside an average of 69 accidents per year. It has been described by the pro-upgrade group Enough is Enough as “the most dangerous road in Ireland”.
In comparison, around 40 deaths and an average of 39 accidents per year have been recorded on the BelfastNewry A1 since 2003.
In his judgment on 23 June 2025, judge Gerry McAlinden ruled that the Department for Infrastructure’s decision to proceed with the upgrade was “irrational”
and was in breach of section 52 of the Climate Change Act (NI) 2022 (CCA) by failing to provide evidence showing that the A5 would be consistent with climate targets, instead making “aspirational assumptions”.
The court also heard the Department “failed to address the human rights issues raised” by the Planning Appeals Commission (PAC) regarding Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR).
The Department is to appeal the judgment, with Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins MLA saying her officials had been “working day and night” to assure the appeal was robust. It is estimated that the appeal process may take up to 12 months.
In October 2024, then-Infrastructure Minister John O’Dowd MLA announced that the Strabane to Ballygawley section of the A5 scheme would begin construction in Early 2025. The Alternative A5 subsequently issued a legal challenge to the scheme.
The Climate Change Act
The CCA sets a target of net zero emissions in Northern Ireland by 2050.
Section 52 of the CCA requires that all Executive departments “exercise there own functions, so far as is possible to do so, in a manner that is consistent of that [net zero by 2050] objective”.
Following a public inquiry, the Planning Appeals Commission released a report containing recommendations to DfI regarding section 52. The report concluded that the scheme “would have a large adverse effect on climate”, and that it would be unlawful for DfI to proceed with any part of the scheme “unless it can demonstrate that such a decision would not prevent statutory targets being met”.
The PAC recommended that DfI only announce the intention to proceed with the scheme when it is “satisfied that the construction and operation of the scheme will not prevent emissions targets specified in… the CCA from being met”.
It further recommended that the Department “refrain from announcing a decision to proceed… until DAERA have published carbon budgets… and a climate action (CAP) plan for 2023-2027”.
O’Dowd announced the decision to proceed with the scheme, DAERA had yet to publish the carbon budgets or a draft carbon action plan.
A requirement of the CCA, carbon budgets cap the amount of greenhouse gases that can be emitted over a given period. Published in December 2024, the 2023-27 carbon budget mandates a 33 per cent average annual reduction in emissions compared to the 1990 baseline. This increases to 48 per cent for 2028-33 and 62 per cent for 2033-2037.
A draft Climate Action Plan, which outlines 52 policies and proposals designed to reduce emissions across various sectors, including transport, was published by DAERA in June 2025.
In his ruling, McAlinden said: “Nothing was forthcoming from DAERA to indicate that prior to the DfI making its decision, it had provided DfI with any form of evidence or evidence-based assurance that, even in the absence of a finalised CAP, it was formulating and coordinating plans, strategies, and policies that would accommodate the construction and
operation of the road and at the same time would map out a realistic and achievable pathway for Northern Ireland to achieve net zero by 2050, meeting the interval targets on the way and staying within the then proposed carbon budgets.”
McAlinden added: “This evidential lacuna renders the DfI decision non-compliant with the duty imposed by section 52 and it renders the decision irrational as it is a decision which was taken in the absence of an adequate evidential base.”
In June 2025, The Irish News reported that, between December 2023 and May 2024, officials from DEARA and DfI met on seven separate occasions to discuss the recommendations of the PAC regarding climate commitments.
When pressed by agendaNi, DfI refused to confirm if the Department had advance sight of either the carbon budgets or the CAP before these documents were published by DAERA in December 2024, and June 2025 respectively. Instead, DfI reiterated that “the Department was in regular communications with DAERA, sharing information on policies and proposals prior to the Minister’s announcement on his decision to proceed with the A5 project between south of Strabane and New Buildings”.
The judge, in his ruling, stated that the CCA did not prevent the A5 or any other road scheme from being completed, explaining that section 52 “clearly rules out the construction of such a major project in the absence of robust planning, synchronisation and co-ordination between all Northern Ireland government departments, ensuring the project fits into the plans, strategies and policies which map out a realistic and achievable pathway to achieving net zero by 2050”.
To allow the A5 scheme to commence, McAlinden says that any future scheme “needs to be able to produce cogent evidence that its decision has been made following careful planning, synchronisation, and coordination between all Northern Ireland government departments, the result of which demonstrates that the project fits into strategies… which map out a realistic and achievable pathway for Northern Ireland to achieve net zero by 2050… staying within the carbon budgets that have now been set”.
Reacting to the ruling, Daniel McCrossan MLA admonished DfI, saying: “I cannot understand how despite several meetings with DAERA, the Department for Infrastructure and the previous Minister still failed to adequately address [the recommendations of the PAC].
“There can be no repeat of this incompetence during this appeal process.”
The Alternative A5 Alliance
This is the third successful legal challenge brought by the Alternative A5 Alliance (AA5A); a campaign group opposed to the scheme which instead advocates upgrading the existing road. The group is made up of farmers, landowners, and other residents within the vicinity of the project.
In a rare interview, John Hamilton Hassard, a member of the group, told MyTyrone in February 2022 that the AA5A represents a “cross-section of society”, insisting members are “not bogeymen”.
19 years of setbacks and sorrow
The A5 project has been beset by delays. In 2013, after a legal challenge issued by the AA5A, the High Court ruled that the Department of Regional Development (precursor to DfI) failed to carry out “appropriate assessment under the Habitats Directive”, regarding potential significant effects on special areas of conservation.
In 2018, a further legal challenge issued by the AA5A was upheld. The group alleged that the decision taken by thenDfI Permanent Secretary Peter May to proceed with the scheme during a period of power sharing collapse, in the absence of ministerial and Executive approval, was unlawful.
At £2.1 billion, the A5 scheme is the most expensive transportation project in Northern Ireland’s history, costing approximately £36.2 million per mile.
Meeting Northern Ireland’s energy needs
NIE Networks hosted a round table discussion with stakeholders from the energy and private sector to discuss how to increase demand on the electricity network to realise the Executive’s economic vision.
Round table discussion hosted by
How can Northern Ireland attract investment from high energy use industries such as advanced manufacturing, data centres, and green hydrogen production as a stimulus to energy demand and growth?
Derek Hynes
Our current pathway towards 2050 requires connecting more renewable generation, but there is currently a reduction in demand at the same time, leading to increasing constraints. Getting more out of the existing network means we must be less conservative in our network planning and how we accommodate new demand connections. Greater ambition in releasing demand capacity available will make connections faster and cheaper. That would attract investment as companies respond to these measures.
Eugene Heaney
Invest NI has seen the number of international businesses operating in Northern Ireland rise 79 per cent between 2014 and 2024. Going forward, it is important that we focus on those low carbon green technology sectors. We are looking at ways to exploit curtailment. Belfast is a top five region for R&D globally with an FDI strategy ahead of many medium regions within Europe. Invest NI has identified six priority sectors that Northern Ireland could advance on: low carbon transport, green fuel, sustainable water, carbon services, low carbon retrofit, and renewable energy. Each of these bring huge benefits to the grid and decarbonisation.
Sara Tinsley
Speaking from our members’ perspective, we would advocate a demand strategy to support growth. From a Northern Ireland perspective, data centres and green hydrogen are new developments and technologies. The difficulty is that we are behind others in terms of legislative provisions such as a climate action plan, which help support and drive these industries. We should consider enhanced investment zones to turbocharge investment, locating it in freer consenting areas and matching cluster with the acceleration. We have a lot going for us, but there is still more to do to encourage those industries to come here.
Gerard Carlin
The system can incorporate more demand. As Derek previously mentioned, electricity use is falling year on year, and that presents a problem. As a transmission system operator, more demand in the right locations is good for us and it supports economic development. Why are we moving to renewable energy sources? To address climate change. There is a big opportunity in that, because we are talking about a race to electrification and energy transition, and those economies and regions that decarbonise and electrify first will win the prize of economic investment.
Clare Guinness
Fiscal levers should be used such as enhanced investment zones which was proposed nearly two years ago, but nothing is forthcoming. It was certainly supposed to drive the green economy, net zero, and the transition race. Without those sorts of fiscal incentives, it is difficult to attract the right investment. Data centres are mentioned a lot, but they do not create much employment. We need to be selective in terms of which industries that we go for. In Northern Ireland, we need investment in economic infrastructure. That will generate good jobs and decarbonise at the same time.
Round table participants
Gerard Carlin
Gerard Carlin is SONI’s Director of Networks and Innovation. He joined SONI in 2024 and is responsible for future markets, future power systems and connections and networks. Carlin has 20 years of experience in rail, water and oil, and gas Industries. He held leadership roles at London Underground, Crossrail, and Transport for London before joining Northern Ireland Water in 2021 where he worked as Head of Transformation and later, Head of Climate Change. In 2018, he was part of the leadership team brought in to recover the Crossrail project, and as Programme Transition Director was responsible for the handover of the Elizabeth Line.
Clare Guinness
A finance graduate, and Chartered Director, Clare Guinness has over 25 years’ commercial experience across various sectors including banking, agri-food and infrastructure. She has held a number of senior roles including Head of Business Banking, COO, and CEO, as well as being a Non-Executive Director for Progressive Building Society, Visit Belfast, and Peace Players. As the CEO of Belfast Chamber, Guinness works to make Belfast a global destination for business growth and a better place to live, learn, work, visit, and invest.
Eugene Heaney
As Head of Green Economy Development at Invest NI, Eugene Heaney focuses on empowering Northern Ireland businesses to seize global green economy opportunities and drive decarbonisation. He leads strategic initiatives focused on energy transformation and sustainable growth. Most recently, Heaney spearheaded the Industrial Decarbonisation for Northern Ireland project, delivering a first-of-its-kind plan by identifying industrial clusters with the potential to collectively reduce carbon emissions and accelerate the region’s transition to net zero.
Derek Hynes
Derek Hynes is the Managing Director of NIE Networks. He was appointed to the Board on 1 September 2022. He is a director of Energy Networks Association Ltd. Hynes joined ESB in 2000 where he held a number of senior management positions, mostly within ESB Networks DAC, the independent ring-fenced subsidiary within ESB Group, including as Head of Project Delivery and Network Operations Manager. He was also Residential Ireland Manager of Electric Ireland, a retail business within ESB. Hynes is a chartered engineer with post graduate qualifications in Operations Management and Corporate Governance and he has completed the Advanced Management Programme at Harvard University.
Sara Tinsley
4
Sara Tinsley, Planning and Environmental Consents Manager with Energia, is a Chartered Town Planner and current Deputy Chair of RenewableNI. She is responsible for delivery of planning and environmental matters associated with development, operational and construction sites across Ireland for wind, solar, battery storage, and hydrogen production. Tinsley has successfully secured consent for a number of large scale strategic infrastructure developments and is involved in the shaping of policy and regulatory inputs to energy policy across the Island. She is also an active member of Wind Energy Ireland.
“We would advocate a demand strategy to support growth.” Sara Tinsley
We ought to use the fiscal levers we have at our disposal optimally and aim to align policy and regulation behind economic incentives.
What support do indigenous businesses need to decarbonise their heat, power, and transport needs?
Clare Guinness
There is uncertainty for business –particularly SMEs – about what they are required to do and what the optimal pathway is to achieve it, so we need leadership and support to demystify these challenges. We also need to provide incentives, because this is a challenging economy for small businesses to operate in due to the UK Government’s economic policies like increased national insurance and the cost of business rates across Northern Ireland, particularly in Belfast. We need to provide the best environment for business broadly, but we also require leadership and incentives to meet decarbonisation requirements which will require an element of support from government.
Sara Tinsley
We need coherence, coordination, and accessibility for business. There is a lack of clarity available to businesses around things like corporate power purchasing agreements (CPPAs). The most important aspects of decarbonisation in the private sector are broadly heat and transport, so comprehensive solutions are required which businesses can adapt and use to their advantage within their respective operating markets. The broad solution lies in skills, learning and certainty, because if a company is to fully commit to this, it needs to be confident that there is the pipeline of labour and knowledge to make decarbonisation goals an ambition in a challenging business environment.
Eugene Heaney
As Clare says, there is a certainty gap for SMEs in terms of how they make their first steps in decarbonisation. The Invest NI green economy team has three priorities, and one of those is to help local businesses decarbonise, which in turn allows them to improve productivity and competitiveness. That is offered
“Priority sectors that Northern Ireland could advance on: low carbon transport, green fuel, sustainable water, carbon services, low carbon retrofit, and renewable energy.”
Eugene Heaney
through the energy resource efficiency team support. Invest NI offers a suite of services for free for any business that has an energy usage of more than £30,000, offering a pathway to instigate decarbonisation process. We understand that you cannot manage what cannot be measured, and this applies across the board.
Gerard Carlin
Speaking from a TSO perspective, the root cause of this is climate change and the long-term solution to all of this is breaking our reliance on fossil fuels and moving to renewable and storage-based solutions. Capital investment is required to rollout renewable energy, but this is a long-term strategic investment for an organisation to make as these technologies will become cheaper with time. The faster they are rolled out, the faster prices come down. For me, it is about engagement between us and organisations right across the private sector. Between long-duration energy storage, hybrid connections, and contestability, we have the mechanisms which will unlock faster delivery of grid development. It is also important that we continue to develop the market to allow renewables to access the market more effectively.
Derek Hynes
Lots of companies in Northern Ireland are part of global supply chains. Every company is struggling with Scope Three emissions at the minute; it is very difficult for an organisation to alleviate the carbon impact of its supply chain. We need to foster a business environment in which companies can be self-sufficient. The key to this is competitive finance; accessing debt at a competitive rate under conditions that work to support that business. We see an example of this with the rollout of GB Energy and how it is backed by government but it still requires companies to offer a competitive vision which is not just about grants and aid, but is built on a competitive business proposition. That is the mindset we need here in Northern Ireland.
How
do we encourage high energy use industries to locate near renewable generation?
Gerard Carlin
There are three levers to getting there: policy, incentives, and signals. It is
“Electricity must always be available, and it must have sufficient capacity to power our transition from fossil fuels to deeper electrification in our homes and industry.” Derek Hynes
imperative that both SONI and NIE Networks send the right signals to the market, industry, and developers that if they locate their businesses in the optimal locations, they can be connected faster and get a better quality of connection. We need to work with Invest NI and the Strategic Investment Board to encourage investment in a joined-up manner and incentivise organisations to be located in regions where they have the best connections to the grid. This move to a more plan-led-approach can deliver better outcomes for the consumer, the developer and the system operators.
Sara Tinsley
A joined-up approach is key, and there are many facets to locating in the right place, at the right time, and for the right thing. There are a suite of policies and market-layered aspects which need to align in order to ensure that this takes place. The best places for generating renewable energy tend to be areas where there is not a high amount of industrial zoned land. We need to ensure that there is incentivisation. One possibility is a tariff reduction for industries to locate in
areas with high renewable generation. Consideration of other community benefits for the local area is also important. These are just some potential solutions, but the big picture is having a joined-up approach.
Clare Guinness
There is a need for realism when it comes to this, because the areas with highrenewable generation are broadly located in the west – a rural part of Northern Ireland where there is not a steady pipeline of talent and access to labour in comparison to the east. Belfast is the economic engine of the region, and the east of this island is where demand for energy is highest. It is through long-term strategies and projects like the NorthSouth Interconnector that we can meet demand in the east and align demand with the supply of labour and skills.
Eugene Heaney
Joined-up thinking is key, and Invest NI hopes to see this take place with utilities, energy providers, councils, and among chambers and industry. We need to be broad with what the demands are; we 4
“In Northern Ireland, we need investment in economic infrastructure. That will generate good jobs and decarbonise at the same time.”
Clare Guinness
need water infrastructure, skills and labour, and access to the grid. We need to be able to present a compelling proposition and if money can be provided to enable that, great, but it needs to be a compelling proposition. We need to be more strategic in our thinking and overhaul how we approach all of this in the context of broader utility infrastructure and best-case practice from other places.
Derek Hynes
Northern Ireland is a small place and this should be significantly less complicated than it is in other countries and regions. This is not Texas, where a piece of infrastructure must supply an organisation thousands of kilometres away. Collaboration is key, but we have very scarce resource and it is unrealistic to expect that government will allocate scare national resources to our industry. We are a small market but there are huge international shortages for things such as data centres and AI. These are all industries which will consume energy, and reduce constraints. We need to be open to working with these industries where companies are ready to invest.
How do we work to ensure infrastructure investment projects, including the RP7 electricity grid investment, are complimentary and serve to drive electricity demand and create economic growth?
Derek Hynes
There are two fundamentals: electricity must always be available, and it must have sufficient capacity to power our transition from fossil fuels to deeper electrification in our homes and industry. Ultimately, this comes down to money; expecting public money is unrealistic in Northern Ireland because the public finances do not allow for it, so the best long-term sustainable solution is ensuring that businesses are competitive, selfsufficient, and able to finance their needs.
Gerard Carlin
We need to be thinking about our needs both for 2030 and out to 2050. In Spain and France, there is complementary infrastructure planning where the thinking is not just about a road network or an electricity network but is about common planning corridors and technical specifications which enable water and electricity infrastructure. It is about having a whole systems approach and ensuring that anticipatory investment is available to enhance infrastructure.
Sara Tinsley
Infrastructure delivery must be done in a joined-up manner. Too often, we have to make individual efforts to different Executive departments, but there needs to be a collective will on this because many aspects of delivering an infrastructure space which is fit for purpose are dependent on the support of different departments with their own priorities. We also need to embrace new technologies if we are to meet our longterm needs right out to 2050 because this is when demand will be fully on the system. It is about ensuring dynamic flow of electricity and spatial planning is required if we are to do this.
Eugene Heaney
RP7 is one of a swathe of items that we need to improve on with infrastructure. Not just broad infrastructure such as roads and hospitals, but also the infrastructure that we build on industrial estates. We need a different mapping look, and spatial analysis can play a role in achieving this. We need a system where all the various stakeholders have access to this data and can ensure best practice. For Invest NI, FDI is a critical aspect of this, and indigenous business growth is also important. Our role is to ensure that indigenous organisations have the knowledge required to optimise their understanding of the important aspects and play their role in delivery while meeting business needs.
Clare Guinness
Whether it is RP7 or water infrastructure, the priority must be about attracting external capital and inviting the private sector to participate. We have strong models for this from many parts of the world, but in Northern Ireland we need to improve our ability to foster collaboration between the public and private sectors to maximise the benefits across society.
Looking ahead to the next Assembly mandate in 2027, what policy and legislative changes should we be planning for now?
Sara Tinsley
The Climate Change Act should be fully implemented. We see challenges in bringing forward investment in renewable energy, but the Programme for Government did not give us a lot of detail in this regard. Climate legislation is the main driving force in securing investment. For example, the draft Climate Action Plan 2023-27 is still in consultation. Implementing this plan, alongside other commitments will certainly help our members see that Northern Ireland PLC is supporting the renewable sector.
Gerard Carlin
A fundamental review of the legislation governing the electricity sector in Northern Ireland – which is over 30 years old – would be my priority. The energy ecosystem in the early ‘90s bears absolutely no resemblance to today, and I believe new legislation will enable faster decision making. If it requires and enables parties like SONI, NIE, the Utility Regulator, and Executive departments to work together, we can be quite agile on policy decisions and implementation.
Derek Hynes
Modify new building standards to lock in electrification and lock out carbon. Make every new residential property in Northern Ireland require a heat pump, because the biggest carbon challenge
we have is heating. The marginal cost in the construction of the house is minimal, and the benefit from a carbon perspective, is huge. Change building standards and we will see an immediate day zero impact.
Clare Guinness
I would like to see planning reform. We cannot get strategic infrastructure projects implemented because of delays within an inefficient system. I also think that the investment strategy for Northern Ireland – if it is ever published – will be a key strategic enabler at improving access to external capital and improving the speed of delivery.
Eugene Heaney
We need to see greater joined-up thinking regarding the Climate Change Act, for example, the A5 project judgment in June 2025 highlighted the perils of failing to comply with the act. With the acts potential ramifications, a joined-up approach is essential if we are to avoid further difficulties. The Utility Regulator needs to be given more powers considering rapidly changing market conditions and the need for a just transition. A hydrogen policy would also be highly advantageous.
“It is about having a whole systems approach and ensuring that anticipatory investment is available to enhance infrastructure.” Gerard Carlin
New curriculum on the way issues agenda
Following a strategic review of the curriculum, the Department of Education says that a new curriculum framework will be published by September 2026 and implemented by September 2027.
A review into the statutory curriculum entitled “a foundation for the future” has set out a “clear case for change”. Published by the Department of Education in June 2025, the review includes 21 recommendations.
The review was commissioned by Education Minister Paul Givan MLA in October 2024. Its aim was to “make a series of policy recommendations regarding the purpose, design, specification, and implementation of the curriculum in Northern Ireland”.
Written by Lucy Crehan, an education consultant, the report represents the first formal review of the curriculum as revised in 2007. It recommends “major reform of the curriculum and keep it under continuous review”.
Several weaknesses in the current curriculum have been identified such as
curriculum overload, lack of articulation of subject specific knowledge, and lack of appropriateness for some special educational needs, Irish-medium, and disadvantaged students.
Five principles for a new curriculum
The review highlights five new principles for a new school curriculum:
1. Purpose-led: “A curriculum designed in pursuit of a clear vision, articulating how content aligns with broader educational goals and the needs of pupils and society.”
2. Knowledge-rich: “Based on the understanding that deep knowledge forms the foundation for all complex thinking skills. Prioritises the careful and intentional teaching of substantive, well-sequenced
knowledge, concepts, ideas, skills, and facts. Argues that the more people know the easier it is for them to learn new things. A new knowledge-rich curriculum in Northern Ireland would lay a strong foundation for all children to flourish by improving their ability to think creatively, solve problems and be creative.”
3. Continuous and coherent: “Provides a structured framework that ensures seamless progression and logical connections across year groups, subjects and skills. A curriculum is continuous when within and across key stages, teachers and pupils can see what has already been taught and how it relates to current and future learning. Addresses concerns such
issues agenda
“Northern Ireland needs a new curriculum which is purpose-led, knowledge-rich, continuous, and coherent, specific and focused, flexible and inclusive.”
Paul Givan MLA, Education Minister
as transition to post-primary school. The new curriculum should be coherent across subjects with rich, meaningful links between different areas of the curriculum.”
4. Specific and focused: “Coherence is only possible if curriculum statements about the knowledge and skills pupils should develop are specific enough to support common interpretation and focused enough that there is time for pupils to learn them securely. A more specific and focused curriculum would outline precisely what pupils should know and be able to do at each stage. Greater specificity will create a clear curriculum entitlement for pupils and avoid ambiguity.”
5. Inclusive and flexible: “A flexible and inclusive curriculum is one which can respond to the diverse needs of learners, schools and communities. The new curriculum framework will be specific about abstract content such as concepts and big ideas but will largely leave decisions about the specific contexts up to schools, allowing them to choose texts, historical figures, artists, and places that will capture the imagination of their pupils. One additional type of flexibility will make the framework more inclusive for some young people with special educational needs and Irish-medium education. The new curriculum framework should draw upon the expertise of these sectors to design bespoke strands that are more appropriate, to sit alongside strands from the main framework and sometimes to replace them.”
The review recommends updating the aims and objectives of the curriculum to equip young people with appropriate knowledge, skills, and experiences as well as inspiring them to make informed decisions.
Changing levels of development in children, the review says, should be addressed through “targeted funding for evidence-based interventions such as higher staff: pupil ratios”. It also states that consideration should be given to reducing the content of GCSEs to incentivise schools to enter most pupils for a broad range of qualifications.
Changes to content
A new strand of ‘languages other than English’ is recommended for key stage 2 pupils with the aim of developing positive attitudes to learning languages and
transferable language-learning skills. While acknowledging the potential benefits of the recommendation the Department says there could be “challenges facing delivery”.
“Primary schools do not have specialist language teachers and curriculum time is already under pressure from core subjects like literacy and numeracy.”
Digital technology and IT skills are highlighted as a priority. A new curriculum strand with specific content for all key stages. All post-primary schools should be matched with private sector software companies, who could ‘co-teach’ software skills to post-primary pupils.
In primary schools, the subject of ‘the world around us’ would be replaced with ‘science and technology’ and ‘environment and society’, containing history and geography.
Learning for life and work is to be incorporated within a new strand entitled employability and wellbeing, also containing home economics. The introduction of a new citizenship, employability, and personal development programme (CEP) is also recommended.
The review recommends a six-year curriculum review cycle, staggered on an area of learning basis alongside staggered implementation of areas of learning.
Announcing the review, the Minister said: “We have not invested sufficiently in curriculum review, advice or resources. I am giving my assurance that this will change.”
“Without sufficient and relevant knowledge, children will not become the kind of contributors our society needs.”
Following the publication of the review, the Minister announced the establishment of a new taskforce, chaired by curriculum developer Christine Counsell with Crehan as deputy chair. The Department aims to develop the curriculum framework by September 2026, with implementation from September 2027.
issues agenda
‘Insufficient’ budget for Belfast city dual language street signs
Belfast City Council’s (BCC) new Dual Language Street Sign Policy has led to an increase in approved street signs but the annual budget is insufficient to process applications and erect signage, writes Ciaran Brennan.
Under the current policy, in effect since July 2022, 256 streets have been approved for dual language street signs. This represents an 11.8 per cent increase from the 229 approved throughout the duration of the previous policy administered between 1998 and July 2022. Every single sign approved under the new policy is for Irish. Under the previous policy, 226 were for Irish and three were for Ulster Scots.
BCC has processed 491 applications to date under the new policy with an approval rate of 52 per cent. As of 19 August 2025, there were 1,271 pending applications for dual language street signs across 829 individual streets in the city. Based on the 52 per cent approval rate for previous applications,
an estimated 661 applications could be approved. Pending applications are for the following languages:
• Irish: 958
• Ulster Scots: 295
• No language specified: 9
• Hebrew: 2
• Japanese: 2
• Chinese: 1
• Chinese Mandarin: 1
• German: 1
A spokesperson for BCC states that signs have been verified on sites as having been erected in 201 streets. BCC also revealed that the Building
Control Service has an annual budget of £67,339 for the supply, erection, repair, and maintenance of all street name plates in Belfast.
In October 2020, a report provided to the Council’s Strategic Policy and Resources Committee estimated the cost of approving and erecting a dual language street sign at £1,089. This was broken down into £568 for staff costs, £273 for postage and printing, and £248 for the cost of the signage.
Should 661 applications be approved as estimated above, it would cost approximately £719,829, while rejected applications would cost approximately £513,010; a total cost of £1.2 million. This is the equivalent of just under 18
issues agenda
years of the Council’s current budget for the supply, erection, repair, and maintenance of all street name plates in Belfast.
The BCC spokesperson states: “We are processing all outstanding applications in line with the policy, and as quickly as our current resources permit.”
Policy changes
The previous dual language street sign policy required a petition with support from one-third of the street’s occupiers. A follow-up consultation required support from two-thirds of occupiers for the application to proceed. Non-replies were deemed as opposed to the application.
Under the new policy, applications are subject to an initial assessment by the People and Communities Committee “to consider any potential adverse impact on the grounds of equality of opportunity, good relations, and rural needs”. Councillors representing the district electoral area are also notified to identify potential “adverse impacts”. A report of potential adverse impacts is provided to the Committee to seek approval to proceed to the survey of occupiers.
This aligns with the European Charter for Regional and Minority Language to which the UK is a signatory. Irish and Ulster Scots are recognised minority languages under the charter which stipulates that signatories cannot create barriers in respect of the use of a minority language.
The survey’s approval threshold has also been lowered to 15 per cent, and non-replies are not deemed opposition. This is based on the UN’s 2017 Special Rapporteur, Language Rights of Linguistic Minorities, which states that between 5 and 20 per cent of the local population must support dual language signs for it to be “practicable and reasonable” to provide them. BCC makes the final decision on an application following a survey.
