Atlantis #21.1 The fair city by ATLANTIS

photo copyright: Babak Nikkhah Bahrami

ATLANTI issue 21.1 October 2009

The Fair City 1

editorial edoardo Pouyan mehdizadeh felici

Education As we get back on the track and start a new year with Polis, helping Atlantis get on his feet again has been more than fun for me. Back a few months ago during the introduction day of the Polis this job, better said comittee was offered to me, with my acceptance they handed the magazine that hadn’t been published for months to me and with the help and support of Edoardo Felici, the board chairman, I got through it and here we are with Atlantis back on its’ feet again, publishing the first magazine of the 20092010 study year. So i’m assuming you will forgive me for the lacks and the faults! This edition is mostly concentrated on the article of Edward Hulsbergen, the co-founder of Polis, now 20 years ago. He is retiring from the job; so as a thank you we published his article about Urbanism and the concept of vulnerbility and deprivation, with hereby attached articles of other urbanism colleagues about Edward Hulsbergen’s article as a contribution to him. It has been a honor for me to be of help to get all this together and present the first copy to Edward Hulsbergen.

The Fair City

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editorial contents from the board polis MSc program Urbanism │2009-2011

Synchronization of mental abilities

Urbanism and the Concept of

38 40 41 42 43 44 45 48 50 51 53 56 58

Edward Hulsbergen:

Vulnerability & Deprivation

voor al uw sociaal-fysiek stedebouwonderwijs

A cartography of fairness: some visual associations Vulnerability & Deprivation

De taal van de kwetsbaarheid Housing for social inclusion Making the fair city ideal explicit “Vulnerable citizens deprived of position in the planning system’

The fair city is further away Physical networks and fairness The reality of deprivation (photodoc.)

Dag Edward en tot ziens Studiedag We want you & Call for submissions

POLIS - platform FOR URBANISM

from the board edoardo felici

Dear Polis members and Atlantis readers, With this edition we say goodbye to a valued member of our association. In fact, Edward Hulsbergen can be regarded as one of the founders of Polis. Dedicating a special issue to him and his work is the least we can offer to show our gratitude for his help and participation throughout the years.

In November we are planning a bureau excursion, as one of our main activities as a practice association is to show and prepare you for your future profession. More contact with the world outside your faculty will also take place in December as we are planning round table conversations between students and old Polis members.

The issue of ‘fairness’ has become especially relevant in this age of crisis, as we are faced with an insecure future regarding our own wealth and the earth’s environment. I hope this issue will interest everyone as it touches the very fundamentals of equality and fairness in urbanism. At the same time, using ‘fair’ as a synonym for beauty, we found it appropriate to give an hommage to the city that hosts our university with the cover photo.

Contact with our colleagues of VIA in Eindhoven has been set up again and joint activities are already in the making. Broadening our view outside the perimeter of Delft gives us better insight in our education and profession and can only be deemed extremely useful.

I want to thank all the staff members that have contributed to this issue and in particular Ana Maria Fernandez Maldonado for coordinating and giving support in the creation of this magazine. Her enthousiasm is greatly appreciated, especially now that we find ourselves in need of support. Our list of activities is starting to build up again after two bleak years. Two weeks after the release of this issue Polis and Forum have organized a very interesting ‘Studiedag’ concerning the plans around the Nieuw Crooswijk neighbourhood of Rotterdam. More information can be found in the advertisement in the back of this magazine.

A final word of thanks also to members that have contributed to enriching our archive with material. As said in the previous issue, all our material burnt together with our former faculty. I would to thank Stef van der Gaag, Alexander van Zweeden, the BNSP and other members for donating material to us. Anyone else interested in giving us old books, magazines or publications: we welcome everything! Hopefully by the next issue of Atlantis planned in January a new chairman will have been found and installed. After two and a half difficult years it is finally time for Polis to flourish again. I am glad we have not disappeared and I am confident the future will hold great things.

History

Consultation

Urbanism

Polis Fund

Podium

The Polis board of 2009-2010

Polis was founded in October 1989 by Urbanism teachers and students of the department of Urbanism in the Faculty of Architecture, in Delft University of Technology. The initiative was created to preserve and reinforce the quality of the education, under pressure from modifications. Furthermore, Polis has the goal to initiate better contact between education, research and practice.

Urbanism is a dynamic subject. The content of the profession is forever subject to change and a topic of discussion. This is headed by the changes in society. As an urbanist in the daily practice and in research it is important to be aware of these changes to take a stand. The urbanist can then give a vision on the [design] tasks in our society.

Polis, Podium for Urbanism, wants to give urbanists in the practice and in fields of reasearch a podium where the determination of their role is possible. The goal of Polis is seduce urbanists to profit from this podium. This is done through the organisation of various activities as excursions, debates, lectures, symposia and competitions. Our periodical magazine Atlantis plays an important role in this, as it is a platoform for discussion and it gives a good overview of all the Polis activities.

Polis is the link between scientific research and practice. Polis keeps in touch with different groups within urbanism. Polis leads conversations on different levels about the quality of education. The relevance for research and education in this is a primal criterium. To increase the range inside and outside of the Faculty, Polis keeps connections to related organisations.

The Polis Fund was created by Polis, Podium for Urbanism to promote and finance individual and small scale activities that come forth from the daily practice. Please contact Polis for funding requests.

