to connect campus issues with ofF-campus questions." The M ultivel'sity recommends a whole array of strategies and tactics for campus revolutions, from the use of jug bands and rock 'n' roll groups to "the formation of a Student Strike Coordinating Committee." Among them: avoiding reform groups like the Democratic Party, which is so "obviously bankrupt that we need not waste our time"; infiltrating extracurricular activities ("Try to gain control of as much of the established campus cultural apparatus as possible.... \Ve need our people on the staff of the school news- E papers, radio stations, etc."); and sabo- ~ taging courses by signing up for "the Carl Davidson, inter-organizational secreworst profs" and for striltegic courses, tary of the national SDS and author of and then disrupting things. the influential popel', The Multiversity. Of particular importance are three Says Davidson, "The only constructive other strategies. One is the refusal to way to deal with an inherently destrucaccept reforms instead of revolution. tiue a/,paratus is to destroy it." "\Ve should avoid all of the 'co-management' kinds of reforms. These usually come in the form of giving certain 'responsible' student leaders a voice deal with an inherently destructive apor influence in certain decision-making paratus is to destroy it." A third strategy pertains to profesprocesses, rather than abolishing or winning control over those parts of tile sors. Under a section called "The governing apparatus." If any SDS Faculty Question: Allies or Finks," Damembers do win election to any posi- vidson believes that SDS should do tions of influence, says Davidson, they everything possible to ally themselves should use the position to denounce with the younger, teaching faculty. "As and destroy. "A seat should be seen for the research and administrative facas a soap-box," asserts Davidson. "\Ve ulty, we should set both olll'selves and the teaching faculty against them." are not trying to liberalize the existing order, but trying to win our liberation Also, SDS should encourage the splinfrom it." tering off of the more progressive inAnother strategy is to use every issue structors into a separate, independent not as a matter by itself but as a means faculty group. "\Ve should encourage of smashing all college and university the potentially radical sectors of the authority. "The purpose of de-sanctifi- faculty to organize among themselves cation is to strip institutions of their around their own grievances," says D'llegitimizing authority, to have them vidson. The long-range goal in Carl Davidreveal themselves to the people under them for what they are-raw, Coerci\le son's mind is a world-wide organization power. This is the purpose of singing of revolutionary students and young the 1ickey Mouse Club jingle at stu- faculty and alumni. "Hopefully, in the dent government meetings, of ridicul- not too distant future, we may be ining and harrassing student disciplinary strumental in forming a new Internahearings and tribunals, of burning the tional Union of Revolutionary Youth," Dean of Men and/or 'Nomen in effigy, he writes. Mark Rudd entered Columbia Coletc. People will not move against institutions of power until the legitimizing lege in the fall of 1965, just when the authority has been stripped away." Da- Students for a Democratic Society were vidson is conscious that such disruption beginning to drift further leftward. Tn and negativism may backfire. "\Vhile his high school days, he had been a we may be criticized for not offering hard-working, broadly active student. 'constructive' criticisms, we should re- He was a ham radio operator, a goalie ply that the only constructive way to on the school soccer team, a troop 6
leader in the Boy Scouts, and president of the high school's Political Club. His College Board test scores were all in the 700s (800 is perfect) and he graduated sixth in a class of 704 boys and girls. His community, Maplewood, l'\ ew Jersey, was a snugly upper-middle class one with a large minority of successful Jewish businessmen and professionals. Rudd's father, a Polish emigre whose name originally was Rudnitskv, is a former Army lieutenantcolonel and now a fairly well-off real estate dealer. The Rudds' only other son, David, is already a practicing lawvel'. A Columbia admissions officer who interviewed Rudd early in 1965 remembers him as "a somewhat tense, rather introspective fellow with high ideals who seemed to be searching hard for something important to do in life." He recalls also that he was "a bit sullen, but engagingly straightforward." Rudd had a respectable freshman year. He studied fairly hard and collected a mixture of A's and B's for grades, just missing the Dean's list. F,Jl' extracurricular work, he volunteer~d for the College's Citizenship Program, the remarkable student-run activity in which over 500 of the College's 2,700 students annually work in prisons, ghetto areas, psychiatric and rehabilitation stations, and the like as a social service. Rudd tutored youngsters in Harlem. The next academic year, as a sophomore, Rudd, disturbed about the Vietnam war, discovered radical politics and switched his extracuricular interests primarily to anti-war activities. He joined the Independent Committee on Vietnam, a vociferous campus group that opposes not only the Vietnam involvement but all U.S. involvements in foreign situations. Since many of the 100 or so students associated with the I.C.V., as it is called, had an overlapping affiliation with the Students for Democratic Society, Rudd also plugged into that group. (Student organizations, especially the political organizations, are extremeIv loose and shifting these days. Officers, dues, committees, formal meetings, official policies, and all that are regarded as ".'dickey :\Iouse"-childish, overly formal stuff to be avoided. Organizations form and collapse quickly, mostly when specific issues appear that need attack. For the bigger, tougnCOLUMBIA COLLEGE TODAY