Lessons
Conradh na Gaeilge President Ciarán Mac Giolla Bhéin tells agendaNi: “BCC has one of, if not, the most minority-compliant street signage policy across the North.”
Mac Giolla Bhéin states that the 15 per cent threshold has been “absolutely transformational in increasing the visibility of the Irish language” in Belfast city. He says that this visibility is crucial to increase “tolerance, acceptance, and understanding of the language”.
However, he also illustrates what he calls BCC’s “haphazard” implementation of the policy: “From the allocation of no extra resources to prepare for the policy change, to the capacity of officials to deal with the influx of applications, to the extensive waiting times, to the signs being erected with spelling mistakes, to the most recent debacle with Royal Mail. There are certainly lessons to be learned.”
In August 2025, an investigation found that around 375 responses to surveys for signs were being held at Royal Mail’s delivery centre, while an unconfirmed number was sent through by the organisation to its return centre. No dual language street sign requests were on the agenda for the August meeting of the Committee due to the hold-up.
Mac Giolla Bhéin also criticises the initial screening assessment to identify potential adverse impacts for using what he asserts is “an undefined set of criteria”. He argues that “intolerant or sectarian views” are “legitimised” by this assessment, adding that opposition to the Irish language and dual language signage is interpreted as an “adverse impact”.
“It has no impact on those who do not want to engage with it. No right exists in domestic or international law not to see a language, however, denial of the Irish language on signs is a denial of language rights,” he adds.
Ciarán Mac Giolla Bhéin, President Conradh na Gaeilge.
Northern Ireland Energy Forum 2025
Northern Ireland’s major annual energy conference...
Wednesday 12 November • Titanic Belfast
The Northern Ireland Energy Forum, now in its 24th year, is the longest established annual conference for Northern Ireland’s energy sector and is a not-to-be-missed event for anyone with an interest in the local energy industry. The 2025 Forum will once again bring together all the key players, from Northern Ireland and further afield, to focus on the most important aspects of energy policy and the latest developments across the sector. It provides a unique opportunity for all those operating within the sector to come together for networking and discussion.
Speakers include:
Sponsored by
Caoimhe Archibald MLA Minister for the Economy
Roger Henderson NIE Networks
Niall Martindale Kinecx Energy
Sara Lynch Queen’s University Belfast
Richard Rodgers Department for the Economy
William Orbinson KC
Tamasin Fraser Omnipower Renewables
Andrew Ryan TLT Solicitors
John French Utility Regulator
Anna Rita Bennato CERRE affiliate
Alan Campbell SONI
Edel Creery NIE Networks energy
Key features of the 2025 Forum include:
In-depth examination of key policy issues
Address from the Minister for the Economy
Update from the energy regulator
Overview of Northern Ireland’s major energy projects
Attended by all the key players in the Northern Ireland energy sector
Major networking opportunities To register...
Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA: ‘Foundations we can build upon’
Six months on from her appointment as Minister for the Economy, Caoimhe Archibald MLA welcomes Ciarán Galway to the Department for the Economy’s (DfE) Adelaide House headquarters in Belfast city centre to discuss macroeconomic headwinds, her four Economic Vision priorities, and capitalising on the all-island economy.
Reflecting on her initial experiences in the economy brief, Archibald recalls her previous role as Finance Minister from February 2024 to February 2025, and her time as chair of the Committee for the Economy in the previous mandate.
“That was good grounding,” she explains, “for understanding the breadth of the remit. I had also worked closely with [former Economy Minister and now a Sinn Féin seanadóir] Conor Murphy and Eoin Rooney, who is my
special advisor, in advance of us [Sinn Féin] coming into the Department.”
Sinn Féin’s MLA for East Derry indicates that her stint as Finance Minister allowed her the opportunity to acquire “a more strategic overview of all of the departments and an understanding of the challenges facing them, particularly the financial challenges”.
Describing the economy brief as “challenging” and a “learning curve”,
Archibald remarks on the opportunity for engagement with DfE’s arm’s length bodies, the business community, universities, colleges, students, and young people.
Macroeconomic context
Commenting on the macroeconomic context, the Economy Minister initially emphasises the challenges in the global economy catalysed by a tariff landscape in a state of flux.
“This has been a challenging year, particularly from the global economic perspective; since President Trump has come into office, and all of the uncertainty that has been created in the broader economy in terms of the tariffs that have been imposed, removed, and reimposed,” she says.
While suggesting that the EU-US trade deal “gives us a little bit more certainty”, Archibald warns: “We are still in a much worse place than we were a few months ago in terms of the ability to trade freely, and that has created huge challenges for businesses trying to navigate the current situation. The uncertainty that is created in the economy as a whole creates an atmosphere that is not conducive to people doing business, to people making investments, to people in terms of their longer-term plans.”
Mitigation
Asked how this exposure to global trade changes can be mitigated, the Minister articulates a realist recognition of the Executive’s limitations to influence the external environment in this context.
“We can only control what we can control, and we will continue to create the best possible environment for businesses locally; to start up, to grow, to thrive, and for people to have opportunities, to get skilled, to get into jobs. That is what our Economic Vision is about, and the four priorities that we have within it in terms of good jobs, improving productivity, improving regional balance, and decarbonisation of the economy.”
In April 2025, the Minister announced the establishment of a tariff working group to collaborate with DfE officials, Invest NI, and InterTradeIreland to “provide market intelligence to the Minister” amid the introduction of trade tariffs by the US Government.
Outlining the feedback she has received from the working group, the Minister indicates that it aligns with her own assessment that the current trade deals are merely “headline deals”.
“There is still a lot of negotiation to be done under those, and it is very difficult to give an assessment even comparing what the different regimes are, but they [the working group] would also reflect the kind of difficult environment that has been created because of those [tariff changes].”
“We are making good progress, but we do have challenges that have been persistent and historic that will take some time to address.”
Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA
Prioritisation
In a sober statement at the launch of the Northern Ireland Skills Barometer 2023-2033 in early February 2025, Archibald indicated: “The coming financial year will be difficult for my department so it will be critical to prioritise and ensure maximum impact in all that we do.”
Expanding on this prioritisation, the Minister recounts how the Executive’s draft budget for 2025/2026 had been agreed in December 2024, and the finalised budget agreed by the end of March 2025.
“It is a challenging budget for the Executive as a whole, and that has meant that we, as a department, had to prioritise in terms of trying to make the best impact with what we have got. We have our priorities in terms of our four objectives, regional balance, for example, where we have prioritised funding to our local economic partnerships.
“Skills are a key priority for me, underpinning everything that we are trying to achieve and trying to get investment into our universities and colleges. So, it has been a challenge in terms of trying to do all of that and also deliver on the business of the Department.”
In the summary report of its latest skills barometer, Ulster University’s Economic Policy Centre projects that given the “precarious” state of public finances, “early signals following the [UK] Autumn 2024 Budget indicate that a similar pattern” of “political disagreements over budget allocations and industrial action stemming from pay disputes” is expected in 2025.
When this is put to the Minister, she indicates that such a trajectory is “difficult to gauge”. “When we came into the Executive, we prioritised public sector pay and resolving a number of industrial disputes that have been ongoing. We all recognise the importance of our public sector workers in terms of being able to deliver on our objectives,” she insists.
Productivity
Labour productivity is a key indicator of economic performance. As one of the four priorities under the Economy Minister’s ‘Economic Vision’, it remains, in her words, “one of the most pervasive challenges facing us”.
Indeed, in Delivering The Economic Vision: Year One Progress Report, published in February 2025, DfE’s Chief Economist, Victor Dukelow, notes: “On productivity, our output per worker is 13 per cent below the UK average with an even more pronounced gap compared to the Republic of Ireland.”
Furthermore, an April 2025 Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) report comparing the two economies on the island found that productivity in the North lagged behind the Republic in eight of the 10 economic sectors examined in 2021.
“It has been long running that we have been poorly performing relative to our neighbours. It is one of those issues that will be difficult to turn the tide on, and it will take some time to do that,” Archibald acknowledges.
Interpreting productivity as a synonym of prosperity and quality of life, she adds: “It is about how we address that challenge to make people’s lives better. That is why we want to improve productivity, not just as an economic measure.”
Discussing the factors informing productivity, including skills, management practices, innovation, and infrastructure, the Minister commends Invest NI in supporting businesses in leadership and management capabilities, alongside its ability to invest in innovation.
Similarly, given the broader economic and fiscal challenges faced in recent years, Archibald emphasises the tenacity of local business: “Over many, many years, our businesses have been really resilient and have innovated and responded to all of the [existential] challenges, whether that is Brexit, Covid, the ‘cost of doing business’ crisis, and now the tariffs. So we do have a really entrepreneurial and innovative business sector, and we are here to support them,” she says.
FDI
Asked how support for indigenous business can be balance against the pursuit of foreign direct investment (FDI), Archibald points to the design of the Economic Vision: “It is very much a case of us being more strategic about the FDI that we are trying to attract,” she explains: “Local businesses tell us about the challenge of getting people with skills. So [we] do not want to be
bringing in more and more businesses that are essentially driving up costs for other businesses because they are [operating] in the same talent pool.
“It is about trying to supplement the business environment that we do have; attracting businesses that are going to invest in skilling people and that are going to support that broader business environment. So it is a case of us very much focusing on our priority sectors –we have seven priority sectors – and how we can support businesses locally and indigenously to be part of that broader supply chain as well, so that you have a complementary mix of FDI and indigenous business.”
Good jobs
A second priority under the Economic Vision is the delivery of the good jobs agenda. In other words, updating employment law with the aim of delivery more jobs which meet a quality threshold.
Currently, according to the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA), just two-thirds of jobs meet the definition of ‘good’ in that they are “underpinned by a permanent, non-zero hours contract which pays at least the Real Living Wage”.
A flagship piece of legislation for DfE, the Good Jobs Employment Rights Bill is currently being drafted. “It is my intention to introduce that [Bill] into the Assembly in January 2026,” she reiterates.
Described by the Minister as “the biggest upgrade in workers’ rights since the Good Friday Agreement” proposals for the Bill made in April 2025 include:
• an end to exploitative zero-hour contracts;
• paid leave during neonatal care;
• more protections for agency workers;
• stronger trade union rights;
• stronger rights to flexible working; and
• a fair distribution of tips.
In establishing these proposals, the Minister indicates her intent to “set out how we had really listened in terms of the [public] consultation and tried to strike the balance between what is going to be good for workers and what is going to be good for businesses”.
“What I committed to doing was to continue to engage with everybody involved to ensure that there was good buy in and understanding of everything that we were going to try to do with that piece of legislation. That work is continuing. My [DfE] officials have been engaged with trade unions and with business organisations. We are going out in the autumn, doing a road show across different council areas, to ensure that people do have the opportunity to feed into the drafting of that legislation and in terms of what is being brought forward and properly codified in legislation.”
Regional balance
A third priority of the Economic Vision is regional balance as per DfE’s SubRegional Economic Plan published in October 2024. Alongside local councils, DfE and Invest NI have established 11 local economic partnerships “to put local economic decision-making into the hands of local people, and to deliver economic growth regionally”. Simultaneously, Invest NI has been briefed with an enhanced regional focus, demonstrated by a headline target of delivering 65 per cent of investments beyond the Belfast Metropolitan Area by 2026/2027.
Today, the outlook remains one of variable growth across council areas. For instance, the range in employment rate between Mid and East Antrim, the council area with the highest rate (79.5
per cent) and Derry City and Strabane, the council area with the lowest rate (65.4 per cent) is 14 per cent.
This trend is not unique, however. As demonstrated by Delivering Balanced Regional Growth in Northern Ireland, a UUEPC report from May 2025, economic development across the OECD is generally uneven in nature.
In this context, an aspiration to create a more regionally balance economy has been articulated from the 2016 draft programme for government onwards.
“Many countries face the same challenges or similar challenges as we do,” Archibald recognises. We are a very small place, so it is a case of trying to better, or to improve our regional balance. And in some regards, there have been improvements in terms of the narrowing of the gaps that there are, but there are still huge challenges in certain regions across the North.”
Rather than relocating economic activity away from where it already exists, the Minister explains, the objective is to ensure “that everybody has an opportunity to develop their local economy”.
“What we have tried to do with the Sub-Regional Economic Plan is the establishment of those local economic partnerships across the 11 council areas. That is very much about giving power back to the local area to design their own local economic plans, and for us, then as a department, to support those local economic partnerships, to leverage that support in from other departments and the agencies, to take forward their plans and that that is being resourced by the department over the next three years.”
Decarbonisation
In the 12 months to March 2025, just 43 per cent of total metered electricity consumption was generated from indigenous renewable sources, representing a decrease of 2.4 percentage points on the previous 12 months to March 2024. This figure falls far short of the Climate Change Act (Northern Ireland) 2022 target ensuring that “at least 80 per cent of electricity consumption is from renewable sources by 2030”.
However, a commitment to decarbonisation is the fourth and final priority of the Economic Vision. In this
context, the Minister faces scrutiny in effectively capturing the opportunities presented by a transition to a more sustainable economy.
“There are huge challenges for us all in terms of the targets that we have to meet, in terms of the investment that will be required.
“But it present us with significant opportunities, particularly from a business perspective, and particularly for an island like ours that has significant natural resources in terms of renewable energy.”
Aiming to “ensure that our energy is secure, affordable and clean”, the Northern Ireland Energy Strategy: The Path to Net Zero Energy was published in December 2021 and has determined the Department’s short- and long-term energy policies.
“We are almost at the midpoint of that,” the Minister observes, adding: “We are doing a mid-strategy review this year [2025]. It is an area where there is significant policy development work already being achieved through the Energy Strategy, but there is still quite a lot of work to do.”
Identifying the offshore renewable energy potential as “one of the areas where there are significant economic and business opportunities from a supply chain perspective”, the Minister outlines her department’s efforts to “support businesses to be in the position to take those”.
“Businesses in general are really keen to go on that journey in terms of decarbonisation themselves, and we had financial support in place in terms of the Energy Efficiency Capital Grant (EECG), which was really well applied to and... there was significant interest from businesses across different sectors, because they see the benefits.”
All-island economy
Meanwhile, at the end of July 2025, the Irish Government published its revised National Development Plan (NDP). With €550 million allocated to date and a further €1 billion allocated out to 2030 via the Shared Island Fund, Chapter nine of the NDP is entirely devoted to the Shared Island Initiative as it enters an “expanded phase”. In this context, Archibald addresses how her department is working to take full advantage of the all-island economy.
“Over recent years we have seen these significant increases in terms of cross border trade,” she replies. “When Conor [Murphy] came into the Department originally, last year [2024], he gave an uplift in terms of the budget to InterTradeIreland and Tourism Ireland [which] had not been fully resourced over recent years. Those organisations are now properly resourced.”
Citing the opening of Invest NI’s Dublin office in September 2024 and the commencement of the first all-island trade mission jointly led by Enterprise Ireland, Invest NI, and IDA Ireland in November as examples of progress, the Minister also references “increasingly positive relationships being built across [government] departments, across my own department, and the various part departments in the South that we work with”.
Turning to her tourism remit, the Minister describes the work of Tourism Ireland – which operates under the auspices of both DfE and the Department of Enterprise Tourism and Employment – as contributing to the objectives established by DfE’s 10-year Tourism Vision and Action Plan (January 2025) out to 2035.
“We have also been working with Fáilte Ireland in terms of developing their brands – the Wild Atlantic Way, Ireland’s Hidden Heartlands, and Ireland’s Ancient East – across the island, and we are making good progress particularly in relation to Ireland’s Hidden Heartlands,” she reveals.
Sinn Féin’s stamp on economic policy
Concluding, Archibald defines the strategic direction that her party has applied to the economy brief. “The economic vision that we have brought to the Department is all about improving prosperity across the region as a whole, and [improving] people’s lives and opportunities.
“We are making good progress, but we do have challenges that have been persistent and historic that will take some time to address, and I think that where I hope to be by the end of this mandate is that we have made good progress, and we have created foundations that we can build upon.”
Delivering a globally competitive, regionally balanced, sustainable and prosperous economy
Shaping Northern Ireland’s economic future
Kieran Donoghue, Chief Executive of Invest Northern Ireland, speaks to Owen McQuade about how the organisation has transformed to meet the needs of a changing economy, and why he sees strong reasons for optimism about Northern Ireland’s future.
When Kieran Donoghue became Chief Executive of Invest Northern Ireland (Invest NI) in early 2024, he set out a clear ambition: to create an organisation that is more responsive, more outwardlooking, and better equipped to support an economy facing rapid change.
“Our role is to help Northern Ireland businesses succeed in a global environment that is more complex, more competitive, and more uncertain
than ever before,” he says. “That meant reshaping how we operate and how we think about our impact.”
Building a more agile organisation
The past 18 months have brought significant internal change at Invest NI. A new leadership structure has been established, with senior appointments bringing both continuity and fresh perspectives.
This includes a new Chief Commercial Officer, Anne Beggs, previously Invest NI’s Executive Director for International Business and Skills, and a new Chief Operating Officer, Kathryn Hill, previously Director of Active Communities for the Department for Communities. Recruitment of a new Chief Development Officer to lead the organisations regional development, land and property and client solutions group is ongoing.
Delivering
and
““We want to be accessible to more businesses and deliver tailored support based on their specific growth trajectory”
Kieran
Donoghue,
Chief Executive Officer, Invest Northern Ireland
At the same time, the organisation has refreshed its values, digitised client processes, and reshaped its operating model to engage with a broader range of businesses, including more highpotential small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).
“We want to be accessible to more businesses and deliver tailored support based on their specific growth trajectory,” explains Donoghue. “In my view, that requires a dedicated inward investment team, alongside teams focused on supporting locally owned businesses, because the needs and wants, and the strengths and capabilities of these two groups of firms are different, and our approach must reflect that.”
This transformation, he argues, is about more than structure. “It is also about culture, behaviour, and mindset, and being more connected to our clients. A positive evolution in this is already clear in how our teams are working.”
A strategy designed for impact
Published in Autumn 2024, Our Future in Focus is the first strategic plan for the organisation in several years. It sets out a clear vision to directly support the Economy Minister’s economic priorities: delivering a globally competitive, regionally balanced, sustainable, and prosperous economy.
The strategy shifts Invest NI’s focus from a traditional jobs-led model to one centred on productivity and long-term competitiveness. “We are operating in conditions of near full employment,” Donoghue explains. “That means we
need to focus on helping businesses become more productive, more innovative, and better positioned to succeed in global markets. This is what will sustain competitiveness and economic growth over the long term.”
The results from year one of the new strategy demonstrate the scale of progress:
• £631 million invested in the Northern Ireland economy against a target of £525 million;
• 2,062 investment projects supported, exceeding the target of 1,500;
• £245 million committed by businesses to R&D and innovation, surpassing a target of £160 million;
• 19 new inward investors secured, against a target of 15;
• 59 per cent of investments outside the Belfast Metropolitan Area, almost achieving the 60 per cent regional balance goal; and
• £19 million invested in energy and resource efficiency projects, nearly three times the original target.
“These outcomes highlight not just strong delivery against targets, but real, tangible progress in building a more competitive and resilient economy,” says Donoghue.
“Our year one results have been encouraging, but the real significance is the momentum. Businesses are investing with confidence and looking at how to future proof themselves.”
Investing in innovation and skills
A central pillar of Invest NI’s approach is driving innovation. With £245 million of client investment in R&D recorded in year one, Donoghue sees this as vital to future growth. “Innovation is the foundation of competitiveness. If firms are not innovating, they risk falling behind,” he stresses. “The fact that businesses are committing record levels of investment into innovation shows that Northern Ireland has the ambition to compete globally.”
Skills and leadership development are also key. Last year, £31 million was invested in skills and training, helping firms build the capabilities they need to grow in an increasingly digital and knowledge-driven economy.
Driving regional balance
Historically, investment has been concentrated in Belfast. Under the new strategy, regional balance is a priority, with nearly 60 per cent of all projects supported located outside the city in year one.
“We want to make sure that economic opportunity reaches every part of Northern Ireland,” Donoghue explains. “Strong regional growth is not only fair, but it also helps to strengthen the resilience of our economy as a whole.”
The state of the economy
Donoghue is clear about both the opportunities and the challenges facing Northern Ireland. “At Invest NI, we tend to view the Northern Ireland economy through the lens of our clients, whether they are family-owned SMEs or global multinationals. When we talk to them,
they are optimistic about the economy. Many are reinvesting, adopting technologies like robotic process automation and AI, and expanding into export markets.”
That optimism is underpinned by strengths in talent and skills. “The quality of graduates coming out of our universities and FE colleges is consistently highlighted by investors. Fundamentally, Northern Ireland’s economic strength is built on the ambition and capability of its people.
That is a great strength for the future.”
However, there are constraints. “We have an economy effectively at full employment. The tight labour market means some firms are struggling to recruit, or recruit people with specific skills,” he says. “If they want to grow their business, that is a constraint that we need to address. Infrastructure capacity, particularly in water, energy, and planning, is another obstacle to growth. These issues must be tackled in tandem with business support if we want to unlock the full potential of the economy.”
Global influence
Global uncertainty is also a factor. Geopolitical tensions, shifting trade policies, increasing competition, rapid technological change, and cost pressures all weigh on decision-making.
Rising input costs, such as higher national insurance contributions and minimum wage levels, weigh heavily on SMEs. “Margins are often tight, so even modest increases can put firms under pressure,” he explains.
At the same time, changes to tariffs create both risks and opportunities. The tariff differential between the deal struck between the UK and the US at 10 per cent versus 15 per cent for the European Union “provides a potential opportunity for businesses in Northern Ireland, but further analysis is needed”.
In response, Invest NI has established a trade taskforce, running webinars and clinics to advise businesses on how to reconfigure supply chains and to navigate new markets, particularly in the US.
“There will always be challenges, but overall, on the basis of the engagements with our clients, we see an economy full of potential.”
Despite these challenges, Donoghue is optimistic. “Northern Ireland’s dual access and understanding of both UK and EU markets is unique. In a world of expanded trade frictions and disrupted supply chains, that positioning is more valuable than ever.”
Future opportunities
Looking ahead, Donoghue sees particular potential in existing and emerging sectors where Northern Ireland already has capability. These include advanced manufacturing, technology, and financial services alongside sub-sectors such as fintech and regtech, life sciences, agri-food and aerospace, defence, and security.
The low carbon economy also stands out as a growth area. “We have fantastic companies in renewable energy, and the broader green economy,” he says. “Decarbonisation is not just an environmental necessity; it is a major economic opportunity.”
City and Growth Deals, with over £1.3 billion of public investment, are also set to be transformative. “These projects will create new innovation hubs and clusters across the region. Our role is to make sure businesses are ready to take full advantage of them. Invest NI, as the investment decision maker for about £700 million of the innovation and
digital projects, has established a team of more than 20 people that are overseeing our involvement in the city and growth deals programme. We believe the investments emerging from the programme will be vehicles for both sectoral and regional development across NI.”
Looking forward with confidence
As Invest NI enters the second year of its strategy, Donoghue is clear about the road ahead. “Year one has laid strong foundations. The next two years will be about building on that momentum, driving further investment, supporting more companies to innovate and export, and ensuring regional and sustainable growth.”
“Yes, challenges remain, whether in infrastructure, costs, or global trading conditions, but the direction of travel is positive. Businesses here are ambitious, they are investing, and they are optimistic about the future. Our job is to match that ambition with the right approach and support.”
He concludes: “Northern Ireland has all the ingredients for success – talent, resilience, innovation, a unique global position, and a ‘can-do’ attitude. If we continue to invest in our businesses and our infrastructure, we can build a truly competitive and sustainable economy for the future. At Invest NI, we are fully committed to achieving this goal.”
W: www.investni.com
T: 0800 181 4422
Northern Ireland’s economic resilience
The resilience of Northern Ireland’s largely service-based economy could be stress-tested over the coming months.
Economic momentum in Northern Ireland has slowed in 2025 following a strong 2024 when the region experienced a 2.7 increase in economic growth, the highest increase since 2006 when it rose by 3.2 per cent. It is unlikely the region will get anywhere near that this year.
Addressing a recent Northern Ireland Chamber of Commerce business breakfast in Belfast, Bank of Ireland’s UK economist/market analyst Alan Bridle suggested we are currently in an “unforgiving” business environment. He attributed this to the local sensitivity around Trump tariffs and the belief that the autumn Budget will further impede business. Bridle referenced the disproportionate impact of the rise in employer National Insurance contributions on employers of low paid workers to support this.
The economist stated that Northern Ireland could be particularly negatively impacted by tariffs on its
two largest exports to the US, pharmaceutical products and specialist industrial machinery. A 48 per cent tariff may be imposed on pharmaceutical products, while a 22 per cent levy may be imposed on specialist industry machinery.
On 8 May 2025, the UK and US announced the terms of a trade deal, introducing a 10 per cent baseline for UK exports entering the US.
Prevailing uncertainty
The Northern Ireland Composite Economic Index (NICEI) for Q1 2025 reveals that the region’s economy contracted by 0.6 per cent, mainly due to output declines in both construction and manufacturing. This was the first contraction since Q4 2023 and followed four consecutive quarters of growth, including a 0.9 per cent increase in Q4 2024.
Delivering
At the Chamber of Commerce business breakfast, Richard Ramsey, Professor of Practice in Economics and Policy at Queen’s University Belfast Business School, said the figures highlight a downturn for the private sector previously identified by the Ulster Bank regional growth tracker (previously known as the PMI).
He predicted: “The local economy is expected to see a growth rate of around one third of the 2024 figure, and more uncertainty looks set to prevail for the rest of the year.”
As regions and nations aim to reshape their investment propositions to become more attractive to business and enterprise, the question of whether corporation tax should be lowered has reemerged. Both Bridle and Ramsey stated that this ship has sailed.
However, Chartered Accountants Ireland (CAI) insist that in the wake of the Windsor Framework – which gives Northern Ireland access to both the EU and UK markets – lowering the rate of corporation tax could exploit the region’s potential.
CAI president Pamela McCreedy says: “No one inducement, policy, or measure applied in isolation can single-handedly transform a region’s attractiveness to investors. Dual market access, however unique a feature it is, is never going to be enough on its own to make Northern Ireland a destination of choice for inward investment.
“We need more than regulatory advantage. We need a suite of complementary policies that collectively make up a pro-enterprise proposition that positions Northern Ireland not just as an option, but as a first choice for investment. Chief among those policies must be the implementation of a more competitive rate of corporation tax.”
The devolution of corporation tax-setting powers has been legislated for since 2015, but these powers have yet to be activated. In 2021, the Independent Fiscal Commission for Northern Ireland signalled its support for the devolution of corporation tax powers, while in a survey earlier this year, two thirds of chartered accountants say they would back it, with the majority calling for a rate equal to that of the Republic of Ireland (12.5 per cent).
Meanwhile, businesses are expected to bear the brunt of the autumn Budget as Rachel Reeves attempts to plug another £40 billion-plus black hole. Her autumn 2024 Budget was the biggest real terms tax raising budget since 1968, raising £41.5 billion.
Positive trends
Despite the challenges, there is also reason for optimism regarding Northern Ireland’s economy. The housing market has experienced a steady increase in property prices, although not enough houses are being built to keep pace with demand.
The labour market has been generally robust for some time, although employment did dip for first time in four years in spring as the private sector attempted to limit overheads before April’s increase in employer national insurance contributions kicked in.
Manufacturing remains a cornerstone of the local economy, even though it continues to operate without a dedicated strategy. This change if the region is serious about creating jobs, driving innovation, and achieving regional balance.
“It is essential that any strategy is backed by an action plan that’s focused on delivery, investment in advanced manufacturing, and new models of skills development,” Alliance economy spokesman David Honeyford MLA says.
Summing up the current economic climate in Northern Ireland, Bridle said: “There is plenty of noise right now, and we are in an environment with many moving parts and pain points to navigate.”
The Centre for Cross Border Cooperation: Unlocking opportunities across borders
For over 25 years, the Centre for Cross Border Cooperation has been shaping opportunities for government, business, and communities by breaking down barriers across these islands, writes Anthony Soares, Director of the Centre for Cross Border Cooperation.
At its 25th anniversary conference in September 2024, the Centre for Cross Border Studies announced the new name it would be operating under – the Centre for Cross Border Cooperation –to better reflect this mission. The name change signals continuity, but also ambition: to build the partnerships that will help Northern Ireland, and the wider region, navigate a rapidly changing economic and political landscape.
Driving economic growth through cooperation
Cross-border cooperation is not just a matter of goodwill, it is a driver of competitiveness and prosperity. Working with governments, businesses, and communities, the Centre has consistently highlighted how a crossborder perspective can unlock growth. In partnership with our Senior Research Associate Niall O’Donnellan, we published Accelerating Growth: Towards an All-Island Perspective on Regional Development (2022) and Accelerating Growth: Progressing Globally Ambitious Sectoral Clusters on the Island of Ireland (2024)
These studies demonstrate how cooperation can:
• build globally competitive sectoral clusters;
• strengthen regional development; and
• deliver mutually beneficial outcomes for both jurisdictions.
We have used this evidence in direct engagements with policymakers and business organisations to promote cross-jurisdictional collaboration. The message is clear: Northern Ireland’s economy gains when borders are not barriers to growth.
The labour market on the island of Ireland
Sustainable growth depends on people. Employers across Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland need access to talent, and workers need systems that support mobility. However, practical obstacles, from tax treatment and pensions to recognition of skills, often stand in the way.
The Centre was commissioned by the Labour Employer Economic Forum (LEEF) Shared Island Working Group to examine these challenges. Our report, authored by a team of experts led by our Border People Project Manager, Annmarie O’Kane, identified limiting factors that include:
• personal taxation and pension portability;
• social welfare systems;
• recognition of qualifications and skills; and
• changing patterns of work and mobility.
Following its publication, the Centre convened a series of webinars on worker mobility, tax and pensions, social security coordination, and skills recognition. These directly informed our 2025 Annual Conference, where governments, businesses, trade unions and support networks came together to consider actionable solutions.
For business leaders and policymakers alike, the prize is clear: a wider horizon of possibilities for recruiting, retaining, and upskilling the workforce that will drive future prosperity.
Secretary of State for Northern Ireland Hilary Benn MP speaking at the Centre’s 25th anniversary conference, with its Chair, Peter Osborne.
“For
25 years, the Centre for Cross Border Cooperation has been turning ideas into action to strengthen connections across these islands. As a trusted think-and-dotank, we provide independent analysis and practical support that help governments, businesses and communities overcome barriers and unlock opportunities. Our work demonstrates that cooperation drives growth, resilience and prosperity.”
Trusted research, independent analysis
The Centre’s credibility rests on more than advocacy. At the core of our work is rigorous research and independent policy analysis. We continually track legislation and policy developments from London, Dublin, Belfast, Cardiff, Edinburgh, and Brussels, identifying both risks and opportunities for crossborder cooperation.
This evidence-based approach ensures that the Centre is a trusted partner for government departments, legislative committees, and local authorities. Our Briefing Papers and submissions have supported parliamentary scrutiny, while our seminars and workshops provide practical knowledge exchange for public bodies and civic organisations.
In short, we do not just describe the obstacles; we offer the solutions.
Practical support for cooperation
The Centre’s impact is also felt in the practical assistance we provide. Our Border People project offers information and advice for those living, working,
studying or retiring across the border; an essential service for thousands of individuals and families.
We also work with councils, community groups, and civic organisations to build capacity for cross-border projects. Through the Ad-Hoc Group for NorthSouth and East-West Cooperation, we convene voices from across these islands to ensure that the conditions for cooperation created by the Good Friday/Belfast Agreement are protected and strengthened in the post-Brexit context.
Why this matters now
For Northern Ireland’s government and business community, cross-border cooperation is not optional. It is a strategic necessity. From addressing labour shortages and supporting skills development, to building globally competitive clusters and ensuring resilience in supply chains, the opportunities of cooperation directly align with government priorities and business growth strategies.
At a time when both public budgets and private investments must deliver maximum impact, cooperation offers a multiplier effect: pooling resources, sharing expertise, and widening horizons.
Looking ahead
The Centre for Cross Border Cooperation will continue in its unique role as a thinkand-do-tank, working with governments, businesses, and communities to turn cooperation into prosperity. The foundations laid by the 1998 Good Friday/Belfast Agreement remain strong, but they require continual investment of effort and imagination.
The question now is not whether we can cooperate across borders, but how far we are willing to go in seizing the opportunities it offers.
As Northern Ireland looks to the future, the Centre stands ready to work with those across government and business who see cooperation not as a challenge to overcome, but as an asset to embrace.
E: anthony@crossborder.ie
W: www.crossborder.ie
Meeting at the Centre’s offices with Paul Murphy on his independent review of the Windsor Framework.
Delivering
Sustainable public finances
After 18 months of financial “firefighting”, the recent UK Treasury spending review gives Finance Minister John O’Dowd MLA the fiscal stability and responsibility to deliver a multi-year budget. Speaking to agendaNi, Jodie Carson, Professor of Strategic Policy in Practice at Ulster University says this enables Executive departments to transform and transition towards long-term strategic planning.
Following Chancellor Rachel Reeves MP’s spending review in June 2025, the Executive has clarification on the resource and capital allocations available to them over the next three years. Finance Minister John O’Dowd MLA could present the first multi-year budget since 2010, providing an opportunity for long-term strategic decisionmaking.
According to Carson, the Executive has a golden opportunity to change trajectory. She says the Executive has been in “firefighting mode” in recent years, an unsustainable position with outcomes for public services requiring substantive improvement, and opportunities for reform being missed.
The cost of inaction is considerable with increasingly evident impacts being felt, particularly relating to wastewater infrastructure, as decades of underinvestment results in building projects across Northern Ireland stalling – stunting growth and development. The Lough Neagh blue-green algae crisis continues to worsen, as parties quarrel over measures required to restore its health.
Across the regional economy, low productivity persists with no clear plan to end stagnation, while the draft Anti-Poverty Strategy has been met with widespread criticism for its lack of depth and direction.
Delivering a globally competitive, regionally balanced, sustainable and prosperous economy
“Public finances across the UK remain tight, hindered by low levels of growth which reflect longrunning structural challenges… forthcoming spending allocations for Northern Ireland are tighter than the past two financial years.”
Explaining the current economic malaise, Carson says “public finances across the UK remain tight, hindered by low levels of growth which reflect long-running structural challenges. Consequently, forthcoming spending allocations for Northern Ireland are tighter than the past two financial years.”
In June 2025, an independent review by Gerarld Holtham entitled Northern Ireland’s Level of Need, found that Northern Ireland required a financial subvention level of 128 per cent. Meaning that for every £1 spent per head of population in England, £1.28 per head of population ought to be spent in Northern Ireland.
Echoing the sentiment of the report, Carson says: “It is unfortunate that the identified level of relative need here had not been revised upwards for some time. The commitment to a broader review of our fiscal framework allowed for this to be revisited. But it is worth noting that the revised figure, whilst welcome, would not be a game-changer.
“Further, the £520 million in stabilisation funding, which Northern Ireland has had in place for the past two financial years, will now cease, representing a fiscal cliff edge.”
In June 2025, an agreement was reached between the UK Treasury and Finance Minister John O’Dowd MLA, excluding £329 million of unringfenced agricultural funding from the methodology for calculating the Executive’s relative funding, bringing an extra £600 million for public services. When added to the 124 per cent subvention agreed by the UK Treasury, this represents a real-terms subvention level of 128 per cent.
Despite this commitment, which is only guaranteed through to 2028/29, Carson says: “The Executive faces renewed challenges in, and imperative for, transitioning towards longer-term strategic decisions.”
Public sector transformation is “fundamental to a revised approach”, Carson says, insisting that this ought to be mainstreamed across the full spectrum of government activities.
Outlining the challenge ahead, Carson says transformation “necessitates a greater focus on prevention, early intervention and the reconfiguration of some services”.
Asked for specifics, Carson claims “the utilisation of artificial intelligence will be central to this and is notably core to the UK Government’s narrative”.
Outlining the next steps to be taken, Carson says, “the Department of Finance will now seek to work with departments to identify pressures and derive allocations, which involves incremental adjustments to previous departmental budgets”.
However, many aspects of the spending review for Whitehall departments have been subjected to zero-based review of budgets, which involves scrutinising expenditure from scratch."
Carson adds: “There may be merit in trialling this approach in certain areas of local public spending to enable enhanced scrutiny of expenditure.”
With the most recent £16.7 billion budget being published in June 2025, Carson believes the timeframe for delivering a budget should be pushed back, saying: “Ideally, a draft budget will go to the Executive in the autumn and then to public consultation to allow for a final agreed budget in early spring, ahead of the next financial year enabling due forward planning.”
Rosamund Blomfield-Smith, Chair,
Text Utilities: Imperative to economic success
Economies that treat utilities as an economic platform build the capacity to innovate, export, and improve living standards sustainably and at scale writes
Utilities are the backbone of any modern economy. Without them, economic activity would swiftly grind to a halt. We can think of utilities as the ‘silent engine’ of economic life; usually out of the spotlight, but powering everything from manufacturing and healthcare to education and commerce.
Utilities are fundamental enablers of economic activity across all industries. They are the input that every sector depends upon, transforming latent potential into tangible production.
When utilities are reliable, readily accessible, and affordable, they contribute to lower operational costs, reduce uncertainty, and broaden the scope of what businesses and individuals can achieve. Conversely, where utility services are inadequate or inconsistent, they impose constraints on development and act as a drag on economic growth.
Enabling economic productivity
Electricity, clean water, wastewater management, and digital connectivity are indispensable components of a modern functioning economy. They are the bedrock upon which productivity is built.
A reliable electricity supply supports business continuity, enhances operational efficiency and enables
Utility Regulator.
resilient supply chains. High-quality water and wastewater services are critical to industrial processes and are vital to the safeguarding of public health. Collectively, these utilities are fundamental to increasing productivity across the whole economic landscape.
Equally important is the stability of utility provision. Predictable and consistent access to utilities reduces the need for costly self-provisioning measures such as backup generators and storage systems. This, in turn, enables businesses to allocate capital to core operations and strategic investments.
Driving investment, location, and economic competitiveness
The availability and quality of utility services play a decisive role in shaping business location decisions and the formation of industrial clusters. Manufacturers gravitate toward sites offering stable and accessible electricity and gas supplies, and robust water and wastewater infrastructure. Similarly, data centres and digital enterprises require locations with abundant, competitively priced electricity and a plentiful water supply. Logistics hubs depend on resilient energy and communications networks along transport corridors.
Regions that proactively invest in utility infrastructure, ahead of demand, send a strong signal of reliability. This strategic foresight enhances their attractiveness to both domestic and international investors. Over time, such investment fosters a virtuous cycle: the resilience of utility networks supports higher-value economic activities, which in turn justify further enhancements in capacity and service quality.
Employment and industrial linkages
The utilities sector gives rise to employment, both directly and indirectly. It employs a wide range of professionals, including engineers, technicians, planners, and system operators whose expertise is essential to the delivery and maintenance of critical infrastructure and services.
The sector stimulates increased employment opportunities across multiple industries. The construction and maintenance of electricity networks, for example, require inputs from the construction sector, materials suppliers, and advanced manufacturing.
These interconnected supply chains foster the development of specialised, high-value skills within local labour markets. Importantly, many of these capabilities are transferable across
sectors and enhance workforce adaptability and employability. In this way, the utility sector contributes not only to economic output but also to long-term human capital development.
Innovation and the digital economy
In 21st century growth economies, data has become a critical driver of productivity and innovation. The infrastructure that supports highcapacity broadband – essential for cloud computing, remote working, and digital services – relies heavily on a stable and scalable energy supply. The increasing integration of smart grids, distribution networks, and advanced metering systems enables the efficient introduction of modern business processes and supports the evolving demands of the digital economy.
The electrification of transport and heating represents another significant engine of economic growth in its own right. This transition is catalysing the development of new infrastructure and stimulating the emergence of new industries, including battery manufacturing and power electronics. These innovations not only enhance system performance but also open new avenues for industrial and technological development.
Decarbonisation and sustainable economic transformation
The utilities sector occupies a central position in the global transition toward a low-carbon economy; an endeavour we regard as both an environmental necessity and a strategic economic opportunity.
Investments in renewable energy generation, grid modernisation, energy storage, and water efficiency measures help mitigate exposure to volatile fossil fuel markets and climate-related risks. The result is a more resilient and costeffective energy system that enhances business profitability and strengthens consumer purchasing power.
Waste and wastewater utilities are advancing circular economy principles by recovering energy, heat, and valuable materials from waste streams. This transformation of traditional cost centres into sources of revenue not only improves resource security but also contributes to long-term economic sustainability.
Resilience and risk mitigation
In the face of increasingly frequent and severe disruptions, ranging from extreme weather events to cyberattacks, utilities serve as critical tests of a society’s economic resilience. Their ability to maintain continuity under stress determines whether essential services remain operational when they are needed most.
Resilient utility systems are characterised by strong infrastructure, diversified supply sources, and robust asset management. These attributes safeguard against service interruptions, preventing costly economic losses from factory shutdowns, supply disruptions, and interruptions to public services.
Inclusion, affordability and human capital
Universal and affordable access to utility services represents an investment in human potential, not merely in infrastructure. Clean water and effective sanitation systems are fundamental to public health, while reliable electricity and digital connectivity are essential to improving living standards and enabling full participation in 21st century economic life.
Equitable and transparent pricing mechanisms are critical to protecting all consumers, particularly those who are most vulnerable. Inclusive utility design helps prevent barriers, such as high costs or limited availability, that restrict households from accessing opportunities in education, employment and civic engagement.
An economy is more dynamic and resilient when every individual has the means to be healthy and productive. By widening participation, utilities contribute to the development of human capital and inclusive economic growth.
Markets, regulation, and incentives
Because they are capital-intensive natural monopolies, utilities are very much shaped by the regulatory frameworks within which they operate. Effective regulation is essential to achieving an appropriate balance between the three core objectives of reliability of service, affordability for consumers, and sustained investment in infrastructure.
Clear and stable regulatory rules reduce the cost of capital by providing predictability to investors. Performancebased incentives encourage utilities to pursue operational efficiencies and service improvements. Meanwhile, costreflective tariffs help guide consumption patterns and support more flexible demand and supply dynamics.
Sustained economic growth
Good utility regulation serves as a catalyst for continuous economic expansion. High-quality utilities attract investment, which in turn broadens the tax base and strengthens fiscal capacity. This enhanced fiscal position paves the way to further infrastructure upgrades, which reduce operational risks and costs, creating a reinforcing cycle of productivity and growth.
The strategic imperative is clear: economies that treat utilities not as background expenses but as foundational platforms for innovation, trade, and improved living standards are better positioned to grow fast and sustainably. W: www.uregni.gov.uk
Delivering a globally competitive, regionally balanced, sustainable and prosperous economy
2025/26 Budget: Keeping the lights on
Northern Ireland’s 2025/26 Budget delivers increased funding for public services and earmarks over £425 million for Programme for Government (PfG) priorities. However, the Northern Ireland Fiscal Council has warned that the Executive is still not meeting overwhelming departmental pressures and is merely “kicking the can down the road” towards a funding cliff-edge.
Informing the Assembly of the final Budget on 3 April 2025, Finance Minister John O’Dowd MLA stated that the Budget “reflects our Programme for Government commitment to doing what matters most” and “shows this executive’s determination to work together to deliver”.
The Sinn Féin minister asserted that the Budget “provides funding to cut waiting lists, deliver affordable childcare, support special educational needs, invest in skills, make our communities safer, [and] fund actions towards ending violence against women and girls”.
However, analysis by the Northern Ireland Fiscal Council’s (NIFC) presents a contrasting view, characterising the budget as one of short-term relief that fails to meet the vast majority of new funding bids from departments.
With a significant drop in funding projected from 2026/27, the Executive’s spending plans are built on the assumption of substantial savings and leave many rising costs potentially underfunded.
Public finances
The total budget for day-to-day spending (Resource DEL) is set at just under £17 billion, with a further £2.5 billion for capital projects. This represents a nominal increase across all departments, with Health receiving the largest allocation.
The NIFC’s analysis reveals that departments submitted pressure bids totalling £4.2 billion, but less than 30 per cent of this (around £1.26 billion) could be accommodated. The council warned that this leaves many services “under strain”, with departments forced to assume significant savings.
Crucially, the Budget relies on a one-off £600 million deal with the UK Treasury to smooth over immediate gaps. The NIFC warns of a sharp “cliff-edge” when this temporary support ends after 2025/26, which could force severe cuts or a crisis in public finances.
Earmarked allocations
A central feature of the Minister’s statement is the emphasis on earmarked funding for specific initiatives. O’Dowd confirmed that “combined with the Draft Budget allocation, this brings funding provided specifically for PfG Priorities to some £425 million”.
This includes £215 million earmarked for cutting health waiting times, with £85 million from the final budget and a £50 million indicative allocation from June Monitoring. The Budget also outlined indicative June Monitoring allocations for other priorities, including the allocation of £15 million to the Department of Education (DE) for special educational needs and £5 million for protecting Lough Neagh.
Health
The Department of Health remains the single largest cost, accounting for roughly 51 per cent of the entire resource budget. The £215 million earmarked for waiting lists is a significant targeted investment.
Despite this, the NIFC points out that when earmarked items are stripped out, the Department of Health’s core uplift was smaller than those for the Department of Education and the
Departmental budget outcome 2025/26
Department
of Justice respectively. With the department still required to find £200 million in savings and facing other unfunded pressures, equality assessments indicate difficult trade-offs affecting non-statutory services are likely.
Infrastructure and capital
The Minister’s statement outlined changes in capital requirements, stating that the Department for Infrastructure (DfI) identified an easement of £15.7 million in Executive earmarked funding provided in the original draft Budget which can now be reallocated.
The resulting £15.4 million was allocated on an equal basis, as a general capital allocation to DE and DfI.
Broad analysis
The Executive’s budget clearly prioritises targeted spending on key social objectives. Minister O’Dowd asserts that the budget “sets out a direction of travel which shows this executive is prepared to do things differently and use our limited resources to do what matters most”.
The Fiscal Council’s analysis, however, serves as a critical rebuttal to this optimism, warning that the “cliff-edge” of funding in 2026/27 could force difficult choices. Its assessment suggests that the failure to meet departmental bids and the reliance on temporary UK Treasury fixes create a high risk for service delivery, meaning the short-term respite of the 2025/26 Budget may quickly give way to another severe financial crisis.
High economic inactivity persists
Northern Ireland’s economic inactivity rate has been consistently higher than the UK’s from the period May to July 2010 to May to July 2025, as shown by figures from the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency’s (NISRA) September 2025 Labour Market Report.
The region’s economic inactivity rate – the proportion of people aged 16 to 64 who are not working and not seeking or available to work –stood at 26.5 per cent for May to July 2025, 5.4 per cent above the UK rate of 21.1 per cent.
Although the rate in Northern Ireland has decreased from the previous quarter, it increased by 0.6 per cent over the year. This is slightly below the 0.8 per cent increase recorded in the UK over the year. Economic inactivity peaked in Northern Ireland in late-2010 when it hit 28.8 per cent, compared with the UK high of 23.5 in mid-2011.
A briefing paper on economic inactivity and inclusive labour markets in Belfast and Northern Ireland published by Ulster University in January 2024 states that high rates of economic inactivity “can lead to adverse social and economic consequences”. It asserts that it “restricts the capacity of the economy to grow”, unless it is offset by increases in productivity or immigration.
“A failure to achieve higher rates of labour market participation across Belfast has contributed to a range of personal and broader societal issues, including increased risk of poverty, financial difficulty, loss of human capital, social exclusion, and higher dependence on income replacement benefits,” the report states.
Sickness and disability
Analysis on economic inactivity in the region published by Invest NI in September 2025 attributes Northern Ireland’s high rate of economic inactivity in comparison to the UK to a larger proportion of people out of the workforce due to sickness and/or disability.
Of economically inactive people in the region between April and June 2025, 38 per cent were inactive due to sickness or disability, compared with the UK-wide rate of 31 per cent. This cohort represented 10.1 per cent of Northern Ireland’s population aged 16 to 64, compared with 6.6 per
cent in the UK. The number of economically inactive people in the North due to sickness and/or disability has fallen by 2.4 per cent since 2023.
People who do not work due to family and home care commitments represent 19.4 per cent of the economically inactive, while students represent 24.4 per cent. The number of economically inactive people due to family and home care commitments has increased by 10.7 per cent since 2023. The number of economically inactive students has increased by 2.7 per cent. However, Invest NI also notes that economic inactivity in Northern Ireland has been on a general downward trend since June 1999 when it stood at 29.4 per cent.
Furthermore, analysis by the Economic and Social Research Institute (ESRI) published in September 2025 asserts: “Those personally exposed to the ‘Troubles’ were significantly more likely to claim DLA later in life, increasing the likelihood by 21 percentage points”, thereby suggesting a generational correlation between economic inactivity and exposure to the conflict, based on historical, long-term analysis.
Additional metrics
NISRA finds that Northern Ireland’s employment rate stood at 71.8 per cent for May to July 2025, a 0.9 per cent decrease over the year. Wages in the 12 months to August 2025 grew by 2.9 per cent (£67) in the region, below the
UK’s headline rate of inflation of 3.8 per cent in July 2025.
The number of people on the claimant account in Northern Ireland remained unchanged between July and August 2025, standing at 3.7 per cent of the workforce. Northern Ireland’s unemployment rate for May to July 2025 reached 2.2 per cent, an increase of 0.4 per cent over the year.
Analysis
Mark McAllister, chief executive of the Labour Relations Agency, says: “A slowing down in the labour market seems to be now ‘trending’ as these statistics show what the market has perhaps felt for some time. Despite Northern Ireland bucking the trend on many key statistics in recent times, it was perhaps only a matter of time before we became impacted.”
Identifying redundancies as a bellwether for the economy, McAllister notes that the annual total of proposed redundancies stood at 3,080 for the period of September 2024 to August 2025. This is over 10 per cent higher than the 2,760 recorded the previous year in. He adds that the 12-month totals of proposed and confirmed redundancies “are similar to the levels seen in the decade preceding the [Covid] pandemic”. A total of 2,430 redundancies were confirmed in the period of September 2024 to August 2025.
“In recent times terms like ‘flatlining’ and ‘no growth’ have stalked the business headlines. Is this doommongering or prescient predicting? We will have to wait and see,” says McAllister.
Jonathan Simpson, director for employment law at DWF, says: “While economic activity appears to be stalling and we have seen some redundancy announcements, there are also encouraging signs of investment and job creation.
“The local labour market may be struggling to meet job demand. This likely reflects ongoing economic uncertainty, compounded by increased employment costs and the anticipated introduction of enhanced worker protections under the forthcoming ‘Good Jobs’ Employment Rights Bill, which may be prompting some trepidation among employers in some sectors.”
However, Gerry Murphy of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions disputes this assertion, insisting that statistics reflect the “normal churn of employment”. Murphy adds: “They certainly cannot be attributed to legislation which is presently being drafted and is not due to have its first reading in the Northern Ireland Assembly until the start of 2026. Any slowdown in job creation in recent months cannot fairly be blamed on the proposed Good Jobs Employment Rights Bill.”
Supporting local communities
At Community Finance Ireland, we deliver social finance solutions that support local communities and drive social impact in a diverse range of sectors including grassroot sports, community projects, faith-based groups and social enterprises, writes Donal Traynor, Chief Executive of Community Finance Ireland.
We are the most progressive social finance provider on the island and deliver a social return on investment that creates a multiplier effect of 4.85 times the initial investment and supporting a diverse portfolio of clients across the island of Ireland from Belleek to Belfast, and from Dublin to Donegal.
In Northern Ireland we are proud to have worked collaboratively with several governmental departments and strategic partners to get social finance into the hands of the communities that need it the most.
Northern Ireland Small Business Loan Fund III Award
A landmark collaboration for CFI comes in the form of the Northern Ireland Small Business Loan Fund (NISBLF). Working with Invest NI and Enterprise NI, CFI have successfully completed the first two
iterations of the NISBLF and the legacy of this fund is set to have continued impact, as CFI have been awarded NISBLF III earlier this year.
The Northern Ireland Small Business Loan Fund provides loans from £10,000 to £125,000 for small and medium sized businesses and entrepreneurs to cover the cost of starting up and growing their business.
The range of businesses supported by the fund varies across the sector, from manufacturing organisations like Stepping Stones Timber, to Tourism offerings like Willowtree Glamping, NI Sportswear brand Hybrid Activity and even Arts organisations like Lisburnbased dance studio Active Dansa.
This lifeline for small businesses is essential for the economic growth in Northern Ireland and one that we are delighted to continue to support. As Active Dansa’s Mariona Hawkins highlights: “The funding and
A selection of Northern Ireland Small Business Loan Fund Clients (clockwise from top left): Stepping Stones Timber, Willowtree Glamping Pods, Hybrid Activity, Active Dansa.
advice we received through NISBLF for our new studio has been transformational for us. The extra space has allowed us to add new classes to accommodate the increasing demand and being able to offer classes in a wide variety of dance styles as well as growing our Performing Arts department with singing and acting lessons.”
£13m Financial Transactions Capital Investment
Another of our recent collaborations has seen us working with the Department for Communities to disperse loan finance through the Financial Transaction Capital (FTC) Fund. FTC investment into the Community, Voluntary and Social Enterprise sector is to the value of £13 million, and since its launch just six months ago, £6.2 million has already been drawn down by sports clubs and social enterprises across the region, making a tangible impact by unlocking capital for community-driven projects.
The FTC Fund supports projects that align with the Programme for Government objectives, offering loans from £25,000 upwards, with repayment terms of up to 15 years and no penalties for early repayment.
Among the first beneficiaries of the FTC Fund are the likes of Dungannon Enterprise Centre who used FTC finance to purchase and transform a prominent multistorey derelict shop unit in the town centre into Connect Dungannon, a business hub and flexible office spaces for small and medium size social enterprises.
Dungannon Enterprise Centre’s CEO Brian MacAuley confirms that: “We knew we had to move quickly when the opportunity arose. Community Finance Ireland gave us the flexibility to act. Our new space is full, but this is only the beginning. We want to lead on regenerating more vacant properties in town.”
Also recently in receipt of FTC finance is rural grassroots soccer club Fivemiletown United who have installed a new 4G pitch and floodlights at their Mid Ulster base. These state of the art facilities have
helped improve the club’s service offering and significantly boosted membership, especially in their youth teams. The new facility sees up to 90 children attend their weekly mini soccer training, with parents travelling from far and wide to use what they deem to be the best youth soccer facility in the area.
Club Youth Manager Chris McDowell says: “We reached out to Community Finance Ireland and they were quick to come down to meet me at the club and from the very first moment we met them, they made everything seem so easy, so friendly. Laid everything out in black and white for us. They had a great understanding of what we were trying to develop at the club and how we were trying to develop it.”
The response to this fund in these early stages has been overwhelming, and the volume of applications we have received is a testament to the strength of community projects in Northern Ireland. The clear need for alternative funding solutions reinforces our commitment to ensuring financial barriers, such as personal guarantees required by traditional lenders, do not hinder projects with the potential for real social impact. We are proud to provide a pipeline of funding that supports sustainable community and sports projects.
For more information on Community Finance Ireland and how we can help fund projects in your local area:
T: 028 9031 5003
W: www.communityfinanceireland.com
FTC Client Fivemivemiletown United Football Club sees increased youth membership following investment in new 4G pitch facility and floodlighting.
Credit: John McVitty
Meeting regional balance needs
agendaNi speaks to Conor Patterson, regional balance adviser at the Department for the Economy, about the need for a whole-ofgovernment approach to meeting Northern Ireland’s regional balance needs.
There is consensus that too much of Northern Ireland’s inward investment and job creation has been concentrated in and around greater Belfast. According to the Office of National Statistics (ONS), the region generates around £33 billion in gross value added (GVA), making up 65 per cent of Northern Ireland’s total.
In October 2024, then-Economy Minister Conor Murphy MLA launched the Sub-Regional Economic Plan, designed to correct long-standing disparities and rebalance economic development. At the heart of the plan is a £45 million Regional Balance Fund, unveiled in January 2025, which will be distributed across all 11 councils.
Each council has been tasked with establishing a local economic partnership (LEP). These partnerships aim to bring together representatives from business, further education, local enterprise agencies, and civil society to identify local economic barriers and design interventions suited to their area’s unique needs.
Speaking at the inaugural meeting of the Newry, Mourne and Down LEP, Murphy emphasised that the approach is about empowering local decisionmaking. “Local issues require local solutions,” he stated at the time. “Partnerships will identify the main barriers to economic development and the priority interventions that will build the region’s value proposition. This £45 million Regional Balance Fund will help fund the actions the partnerships bring forward to drive economic development in their area and help deliver a regionally balanced economy where everyone shares the benefits of prosperity.”
Empowering councils to set priorities
For Patterson, Chief Executive of the Newry and Mourne Co-operative and Enterprise Agency, the announcements by the Department signal a decisive move away from centralised control which he believes can improve the region’s regional balance.
“The strategy shifts power to councils and allows them to define their own priorities and propose interventions that reflect their unique challenges and opportunities,” he explains. “We know there are areas not getting a fair bite of the cherry, and there was a groundswell of dissatisfaction, so we needed radical change in rebalancing things.”
Patterson says that the pattern of job promotion has been heavily skewed. “Previously, for example, 87 per cent of investment in promoting jobs was in the four councils in the greater Belfast area, leaving the other seven councils with just 13 per cent. That figure now becomes 65 per cent, which is a brutal target, but one the LEPs are already working towards.”
The first LEP meeting in Newry, Mourne and Down, he says, set the tone for how this new approach should unfold. “It emphasised local solutions for local issues,” Patterson says, adding: “That is what will make the difference in ensuring every part of Northern Ireland feels included in the economic story.”
Delivering regional balance
While the Department for the Economy has provided the framework and funding, the delivery of regional balance will depend heavily on Invest NI’s evolving strategy. Alan McKeown, Executive Director of Regional Business at Invest NI, has said that the organisation is aligning itself with the Minister’s plan.
“Invest NI’s regional strategy outlines our commitment to supporting regional balance,” McKeown said at the launch. “This includes a commitment to deliver 65 per cent of our investments outside the Belfast Metropolitan Area. These Local Economic Partnerships are crucial to delivering a locally focused approach to economic development and delivering on this commitment.”
Invest NI has set out four main priorities that shape how its support will be channelled:
• creating good jobs that provide long-term opportunities for local people;
• increasing productivity by backing businesses to innovate, upskill, and compete internationally;
• improving regional balance by steering a greater share of investment to councils outside greater Belfast; and
• decarbonisation, ensuring that economic growth contributes to Northern Ireland’s climate commitments.
By working closely with councils and local stakeholders, Invest NI says that it aims to translate the high-level ambitions of the SubRegional Plan into projects that deliver lasting benefits for communities.
A whole-of-government challenge
Patterson stresses that regional balance cannot be achieved by Invest NI or the Department for the Economy alone. “It requires a joined-up, whole-of-government and whole-of-society approach,” he says. “Education, infrastructure, health, housing – these all have an impact on economic development. Councils cannot solve every issue, but they can bring partners together in a way that reflects local realities.”
Marie Ward, Chair of Solace NI, echoed this sentiment at the Newry launch, noting that the new structures give councils the tools “to place regional balance at the centre of their ambitions, shaping economic priorities that will deliver capital investment against the Department’s ambitions of creating good jobs, delivering increased productivity, decarbonisation, and addressing sub-regional disparities”.
Looking ahead
For councils like Newry, Mourne and Down, the new funding and structures represent both opportunity and responsibility. Pete Byrne, who was Chair of the Council between 2024 and 2025, welcomed Murphy’s visit to its inaugural LEP meeting, highlighting how the new approach “will be an enabler for this local economic partnership to not only propose and develop local actions, but to take forward strategic investment opportunities for the district, addressing localised challenges, and delivering against the Department for Economy’s vision for economic growth and achieving regional balance”.
For Patterson, the challenge ahead will be to turn strategy into delivery. “We are at the start of a long journey,” he reflects. “The road to regional balance will not be smooth or quick, but the structures are now in place, the funding is on the table, and the political will is there. If we can harness that energy and commitment, then we can finally create an economy where no part of Northern Ireland feels left behind.”
Island of Ireland to host gathering of global innovation powerhouses
When you think of Silicon Valley, some big names are likely the first to come to mind: Google, Meta, Apple. Yet beyond these global giants lies something more important, the ecosystem that has grown
Silicon Valley is, at its core, a cluster, a dense network of interconnected businesses, investors, researchers, and institutions. This may be the most famous and extreme example, but it illustrates the transformative potential of clusters everywhere.
October 2025 will mark a first for the island of Ireland – and a milestone for the global clustering community – as TCI Network, the world’s leading organisation for clusters and innovation ecosystems, brings its annual flagship conference to the island.
Hosted by InterTradeIreland, in partnership with Invest Northern Ireland and Enterprise Ireland, the theme of the 28th TCI Global Conference is ‘Building a Global Economy’, a title that reflects the ambition of the event.
“This year’s conference is the first time that TCI has worked across borders. It is a chance to highlight how cross-jurisdictional collaboration works in
around them.
practice across the island, north and south,” says Alison Currie, Director of Innovation and Entrepreneurship at InterTradeIreland.
“We have clusters at every stage of maturity – from new initiatives to well-established groups, offering a wealth of experience to share and learn from, and this conference offers a fantastic opportunity to spotlight our key industries and their strengths.”
Collaboration as an engine for innovation
“Cross-border collaboration and knowledge sharing helps spark innovation and growth, especially in sectors like health and life sciences, and advanced manufacturing,” continues Currie.
That approach to collaboration and partnership working underpins InterTradeIreland’s work, and for good reason.
(L-R) Eoin Byrne, Cyber Ireland; Simon Whittaker, NI Cyber; Alison Currie, InterTradeIreland; Pat Larkin, Cyber Ireland Advisory Board; and Jo English, NI Cyber.
Credit: Mark Stedman
“Research shows SMEs in clusters export more, pay higher wages, and grow faster, and start-ups in clusters grow 1.5 times faster than those outside. These are indicators of resilience to economic shocks and changes,” says Currie.
Particularly in today’s fast-moving economy, clusters – those groups of interconnected businesses and organisations – have proven their value.
Shaping the future of the cluster ecosystem
A key appeal of the conference will be bespoke and carefully curated interactive training workshops that will offer policymakers and cluster managers the opportunity to directly engage with global experts, providing exposure to real life examples of clustering successes that can be applied to their own strategy.
Currie asserts: “These are not passive sessions. They are about working collaboratively together, sharing ideas, and building key relationships and networks that may lead to new initiatives and partnerships, both locally and internationally.”
World-class speakers
A powerful line up of speakers will feature, including futurist Mark Esposito, known for his work on economic trends and technological change; Christian Ketels, formerly of Harvard and now with the World Bank; and Mariella Masselink, Head of the Industrial Forum, Alliance and Clusters unit within the European Commission’s Directorate-General for Internal Market, Industry, Entrepreneurship and SMEs.
Former Minister for the Basque Government, Arantxa Tapia-Otaegi will detail how two decades of sustained cluster investment has delivered results within the Basque Country, while Joan Martí Estévez, a leader in cluster strategy in Catalonia, will share the story behind the region’s clustering transformation.
Why attend?
For those unfamiliar with clusters, the conference will provide a gateway to opportunities – learning what clusters are and their benefits, finding collaborators, and networking. “It is about seeing what is possible, how policy, academia, and industry can work together to solve real-world problems, with extensive learning and networking opportunities”, Currie states.
Five key takeaways for delegates include:
1. Cluster tours: Visits to businesses within sectors successfully engaging in clustering activity across the island;
2. Peer and best practice learnings: Hear directly from other businesses and learn more about best practice in global clustering;
3. Cross-border collaboration: See how clusters operate across jurisdictions;
4. New markets and services: Potential to explore diversification opportunities; and
5. Strengthen networks and build partnerships: Meet peers, researchers, policymakers, and industry leaders from around the world.
Real-world impact
The value of clusters cannot be overstated, and they are proving hugely beneficial to the island’s innovation ecosystem.
The FinTech Corridor, a cluster that supports increased co-operation and collaboration amongst indigenous and investment fintech firms on the island, has influenced university courses, attracted global partners, and connected with a transatlantic payments ecosystem in Atlanta, USA. In precision oncology, north-south cooperation in diagnostics, pharma, and genetics is exploring the potential to create a world-class hub with economic and health benefits.
Clusters have also helped businesses navigate Brexit, Covid-19, and supply chain disruptions. They are also assisting indigenous SMEs to access global supply chains, furthering the island’s foreign direct investment (FDI) success.
The cybersecurity cluster is a prime example. Formed to address skills shortages, wage pressures, and fragmentation, it united FDI firms and SMEs to consolidate the talent pool, share innovation, and support sustainable growth.
“The evidence is clear – clustering works,” says Currie. Clusters boost local jobs, tax revenues, and innovation –benefits that multiply when undertaken on an all-island basis.
Innovation in action
Clusters across the island are already delivering cybersecurity tools for manufacturing, AI-driven medical diagnostics, offshore wind innovations, and breakthroughs in the circular economy.
Conference delegates will have the chance to see some of this work first hand as they can take part in exclusive industry tours across four sectors:
1. cybersecurity and fintech;
2. advanced manufacturing
3. maritime and offshore; and
4. health and life sciences.
They will visit university labs, state-ofthe-art manufacturing facilities, and collaborative hubs across the island, where innovation is thriving.
Looking ahead
“Our ambition is to build globally leading all-island clusters in key sectors, and help grow the economy across the island,” says Currie.
InterTradeIreland’s Synergy programme funds research, cross-border initiatives, and cluster manager training, whilst Enterprise Ireland and Invest Northern Ireland support cluster development in their jurisdictions. The TCI Conference is supported by the Shared Island Enterprise Scheme through the Government of Ireland’s Shared Island Fund, which has been a major driver in delivering the conference.
“There is no doubt that clustering should shape all-island industrial policy, education, sustainability, and development strategies. Integrated policy support will be the game-changer,” Currie states.
Inclusion and opportunity
Concluding, Currie says: “This conference is for anyone who wants to play a part in developing practical, inclusive, and sustainable strategies for regional innovation and economic transformation.
“It is about working together, and we want diverse voices shaping the future. Above all, it is about collaboration –between industry, academics, and policymakers, and the conference will be a celebration of exactly that.”
W: https://tciglobalconference.com/
Delivering a globally competitive, regionally balanced, sustainable and prosperous economy
The ramifications of tariffs
As global economies adapt to the reality of a protectionist White House, Northern Ireland’s exports to the US have dropped by 31 per cent year-on-year, rendering the so-called “competitive advantage” resulting from the tariff border on the island of Ireland meaningless.
Goods exports from Northern Ireland to the US fell by 31 per cent in the year to Q2 2025 compared to the year to Q2 2024 as a mixture of tariffs, global trade uncertainty, and geopolitical strife caused ripples to the Northern Ireland economy. Figures released by HMRC show a year-on-year reduction in exports to the US of £600 million.
Trade with the US is considerable, Northern Ireland exported £1.68 billion in goods to the US in 2024, while importing £752 million from the US in the same period. This represents 15 per cent of all international exports, which totalled £11.1 billion in 2024, a 1.8 per cent increase from 2023 – the only UK region to see such an increase.
In 2024, exports from the Republic of Ireland to the US totalled €72.6 billion –a 35 per cent increase from 2023. In 2024, pharmaceutical and medicinal products accounted for 30 per cent of Northern Ireland exports to US, and specialised machinery for industries such as agriculture and mining came to 17 per cent of exports.
After the signing of the UK-US trade deal on May 8 2025, all exported goods from Northern Ireland entering the US market are subject to 10 per cent tariffs. The EU-US struck a trade deal on 27 July 2025, introducing a tariff ‘ceiling’ of 15 per cent on EU imports to the US. This created a tariff border on the island of Ireland, arguably giving the North a competitive advantage over the Republic.
Under the terms of the EU-US deal, most EU products will be subject to a tariff rate higher than a 15 per cent ‘ceiling’ when entering the US market, rendering the Most Favoured Nation Rate currently imposed on all USbound imports as per World Trade Organization rules obsolete for EU imports to the US. Tariffs on UK goods are ‘stacked’ on top of these rates –which vary depending on the good in question, meaning some UK goods, such as clothing, will face higher tariffs than their EU equivalent.
Net benefit or net detriment?
The effects on Northern Ireland appear to be mixed, with Minister for the Economy Caoimhe Archibald MLA dismissing the idea of a competitive advantage for the region by saying: “This [tariff border] is in no one’s interest.” A report issued by the Department of the Economy titled, The Direct Economic Impact of the New USA Tariff Regime on the Local Economy, predicts a sustained 0.15 per cent contraction in Northern Ireland GDP owing to tariffs.
According to Paul Krugman, a Nobel Prize winning Economist, EU firms could “trans-ship [their] goods through Northern Ireland to get the lower tariff rate”. This could lead to economic benefits such as increased cargo volumes at Northern Ireland ports, stimulating economic growth.
Analysis
According to US President Donald Trump, ‘tariff’ is the “most beautiful word in the dictionary”. While his position on everything from abortion to party allegiance has been fluid, his protectionism is a rare continuous theme, speaking to The New York Times in 1988, he said: “I believe very strongly in tariffs… America is being ripped off. We are a debtor nation, and we have to tax, we have to tariff, we have to protect this [US] country.”
On 2 April 2025, dubbed ‘liberation day’ by the White House, the global economic order was thrown into disarray. Trump declared a national emergency regarding the US’ national trade deficit and announced “reciprocal tariffs” on friend and foe alike.
On cue, world leaders issued a single diktat to their diplomats in Washington DC – secure a trade deal. The UK was first, solidifying the 10 per cent baseline tariff with limited carve outs for steel, aluminium, cars, and aerospace parts. The EU followed, with a 15 per cent tariff ‘ceiling’. With 10 per cent being lower than 15 per cent, the UK appeared to ‘win’ the trade war.
However, the lack of an anti-stacking provision in the UK-US trade deal leaves some UK goods facing higher tariffs than their EU equivalents, meaning Northern Ireland’s so-called ‘competitive advantage’ may only exist on paper.
Donald Trump becomes president
A CASE for a stronger greener economy
Einstein once said: “Never give up on what you really want to do. The person with big dreams is more powerful than the one with all the facts.” The natural extension being that the person with big dreams based on facts wins, writes David Rooney, Professor at Queen’s University Belfast.
Within the Centre for Advanced Sustainable Energy (CASE) we use the acronym DREAMS to represent many of Northern Ireland’s economic strengths. Digital and AI, Renewables, Economic/Fintech/Regtech, Agri-food, Manufacturing and Screen technologies all play a significant role. These have evolved from our ability to create, to build, to connect to each other through stories and through our deep connection to the land.
Going forward our CASE analysis shows that product and process innovations born at the nexus of these strengths offer immense potential for Northern Ireland and a resurgence of opportunity given global challenges including the drive to net zero emissions.
Flip the DREAMS over and we can use the same acronym to highlight the barriers – Demand led, Regulation and Planning, Economic uncertainty, Aversion to risk, Mission creep and Silos. Of these, demand led is a subtle and
pervasive barrier to anticipatory investments, ultimately stifling agile growth. Mission creep distracts us with incremental successes and silos completely miss opportunity for additivity and connected value.
Of course, on the journey to a net zero and Circular economy there are many other misdirections and fallacies. We will only very briefly address three – the belief that net zero is a scam, the second that it is a luxury, and finally the belief that Northern Ireland is too small to make a difference. The first fallacy is a distraction as net zero is an inevitability. The second ignores a history of progress striving to provide society with a higher quality of life and the third is a myopic viewpoint of limited perspective ignoring Northern Ireland’s global leadership and economic potential. These fallacies have their champions but thankfully Northern Ireland remains committed to its moral and legal obligations to delivering its net zero targets.
When reflecting on this the opening line of Rudyard Kipling’s ‘If’ comes to mind. “If you can keep your head when all about you are losing theirs” and later “if you can dream and not make dreams your master”. Removing the noise, remembering our strengths and actively addressing the barriers is critical.
Paraphrasing Jane Goodall we can summarise: “Only if we understand, will we care. Only if we care, will we act. Only if we act, will we succeed.”
Remember, big dreams based on fact wins!
For over a decade, CASE has worked with NI industry to help them succeed in developing renewable technologies. Our projects have successfully coupled advances across manufacturing, digital, sensing, marine and agri-technologies to deliver new products, services and concepts in support of renewable
David Rooney and Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA at a recent meeting with the DfE Critical Friends.
energy. But CASE also recognised that technologies alone were insufficient - the environment must enable success.
The Grant Thornton Competence Centre evaluation of CASE highlighted this function stating that the centre’s work was felt to be of strategic importance not just to companies, but also the renewables landscape in Northern Ireland. It was reported that “a key benefit of CASE that cannot be understated is its contribution to the policy and strategy landscape for renewables and sustainable energy in NI. Consultees [to the evaluation] reported that much of the awareness and profileraising work undertaken by CASE benefitted their business by marketing NI’s potential to investors and international partners.” It was recognised that work led to a ‘step change’ in awareness of sustainable energy capability and an increased profile of Northern Ireland and domestic entrepreneurs in undertaking sustainable innovations, leading to FDI investment. Overall, it was clear that “CASE has become a ‘trusted voice’ in its
respective field in Northern Ireland and its contribution and the policy voice should be reflected on by policymakers and funding stakeholders.”
Therefore, while CASE was originally established as a competence centre to support innovation in sustainable energy led by industry demand, it became a necessary voice and advocate for wider change. CASE continues to support the creation of a regional ecosystem which can address technological and social needs through a targeted portfolio of innovations aligned to renewables, net zero and the circular economy.
Much more is needed, and our analysis suggests that of the many factors necessary to underpin a successful future innovation ecosystem and service sustained growth in Northern Ireland’s green economy ambitions, six are key: vision, focus, funding, talent, infrastructure, and inclusion. Only some are missing but only by addressing them together, can Northern Ireland exploit its opportunity in a way which recognises the shared human and natural capital across the region.
Our work also recognises that this overarching ecosystem requirement cascades down to various societal actors, each having specific and varied needs which must be addressed so they can positively contribute to net zero and circular economy targets. In particular innovation complimented by policy is key to delivering solutions for SMEs, especially those in rural areas which are less likely to engage due to time and resource constraints. The decarbonisation pathway is needed for all, and the opportunities are there to be shared.
Investments are happening but there is a question of how these work in concert to deliver the wider ambition and legislated targets. Leadership is essential and if a goal is a dream with a deadline, then there is less than 25 years left of the 2050 target and a clear need for a CASE to support a stronger greener economy.
Costing a united Ireland
In the public debate on a future united Ireland, the probable cost of unity to the Irish state has been a major point of contention, writes John Doyle, professor and Vice President for Research, Dublin City University.
On one side of this debate there are those who argue that the extent of the current subsidy (or subvention) from the UK Government to Northern Ireland, frequently quoted as between £10 billion and £14 billion, makes a united Ireland economically unfeasible. An alternative view argues that this frequently quoted figure grossly exaggerates the probable real cost of unity.
A recent report form Dublin City University (available to download on www.all-islandeconomy.com) contributes to this debate by deconstructing the UK subvention and analysing to what extent this expenditure would become the responsibility of a new Irish state. Based on this analysis, it models three likely scenarios for the fiscal position of the new state post reunification.
Deconstructing the subvention
The financial subvention from the UK state to Northern Ireland, is currently reported as £14 billion per annum. It is a public finance accounting convention that measures the difference between taxation raised in Northern Ireland and Northern Ireland’s allocated share of the UK Government's total budget and is not a record of money actually spent in Northern Ireland or of monies spent to provide services for Northern Ireland.
This report updates previous work on the UK subvention with the latest (2023) accounts. It clarifies how the largest elements are calculated – including pensions, debt, defence, non-identifiable expenditure and tax, and analyses the extent to which they would transfer as a cost to a united Ireland.
The conclusion of the analysis suggests that the starting fiscal deficit for ‘Northern Ireland’ within a united Ireland would be £1.5 billion per annum.
Fiscal projection for the government finances of a united Ireland
On the basis of the adjusted subvention figure, the report goes on to explore the potential fiscal position of the first 10 years of a united Ireland.
To the deficit figure of £1.5 billion per annum (€1.75 billion) outlined above, the model used in the report provides for a €1 billion annual boost to public expenditure in Northern Ireland to provide much needed additional investment in health, welfare, education, and infrastructure.
The projections also assume a gradual implementation of a 48 per cent increase in public sector wages, over 15 years, which is what is required to bring wages into line with the Republic, at a year one cost of €152 million per annum,
Delivering a globally
increasing by that amount annually over 15 years. While a shorter or a longer period of transition might ultimately be agreed, there is no realistic possibility that salaries would be increased by 48 per cent in year one. The cost of living in Northern Ireland, including housing would not increase instantly, and a 48 per cent pay rise would be highly inflationary in the regional economy.
This model also assumes that pensions would transfer gradually to Ireland in proportion to the number of years where tax and pension contributions are made to the Irish state, at an annually rising cost of €115 million.
Three scenarios
Three scenarios for public finances are analysed, following the pattern of economic growth in central Europe after those states joined the EU, and taking into account the trajectory of economic growth in both parts of the island in recent decades.
After allowing for inflation, Northern Ireland’s economy grew by just over 30 per cent, between 2000 and 2024, or an average of 1.3 per cent per annum. Using modified gross national income (GNI*) to exclude the distortions from multinational operations, the Republic’s economy grew by 71 per cent in real terms over the same period, an average of just over 3.2 per cent per annum.
The report argues that with Northern Ireland rejoining the EU and adopting the Republic’s higher public spending on education, infrastructure, and on R&D, a more competitive corporation tax policy, and a more equitable tax policy, there is no reason why it would remain so much poorer and so much less economically productive than other parts of the island. Economic convergence will take some time, but it will happen.
“This ‘subvention’ from the ‘Republic’, funded by taxes or borrowing is less than three-quarters of 1 per cent of GNI in year one... This is well within what could be afforded.”
John Doyle, Professor, Dublin City University
The cost of a united Ireland has been exaggerated firstly because what is called the UK subvention has been misunderstood and misinterpreted, and secondly because the potential for economic growth in an all-island economy, where Northern Ireland is once again inside the EU, has not received sufficient attention.
As referenced above, the inherited ‘subvention’ for Northern Ireland is £1.5 billion (€1.75 billion), based on 2023 data. Boosting public expenditure by €1 billion per annum, to provide necessary investment in health, education, infrastructure and welfare, while also allowing for the cost of gradually equalising public sector salaries and taking over pensions would see a full year-one cost of €3 billion.
Each of the modelled scenarios would allow the North to absorb all the increased costs of gradually equalising salaries and pensions and to gradually raise sufficient tax through growth to cover the initial deficit. This ‘subvention’ from the ‘Republic’, funded by taxes or borrowing is less than three-quarters of 1 per cent of GNI* in year one, and will fall gradually as the overall economy of the island grows and end within five to nine years. This is well within what could be afforded.
For the Republic, the costs associated with unity have tended to be exaggerated and the benefits of an allIreland economy largely ignored. Without underestimating the difficulties of a process of unification, the aim of this report is to contribute to the discussion by demonstrating the range of possible costs and benefits of this project.
The three modelled scenarios, Path A, B, and C are as follows:
Path A would replicate the performance of the most improved economies in Central Europe, where countries such as Latvia, Lithuania, Bulgaria, and Romania have maintained an average growth rate per capita, of approximately 3 per cent above EU averages from 2000 to 2023. The Republic of Ireland, by comparison, grew at 2.7 per cent above EU averages. This would see Northern Ireland’s GNI catch up with the Republic in approximately 25 years. If this growth rate was achieved, Northern Ireland would no longer have a financial deficit by year five and would run a fiscal surplus of over €6.7 billion per annum by year 10 of a united Ireland or have those resources available for improved public services and investment.
Path B is a medium growth path compared to the recent Central European experience, maintaining an average growth rate per capita, of approximately 2 per cent above EU averages. This group included Croatia, Estonia, Poland, and Slovakia, and would see GNI* convergence with the Republic in approximately 40 years. With Northern Ireland achieving this growth rate the fiscal deficit would end by year six, and, by year 10, Northern Ireland would be contributing an annual surplus of €3.6 billion per annum to a united Ireland budget.
Path C is a low growth path compared to the recent Central European experience, but even these countries with a weaker performance compared to their neighbours, still maintained an average growth rate per capita, of approximately 1 per cent above EU averages – a group including Czechia, Hungary, and Slovenia. In this case convergence would still take place, but over a very long period. If Northern Ireland achieved a 1 per cent per annum growth boost after unity, it would reach break-even in year nine.
Northern Ireland’s social economy: Business making a real and growing impact
“The impact of the social economy has never been stronger than it is today,” says Colin Jess, CEO of Social Enterprise NI.
“Across every sector, there is growing recognition of the vital role social enterprises play in driving economic growth and development in Northern Ireland. From job creation to strengthening supply chains, the contribution of the social economy is more significant than ever. The sector is thriving, and at Social Enterprise NI, we remain committed to supporting its continued growth.”
This optimism is underpinned by the newly published Department for the Economy’s 2025 Northern Ireland Social Enterprise Sector Report. Since the release of the Rebalancing the NI Economy report in 2018, the sector has experienced notable expansion: the number of social enterprises has
increased from 843 to 1,225, employment has grown from 14,400 to 17,300 jobs, and turnover remains stable at just under £1 billion.
Beyond economic performance, the sector is setting benchmarks in inclusive leadership. The report reveals that 44 per cent of social enterprises are led by women, with 97 per cent having women in leadership roles, figures that significantly surpass those in mainstream business. Furthermore, a growing number of social enterprises are committed to paying the Real Living Wage, reinforcing their dedication to fair employment practices.
This growth and resilience are particularly remarkable given the global
challenges faced since 2018, including economic downturns, rising inflation, increased National Insurance contributions, and the Covid-19 pandemic. Jess acknowledges these pressures: “The sector continues to face the complex task of balancing profit generation with social impact. The diversity of social economy activity can make targeted support difficult to access.”
Social enterprises are fundamentally, businesses. They face the same operational challenges as other SMEs, with the added responsibility of delivering social value. While funding and investment barriers persist, one of the most transformative shifts would be increased public awareness of the social enterprise model, particularly how profits are reinvested to benefit communities.
Social Enterprise NI continues to play a central role in sector development. As the representative body managing the Department for the Economy’s Social Economy Work Programme since 2012, it facilitates cross-sector collaboration. “Private businesses are increasingly engaging with us to develop and promote their social value commitments, particularly when tendering for public sector contracts,” Jess explains. “This goes beyond supply chain inclusion; it is about forming meaningful partnerships where private and social enterprises work together to deliver services or share expertise.”
The organisation also plays a key role within the Department for the Economy’s Social Economy Co-Design Group, tasked with delivering the Minister for the Economy’s Social Enterprise Action Plan, launched in December 2024. The plan outlines 14 actions across five strategic objectives: raising awareness of the sector, supporting leadership and training, improving access to support, enabling investment, and addressing procurement challenges. Social Enterprise NI is at the heart of this work, driving progress and ensuring the sector’s voice is heard.
Colin Jess speaking at the 2025 Annual Social Value Conference in Girdwood Community Hub.
Strong relationships with representative bodies across the UK and Republic of Ireland further enhance Social Enterprise NI’s ability to share best practices and foster innovation.
A longstanding priority for the organisation has been legislative recognition of social value. Northern Ireland remains the only UK region without Social Value legislation. With a shortened mandate, Stewart Dickson MLA, Chair of the All-Party Group on Social Enterprise, is preparing to introduce a Social Value Bill, with full support from Social Enterprise NI. Such legislation could be transformative, but the sector must also rise to the challenge. To this end, Social Enterprise NI has launched a Leadership Programme, supported by Tenancy Deposit Scheme NI, aimed at nurturing future leaders across Northern Ireland. If you are a private sector organisation, there is a place for you on these programmes to develop cross sector relationships.
Looking ahead, Social Enterprise NI is focused on inspiring the next generation of social entrepreneurs. Collaborations with universities and regional colleges are helping young people understand and adopt the social enterprise model. Education is key, and efforts are underway to encourage curriculum directors to integrate examples of social enterprises into business studies programmes.
The sector is also embracing innovation, with many social enterprises exploring the potential of emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence to enhance their impact and efficiency.
Social Enterprise NI invites public and private sector organisations to engage with its members and support the growth of the social economy. “Join us on this journey,” Jess concludes, “and help shape a more inclusive and resilient economy for Northern Ireland. Join the ever-growing number of private businesses who see supporting social enterprises as part of their mission statement.”
We would invite everyone to attend the Partnering for Impact event being held on 4 December 2025 in Newry to build cross sector relationships and our annual conference being held on 26 February 2026 in St Columb’s Hall, Derry
to hear more of the work of the sector and how you can get involved.
In closing, we reflect on the words of the Minister for the Economy in the Social Enterprise Action Plan: “Social enterprise offers so much in terms of inclusive economic development – and together we will realise its potential.”
This sentiment is echoed in the Minister’s comments on the sector report:
“The growth and continued support of the social enterprise sector remains a strategic priority to me.”
Social Enterprise NI stands ready and able to continue delivering on the work it has undertaken since 2012, championing the development and sustainability of Northern Ireland’s social economy.
W: www.socialenterpriseni.org
Jacinta Linden, CEO of Bolster Community.
The 2024 winners of Social Enterprise of the Year – The Workspace Group
Artisan markets: Catalysts for regional economic development
Central to this ambition is a recognition that sustainable growth is not solely driven by large-scale infrastructure or inward investment, but equally by the strength of local enterprise ecosystems, the capacity of communities to innovate and trade, and the role of artisan markets as dynamic platforms that stimulate entrepreneurship, attract visitors, and strengthen town centres.
ABC Council’s markets strategy forms part of a broader programme to stimulate investment, enhance productivity, and strengthen town centres as economic drivers. By reframing markets as strategic infrastructure rather than retail events, the Council positions them as spaces where entrepreneurial talent is nurtured, consumer demand is diversified, and civic life is re-energised.
Artisan markets are a proven economic model. Across the UK, they contribute an estimated £3.4 billion to GVA and support over 149,000 jobs, largely through micro-businesses. ABC’s artisan markets mirror this approach on a local
scale, stimulating enterprise, strengthening town centre economies, and contributing to broader regional resilience.
This strategy aligns directly with the Northern Ireland Programme for Government (PfG) 2024-2027, particularly in advancing economic growth, community wellbeing, regional balance, and sustainable development. Markets provide a low-risk platform for start-ups, promote local supply chains, and reinforce town centres as spaces of culture, commerce, and community.
Catalysts for inclusive growth
The introduction of artisan food and craft markets has created a flexible, low-risk entry point for entrepreneurs, start-ups, and micro-businesses. Beyond generating additional footfall and extending visitor dwell time, these markets serve as gateways into formal economic participation, providing a clear pathway from pop-up trading to permanent business premises.
The markets are aligned with inclusive growth objectives by lowering barriers to entry, fostering female and youth entrepreneurship, and enabling underrepresented groups to contribute to the local economy.
Over five pilot markets, more than 4,000 people attended, delivering increased sales for local traders and stimulating footfall across town centres. Local retention data shows that up to 67p of every £1 spent within the markets circulates within the local economy, underlining their role in strengthening economic resilience.
Building sectoral competitiveness in agrifood
ABC Council’s Food Heartland initiative, launched in 2015, has become a recognised stamp of excellence in the all-island agri-food economy. Prestigious accolades such as the Great Taste Awards and Blas na hÉireann attest to the sector’s growing international reputation.
The Artisan Food and Craft Markets amplify this impact by providing producers with direct access to consumers, expanded brand visibility, and diversified income streams.
Craigavon-based home baker Kat O’Reilly, owner of Nice Buns and Food Heartland Markets Champion, highlights the impact on local entrepreneurship: “I am a small business owner and I know firsthand how vital opportunities like this are for local producers. It is a fantastic platform for businesses like mine to reach new customers, showcase our handcrafted products, and grow within our own communities. The markets not only celebrate the incredible talent across the Borough but also provide a real boost to the independent businesses that make our local food and craft scene so special.”
Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon (ABC) Borough Council is embedding economic vibrancy and resilience at the heart of its capital investment strategy.
Lord Mayor of Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon Borough, Alderman Stephen Moutray with Kat O’Reilly (owner of Nice Buns and Food Heartland Markets Champion).
Alongside the personal impact for the micro businesses involved, the wider impact of these markets encourages the fostering of sustainable food systems, embedding local supply chains, and contributing to the borough’s agri-food economy, which is valued at £376 million.
Partnership-driven economic development
Collaboration underpins the markets’ success. Working with local chambers of commerce, the Business Partnership Alliance, and town centre taskforce teams, the Council has ensured that the markets are shaped by, and for, the business community.
By fostering strong local networks, prioritising traders from each town, and curating offerings that reflect the unique character of each location, the markets have delivered tangible economic impacts: hundreds of new enterprise opportunities, higher town centre footfall, and measurable contributions to local GDP. These outcomes demonstrate how community-scale initiatives, strategically aligned with broader groswth priorities, can generate real economic and social value.
Learning from UK and European best practice
ABC artisan markets are designed in line with leading UK and European models, combining community-centred regeneration with food-led experiential retail. Large-scale initiatives such as Borough Market in London and Markthal in Rotterdam illustrate how curated market environments can revitalise urban spaces, attract tourism, and support local entrepreneurship. Similarly, Mercado de San Miguel in Madrid and Time Out Market in Lisbon demonstrate how gastronomy and experience-driven offerings can increase dwell time, drive footfall, and enhance the visitor economy.
Although these examples operate at a much larger scale, they provide bestpractice principles that ABC Artisan Markets take inspiration from: integrating local producers, embedding sustainability, curating diverse seasonal offerings, and creating engaging, experience-driven spaces that foster both economic and social resilience.
ABC’s markets also reflect emerging European priorities for sustainability and localism, drawing from initiatives such as Mercato Metropolitano in Milan, which emphasises local sourcing, circular economy principles, and ethical food systems. Through flexible market formats and low-risk platforms for microbusinesses, ABC is embedding international best practices while supporting community-focused, resilient economic development.
Markets as pillars of regeneration
The Council’s forward strategy positions the artisan food and craft markets alongside regeneration projects, townscape heritage projects such as those in Armagh and Lurgan, the Shop ABC Gift Card, and signature cultural events as part of a holistic approach to town centre renewal.
By celebrating heritage, creativity, and entrepreneurship, the borough is positioning itself as a competitive, attractive, and resilient economy within Northern Ireland, the wider UK, and the all-island context.
In this way, the Artisan Markets are more than a retail initiative; they are a strategic pillar of economic renewal, demonstrating how grassroots enterprise can underpin a modern, inclusive, and resilient Northern Ireland economy.
www.armaghbanbridgecraigavon.gov.uk
Street food at the Artisan Market in Armagh.
Shoppers in the Artisan Food and Craft Market in Dromore, County Down.
Infrastructure delivery shortfall
The completion of large infrastructure projects in Northern Ireland has been consistently marked by delay, cost escalation, and governance challenges. agendaNi examines the state of infrastructure delivery.
Despite the ambitions set out in the Executive’s Investment Strategy for Northern Ireland 2050, progress across many major schemes remains slow, contributing to an infrastructure deficit that impacts transport, housing, utilities, and economic competitiveness.
The difficulties of project delivery are long established. The York Street Interchange, first proposed in 1967 as part of the Belfast Urban Motorway, remains incomplete. Similarly, the Ballykelly bypass, under discussion since the 1970s, has not progressed. These early examples reflect the pattern seen in current projects such as the A5 Western Transport Corridor, Casement Park, and the wastewater system.
Wastewater
NI Water has warned that the wastewater system is “at breaking point”, with untreated effluent continuing to enter Lough Neagh. The Northern Ireland Fiscal Council has highlighted that NI Water’s funding model, reliant on short-term allocations, restricts its ability to plan strategically.
The £1.9 billion Living With Water programme, aimed at modernising Belfast’s drainage and sewage systems, has been scaled back, with major works at Sydenham, Whitehouse, Kinnegar, and Greenisland deferred indefinitely. This has had knock-on effects for housing approvals, with developments delayed or refused due to lack of wastewater capacity.
Although water charging is standard in other UK and European jurisdictions, it remains politically unviable in Northern Ireland, leaving NI Water unable to borrow or invest at the scale required.
Transport
The A5 Western Transport Corridor was approved in 2006, with plans to dual 53 miles of road between Aughnacloy and Derry at a projected cost of £1.7 billion. It has since faced repeated delays and legal challenges. In June 2025, the High Court halted the project on the basis that it did not comply with Stormont’s climate change targets. Infrastructure Minister Liz Kimmins MLA says: “Despite the setback of the judgment, I am determined to find a way forward that sees the road built as soon as possible to ensure that we save lives. Delivering
its priorities are expanding services of existing rail links, which means that several large ‘commuter’ towns remain with no rail infrastructure, which is likely to continue for the medium term.
“The most important point made by the court was the need for a new and safer A5 dual carriageway; that is my focus. My Department has lodged an appeal against the recent judgment which will be heard in December 2025. My officials and legal team have been working round the clock on the preparation of a robust and comprehensive appeal.”
Other schemes, such as the A6 dual carriageway, have progressed more quickly, though still years behind schedule. In addition, of 28 schemes planned by the Department for Infrastructure, 17 have been paused due to financial or environmental issues.
Furthermore, regions outside of Belfast remain chronically under connected, with rail infrastructure falling significantly short of need in spite of an increase in services between Belfast and Dublin. The aspirational All-Island Strategic Rail Review calls for the delivery of some new rail lines by 2050, however, under the proposals, Fermanagh would remain without any rail connectivity, and DfI has hinted that
One new ambitious project comes in the announcement of a long-term aspiration to connect Belfast City Airport to a railway line, which would make it the first airport on the island of Ireland to have a direct rail link. The draft 2040 masterplan asserts that delivery of the project would deliver £1.7 billion for the Northern Ireland economy. However, there is far from any certainty that the project will be delivered on time.
Casement Park
Casement Park closed in 2013, with redevelopment first announced in 2011 as part of a broader stadium programme alongside Windsor Park and Ravenhill. While the latter two projects were completed, Casement Park’s progress was blocked when the High Court overturned planning permission in 2015 following local challenges.
A £50 million pledge from Chancellor Rachel Reeves MP in June 2025 provides partial support, however, the project remains short of its full funding requirement. Both the Executive and the Irish Government continue discussions on the stadium’s delivery, however, it is certain that Casement Park will not host Euro 2028, meaning that Northern Ireland will not host the tournament.
Other delayed projects
Several other flagship capital projects have been subject to major delays or cost escalation:
• Regional Children’s Hospital: Initially costed at £250 million, delivery has been delayed by several years with costs rising substantially.
• Flagship portfolio (2015): Of seven projects identified, only the Belfast Rapid Transit system has been completed on time. Others, including the Belfast Transport Hub and A5, have exceeded both budget and schedule.
• Private sector regeneration: The £500 million Tribeca Belfast scheme, first announced in 2005 and approved in 2020, has not progressed, with the site still characterised by vacancy and dereliction.
The most significant recent completion has been Translink’s £340 million Grand Central Station, opened in 2023. The project has been widely welcomed as a modern transport hub for the region, although it exceeded its original budget by £140 million and related works remain ongoing.
Oversight and audit
Reports from the Northern Ireland Audit Office (NIAO) and the Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee (PAC) highlight widespread problems with delivery. Between 2019 and 2023, the cost of 77 major capital projects increased from an estimated £5.6 billion to £8.1 billion, which is a 44 per cent rise. The PAC has described overspends of more than £3 billion across major projects as “unacceptable”.
Only a small proportion of projects have been completed within their original time and cost estimates. Audit reviews point to issues with governance, planning approvals, procurement processes, and the absence of multi-year funding certainty.
ISNI
The Investment Strategy for Northern Ireland 2050 sets out priorities across transport, water, energy, housing, education, and health. The Northern Ireland Fiscal Council has estimated that between £2 billion and £3 billion per year would be needed to meet investment requirements. Current allocations fall short of this level, and repeated interruptions to devolved government undermine the ability to plan on a multi-year basis.
In comparison, the Republic’s National Development Plan commits €165 billion over 10 years, underpinned by multiannual budgets and central oversight. The scale of that commitment highlights the relative uncertainty of the Northern Ireland framework.
Despite the publication of long-term strategies and repeated ministerial commitments, delivery of infrastructure in Northern Ireland remains constrained by funding shortfalls, political instability, and structural challenges in planning and procurement. The result is a growing gap between ambition and execution, with delayed projects and cost escalations continuing to dominate the capital investment landscape. Delivering
The LirIC Interconnector and Northern Ireland’s energy transition
Electricity will be the backbone of our future generations and in order to meet these energy requirements while meeting long term net zero targets, we must do things differently.
The LirIC Interconnector will be part of the solution. It is a 700MW high voltage direct current (HVDC) electricity interconnector which will connect the electricity grids of Northern Ireland and Britain via a 142-kilometre cable under the sea and planned to be in operation by 2032. Interconnectors, and specifically LirIC, will enable the trade of power to improve security of supply and value for the consumer, facilitate the connection of additional renewable energy projects and in doing so support long-term net zero government policy targets and ambitions.
Glen Evertsen, Project Director for LirIC, says: “In recent years the primary focus has been largely concentrated on the gradual unlocking of the huge potential of renewable energy our country – and indeed, the world – holds. For me, it has provided the opportunity to work, live, and visit many different and exciting places – from cities and sites in the UK and Europe, to subsea construction vessels in the North Sea, to earthquake and typhoon resistant high-rise buildings in Taiwan. The rollout of renewable energy is undeniably a global quest.
“The growing message in the global energy sector as a whole, Northern Ireland included, is that ‘there will be no transition without transmission’.
Put simply, the shift to a low carbon economy cannot happen without a seismic shift in progress on integration of renewables onto the electricity grids.
“Electricity interconnectors are an essential, enabling technology, which are technically proven, commercially viable, and ready for deployment today. They enable the efficient utilisation and integration of renewables into the system by providing a route to maximise renewable use through exporting or importing renewable electricity and sharing capacity between regions,” he adds.
Evolution
Evertsen says: “It is also interesting to remember that the interconnection of grids as a concept is nothing new. In 1925 the Government took on the challenge of designing and constructing a ‘national gridiron’. William Weir, a Glaswegian industrialist, was commissioned to design a system which effectively interconnected 122 of the most efficient power stations and by 1938, the national grid became operational.
“The present-day task is to continue this ‘gridiron’ evolution and all over the world interconnectors are being planned and constructed given the recognised opportunity and benefits this brings both business and private consumers. It is somewhat coincidental that the LirIC project brings us back to Glasgow, not far from where the LirIC Project will connect to the national grid, to continue this ambition exactly 100 years later.
“Focusing back on the task in hand, it is clear that the grid needs to continue its evolution in response to the changing way in which electricity is generated and consumed. There is an ever-growing requirement for grid capacity where renewable sources are based, in Scotland or on the north coast of Northern Ireland, with an associated need to be able to efficiently transmit and consume that electricity,” Evertsen continues.
“To do that successfully takes a lot of foresight, planning and co-ordination from Governments, the public and private sector industry. Building an interconnector to join two land masses such as Scotland and Northern Ireland is a hugely complex process, and it will keep us very busy between now and 2032 when the interconnector is planned to be energised.
Glen Evertsen, Project Director for LirIC.
“Bringing together engineering, consenting and planning, supply chain and procurement, regulatory agreements, funding, amongst others can be a daunting challenge. Doing it in a coordinated, scheduled, sequential manner where each item has the potential to derail the project requires a wide range of stakeholders to work together in a way that some may have never been done before. Fortunately for the project, there has been good recognition of the need and benefits of the project and positive support from the regulators and stakeholders whose support is required to realise this important project.”
Benefits
Interconnectors help to deliver and strengthen security of supply by supporting the diversification of generation being imported and enabling neighbouring countries to support each other when domestic energy supply does not meet demand, lowering systems costs overall.
Northern Ireland currently has one operational interconnector, the Moyle Interconnector, which facilitates the export and import electricity to and from Scotland. A further onshore connection is planned, the ‘NorthSouth’ interconnector, which will enable the connection of Northern Ireland to the Republic
of Ireland. The all-Ireland Single Electricity Market (SEM) is also supported by the ‘EastWest’ and ‘Greenlink’ Interconnectors between Wales and the Republic of Ireland.
A further interconnector, the Celtic Interconnector, between the Republic of Ireland and France is currently under construction. The need for further interconnection between the SEM and other markets has been recognised in several studies to date, in particular the need for further interconnection to Great Britain.
With the project’s recent acceptance of a grid connection offer from the Northern Ireland Grid System Operator (SONI) and the completion of the first phase of marine seabed surveys, the LirIC project is continuing to gain momentum and is making significant progress. With careful planning, strong leadership and good cooperation from government and regulatory bodies we can collectively bring all of the enhanced security of supply, renewables integration, consumer value and economic benefits to the people and businesses of Northern Ireland and Great Britain.
The Northern Ireland Economic Conference, now in its 30th year, is Northern Ireland’s premier economic analysis event and is unique in being the only forum that takes a high-level look at the performance of, and prospects for the local economy. It is firmly established as the annual autumn summit for Northern Ireland’s economic community, including policymakers and business leaders. This year’s conference comes at a time of unprecedented geopolitical and economic uncertainty.
Sponsorship opportunities
There are still a small number of available sponsorship opportunities at this year’s conference. Sponsorship of the annual Northern Ireland Economic Conference is an excellent way for organisations to raise their profile with a key audience of economic decisionmakers and senior business leaders. For further details or to discuss how your organisation can benefit from close association with Northern Ireland’s premier economic analysis event, contact Lynda Millar on 028 9261 9933 or email lynda.millar@agendani.com.
Key issues to be examined by the expert speakers include:
a Global and UK economic outlook
a Medium term economic outlook for Northern Ireland
a A comparative analysis of economies, North and South
a Narrowing the productivity gap
a Creating good jobs and tackling economic inactivity
a Addressing regional balance
a Achieving net zero by 2050
a Assessing the impact of trade tariffs
a Recalibrating the skills agenda
a Promoting innovation and R&D
a Analysing public expenditure
a Infrastructure investment as an economic driver
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the
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Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
How the Green Skills Action Plan meets the challenges of the future
In May 2025, the Green Skills Action Plan,developed by the Green Skills Delivery Group, was lanuched by Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA. Research related to the Action Plan indicates that the green economy will create 58,000 new jobs in Northern Ireland by 2035.
The Green Skills Delivery Group was established by the Department for Economy and is part of the Northern Ireland Skills Council (NISC). It was set up in recognition of the transition to net zero emissions and the subsequent need to shape the green sector workforce and provide skills insights. The delivery of a workforce capable of delivering the energy transition will contribute significantly to one of the Minister’s key objectives of her economic mission on decarbonisation.
NIE Networks’ Gordon Parkes, who is also Chair of the Green Skills Delivery Group, says: “In a fast paced and constantly evolving skills landscape there is a clear need for an actionable strategy to outline priorities and steps required to achieve our goals. To achieve net zero by 2050 requires a radical review of how we equip our workforce of
the future to meet these unprecedented challenges. It will take a combined and concerted effort from government, industry, and academia. Crucial to the implementation will be a commitment from all stakeholders to engage, collaborate, lead by example, and champion the cause of green skills for a sustainable future.”
The Action Plan provides a comprehensive framework to guide stakeholders as to what is needed to deliver the skills and the jobs for the future. It identifies 28 actions across four priority areas as follows:
• the skills eco system;
• a partnership approach to ensure a skills system that is responsive to changing needs;
• promoting awareness of careers; and
• opportunities in green jobs and green skills and developing a skilled workforce.
Economy Minister, Caoimhe Archibald MLA (centre) pictured with Gordon Parkes, Executive Director People and Culture for NIE Networks and Chair of the Green Skills Delivery Group; and Suzanne Wylie, Chief Executive of the NI Chamber.
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
Parkes explains it as presenting “a once in a generation opportunity to create an integrated green skills system that works effectively for individuals, business and the economy”.
To begin with its important to define what is meant by “green skills”.
The UK’s Green Jobs Taskforce defines it as “employment in an activity that directly contributes to – or indirectly supports – the achievement of the UK’s new zero emissions target and other environmental goals”.
While achieving net zero targets will require all of us to learn and adopt certain behaviours in our roles, there are others where the core function will be entirely focused on the achievement of those targets.
The Institute for Apprenticeships and Technical Education produced a useful Green Toolkit which captures the differing levels of green jobs and incorporates circular jobs.
Light green jobs refer to those where the core nature of the occupation will not change but some knowledge, skills and behaviours will need tweaked to support sustainable working such as a Care Assistant who will need to learn to sustainably dispose of equipment. Mid green jobs encapsulate those where the core nature of the occupation will not change but how it is applied could do completely. This would involve adding or
amending knowledge, skills and behaviours to support competence in new green technologies and approaches. An example of this would be an engineer who may need to learn new skills to move from carbon-based technologies to renewable but they will use the same core engineering principles and their job title will not change. Dark green jobs are entirely immersed in delivering nature and net zero ambitions and cannot do otherwise such as an energy manager, sustainability specialist, or ecologist, for example.
As industries seek to make their operations more sustainable and meet environmental regulations and consumer demand for greener products and services increases, green skills are becoming increasingly important.
The first priority in the Green Skills Action Plan refers to the interconnected network of educational institutions, training providers, employers, and individuals involved in skills development and workforce readiness – the skills eco system. Educating pupils at an early stage about green practices and building it into the curriculum at all educational levels will lay a foundation for future employment in green technologies, renewable energy and sustainable practices. It is a vital pillar given that the Employer Skills Survey 2022 found 13,700 vacancies difficult to fill due to a lack of applicants with the required skills, qualifications and/or experience. One of the key
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
recommendations in the Action Plan is an urgent review of all the components of the skills eco-system to identify what is working well currently and the areas that require improvement and development.
The second priority focuses on a partnership approach that is responsive to changing needs – it reflects how varied and extensive the stakeholders are and how rapidly the green sector is evolving. A particular challenge is the age profile of the green sector which is higher than for some other sectors. Traditionally, those over 50 years of age are more reluctant to upskill and reskill something which will be necessary to support the transition to net zero. In common with the majority of sectors, the green sector is also facing a recruitment and retention challenge. One area of opportunity lies in the consistently high number of economically inactive individuals in Northern Ireland, a proportion of which wish to return to work but face barriers such as care commitments and disabilities. The contribution from government and employers in providing solutions to these hurdles will be a key consideration.
Creating an awareness of the opportunities that exist and making it easy for applicants to access the key information is the third priority. Young people, their parents and careers teachers will be key target audiences and their engagement will be essential to achieving the levels of employment predicted for the sector. A new careers portal will be an important aspect of this and will support ongoing existing programmes.
The final priority is the development of a skilled workforce which will help Northern Ireland to adapt to and achieve the transition to net zero and to build high value jobs thereby growing the economy. Building on research to date and responding to the changing skills, this group will ensure relevant training is provided at the appropriate time. Historical labour market transitions such as manufacturing to services, have taken place over decades however, the reskilling and transition of the workforce in construction, energy efficiency and renewables will need to be at pace.
The CITB NI’s Barry Neilson, Vice-Chair of the Delivery Group, is optimistic that the skills are there to be re-targeted: “As we focus on the need for a built environment that generates, transmits, and uses energy in a more sustainable way, the need for green skills will become more critical. These are the skills needed to create, power, and maintain our built environment. However, a great deal of the skills we have now within the construction sector now will remain relevant. What will need to change is how they are used. The underpinning knowledge that makes all the stages of design, delivery and maintaining our infrastructure and built environment will need to be “bolted on” to the existing craft and professional skills that are already well developed.
“The Green Skills sector has a hugely exciting future but we need the best skilled talent and enthusiastic re-skilled experts to ensure the sector and the wider economy in Northern Ireland reaches its full potential.”
“Of course, there will be new roles and skills required to derive a more sustainable future, but these, in the main, will be a progression of the skills that the sector has already developed. That they are not entirely new does not belittle their importance and the need for continuous improvement both in skills and the way they are used. Rather it emphasises the journey of review and improvement that is second nature to the built environment and energy sectors. It is an area of strength for the construction sector that continuously develops and improves its people to deliver the needs of its clients.”
Initially the plan focuses on three of the green economic sectors: large-scale energy production, infrastructure, and domestic low carbon technologies and energy efficiency. A lot of the skills required for these sectors will be transferable to the other sectors, including specific skills in engineering and electrical as well as transversal skills such as leadership and management and project management.
Indeed, integrating green skills into all job sectors and not just those directly linked with the traditional green industries is crucial for fostering a sustainable economy. Delivering the relevant knowledge to each sector including the use of sustainable materials, waste reduction techniques, energy conservation, sustainable farming techniques and optimising supply chains to reduce emissions will help minimise the environmental impact and meet the net zero targets. Some work has already begun on the development of new modules in green skills and sustainability. By embedding green skills modules into training programmes and the curriculum from primary school level, individuals and organisations can gain the knowledge and
competencies to contribute to a sustainable future and reduce carbon emissions benefitting the economy and the environment.
The Green Skills Delivery Group have established four Lead Groups to progress on the recommendations in the Action Plan. This includes over 50 individuals involving representatives from employers, education, government, trade unions, and employers representatives.
“Skills are a fundamental enabler for the net zero target”, says Parkes, adding: “If we do not have enough people with the right skills it will not happen. The Green Skills sector has a hugely exciting future but we need the best skilled talent and enthusiastic re-skilled experts to ensure the sector and the wider economy in Northern Ireland reaches its full potential. It is important that all employers within the sector, government and the education sector collaborate effectively and take ownership of developing the talent pipelines. It is the right thing to do for our people and for the planet.”
W: www.nienetworks.co.uk
W: www.citbni.org.uk
North-south skills disparity
Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland are both prioritising skills as a pathway to economic resilience and social mobility. However, the Assembly’s Public Accounts Committee (PAC) has outlined significant structural differences and varying levels of progress, cooperation, and mutual learning between both systems.
The PAC recently published two documents that examine skills strategy on either side of the border. Northern Ireland’s Developing the Skills for Northern Ireland’s Future examines the skills needs for Northern Ireland, highlighting challenges of delivery, governance, and data use.
Meanwhile, the Overview of the Current Skills Landscape in the Republic of Ireland, a briefing paper presented to the committee in January 2025, points to a more coordinated and well-resourced system in the Republic underpinned by stable institutional structures.
Northern Ireland’s current skills strategy – Skills for a 10x Economy, launched in 2022 – sets targets to raise qualification levels and lifelong learning participation by 2030. However, the PAC finds limited evidence that the
Department for the Economy (DfE) is on track to meet those goals. Only one annual monitoring report has been published, and while 30 of 50 actions have been completed, many key indicators remain stagnant or are regressing.
The report expresses concern that “significant acceleration is needed” on a new skills action plan and that the strategic goals are not sufficiently influencing programme delivery across departments.
In contrast, the Republic’s National Skills Strategy 2025, led by the Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science (DFHERIS), is supported by clearly defined performance frameworks and dedicated funding. The National Training Fund (NTF), financed by a levy on employers,
enables a sustained investment in upskilling and reskilling, with a €1.485 billion funding package allocated for 2025-2030.
Northern Ireland’s skills system, the PAC says, is weakened by fragmented governance. A lack of coordination between DfE and the Department of Education (DE), particularly on the 1419 Framework, has resulted in duplication of provision, missed opportunities for collaboration, and an absence of joint planning mechanisms. The Committee was “deeply concerned” to find that previously collaborative practices between schools and further education (FE) colleges had become competitive.
By contrast, the Republic’s institutional landscape includes the National Skills Council, nine regional skills fora, and the Further Education and Training Authority (SOLAS), which together provide a structured and decentralised skills ecosystem. According to the OECD’s 2023 Skills Strategy Ireland report, these bodies represent international best practice in joined-up skills governance, with clearly assigned responsibilities across national and regional levels.
The PAC has called for DfE to reaffirm its commitment to the Skills Strategy, develop a stronger evidence base, and establish effective governance arrangements within the next 12 months. It also recommends urgent collaboration between departments to address duplication, share data on vulnerable learners, and build crosssector accountability.
Daniel McCrossan MLA, chair of the Public Accounts Committee says: “The Department for the Economy spends around £470 million on support for skills and learning – and has more than 370 staff working in this area. While it provides a broad range of skills programmes, there has been little progress towards or evidence of actually meeting the Skills Strategy’s goals.
“We are strongly of the view that the Department’s financial and staff resources could be used more effectively if there was better collaboration and a clearer focus on achieving strategic outcomes.”
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
Three-year Careers Action Plan published
In June 2025, the Department for the Economy (DfE) and the Department of Education jointly published the Careers Action Plan 2025-2028, a new strategy setting out a framework aiming to modernise and integrate careers support across Northern Ireland.
The strategy responds directly to the 2022 Independent Review of Careers and reflects the recommendations from several key reports, including A Fair Start and the 14-19 Education and Training Framework. The plan’s primary objective is to establish a “universally accessible, high-quality careers system that supports people of all ages throughout their career journey”.
The action plan identifies seven key strategic outcomes:
• building a joined-up careers ecosystem;
• introducing careers education in primary schools;
• establishing quality standards;
• reforming delivery;
• strengthening provision for those with special educational needs (SEN);
• developing a careers portal; and
• enhancing engagement with parents, carers, and community partners.
The action plan highlights that careers support in Northern Ireland has traditionally focused on post-primary pupils, but now needs to address the full life course in response to changing labour market demands. The strategy cites the growing importance of reskilling, technological change, and the need to close the disability employment gap as drivers of reform.
Establishing a careers ecosystem
The strategy sets out plans to formalise partnerships across government, education, and the community sector. This includes the creation of a joint
ministerial group to set priorities, along with a careers community stakeholder group and partnerships with labour market partnerships and the Children and Young People’s Strategic Partnership.
Cross-jurisdictional cooperation will be strengthened through engagement with the Four Nation Careers Group, the Careers Service of Ireland, and the Career Development Institute.
Primary school careers education
The introduction of careers education in primary schools is a core policy change. The Primary Futures programme is to be expanded to support learners aged between seven and 11, with a mixture of virtual and inperson employer engagement events.
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
The action plan says that industry volunteers will be recruited to help deliver age-appropriate careers content, supported by new resources codeveloped with the Council for the Curriculum, Examinations and Assessment (CCEA) and the Careers Occupational Information Unit (COIU).
Quality and capacity
The strategy commits to the adoption of quality standards across all providers, including schools, further education, higher education, and the community sector.
A careers education delivery framework is to be developed in consultation with the Northern Ireland Schools and Colleges Careers Association to ensure consistency across schools. Teacher training programmes will be revised to include careers education content, and long-term workforce planning will be undertaken to address careers adviser recruitment.
Careers Occupational Information Unit (COIU) resources and bulletins will be expanded, and roadshow events will be delivered across area learning communities with the objective of strengthening local labour market intelligence.
Reforming delivery
The careers service will test new delivery methods aimed at providing a more agile, flexible model. This will include triage systems to prioritise support for those most in need and increased use of technology.
Delivery will be expanded to target adults, particularly those furthest from the labour market. The two department say they will explore integration with Department for Communities projects and local labour market partnerships.
Work experience provision will also be reformed. The action plan states that the two departments will explore the potential for a minimum work experience offer and develop a more streamlined administrative process with the Education Authority.
Strengthening SEN provision
A specific focus is placed on enhancing careers support for SEN learners and vulnerable adults. New delivery models will be piloted, including repeated careers interventions for SEN pupils.
The Careers Service is to procure a digital tool for autistic learners, with the potential for future expansion to other SEN groups. Continuous professional development (CPD) for careers advisors will include updated SEN training and demographic awareness.
The departments say they will also explore the development of a SENspecific careers bulletin to provide targeted pathways and advice.
Careers portal
A new careers portal is to be developed aiming to provide a single digital entry point to careers support across the system. The portal will be co-designed with users and stakeholders and will incorporate gamification, AI, and accessible content for users of all ages.
The two departments have committed to complete a discovery phase in year one to determine technical requirements and will deliver the portal in years two and three. A user testing programme will be established, supported by the Careers Advisory Forum.
Parents and community engagement
The strategy sets out plans to improve parental engagement at key stages, including parent-teacher events and transition planning for SEN learners.
Webinars and themed resources are to be developed for parents and carers, and a dedicated section of the new careers portal will provide information to support career conversations. Skills Barometer data will be made accessible to help parents understand employer needs and progression pathways.
Delivery and governance
The strategy’s delivery will be overseen by the Careers Advisory Forum, the Joint Ministerial Group, and the newlyformed stakeholder community. Annual reporting mechanisms will be established to monitor progress across all seven strategic outcomes.
The action plan includes delivery timelines, with most key actions to be developed or implemented between 2025 and 2028.
Investment and next steps
Initial investment will focus on the careers portal development, expansion of primary futures, work experience reform, CPD for careers advisers, and SEN-specific digital tools. Workforce planning and recruitment pipelines for careers advisers will be advanced in parallel.
The strategy positions careers as a central policy lever to improve skills alignment, promote social mobility, and support economic growth. The action plan says that the two departments will work with stakeholders across education, industry, and the community to deliver the proposed reforms.
In a joint statement, Economy Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA and Education Minister Paul Givan MLA say: “The action plan outlines the steps needed to create a new careers system that benefits not only young people in skills and education but also adults and those furthest from the labour market.
They add: “Our vision is for a universally accessible, high-quality service that supports people across all stages of their career journey.”
Building tomorrow’s workforce
When Construction Futures officially launched in August 2024, it set out to do more than raise awareness. Our mission, born from the EY Industry Skills Review and jointly led by employers through the Construction Employers Federation (CEF) and employee representatives Unite and GMB, was to inform, attract, develop and retain the people who will shape the built environment for decades to come.
Twelve months later, that mission has moved from concept to visible progress. Programmes are scaling, digital engagement is growing, and the conversation about skills is shifting from why to how.
Attracting talent in a digital age
Facing ongoing skills shortages and a complex training landscape, our first priority was to inform, dispel common misconceptions and attract new talent in a way that connects with today’s students and career-changers. Drawing on the Construction Employers Federation’s 2025 industry survey, our high-impact social media campaigns spotlight the roles employers need most – technical posts such as contracts managers, quantity surveyors, site managers, health and safety officers, and estimators, alongside trade careers including bricklayers, ground workers, plasterers, and plumbers.
These campaigns feature real people in Northern Ireland sharing their experiences, required skills, and the training routes to reach those jobs. Short videos and interactive posts break down salary bands and progression paths in formats younger audiences actually use, helping them see how to get started.
Since February 2025, Construction Futures has generated more than 2 million social media views, and feedback from schools and employers shows a clear rise in awareness in just over a year.
Building on that digital success, the upcoming Open Doors 2026 initiative (23 -28 March) uses an enhanced online platform to let schools and companies connect, book visits, and share resources reducing administration and widening participation across Northern
Abi Megrath, a young female electrical apprentice in Northern Ireland.
Ireland. Already, many employers have signed up to showcase live sites, offices and factories, giving pupils a first-hand look at the industry and giving businesses an efficient way to engage.
AI and the digital shift in construction
The rise in digital outreach is not just changing how we attract talent, it signals a deeper transformation within construction itself. A recent Association for Project Management survey shows that 75 per cent of project professionals now use AI in their projects, up from just 15 per cent two years ago. AI tools are increasingly applied to resource allocation, reporting and dashboarding, risk forecasting, schedule automation, and stakeholder communications.
Construction has historically been less automated than many other sectors and so the potential gains from AI and automation are significant, improved safety, greater efficiency, and support for an industry facing persistent skills shortages. However, without a shared definition of “digital construction,” stronger leadership, and clear standards, adoption could remain patchy and uneven.
As AI becomes embedded in planning, scheduling, safety assessments, diagnostics, and efficiency tools, new technical fluency is becoming essential. Even roles once considered nontechnical must understand how digital data informs decision-making. From site managers interpreting real-time analytics to quantity surveyors modelling cost scenarios, tomorrow’s workforce needs a comfort level with technology that was optional only a few years ago.
The human skills AI cannot replace
Technology alone cannot build a school, a bridge, or a home. Digital twins, robotics, and generative design are reshaping workflows, but the core of our industry remains human skill and creativity. Reports across the UK and Ireland are clear – automation will change tasks, but AI cannot physically build.
Bricklayers, joiners, plasterers, and site managers bring dexterity, judgement, and on the spot problem-solving that algorithms cannot match. Technical
specialists, estimators, surveyors, project managers are equally irreplaceable in interpreting data and coordinating complex builds. Recognising this is critical. As we adopt AI for planning, safety monitoring, and supply-chain optimisation, we must invest equally in the trades and technical expertise that keep projects real.
A balanced pipeline of apprenticeships
Northern Ireland’s apprenticeship data highlights that dual focus. The Department for the Economy’s ApprenticeshipsNI framework for 2024 shows an almost even split between trade and technical apprenticeships across Levels 2, 3 and Higher-Level Apprenticeships, an encouraging sign that both site-based and office-based careers are attracting interest. Training organisations are already reporting record intakes for trade apprenticeships the current academic year.
This strong uptake proves that young people are ready to build, yet apprentices already face hurdles: securing an employer sponsor for a course can be difficult, and bigger obstacles loom if the long-term pipeline of work is uncertain. Can the industry and government provide enough highquality placements and clear progression routes to meet demand, while also
guaranteeing a long-term pipeline of projects so those apprentices have work when they qualify?
The Department for the Economy recently launched a welcomed Apprenticeship Action Plan to make the system more effective and innovative, grow employer and learner participation, and widen access to groups traditionally excluded from employment. But without close collaboration from the Department for Infrastructure to guarantee a sustained pipeline of construction projects, those construction apprentices could still emerge into a market lacking opportunities.
Meeting this challenge requires joinedup action across government, education providers and industry – expanding apprenticeship capacity, aligning courses with real-world needs, and critically ensuring the work is there when apprentices qualify. Sustained infrastructure investment, quicker planning decisions and clear multi-year visibility of upcoming projects will decide whether today’s apprentices step into thriving careers or face yet another hurdle to clear.
E: info@constructionfuturesni.com
W: www.constructionfuturesni.com
S: linktr.ee/constructionfuturesni
The future under construction.
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the
Urgent action required to address growing crossborder skills gap
A report on future skills requirement in manufacturing across the island of Ireland has recommended urgent action be taken by both the Irish Government and the Northern Ireland Executive to address a skills shortage.
The All-Island 2025 Future Skills Report, published in June 2025, reveals that persistent and widening gaps exist in critical areas such as AI, process design, automation and robotics. Education and training systems are struggling to keep up with rapid technological change despite strong demand while industry struggles to attract new talent, particularly from underrepresented groups.
It also sets out a strategic goal of building an inclusive, collaborative and technologically responsive workforce emphasising that success will depend on increasing cross-border cooperation, modernising education systems and breaking down silos.
With 350,000 people employed in advanced manufacturing on the island of Ireland –90,000 in the North and 260,000 in the Republic – it is at the forefront of industry 4.0, referring to the connected and smart systems designed to support production in real time, increasing productivity, efficiency, and sustainability.
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
Launched at the Louth Meath Education and Training Board’s Advanced Manufacturing Training Centre of Excellence (AMTCE) in Dundalk on 12 June, the report was complied on behalf of the Advanced Manufacturing Training Centre of Excellence (AMTCE) at the Louth and Meath Education and Training Centre and the Advanced Manufacturing Innovation Centre at Queen’s University Belfast. Funding was provided by InterTradeIreland.
The launch was attended by Caoimhe Archibald MLA, Minister for the Economy and Marian Harkin TD, Minister of State for Further Education at the Department of Further and Higher Education, Research, Innovation and Science in the Irish Government.
Key findings
• Growing skills gaps: While demand for advanced technical and transferable skills is rising, curricula and training lag behind. Engagement from young people, especially young women, is low; with those women being three times less likely to consider a career in advanced manufacturing than their male counterparts, with a lack of awareness of opportunities, alongside negative perceptions cited as factors
• Struggles in recruitment: Talent pipelines are being obstructed by a lack of visibility into career pathways alongside negative perceptions overall.
The mutual sharing of knowledge and expertise serves to benefit both the institutions and the individuals involved and strengthens the sector as a whole.”
Minister Caoimhe Archibald MLA
• System fragmentation: A lack of an all-island strategy, resulting in duplicated efforts, misaligned training, and limited cross-border collaboration.
• Education and industry are out of sync: Educators are struggling to respond to rapidly evolving industry needs with due haste, while employers are reporting difficulty accessing suitable training.
Recommended changes
• Government and policymakers: Establish a joint All-Island Skills Taskforce coordinate policy and planning in both jurisdictions alongside the funding of crossborder apprenticeships with mutual recognition of qualifications, particularly automation and robotics. Investments in real-time labour market data systems are also recommended.
• Education and training bodies: Form an All-Island Curriculum Development Unit focusing on advanced manufacturing to accelerate development. Expand micro-credential offerings in smart manufacturing and digital skills and engage with students through industry exposure programmes and school pathways, particularly those aimed towards women and underserved communities.
• Industry: The sector should partner more actively with educators to offer work-based learning and shape course content. Support
national campaigns to modernise perceptions of manufacturing and highlight career opportunities.
Share facilities and resources, reducing duplication and expand access.
Minister Archibald welcomed the report: “Advanced manufacturing is a key priority area for the North’s economy. My department has a dedicated action plan for the sector and through the City and Growth Deals we are investing heavily.
“In parallel, I recognise the need for a pipeline of talented people who have the skills to enable the sector to further grow and flourish. We must continue to work together on an all-island basis. The mutual sharing of knowledge and expertise serves to benefit both the institutions and the individuals involved and strengthens the sector as a whole.”
Minister of State Harkin says: “The report clearly shows that the capacity to maintain and expand competitive manufacturing on the island will be determined by our ability to skill, upskill and re-skill.
“Cooperation between governments, industry and academia has already demonstrated that by pooling our expertise and resources we can achieve a lot. The emergence of a broad spectrum of opportunities from micro qualifications to apprenticeships reflects the value of this partnership approach.”
Celebrating 30 years of impact: OCN NI’s legacy of learning and skills development across Northern Ireland
2025 marks a landmark year for the Open College Network Northern Ireland (OCN) as it celebrates three decades of transformative impact in education, skills development and community empowerment.
As Northern Ireland’s leading professional and vocational awarding body, OCN has developed and awarded qualifications that engage, enrich and equip learners for life. Since 1995, OCN has played a key role in shaping pathways to learning, employment, and personal growth and they have registered over 870,000 learners in over 700 accredited qualifications. OCN works with further education colleges, schools, private training providers, thirdsector organisations and more. Today,
OCN has firmly established itself as a cornerstone within Northern Ireland’s education ecosystem.
Qualifications
OCN develops qualifications that are responsive to the needs of learners, employers, and communities. These qualifications range from entry level up to Level 5 and support learners from all walks of life, helping young people in school pursue a vocational pathway,
college students, SEN young people studying for essential life skills, adults with learning disabilities, private training providers, apprenticeship and traineeship learners, learning hobbyists and more.
OCN CEO Martin Flynn is proud of the scale of evolution over the last three decades: “Today, OCN offers over 500 qualifications across a wide variety of subject areas, including ICT, health and social care, service enterprise, construction and hospitality. Our team is committed to developing qualifications that will improve the skillset of individuals, drive economic growth, and promote social mobility.”
Centres
OCN currently works with over 150 postprimary schools in Northern Ireland, supporting vocational pathways that focus on transversal skills, employability, entrepreneurship, science, religion, essential skills and more. Its longeststanding partners are the regional FE colleges in Northern Ireland, which collectively registered over 24,000 learners in the 2024/25 academic year alone. The colleges offer OCN qualifications for a range of learners, including university-bound students, vocational learners, and adult learners seeking essential skills.
Over the last 30 years, OCN has worked with over 150 Third Sector organisations. These organisations include women’s groups, homelessness charities, religious charities, youth groups, groups helping young offenders and former prisoners, and more. These organisations are the backbone of local communities and provide critical access to education for those most in need. OCN also works closely with private training providers to support external training and consultation, develop new qualifications and contribute to workforce
L-R: Paul Donaghy, Chair of OCN NI Board; Caoimhe Archibald MLA, Minister for the Economy; and Martin Flynn, CEO of OCN NI.
development in sectors facing labour shortages. OCN works collaboratively with their centres to build a successful, inclusive community where every learner matters.
Apprenticeships and traineeships
OCN remains at the forefront of workforce development through its apprenticeships and traineeships that promote skills development and prepare learners for a career in diverse industries.
OCN apprenticeships include hospitality, business administration, working in adult social care, retail knowledge, and youth work. OCN traineeships include animal care, woodworking skills, transversal skills, travel and tourism, plumbing, hairdressing, engineering, wet trades, motor vehicle skills, and information technology.
These qualifications not only equip learners with the specialised skills needed for employment, but also provide employers with a pool of competent and motivated individuals ready to work.
OCN’s initiatives align closely with the Department for the Economy’s Apprenticeship Action Plan, reflecting a shared commitment to empowering learners, strengthening pathways to employment, and fostering inclusive education. The DfE Action Plan reflects OCN’s core values of accessibility, opportunity and lifelong learning. All OCN qualifications are designed to support a progressive pathway to apprenticeships, further education studies and employment.
OCN’s newly-launched green skills qualifications is a good example of OCN’s constant focus on being responsive to the needs of the local economy. OCN’s green skills qualifications aim to support the Northern Ireland workplace, allowing learners to study Level 2, 3, and 5 awards in green technologies and progress in further learning and/or employment.
Learner grants and bursaries
Over the past 30 years, an estimated £476,000 has been awarded to OCN
learners and centres through bursaries and grants, underscoring OCN’s key role as an educational charity committed to equity and opportunity for all. OCN’s annual Learning Endeavour Awards honour the resilience and achievements of learners from all backgrounds. The awards provide learning bursaries to support learners in their educational journey, providing bursaries of £1,000 to winners and £500 to highly commended nominees. The Centre Learning Grants programme aims to support OCN’s centres, many of which are working without consistent funding or are unable to offer additional learning opportunities for their clients because of funding issues.
Three pledges at 30
To mark its 30th anniversary, OCN has reaffirmed its strategic direction through three pledges:
Opportunity for all
Collaboration at the core
Nurturing innovation
Paul Donaghy, OCN Chairperson adds: “OCN is proud to reaffirm its commitment to education and skills
development in Northern Ireland that reflect our dedication to breaking down barriers to learning, strengthening collaborative partnerships and creating forward-thinking approaches to vocational and technical education. These pledges reflect OCN’s dedication to breaking down barriers to learning, strengthening collaborative partnerships and creating forward-thinking approaches to vocational and technical education.”
As OCN enters its fourth decade, it will continue to expand its range of qualifications in key growth areas such as digital technology, green energy, advanced manufacturing and health and social care.
Through strong collaboration with industry, government, and education providers, OCN will ensure its qualifications remain relevant, futurefocused and responsive to the evolving labour market.
T: 028 90 463 991
E: info@ocnni.org.uk
W: www.ocnni.org.uk
Martin Flynn, CEO of OCN NI; and Sorcha Eastwood MP.
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
Skills for a green economy
The Department for the Economy (DfE) states that the Green Skills Action Plan, published in late-May 2025, aims to “equip individuals with the knowledge and skills needed to support a sustainable, low carbon economy”.
It sets out a framework aiming to develop the skills base required to support Northern Ireland’s green economy and the statutory pathway to net zero.
The Action Plan, developed by the Northern Ireland Skills Council (NISC) and its Green Skills Delivery Group, sets out key priorities and policy actions to be delivered across the current Assembly mandate and beyond. It responds to sectoral skills gaps identified in the 2023 Energy Skills Audit and is aligned with the Department’s Energy Strategy: Path to Net Zero Energy, published in 2021.
The plan prioritises targeted interventions in three initial focus areas: large-scale energy production, infrastructure, and domestic low-carbon technologies and energy efficiency. These sectors are deemed critical to achieving the Executive’s legally binding target of reducing energyrelated emissions by 56 per cent by 2030 and reaching net zero by 2050.
The Action Plan identifies 28 actions structured around four key priority areas: strengthening the skills ecosystem, developing cross-sector partnerships, promoting awareness of green careers, and building a skilled green workforce. The document also recognises the need for system flexibility, cross-departmental collaboration, and sustained industry engagement to ensure that the skills system remains responsive to evolving green sector demands.
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
The Green Skills Delivery Group, chaired by NIE Networks executive director Gordon Parkes, will be tasked with overseeing the implementation and monitoring of the Action Plan.
Policy priorities
The Green Skills Action Plan is structured around four central priorities:
1. Skills ecosystem: Developing a more integrated and accessible green skills landscape.
2. Partnerships: Building collaborative frameworks between government, industry, and education providers.
3. Awareness: Increasing public and stakeholder understanding of green job opportunities and skills pathways.
4. Workforce development: Supporting the upskilling, reskilling, and transition of the existing workforce into green sectors.
Skills ecosystem
A key component of the plan is the modernisation of the skills ecosystem to ensure it can meet the growing demand for green competencies. The Green Skills Delivery Group will contribute to ongoing reviews of Northern Ireland’s regional skills offering, with a specific focus on future-proofing apprenticeship frameworks and vocational pathways.
Short-term actions outlined in the Action Plan include the establishment of a ‘green cluster’ of sectoral experts, a central information hub for green skills, and scoping for a green skills curriculum hub to coordinate provision across further and higher education. Additional commitments include the review of apprenticeship frameworks relevant to green sectors and the development of competency pathways to support career progression.
The plan identifies the integration of green skills into curricula from primary school through to higher education as an ongoing requirement.
Partnerships
The Action Plan stresses the importance of a crossgovernment, cross-sector partnership model to deliver green skills at the scale required. A net zero communications group is to be established to coordinate messaging and provide system-wide leadership on green skills promotion.
Dedicated employer and trade union groups will be formed for each of the three priority sectors to inform skills planning, support worker transition, and develop new career pathways. The Green Skills
Delivery Group is to collaborate closely with the Department for Communities, Labour Market Partnerships, and City and Growth deals aiming to align skills interventions with employment programmes.
The plan acknowledges the challenges associated with engaging economically inactive groups, particularly those aged between 50 and 64, and proposes targeted employer engagement to address these barriers.
Promoting awareness
The Action Plan places strong emphasis on improving the visibility of green careers. Key short-term actions include the development of green sector career bulletins and the creation of employer-led promotional materials targeted at schools, with a particular focus on increasing female participation.
Work experience opportunities in the green sector are to be expanded for young people, career changers, and people classified as ‘economically inactive’. The plan also identifies the need to promote the transferability of skills from declining industries into green sectors and highlights the role of businesses in providing industrial experience to students through guest lectures and placements.
Workforce development
The plan outlines a series of actions to support upskilling and reskilling in high-demand green sectors. These include the delivery of targeted training programmes in digital, transversal, and zero-carbon skills and the facilitation of inter-industry partnerships to fast-track training.
The Green Skills Delivery Group has committed to supporting pathways into the sector for those already in the workforce, as well as new entrants and those transitioning from traditional industries. Programmes such as Skill Up, Skills Focus, and the Joint Utilities Entry Level Programme will be used to support delivery.
Recognising the demographic challenge facing the green sector, the plan proposes the development of initiatives to capture knowledge from older workers and retired industry experts, particularly in niche roles.
Implementation and governance
The delivery of the Green Skills Action Plan will be overseen by the Green Skills Delivery Group, supported by sub-groups aligned to each of the four priority areas. Each action is assigned a lead organisation and a delivery timeframe. Progress will be reported to the Northern Ireland Skills Council at each of its meetings.
The Green Skills Action Plan is intended to be a living document, subject to regular review and amendment to reflect sectoral developments, policy updates, and emerging technologies. The Department has
Delivering
the workforce for the demands of the green economy
emphasised the need for flexibility to adapt to changing skills requirements over the life of the plan.
Delivery plan
The Green Skills Delivery Group has identified a range of existing delivery mechanisms and funding streams to support implementation. These include the Skill Up programme, which provides fully funded courses in green technologies, and the Skills Focus initiative, which supports upskilling for SMEs.
Funding opportunities through Labour Market Partnerships, City and Growth deals, and the PeacePlus programme are also referenced, along with the potential to engage private training providers in the delivery of specialist green skills.
Further work is planned to explore the potential for embedding green skills criteria in public sector contracts to promote sustainability across government procurement.
Sectoral focus
The Action Plan prioritises three green sectors with immediate skills needs:
• large-scale energy production (including renewables, thermal generation, and energy storage);
• infrastructure (electricity, gas, water networks, and waste management); and
• domestic low-carbon technologies and energy efficiency (including heat pump installation, insulation, EV charging, and solar PV).
Occupational heat maps have been developed for each sector to quantify projected skills demand and anticipated recruitment challenges through to 2030.
The Action Plan states that DfE and the Green Skills Delivery Group will use these data to prioritise training delivery and inform the sequencing of future interventions.
Challenges
The Action Plan identifies a number of structural challenges that will need to be addressed to meet green sector demand. These include:
• misalignment between the current skills system and net zero objectives;
• limited regional availability of green skills training;
• a shortage of skilled labour in key occupations, particularly engineering and electrical roles;
• difficulties in attracting new entrants to the sector;
• retention of skilled workers in the face of competition from other jurisdictions;
• an ageing green workforce and low participation in lifelong learning among older workers; and
• low public awareness of green careers and available training pathways.
The plan notes that overcoming these challenges will require improved coordination, sustained investment, and cross-sectoral collaboration.
Opportunities
The green transition presents significant opportunities for employment growth and economic development in Northern Ireland. The Northern Ireland Audit Office’s Skills Audit Report projects that employment in green-aligned sectors will increase by approximately 15 per cent by 2035, with some industry forecasts suggesting that up to 58,000 new green jobs could be created over the next decade.
The plan identifies opportunities for greater cross-border collaboration on green skills with counterparts in the Republic of Ireland and the UK, including joint participation in the PeacePlus programme.
DfE has also signalled that clearer policy commitments and funding certainty, particularly in relation to energy efficiency and housing decarbonisation, will be critical to unlocking private sector investment in skills development.
Analysis
The Green Skills Action Plan provides a detailed framework to support Northern Ireland’s transition to a sustainable, low-carbon economy. It sets out a coordinated programme of skills interventions to address the region’s immediate labour market needs, while building the longer-term capacity required to meet net zero targets.
While the Action Plan acknowledges the scale of the delivery challenge, it also highlights the significant opportunities available to build a green, inclusive workforce and contribute to regional economic growth.
The success of the Action Plan will depend on sustained collaboration across government, industry, and education providers, underpinned by flexible delivery mechanisms and a commitment to continuous review. The next phase will focus on operationalising the strategy, scaling up training provision, and aligning skills development with the Executive’s broader decarbonisation agenda.
Gordon Parkes, Chair of the Green Skills Delivery Group, says: “The transition to net zero presents a oncein-a-generation opportunity to build a resilient, adaptable workforce that can support Northern Ireland’s economic growth while delivering on our environmental commitments. The Green Skills Action Plan provides the roadmap, but its success will depend on the shared commitment of all partners to lead, engage, and deliver.”
Minister for the Economy Caoimhe Archibald MLA says that the action plan “will create pathways into the green economic sectors and ensure the skills are developed to meet the needs of industry”.
She adds: “The Green Skills Action Plan represents an important step in equipping business and individuals with the capabilities to drive the transition to net zero.
“By investing in skills and our people, we are also investing in the environment, leading to a reduction in carbon emissions and a more prosperous and sustainable future for us all.”
Interpreting and language skills: The silent infrastructure of a growing economy
Northern Ireland is at an inflection point.
Conversations around green skills, digital skills, vocational pathways and AI dominate the agenda, as they should. But beneath these headline priorities lies another skillset, rarely mentioned yet indispensable: the linguistic and cultural skills that enable public services to function in a more diverse society, writes Paolina Hawthorne, Managing Director, Diversity NI.
As the Skills Barometer 2023-2033 reminds us, demand for new skills will keep evolving alongside economic and demographic change. One change already reshaping daily life is our multilingual reality.
In classrooms, hospitals, courtrooms, and job centres, the presence of service users who speak Tetum, Bengali, Malayalam, Somali, Amharic, Oromo, Greek, Latvian, Polish, and Lithuanian are amongst the 75 languages that are in demand in Northern Ireland in the past years and no longer unusual. It is the new norm.
Are we structurally prepared?
Provision of interpreters and translators across the public sector remains a challenge. Not because the need is unclear, but because reliable delivery at scale requires both a skills pipeline and operational agility. If language support falters, access to justice, health equity, workforce participation and ultimately economic inclusion are compromised.
This is where Northern Ireland’s skills debate must broaden. The conversation cannot only be about coding bootcamps or green apprenticeships. It must also be about investing in the professional development of interpreters, building rare language capability, and ensuring our systems can respond in minutes, not days.
For over 15 years, Diversity NI has been part of the behind-the-scenes infrastructure underpinning public service delivery:
Maintaining a live pool of trained, qualified interpreters, including rare languages often overlooked.
Delivering a 99.7 per cent success rate, backed by systems that place an interpreter within 20 minutes when the public sector calls.
Supporting not only communication, but the economic participation of communities whose skills and labour also drive growth.
And crucially, our role does not begin and end with contracts. Public bodies often rely on us, both within and outside framework agreements, when delivery falls short elsewhere. We step in, steady
the service, and ensure that standards are upheld. That is why our reputation rests on more than numbers.
It is built on dependability, capability, and the confidence that when it matters most, Diversity NI is the expert in the room and the partner that keeps the system moving. This is not just about ‘language services’, it is about futureproofing Northern Ireland’s economy and public services.
If the 2020s are about building resilience, then language access is resilience. It keeps healthcare safe, courts functional, and workplaces inclusive. Interpreting is not a support service. It is an economic necessity.
T: 028 9047 3737
E: info@diversityni.co.uk
W: www.diversityni.co.uk
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
Skills for life and work
Figures released by the Department for the Economy show that more young people are availing of the Skills for Life and Work programme to gain experience, training, and skill sets tailored to their needs.
Participants by sex
• Male 1,713
• Female 1,151
• Total 2,864
Participants by disability status
• Disability declared 51 per cent
• No disability declared 49 per cent
Age of participants upon commencement of programme
• 16: 55 per cent
• 17: 31 per cent
• 18: 7 per cent
• 19 plus:7 per cent
Delivering the workforce for the demands of the green economy
Participants by economic background
• Percentage quintile 5 (least deprived) 7 per cent
• Percentage quintile 4 12 per cent
• Percentage quintile 3 14 per cent
• Percentage quintile 2 20 per cent
• Percentage quintile 1 (most deprived)46 per cent
Skills obtained in 2024/25
• Literacy 445
• Numeracy 508
• ICT 506
• Employability 573
• Personaland social development 566
• Professionaland technical537
Participation by local authority
Rate per 100,000
• Belfast 312
• Derry City and Strabane 213
• Antrim and Newtownabbey 124
• Armagh City,Banbridge and Craigavon 104
• Mid and East Antrim 93
• Lisburn and Castlereagh 86
• Mid Ulster 86
• Newry,Mourne and Down 82
• Ards and North Down 81
• Causeway Coast and Glens 80
• Fermanagh and Omagh 77
Deprivation
Coast and Glens
City and Strabane
Antrim and Newtownabbey
and Castlereagh
Fermanagh and Omagh Newry, Mourne and Down Armagh City, Banbridge and Craigavon
Causeway
Derry
Social Media Belfast 2025
The 11th annual Social Media Belfast Conference took place in September 2025. The event is Northern Ireland’s leading social media event and brought together an excellent lineup of social media experts both local and visiting from across different sectors to share their knowledge and examples of successful campaigns.
A massive thank you to all speakers and delegates who joined us at the 2025 Social Media Belfast in Titanic Belfast and made the conference a huge success!
We have already started brainstorming for 2026. If you are interested in sponsoring, exhibiting or sharing your experiences as a speaker please do get in touch with us, info@agendani.com.
Speakers: (L-R) Nicole Mezzasalma, Battenhall; Paul McGarrity, Octave Digital; Dan McCarry, Counter Digital; Beth McDaniel, The Boulevard; and Laura Cummings, RNIB Northern Ireland.
Rebecca Hanna and Alekha Batra, NIE Networks.
Speaker: Colin Hassard, Education Authority Northern Ireland.
Speaker: Stephanie Kennedy, NIE Networks.
Steve McDonagh, Caterpillar and Gail Kinkead, agendaNi
Conor McGrellis (left) and Dominic Lyttle (right), Plotbox with Colm McCann, Mid and East Antrim Borough Council.
Katie Hammond, Laura McCrystal, and Sian Irvine, Food Standards Agency.
Rory McCaffrey and Aine McAuley, Northern Health and Social Care Trust with Joanne Devlin, Apex Housing Group.
Speakers: Sheena McCaugherty, SumUp; Paul McGarrity, Octave Digital; Matt McRoberts, Hastings Hotels; and Becky Atkinson, British Medical Association.
Tom Symington, Clare Lewsley, Katie Hammond, Anna Shiels, and Laura McGlinn, Food Standards Agency.
Natalie Nevin, Orla Foster, Sharon Hickie, Ali Robinson, and Julia Rafferty, Ulster University.
Colin Bowles and Andrea McVeigh, Department for Communities.
Zara Clarke and Ruth Laverty, Genesis Advertising Ltd with Pauline Pase, Adhaus Media.
public affairs agenda
Seeking views
There are 25 consultations currently open* across Executive departments. agendaNi summarises these, along with closing dates for submissions and contact details should any readers wish to contribute to policymaking process.
Department
for Infrastructure
Experimental Traffic Control Scheme: Permitted Taxis in Bus lanes (Belfast City Centre)
Contact: traffic.eastern@infrastructure-ni.gov.uk
Department
of Health
Closes: 9 March 2026
UK-wide consultation on proposed Amendments to Human Medicines Regulations 2012 (HMRS) to support the supply and deployment of vaccines
Contact: N/A
Learning Disability Service Model
Contact: ldsm@health-ni.gov.uk
Closes: 28 November 2025
Closes: 25 November 2025
UK-wide consultation on proposed Amendments to Human Medicines Regulations 2012 (HMRS)
Contact: N/A
Closes: 27 November 2025
Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs
Consultation on the draft Remediation Strategy for the Mobuoy Site
Contact: Mobuoy.Consultation@daera-ni.gov.uk
Closes: 2 October 2025
Public Consultation on Northern Ireland's draft Climate Action Plan 2023-2027
Contact: climateactionplan@daera-ni.gov.uk
Closes: 8 October 2025
Public Consultation on the Timetable and Work Programme for Developing the Fourth Cycle River Basin Management Plan
Contact: rbmpcycle4consultation@daera-ni.gov.uk
Closes: 3 January 2026
Consultation on the setting of Northern Ireland’s Fourth Carbon Budget (2038-2042)
Contact: ClimateChangeDiscussion@daera-ni.gov.uk
Department
for Communities
Closes: 17 November 2025
Consultation on Support Framework for Independent Advice and Debt Services
Proposals To Criminalise Sexually Explicit Deepfake Images
Contact: CPU@justice-ni.gov.uk
Department
for the Economy
Closes: 3 November 2025
Closes: 6 October 2025
Consultation on the Northern Ireland Postgraduate Tuition Fee Loan
Contact: hepolicy@economy-ni.gov.uk
Department of Education
Consultation on Temporary Variation (TV) Policy Review
Contact: tvreview@education-ni.gov.uk
Closes: 7 November 2025
Closes: 3 November 2025
agendaNi Digi tal Government
Speakers include:
Paul Duffy Director of Digital, Security and Finance Shared Services Department of Finance
Helen McCarthy
Chief Scientific and Technology Adviser, The Executive Office
Paul Rice
Chief Digital Information Officer Department of Health
Eilidh McLaughlin
Deputy Director, Digital Ethics, Inclusion and Assurance
Scottish Government
Laura O’Neill
Digital Transformation Manager Belfast Harbour
Conor O’Donnell
Deputy Digital Director Department of Agriculture, Environment and Rural Affairs
Mike Skelton
Deputy Director Government Digital Service
David Crozier Director AICC
Sherelle Fairweather
Digital Strategy Lead Manchester City Council
Peter Grimley Assistant Director of ICT & Digital Change Clanmil Housing
Caroline McLaughlin Cybersecurity Manager Business Services Organisation, Health & Social Care Trust
Bill McCluggage Managing Director Laganview Associates
Key themes:
• Designing public services for the digital age;
• A collaborative approach to transforming public service delivery;
• AI to drive innovation in the delivery of public services;
• Building cyber resilient organisations;
• Transforming the delivery of housing;
• Citizen engagement – making government accessible;
• Intelligent data management;
• Emerging technologies;
• Health and social care: Engaging patients and staff with digital technologies;
• Improving the user experience;
• Smarter government, driven by digital;
• Digital inclusion: Technology to empower citizens;
• Best practice case studies in digital delivery from outside Northern Ireland.
Sponsorship and exhibition opportunities
There
public affairs agenda
Unionism stands at the crossroads
Since the Brexit vote in 2016, unionism has faced crises such as the Northern Ireland Protocol and Irish Sea border, the emergence of Sinn Féin as the largest party, and a rise in support for a united Ireland. In this context, Robin Swann MP from the UUP and Phillip Brett MLA from the DUP have been discussing the future of unionism with agendaNi’s Joshua Murray and Clayton Taylor.
When James Craig, the inaugural Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, proudly boasted of “a Protestant parliament and a Protestant state” during a heated Stormont debate in 1934, political unionism was secure, united, and given free rein to govern the region as an effective one-party state until the early 1970s.
Fast-forward to 2025, and the ‘Protestant parliament’, with its inbuilt unionist majority, is long gone. Having
overtaken the DUP in Assembly elections in 2022, Sinn Féin is the largest party in Northern Ireland and the undisputed voice of nationalism, with Michelle O’Neill MLA as First Minister. Furthermore, on the constitutional question, support for the union has dropped from 65 per cent in 2013 to 48 per cent in 2025, while support for a united Ireland has risen from 17 per cent to 41 per cent in the same time period.
While the DUP remains the foremost party in unionism, it has presided over a significant decline in support, arguably caused by its own poor decisionmaking. Following the 2017 UK general election, the DUP’s influence in British politics peaked, amid the signing of a ‘confidence and supply’ agreement with the Conservatives under Theresa May. However, while the party was able to secure £1 billion in public spending for Northern Ireland, its opposition to May 2025’s proposed Brexit deal, followed by
Phillip Brett MLA, DUP
the DUP’s support for Boris Johnson succeeding her as Prime Minister, soon resulted in a loss of influence amid Johnson’s landslide victory and the loss of Nigel Dodds’ north Belfast seat in the 2019 election.
With the rise of Johnson arguably enabled by support from the DUP, the victorious Johnson declared: “There will be no border down the Irish Sea… over my dead body.” He subsequently agreed to the Northern Ireland Protocol, creating a customs border on the Irish Sea. Johnson also presided over the introduction of Irish language legislation, the decriminalisation of abortion, and the introduction of same-sex marriage to Northern Ireland. While the DUP has been traumatised by the events of Brexit, as well as the aftermath of the fall of Arlene Foster, and subsequent rise and fall of both Edwin Poots MLA and Jeffrey Donaldson, the possibility of it being usurped remains remote, with the Ulster Unionist Party still gripped in the identity crisis which has characterised its slow demise since 1998, and the TUV subverted by perceptions that it is the ‘one-man band’ of Jim Allister MP.
In this context, agendaNi has been discussing the state of unionism in 2025 with the DUP’s north Belfast MLA Phillip Brett and former UUP leader Robin Swann MP. agendaNi also reached out to the TUV on multiple occasions for participation in this interview feature, but no representatives made themselves available.
public affairs agenda
“Unionism has a challenge to encourage new people to our cause and increase the number of people voting for pro-union parties.”
How would you describe the state of unionism in Northern Ireland in 2025?
Phillip Brett MLA (PB): Unionism remains the largest designation in the Assembly. Nationalists are at 39 per cent, the exact same level as 1998. However, unionism has a challenge to encourage new people to our cause and increase the number of people voting for pro-union parties.
Robin Swann MP (RS): The narrative seems to be about defending the union, but it should be about selling and promoting the union, and moving to a positive position. If we are now looking at creating a new generation of younger voters, they want to see the positives. It is no longer about the defence of what once was or could have been. It is about where we can go, and how we create a union that is worth being a part of.
Unionism received a vote share of around 50 per cent in the 2016 Assembly election, but this fell to 38 per cent in the 2023 local council elections. Considering this, is political unionism in decline?
RS: There has been a small decline in unionist representation. When the number of MLAs per constituency was reduced from six to five in 2017, unionism lost most of those seats, not
because of a decline in vote, but because of voter management with multiple unionist parties, and independent unionists on the balance sheet. On the local level, the introduction of ‘super-councils’ also decreased representation. There are different ways to read these percentages, they show first preference votes, not the final tally of elected councillors or MLAs.
PB: Unionism has an opportunity to expand its voter base by encouraging new people into our movement. It is crucial that we, as political parties, represent the views of those who hold pro-union stances. There is a responsibility on unionism to be more reflective of our community. For example, in north Belfast, the DUP has grown its membership, with younger people, and people from non-traditional DUP backgrounds joining the party. I believe this will bear fruit at the next election.
Do socially conservative positions within unionism inhibit its appeal to younger voters?
PB: The only qualification required in becoming a member of the DUP is support for the union. The DUP has been the lead voice within unionism for the views we hold, and we do not apologise for those views, though people vote for us for a range of reasons. The media have unfairly focused on views held by our members.
RS: No, looking at the latest LucidTalk poll, support for the UUP amongst the
public affairs agenda
Percentage of popular vote and seats
Unionist (votes) Nationalist (votes)
Unionist (seat) Nationalist (seats)
18-24 age bracket is growing. It is important to say that not all unionist parties are socially conservative in their core or presentation.
How can political unionism broaden its appeal?
RS: We need to outline a positive vision, something that chimes with voters, identifies with their needs and aspirations as opposed to simply lambasting others. You do not make your own candle burn brighter by blowing another one out.
PB: We need to focus on everyday delivery and making Northern Ireland work for everyone. This is a unique place, and it is incumbent upon myself and my colleagues to go ahead and sell the benefits of Northern Ireland. On some occasions, I and others have done a poor job in selling the union, not just for unionists, but for everyone in Northern Ireland.
Can unionism regain the post of First Minister?
PB: Following the last Assembly election, unionism remains the largest designation, but because too many unionist parties ran in the election, we do not have a unionist leading the executive. I believe Emma Little-Pengelly MLA is the best candidate to be First Minister, her popularity is higher than any executive minister, amongst unionists and nonunionists alike. It is important that Northern Ireland is led by someone who supports the country and wishes to see it succeed. The First Minister takes every opportunity to talk Northern Ireland down on the world stage.
RS: Since the changes made to the procedure for appointing a First and deputy First Minister in the St Andrews Agreement, the DUP and Sinn Féin to play the ‘if you do not vote for us, you get them’ card continually. Despite Sinn Féin securing the First Minister post, the institutions have not crashed or fallen. Is it challenging for some people? Yes, but I do not believe it is the be all and end all.
How can unionism forge greater links with UK-wide political parties and regain relevance in mainstream UK political discourse?
RS: The Prime Minister has made his unionism clear, he stands in front of the union flag. The language of ‘having no selfish strategic or economic interest in Northern Ireland’ is not something we hear anymore. Just as the UK-wide parties campaigned together in the [Scottish] independence referendum held in 2014, I believe a similar campaign would occur during a border poll campaign, although I worry that some of the personalities could do more damage than good.
PB: The DUP have worked with a range of parties over the years, most notably, we had the formal agreement with the Conservative Party between 2017 and 2019. Keir Starmer MP has been very clear in his support for Northern Ireland remaining in the union, his campaign material could have been DUP material. We have good relationships with all the parties working in the interests of the UK.
Robin Swann MP, UUP
Did the Brexit experience damage unionism?
PB: When we entered a formal arrangement with the Conservatives, we were at a time when some political parties wished to undo the will of the British people as declared in the 2016 referendum. It was DUP votes on three separate occasions that ensured the defeat of the Protocol in the House of Commons. The only way in which the protocol was able to be introduced was the 2019 general election, which gave Boris Johnson a large majority, leaving us powerless to block it.
RS: It emboldened nationalism at the time, and further damage has been inflicted by subsequent challenges such as the Windsor Framework. The damage continues for businesses, delivery of food stuffs, farm machinery and more. The way these challenges came about continues to undermine those of us who wish to strengthen the union.
What is your case for the union?
PB: It is the best situation for all people in Northern Ireland, regardless of their background or tradition. This is such a unique place, you can be British, Irish, Northern Irish, you can be none of the above. Only our place in the United Kingdom affords that to our people. We are part of the fifth [sic] largest economy in the world. Our membership of NATO ensures the protection of each and every one of our citizens, and allows us to stand
“The narrative seems to be about defending the union, but it should be about selling and promoting the union, and moving to a positive position.”
on the world stage. Only our place in the United Kingdom offers that opportunity to our people and communities.
RS: The United Kingdom is the only country in the world with a national health service. If we can get it working well once again, looking after all of us from the cradle to the grave, it will be very hard to argue that the system in the South is a better offer. We still lead the nations in education. Our armed forces, our standing in world, our support for Ukraine. The safety net of the social security system is another positive aspect of the union, but we need to see the benefits equally shared across the four nations.
Are you in favour of a single, combined unionist party?
PB: In my view, the DUP is a strong brand. We have led unionism since 2003, and we are a party held dear by hundreds of thousands of voters across Northern Ireland. We can stand on our own two feet. We have seen examples of interunionist co-operation in the past, such as cross-unionist support for Alex Easton in North Down in 2024. I am very happy to work with our colleagues of the unionist persuasion, and I will work with anyone who wishes to maintain and strengthen the union, though I do not think Great Britain or Republic of Ireland parties understand the nuances of Northern Ireland politics.
RS: A single unionist party would not be the monolithic block of all causes. There
are other policy issues which differentiate the current parties, and these are important to individuals. A greater variety of choice brings more people out to vote. Unionism could realign by policy, but not via the sitting everybody down on a Monday morning and saying, “we are no longer three parties, decide which room you wish to enter”, some people will blindly choose the biggest party, regardless of the policy detail.
Will Northern Ireland exist in 2100?
RS: I believe in the strength of the union, but we must overcome the political challenges that exist in Westminster when selling the benefits of the union. We must ensure that we, as political representatives, are not the problem. We must make sure people understand the benefits of where we are. I remember the end of the Celtic Tiger, and the subsequent IMF and UK bailouts, and with Dublin looking at its first austerity budget in quite some time, one of the biggest arguments regarding unification is finance.
PB: I do not think I will be around to see that! We have been told year after year that Northern Ireland is a failed state. In 2021, Sinn Féin President, Mary Lou McDonald TD, told us a border poll was imminent. She recently changed the date again to after 2030. The revisionism of nationalist parties is galling. Despite the difficulties unionism has faced, the overwhelming majority of people support Northern Ireland remaining in the union.
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Shared Island Unit head Émer Deane:
‘An
ordinary way of thinking’
As the Shared Island initiative enters a new phase, Ciarán Galway meets with Émer Deane, the Assistant Secretary in the Department of the Taoiseach with responsibility for the Shared Island Unit, at Government Buildings to talk role and remit, developments, and delivery.
For context, what is the role of the Shared Island Unit?
Currently comprising nine people – and in the process of expanding to 11 – the Shared Island Unit is housed here in the Department of the Taoiseach, though it is based in Dublin Castle. The Unit was established in 2020 to advance and coordinate the Shared Island initiative, which was announced by Micheál Martin TD during his previous tenure as Taoiseach.
The initiative itself has three broad strands to it: capital expenditure, the dialogue programme, and the research programme. Staffing aligns with those three pillars.
What is the framework determining the Shared Island Unit’s interaction with Government and Executive departments?
There is an interdepartmental group –which I chair – which brings together assistant secretaries from across government departments to examine and develop shared island projects.
In February 2025, with the Government’s announcement of an additional €1 billion out to 2035 for the Shared Island Fund, the Taoiseach wrote to all government ministers asking them to come forward with new proposals for new shared island projects by July of 2025. The Shared Island Unit is currently engaging with all government departments on developing proposals to meet that request.
At the fourth Shared Island Forum on 10 April 2025, Taoiseach Micheál Martin announced a new phase of the Shared Island initiative. What does this mean for the unit?
It means that the Shared Island initiative can think strategically out to 2035. Often, government departments do not have the privilege of timelines that are so long whereby time can be spent getting the strategic planning right in the knowledge that there will be time left to then deliver the project.
The National Development Plan is currently being reviewed [the review has since been published]. There was a Shared Island chapter in the previous
“We are in the most positive position in at least a decade, if not a generation, to really move forward on north/south cooperation.”
Émer Deane, Assistant Secretary, British and Northern Ireland Affairs Division, Department of the Taoiseach
iteration, and the Shared Island initiative – and all that the Government wants to achieve – will be reflected in the review, as the driver of a lot of infrastructure investment priorities for this jurisdiction.
The new phase is an opportunity to ensure that the Shared Island initiative is mainstreamed into government departments’ thinking over the period ahead, including through the reviewed National Development Plan. In terms of infrastructure and competitiveness, we share many of the same priorities. This matters on both sides of the border, and we can help to achieve the objectives of both the Northern Ireland Executive and the Government of Ireland through the Shared Ireland initiative.
What are the Shared Island Unit’s most significant successes to date?
The most notable success of the initial phase was to ensure that long-standing commitments have now moved ahead. That gave a certain confidence that the Government’s Shared Island approach can tangibly deliver.
Secondly, we now have more policy planning and implementation jointly pursued by departments north and south. For instance, in the education sphere, the two ministers for education are working together in a substantive way on addressing educational under attainment, which again, is a step beyond what has happened previously.
Thirdly, again, for the very first time, InterTradeIreland, Enterprise Ireland, and Invest NI are undertaking substantive work and programmes together – with Shared Ireland initiative support – around female entrepreneurship and innovation in the border region and supporting green investment by firms.
We are now observing the benefits of cooperation that would not have happened without the Shared Island initiative.
How does this overlap with the work of the North South Ministerial Council?
When the Shared Island initiative launched towards the end of 2020, the institutions in the North were down and there was no North South Ministerial Council [sic]. However, it was important, even in those early days, to ensure that we continued to engage at official level with Executive departments in Northern Ireland.
Since the Northern Ireland Executive has been reestablished, ministers have been meeting their counterparts to develop ideas and programmes.
At these plenary and sectoral meetings, ministers often discuss Shared Island projects and propose ideas for new projects. The North South Ministerial Council is essential because it provides political direction. We in the Shared Island Unit are really pleased that it has resumed and that our work is recognised in that context and gets that political support and direction where required.
What emphasis does the Shared Island initiative place on civil society?
The Shared Island Unit has its own dialogue strand whereby we organise events. For example, the Shared Island Youth Forum brought together 80 young people from across the island to set out their vision and their values for the future of this island. They did great work, meeting over the course of a year and reporting in September 2024.
We also had a Future Takes series in 2024, where we asked prominent people in civil society to answer the question: For a more reconciled island of Ireland, however it is constituted, what should we give and what could we gain in the years ahead? We got all sorts of perspectives.
Separate to that, we support a Shared Island Civic Society Fund which is administered by the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade in alignment with what is a
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key ambition of the Shared Island initiative; building more strategic links and connections between civic organisations north and south.
In the context of the new programmes for government –north and south – what are the Shared Island Unit’s most significant strategic priorities currently?
For the first time in 13 years, we have a new programme for government in this jurisdiction and a programme for government in Northern Ireland. As such, in determining our focus, we are looking at where there is an alignment between the two programmes.
In May 2025, we had a meeting of all the secretaries general from this jurisdiction with their permanent secretary counterparts in Northern Ireland to discuss the obvious areas for cooperation.
Two big themes were infrastructure and competitiveness. Within that, there was a particular emphasis on transport, skills, healthcare, disability, and innovation. We are not short of ideas, but departments must identify the right projects that make sense to deliver jointly – unlocking additionality or extra benefit by doing so. The task for me and the team now is to encourage, guide, and support departments to develop actual programmes and projects out of those ideas.
Of course, the Programme for Government has some specifics. We will take forward the specifics, for instance around research and improving the data
available north and south, working with the Central Statistics Office (CSO) and the Northern Ireland Statistics and Research Agency (NISRA). Rail travel is another huge area of potential cooperation, and the All-Island Strategic Rail Review will inform what the next phases will be for both administrations, north and south.
What is the significance of having a ring-fenced Shared Island Fund?
It is important because it gives the assurance that, in all circumstances, allisland thinking is going to be embedded and resourced as part of government policy. Its multiannual nature allows us and departments to be more strategic, which is a privilege and a luxury that is not necessarily afforded in other policy areas. It also allows us the time to build relations and project proposals, working with counterparts in the Northern Ireland Executive, and with the British Government.
Émer Deane
We are in the most positive position in at least a decade, if not a generation, to really move forward on north/south cooperation.
How have relationships evolved?
Following three years without the institutions in place, there is, of course, pressure for the Northern Ireland Executive to deliver in terms of public services. There is a greater openness than previously to use all partnerships to help drive that delivery forward, whether in partnership with the Irish Government, the British government, the US, or any other partner. So that is a more positive and fertile ground to work with than previously.
What is your vision for the future of the Shared Island Unit?
The most important thing is that all-island cooperation is not seen by either administration as an add on or a ‘nice to do’; rather it should become an ordinary way of thinking. That is the real task. It would be a gamechanger if, for instance, in thinking about a major government focus – such as offshore renewable energy – we applied an allisland lens to the challenges and opportunities; planning to ensure we have the resilience, the skills capacity, and the supply chains required, north and south.
If you consider a major area of government policy focus currently, I would like to see it delivered in a way that, from the beginning, is framed in that sort of Shared Island thinking.
A civil servant with almost three decades of experience, Émer Deane spent most of her career in the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade, with a four-year stint as an advisor in the Houses of the Oireachtas. Now in her sixth year with the Department of the Taoiseach, Deane describes her current role as Assistant Secretary, British and Northern Ireland Affairs Division, as her “dream job” and outlines that affairs pertaining to Northern ireland are “my passion and my greatest interest”.
Seán Neeson: 1946-2025
Affectionately known as “Mr Carrickfergus”, the former Alliance Party leader died aged 79 in June 2025.
Neeson served as leader of Alliance between 1998 and 2001 following the resignation of John Alderdice.
His 34-year political career began in 1977 and ended when he stood down prior to the 2011 Assembly election.
It was his earlier career as a teacher that would inspire a political career.
A staunch believer in devolution, he previously described his sorrow after the collapse of the Sunningdale Agreement. Speaking to agendaNi in 2010, he recalled: “My classroom overlooked the entrance to Larne Lough. I remember in May 1974 looking out across the lough to Ballylumford Power Station and seeing the smoke coming out of the chimney stacks. This signified the end of the UWC strike and the fall of the powersharing Executive.
“That was one of the most disappointing days of my life.”
Entering politics with his election to Carrickfergus Borough Council in 1977, Neeson first ventured to Stormont in 1982 after being elected to the ‘Prior Assembly’ as an MLA for East Antrim, serving as Deputy Speaker.
When the assembly collapsed in 1986, he turned to business, founding Neeson Marketing Enterprises but remained interested in politics.
He was elected to the Northern Ireland Forum in 1996 and became involved in negotiations that ultimately led to the Good Friday Agreement and the restoration of devolution.
Neeson became Alliance party leader in 1998 after the resignation of David Alderdice following the latter’s appointment as speaker of the assembly.
In 1999, he faced pressure from thenSecretary of State for Northern Ireland, Peter Mandelson, to redesignate Alliance as ‘unionist’ to enable full powers to be
devolved. Declassified documents revealed that Neeson said it was “impossible for Alliance members to change their designation”.
In 2001, after an attempt at a controversial pact with the Ulster Unionists in East Belfast failed to materialise, the party withdrew from five constituencies in favour of proAgreement Ulster Unionist and SDLP candidates.
After losing seats in local council elections held on the same day, his deputy, Seamus Close, stood down, and Neeson resigned in late-2001, being succeeded by David Ford.
Post-leadership, Neeson remained an East Antrim MLA until 2011 and was a councillor in Carrickfergus until 2013. His 36-year reign makes him the longestserving councillor in the town’s history.
After retiring from politics, Neeson joined the UK National Historic Ships Council, representing Northern Ireland. He had previously served on its committee. In this role, he advised the UK Government and heritage bodies on preserving historic vessels across the UK and was actively involved with projects including HMS Caroline, Result, and Nomadic.
Paying tribute, Alliance Party leader Naomi Long MLA says: “Seán showed leadership at a time when the party needed it, and we will always be grateful to him for that.
“Known for getting things done, Seán was a dedicated public servant who delivered for everyone in Carrickfergus as a councillor and then the wider East Antrim area when he became an MLA, a role he was delighted to take on.”
DUP leader Gavin Robinson MP says: “Seán was a strong voice for his constituents and as a political leader he was a passionate advocate for the beliefs and principles that guided him. His respectful approach earned him recognition across the political spectrum.”
Former Ulster Unionist Party leader Steve Aiken says: “For many, including quite a few in my family, he will always be Mr Carrick.”
Neeson is survived by his widow Carol and their four children.
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Voting age reduction ‘will not be in place’ for next Assembly election
A UK Government spokesperson has told agendaNi that the voting age reduction announced by British Prime Minister Keir Starmer MP in July 2025 “will not be in place for the May 2027 Northern Ireland Assembly and local elections”.
In July 2025, the British Prime Minister announced the most significant electoral reform in the UK since 1969, with 16and 17-year-olds to be granted the right to vote in UK general elections and local elections. This means that if the UK general election takes place in 2029, there will be people born in 2013 who will be eligible to vote.
The reforms will also apply for elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly as elections are an excepted matter under Schedule 2 of the Northern Ireland Act 1998, meaning that it will not be necessary to seek a legislative consent motion.
Unlike Northern Ireland, the devolved governments in Scotland and Wales have the right to set the voting age in devolved elections in their respective constituent countries. 16- and 17-yearolds are eligible to votes in elections to
the Scottish Parliament and the Senedd Cymru.
16- and 17-year-olds were also able to vote in the 2014 Scottish independence referendum.
However, although the announcement came 22 months prior to the likely date of the next Assembly election, agendaNi has been told that it is unlikely that 16and 17-year-olds will have the right to vote when the election comes in May 2027.
Implementation of the proposal is being led by the UK Ministry of Housing, Local Government and Communities. In response to a query from agendaNi, a spokesperson for the Ministry said: “Our [Labour Party] manifesto commitment to lower the voting age to 16 during this parliament includes all non-devolved elections across the UK. This includes
elections to the Northern Ireland Assembly and local government elections in Northern Ireland.
“We intend for the franchise change to be in place in good time ahead of the next general election. Our expectation is that this will not be in place for the May 2027 Northern Ireland Assembly and local elections.
“This bill will include a number of major changes to our electoral system, as well as expanding the franchise, and we need to get these right.”
This prediction has been backed by the Electoral Commission of Northern Ireland, which released a statement following Starmer’s announcement saying it was “unlikely” that the changes will be in place before the next Assembly election.
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In response to a query from SDLP leader Claire Hanna MP in March 2025, Secretary of State Hilary Benn MP said in the House of Commons: “The Government will of course work closely with stakeholders across Northern Ireland on the implementation of this major change to the franchise and ensure we empower our young people to participate in democracy.”
Who stands to benefit?
The reduction in the age of voter eligibility has garnered the support of Sinn Féin, the Alliance Party, Ulster Unionist Party, the SDLP, and People Before Profit, but has been opposed by the DUP and TUV.
A 2024 opinion poll by LucidTalk outlines community division on the matter, with 73 per cent of nationalists in favour of the move favour, while just 6 per cent of unionist voters approved.
Writing in The Irish News in July 2025, political commentator Newton Emerson asserted: “It can safely be assumed this will benefit nationalism in Northern Ireland due to demographic trends – crudely put, the Catholic population is younger.”
While political trends in Northern Ireland are an outlier in western politics due to community divisions, recent election results in Britain and the United States have shown that Gen Z (people born post-1997) voters have been more likely to vote for conservative parties. However, the conservative movements in question – whether Nigel Farage MP and Reform in the UK, or Donald Trump and the MAGA movement in the US – have to present themselves as ‘anti-establishment’ in order to attract broad support from young voters.
This is partially attributable to the fact that, according to Business Insider, approximately 59 per cent of Gen Z consumes news through social media, marking a significant departure from previous generations who still largely consumed news through more traditional formats.
Through these formats, non-traditional media, including the ‘bro-sphere’ array of US-based podcasts, have influenced politics in an unprecedented manner. However, their hosts often lack professional media training, with a nihilistic outlook on politics exemplified by influencers such as Joe Rogan.
In the 2024 US election, this contributed to the re-election of Donald Trump, who gained unforeseen support among Black and Latino voters largely driven by Gen Z male voters who fall within these demographics.
Simultaneously, it is estimated that 67 per cent of female voters aged between 18 and 29 voted for Kamala Harris in the presidential election.
Nevertheless, in Northern Ireland, it is likely that nationalism and the Alliance Party stand to benefit due to the demographic breakdown of the new voters to be added to the electorate. The four Westminster constituencies with the slimmest majorities – East Londonderry, North Antrim, East Antrim, and East Belfast – are all held by unionists. East Londonderry MP Gregory Campbell holds a majority of only 179 votes ahead of Sinn Féin, while East Antrim and east Belfast are both held by the DUP with slim majorities over the Alliance Party.
The next Assembly election potentially presents the final chance for unionism to secure the role of the largest party in Northern Ireland because the new voters will not be eligible to vote in 2027, and could be boosted amid ongoing negotiations on ‘unionist unity’ ahead of the next Assembly election.
Donald Trump’s 2024 election victory shows that liberal parties are not necessarily the beneficiaries of young people voting.
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Can the use of citizens’ assemblies transform policy landscape?
Citizens’ assemblies have been on the rise globally as policy and decisionmakers recognise the untapped potential in empowering citizens to have their say on the issues that directly impact their lives, writes Emma DeSouza, Founder and Co-Facilitator, Civic Initiative.
In the UK, over 30 deliberative democracy processes have been actioned over the past five years on topics ranging from climate change to Covid-19 recovery, other countries such as Denmark, who have been holding ‘consensus conferences’ since the 1980s, have long recognised the value of wider citizen engagement in policy and decision-making.
In an effort to demonstrate the effectiveness of deliberative democracy, and the potential for citizens’ assemblies
in the context of Northern Ireland, the Civic Initiative actioned an 18-month participatory project featuring a Citizens’ Forum on Housing.
The Civic Initiative was launched during the 25th anniversary year of the Belfast/Good Friday Agreement to create a space for civic voice in the absence of the long-promised Civic Forum, and subsequent commitments from political parties to facilitate greater inclusion of civic society in policy processes. The project brings together a wide range of civic society organisations, academics,
and community workers who designed a four stage process; community-based forums and workshops to set the agenda, written submissions and surveys, a Citizens’ Forum, and recommendations.
For the first stage, the Civic Initiative held 34 community-based forums across Northern Ireland, and four forums in the border counties of Monaghan, Cavan, and Louth. 518 people took part in the forums, 61 per cent reported that they had not taken part in a similar workshop before. During these sessions
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participants self-selected the topics they wanted to discuss, and the issues related to them. Health, housing, and education were the dominant themes, followed by poverty and political institutions. The selection of housing as a key issue by communities on the ground directly led to housing being selected as the topic for a citizens’ assembly structure.
The Citizens’ Forum on Housing brought together 84 citizens recruited by UKbased NGO Sortition Foundation using a postal lottery system. 25,000 letters of invitation were mailed to households across Northern Ireland inviting members of the public to register their interest. Participants were selected to be generally representative of Northern Ireland by gender, age, geographical location, ethnicity as well as community background, and educational attainment. 49 per cent of the Forum were members from the Protestant community, 36 per cent Catholic, and 15 per cent none/other, a third of the members had a long-term health or disability limitation, and 21 per cent had either no qualifications or level 1.
Meeting over the course of three days, Forum members heard evidence and testimony from 18 expert speakers. Members drafted over 60 policy recommendations and passed 38 by a consensus vote of 80 per cent. Their recommendations spanned accessibility, affordability, and sustainability, but also included education, transport, community relations, and political institutions. None of the citizens taking part had participated in a similar forum or assembly structure before.
The backdrop to the Forum meeting is a critical housing crisis; The number of households with homelessness status in Northern Ireland has more than doubled in the last decade. As of March 2025, 31,719 households were registered as homeless – an increase of 132 per cent over ten years, while 49,083 households were on the social housing waiting list in Northern Ireland.
The Citizens’ Forum on Housing agreed a shared vision that recognised the need for a holistic, cross-departmental approach to tackling the housing crisis: “To create a holistic people-centered
“The benefits of citizens assemblies are two-fold in that they can deliver policy recommendations that have public buy-in and strengthen democracy through increased political participation.”
Emma DeSouza, Founder and Co-Facilitator, Civic Initiative
housing system that provides accessible, affordable, safe, and energy-efficient homes to meet the needs of all individuals and households in a way that fosters greater community cohesion, and a shared sustainable future for all.”
Their recommendations included:
• legislate to allow the Northern Ireland Housing Executive to borrow and access private finance to build more homes (92 per cent in support);
• take forward an integrated approach for all new developments, to include housing, transport, green spaces, and access to other public services including schools and healthcare (91 per cent);
• demolish properties deemed unfit for human habitation that cannot be redeveloped or refurbished within 18 months (85 per cent);
• seek cross-border investment from the Irish Government to improve water infrastructure in Northern Ireland (85 per cent);
• remove VAT charges for renovations, upgrades, and retrofitting old properties (80 per cent); and
• provide an accessible homelessness intervention hub that offers support to people who are at risk of homelessness but have not met all criteria yet (80 per cent).
The recommendation with the highest level of consensus was not directly
related to housing but rather to reform Stormont so that no one party can collapse the government (94 per cent).
The benefits of citizens assemblies are two-fold in that they can deliver policy recommendations that have public buy-in and strengthen democracy through increased political participation 54 per cent of participants in the Citizens’ Forum on Housing expressed that they now felt more inclined to engage in politics. A third were non-voters.
Having experienced a citizens’ assembly firsthand, 91 per cent of the Citizens’ Forum on Housing endorsed the use of citizens’ assemblies by the Northern Ireland Assembly. Participatory democracy is about ensuring citizens are afforded the opportunity to be involved in decisions that impact their lives, it is not a threat to representative democracy but rather complements it.
Northern Ireland’s political parties already committed to the use of citizen assemblies in New Decade, New Approach, the 2020 deal brokered by the UK and Irish governments to restore Stormont, a commitment that the Assembly has yet to fulfil. The Citizens’ Forum on Housing provides a blueprint, and demonstrates not only that assemblies can be effective, but that there is public appetite across communities to be a part of them.
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Part itionism in Dublin media
There was once a time that Dublin newsrooms could not get enough of the good news stories from Northern Ireland. In the glow of the Good Friday Agreement, coverage of the burgeoning peace and stories on northern cultural, tourism, and business stories peppered the daily Dublin national newspapers, writes Eamon Quinn.
The Dublin media showed something of respect for their fellow citizens in the North. It was a brief period of ‘hug a nordie’, if you like.
In the North, political unionism 25 years ago kicked up a stink when Dublin-based media group, the Independent owned by Tony O’Reilly bought the then main political unionist newspaper, the Belfast Telegraph. O’Reilly was far from being a republican or even green Irish nationalist (he subsequently accepted an honour from the British state) and the hefty price paid for the Belfast title also helped the late businessman clinch the deal.
Back then, the two unionist papers did their thing, fighting to be the ‘national newspaper of Northern Ireland’, even as Northern Ireland and the world was moving on. BBC NI at the time provided only grudging coverage of most things Irish cultural or
sporting – the insightful RTÉ Après Match sketch of the northern TV sports programme back in the day was a brilliant piece of satire. The TV weather map for long sharply defined by six-county outposts of Belleek, Newry, and Londonderry, continued to pander to northern unionism.
Fast forward to the current times. Many Belfast media outlets have accepted to some degree the changing nature of politics in the North. Radio and television current affairs programmes cackle with the debate about the timing of a border poll under the Good Friday Agreement. There is still some humour to be had at the expense of the Belfast newspaper outlet that earlier this year filed a story on the new pope under the category of ‘Republic of Ireland news’. But by and large much has changed for the better.
Credit: RTÉ
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However, in the Republic, something odd has happened. An argument can be made that northern-based outlets provide a wider coverage of the Republic than the Dublin newsrooms provide of the 2 million and growing population in the North. The 26county map showing Northern Ireland erased are now regular fixtures of Dublin newspapers. The infamous map of The Late Late Show with the northern counties blacked out is an apt metaphor for the Dublin newsrooms’ withdrawal coverage of the North.
When we talk about the Dublin media and coverage of the North, few realise that it is anchored on a very narrow base. Despite a rapidly growing population, the national broadcaster still has only two staffers in Belfast. The Irish Times has two staffers and the Irish Independent, the main southern outlet now owned by Belgium-based Mediahuis, has none. Virgin Media News is more likely to broadcast YouTube coverage of a Texan storm twister than cover a major political story up the road in Belfast. Twenty five years ago, Dublin papers had reporters filing business stories from Belfast. Such dedicated positions have also gone.
And remarkably little trickles into the Dublin newsrooms of the lively debate raging up north about the mainstay of the Good Friday Agreement – a border poll. Instead, regular columnists on the opinion pages appear hostile to the interests of fellow Irish citizens living in the North.
This raises an enduring mystery. The media industry squeezed by the US search and video giants fight hard for every euro in advertising and sponsorship. But much of the alienating editorial commentary appears to be messaging that we do not want northern companies to advertise in our print editions or online.
I canvassed the views of economics experts, a publisher, journalists, and communications experts for the purpose of this opinion piece. One senior expert in Dublin wryly notes the exception appears to be the reunification debate but only when it involves an estimate of the reputed high costs for the Republic’s Government. Other estimates by leading economists that the subvention grant from London could be bridged are mostly ignored, he notes.
Another leading observer draws attention to the spate of recent articles claiming that reconciliation should be a precondition of a border poll. It is an eye-rolling moment for anyone paying attention down the years. Unionists argued the same to scupper prospects for the Good Friday Agreement and is otherwise known as the unionist veto, another way to fob off nationalists from a border poll, notes one of the media observers.
Others note that the economics and business coverage out of Dublin appears to eschew whole industries and businesses from food to drink to retailing and through the production of electricity and tourism that are operated on an all-Ireland basis. Commentators in Dublin media seem to be ignorant of the economic ties that bind. A member of a leading business group in Northern Ireland explains his amusement when regularly asked by Dublin reporters enquiring that northern firms could get one over on the south from the Trump tariffs. Fighting the fallout of Brexit showed that the all-Ireland economy was a key part of spreading prosperity across the island.
Some of the group of media experts are forgiving of young Dublin journalists working in a contracting industry. Many reporters working in Dublin newsrooms have never been to Limerick or Belfast, notes a senior journalist of 40 years.
But you have to wonder when Dublin reporters covering Glastonbury this summer readily embrace some acts as Irish artists but shove the label of ‘Northern Irish’ on the lads of Kneecap from west Belfast and Derry. “Is this some sort of editorial trolling?” asks one of the group.
There may be some easy solutions. Some Dublin media run useful training courses on climate change for their editorial staff to improve the breadth of coverage on an important subject. Taking new recruits on short training courses to Belfast and Derry would be a start, suggests one of the group. Dublin journalism colleges could prepare their students for all-Ireland economics and political reporting – a likely boom area in the coming years. God knows, there are precious few jobs in Dublin newsrooms at the moment without further alienating 2 million readers in the North.
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The race for the Áras
The field of candidates for the Irish presidency has taken shape ahead of the election on 24 October 2025.
Any Irish citizen over the age of 35 can seek a nomination to become a candidate for the Irish presidency. Candidates must be nominated by 20 Oireachtas members or four local authorities. The President’s powers include:
• representing the people of Ireland;
• appointing the Taoiseach, members of government, and judges;
• summoning and dissolving of the Dáil and convening of the Oireachtas;
• signing legislation into law and referring bills to the Supreme Court; and
• acting as Supreme Commander of the Defence Forces.
In what is shaping up to be a three-horse race, there will likely be three candidates seeking to succeed Michael D Higgins: Independent socialist TD Catherine Connolly, Former Fine Gael deputy leader Heather Humphreys, and former Dublin GAA football manager Jim Gavin, who has been nominated by Fianna Fáil.
Independent Galway West TD Catherine Connolly is running as the ‘united left’ candidate with her priorities including homelessness, war, and Israel’s genocide
in Gaza. She has been nominated and supported by Sinn Féin, Labour, the Social Democrats, People Before Profit, and left-wing independents TDs, senators, and MEPs.
She is opposed to abolishing the Republic’s ‘triple lock’ system for deploying military troops, an issue being framed as a debate on the State’s neutrality. During a visit to Belfast in August 2025, she voiced support for a united Ireland, saying: “I will use my voice in every way possible for that vision to be a reality.”
The triple lock is formally embedded in Irish law through the Defence (Amendment) Act 1960, and requires the approval of the Irish Government, Dáil Éireann, and a United Nations mandate before the Irish Defence Forces can be deployed overseas on peacekeeping or military operations.
Fine Gael candidate Heather Humphreys, who would be the first Ulster Protestant Irish president, is a former deputy leader of Fine Gael, serving as a TD for CavanMonaghan from 2011 to 2024. She supports the abolition of the triple lock, and says she would vote in favour of a
united Ireland in a referendum. Launching her campaign in September 2025, Humphreys asserted that unity “would not solve our problems”, adding that she would aim to bring people together.
Fianna Fáil is contesting its first presidential election since 1997 when Mary McAleese was elected and served two terms. The party selected former Dublin senior football manager Jim Gavin as its candidate in September 2025. Gavin has stated that he supports the abolition of the ‘triple lock’.
On what the United Nations describes as a genocide in Gaza, he says: “It is unconscionable that the bombing is still taking place when I believe that the military objectives have probably been reached for that military campaign.”
For observers in Northern Ireland, the election of Humphreys or Connolly would be of particular interest, with Humphreys being a Protestant from Ulster who has familial ties to Orange institutions, and Connolly having a longstanding track record of support for Irish reunification. Gavin, however, is much more unknown, with mystery surrounding many of his political stances.
public affairs agenda
TRADE UNION DESK Access all workplaces
Divide, delay, distract, and demoralise: These are the ‘four Ds’ of union busting and they are in regular deployment across this island, writes John O’Farrell of the Irish Congress of Trade Unions (ICTU)
There is a well-documented aversion of US tech titans to workers having a voice or a choice about who represents them. Sometimes, it is made abundantly clear by obvious populist-plutocrats like Michael O’Leary, winner of the ‘world’s worst boss’ poll at the 2018 International Trade Union Confederation World Congress, for firing workers who formed a union and barked that ‘hell would freeze over’ before there would be unions in his company – though Ryanair subsequently signed an agreement with Unite the Union and Fórsa in 2018, representing respective workers based in the UK and Ireland.
They now have a ‘Freedom of Association Policy’ which asserts that: “Ryanair fully respects and
supports workers democratic rights to participate or not participate in trade unions without fear of intimidation, pressure, or reprisal. We support the International Labour Organization’s (ILO) Declaration on Fundamental Rights and Principles at Work, including the ILO declaration on the freedom of association and the right to collective bargaining.”
Ryanair’s most recent annual profit, for the year ending March 2024, was €1.92 billion, a 34 per cent increase compared to the previous year. Reported profit for 2025 was down slightly to €1.61 billion, a decrease blamed on a reduction in average fares. Its CEO’s remuneration package was €3.83 million.
public affairs agenda
Collective bargaining has clearly not dented the airline we all hate but must fly. Which questions the costs that certain businesses pay to keep unions out. Union busters are high-paid consultants that companies hire to keep their employees from unionising. Their core methodology is the ‘four Ds’:
• Divide: Isolate union organisers and pit employees against each other;
• Delay: Drag out unionisation, through informal stalling tactics or formal legal processes;
• Distract: Shift employees’ attention away from union issues by introducing new projects, or creating artificial deadlines, effectively diverting focus from union organising; and
• Demoralise: Make the workplace uncomfortable or hostile for union supporters, potentially through intimidation, unfair disciplinary actions.
An ICTU survey of 150 union officials in 2024 found familiar patterns. 95 per cent of union officials stated that employers delayed or stonewalled responding to unions. 80 per cent of union officials evoked employers’ efforts to reduce union demands through pay and work conditions improvement or the establishment of alternative forums to unions. 92 per cent of union officials reported victimisation of union member and activists, followed by the recourse to management consultants to avoid unions and the monitoring of employee communications.
This is not only bad for staff morale, evidence shows it is damaging our economy’s productivity. As NERI’s Lisa Wilson recently observed, “improving productivity is not just about capital and skills. It also depends on how work is experienced and structured”.
“The 2024 UK Skills and Employment Survey which includes a robust sample from Northern Ireland offers some of the clearest evidence yet that how much worker voice and participation have in their job matters, not just for well-being but for motivation and organisational performance.”
In other words, a successful company works well for both directors, shareholders and its employees when all three groups feel part of the same story. “Strengthening trade unions and independent worker representation is an essential component of the Good Jobs Bill and is backed by evidence. It is not just the results from this survey. There is broad consensus within the literature that trade union voice offers the most effective and meaningful means of employee influence,” asserts Wilson.
Barriers to trade union access to workers who seek representation are a bad bet. Easier access saves everyone time, money and bureaucracy. For the ‘Good Jobs’ Bill coming shortly to the NI Assembly, keeping it simple is the best option. The method proposed in Labour’s GB Employment Rights Bill is fraught with opportunities for bad faith employers to employ the ‘four Ds’.
A better option has been in New Zealand law since 2000 and has worked well for both employers and employees to “build productive employment relationships through the promotion of good faith in all aspects of the employment environment and the employment relationship”. On that, there ought to be no division.
public affairs agenda
Deepfake videos are real videos with an image super imposed onto it.
These videos can cause significant emotional and psychological toll on its victims. As a public representative, I have grown used to scrutiny and political attacks. However, nothing prepares you for the violation of seeing your own face superimposed onto something degrading; a grotesque distortion of your identity shared for shock value amid the last three weeks of an election. These fake images and videos are not a joke. They are not a novelty. They can ruin lives.
Deepfake pornography is a uniquely modern abuse. It is insidious, hard to track, and easily weaponised. The victim experiences a profound loss of control over their image, their reputation, and their sense of self. The impact is farreaching: from strained personal relationships to professional harm, anxiety, depression, and even withdrawal from public life. It is a form of dehumanisation that leaves deep psychological scars.
I know this, because I have lived it.
That is why I strongly welcome the recent announcement of a public consultation from the Department of Justice in Northern Ireland on the criminalisation of deepfake abuse.
We must act now on deepfake abuse
I never imagined that one day, I would wake up to see a false video of myself being circulated online via WhatsApp. One I knew I had never been part of, in a setting I had never seen. Yet to the untrained eye, colleagues, constituents, my family, it looked all too real, writes Cara Hunter MLA.
This cannot be just another exercise in box-ticking. It must lead to robust, victim-centred legislation that recognises the specific harms caused by the creation and sharing of sexually explicit deepfake images and videos. This is about justice and safety.
The North cannot afford to be left behind. The South has already taken steps to respond to this technological threat. Under the Harassment, Harmful Communications and Related Offences Act 2020 (commonly known as ‘Coco’s Law’) the non-consensual distribution of intimate images is now a criminal offence. More recently, lawmakers in Dublin have begun to consider specific legislative responses to AI-generated deepfake content, recognising that this issue is evolving rapidly and requires ongoing attention.
Meanwhile, Norway has also emerged as a leader in this space. Earlier this year, it passed legislation making the creation and sharing of non-consensual deepfake images and videos a criminal act. Crucially, Norway’s laws focus not just on intent, but on the impact on the victim, recognising that even so-called “jokes” can have devastating consequences.
These are models we must learn from. They are examples of governments stepping up, listening to victims, and showing political courage in the face of new challenges.
In the North, we must ensure that any legislation emerging from this consultation is similarly bold and informed by the lived experience of survivors. Offenders must face serious consequences. The law must clearly state that using AI to sexually exploit or humiliate another person is not just immoral, it is illegal.
While the current consultation focuses on adult victims, we cannot ignore the growing threat these technologies pose to children and young people. From deepfake nudes of schoolchildren to AIgenerated grooming tactics, the risks are real and increasing. Protecting our children must be a legislative priority.
I urge everyone, especially those who have felt powerless in the face of this abuse, to respond to the consultation which will be live until 6 October 2025. Your voice matters. We need to send a clear, unified message that Northern Ireland will not allow technology to be used as a weapon of sexual harm and degradation.
The SDLP will continue to fight alongside campaigners, survivors, and legal experts to ensure that we do not lag behind the rest of these islands or our European neighbours. This is not just about policy. It is about dignity, justice, and for me, it is deeply personal.