Edoardo Felici [president] Robert Stam [secretary] Jonathan van de Bilt [treasurer] + you? Practice members: Bart Stoffels Christian Messing Main editor Atlantis: Pouyan Mehdizadeh

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MSc program Urbanism │2009-2011

Remon M. Rooij r.m.rooij@tudelft.nl graduation coordinator Urbanism, MSc coordination team Urbanism, Educational Board Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology

Background MSc changes Early 2008, the daily board of the Urbanism department asked Inge Bobbink from the chair of Landscape Architecture, Stefan vd Spek from the chair of Urban Design and Remon Rooij from the chair of Spatial Planning & Strategy to develop a proposal for a new MSc Urbanism program. Student, staff and management evaluations presented a number of critiques to be addressed in a new program (Bobbink, Rooij & Van der Spek 2008, p11-12). The starting points for the new program (ibid., p13-14) were discussed intensively within both the MSc coordination team meetings (Steenbergen, Harteveld, Rooij) and the Urbanism daily board meetings. The final program proposal was fully accepted and approved by the dean and the Secretary of Education of the faculty of Architecture. This article presents in brief the contents and structure of the adapted MSc program, which has its kick-off in September 2009 (see illustration Structure MSc Urbanism program: studios and courses). Motivation for the MSc Urbanism program All over the world, people are leaving behind their rural lives to move to cities. The relevance of urbanism -as a discipline aiming for sustainable urban development- therefore is becoming self-evident: cities and regions transform into (dense) urban fields and metropoles. But problems of congestion and spatial segregation grow, and competition for limited space increases accordingly. The Urbanism MSc track at Delft University of Technology addresses the urban question from the point of view of urban & regional design, spatial planning & strategy, landscape architecture and environmental planning. It aims to equip the prospective urban planner/designer with skills to develop innovative solutions for a sustainable urban future. Students are challenged via a number of critical design projects (see also: Rooij, Harteveld, Steenbergen 2007) to consider and debate what is and what is not possible in today’s and tomorrow’s urban environments.

Structure MSc Urbanism program: studios and courses

MSc 1 _ Quarter 1 _ 15ects _ coord: Stefan vd Spek & René vd Velde

MSc 2 _ Quarter 3 _ 15ects _ coord: Diego Sepulveda & Daan Zandbelt

Analysis and Design of Urban Form

Spatial Strategies for the Global Metropolis

The first quarter of the MSc Urbanism program focuses on the analysis and design of the composition, structure and fabric of the city. It states that dealing with the urban problematique and phenomenon begins with a thorough understanding of the form the city as archetypical spatial problem. Specific attention is given to the relationship between city and landscape: (i) the underlying landscape and its effects on and conditions for urban form, (ii) the ‘landscape’ of public spaces, which define the main urban structure and spatial pattern, and (iii) the landscape architectural traditions, which have played an important role in the development of our (Dutch) cities and urban design traditions.

The third quarter focuses on regionalization and metropolization in a globalizing world. It states that the networked city region is the space where the daily lives of people take place, increasingly independent of administrative and spatial boundaries. Both spatial and virtual processes of connectivity and mobility indeed bring at the same time people in contact with the wider world, while they also bring the global and metropolitan to every place.

The aim of the Research & Design Studio is to understand (by analysis) and to intervene (by design) in the spatial composition of the city as a whole. In order to do so, the studio also takes into consideration both the position of the city in its (surrounding) context and the key components of the urban composition. Next to the (10ects) R&D studio work, this quarter offers two courses on the ‘History and Theory of Urbanism’ and on the ‘Practice of Urbanism (part I)’.

Key words Urban Landscapes; Urban Morphology; Visualization; Analysis Methods for Urban Design; Ecological Sustainability; Haarlem

The aim of the R&D studio is to explore the future of a sub-region within the Randstad by designing a spatial development perspective making the Randstad (more) competitive in our urbanizing world. This ‘perspective’ consists of both a regional vision and local -key project- interventions. Next to the 10ects R&D studio, this quarter offers a course on R&D Methodology for urbanists, focusing on academic skills for practice/design driven research approaches. It helps students to get prepared for developing their theoretical and methodological framework of the graduation project in the second MSc year.

Key words Regional Planning & Design; Spatial Strategies; Globalisation; Economic Sustainability; SocioSpatial Feasibility; IJsselmonde MSc 2 _ Quarter 4 _ 15ects

Free choice

The fourth quarter consists of a 15ects free choice program. MSc 1 _ Quarter 2 _ 15ects _ coord: Paul Stouten & Willem Hermans

Socio-Spatial Processes in the City The second quarter of the program focuses on the processes of transformation taking place in today’s urban society and their effects on the physical composition of the city. It states that cities nowadays are (at the same time) confronted with a variety of processes, such as decline and flourishing, maintenance and modernization, demolition and transformation, management and renewal, and demographic transition and revitalization. This complex of processes, the stakeholders involved and their engagement together define the socio-cultural and spatial-economic context, in which the discussion takes place about the city of tomorrow. The aim of the R&D studio is to develop spatial transformation strategies (including their design detailing and materialization) for city districts that need to be regenerated: problematic housing districts, dysfunctional industrial sites, deteriorated office parks, etc. Next to the 10ects R&D studio, this quarter offers two courses on ‘Sustainable Urban Engineering of Territory’ and on the ‘Practice of Urbanism (part II)’.

Key words Urban Regeneration; Urban Essential (Spatial-Cultural Heritage); Urban Economy, Law and Planning; Urban Program; Social Sustainability; Nijmegen

MSc 3/4 _ 60 ects _ coord: Remon Rooij

Graduation Lab Urbanism The second year of the MSc Urbanism is completely dedicated to the graduation project. It gives the student a unique opportunity to do an in-depth R&D project in the field of urbanism within the graduation lab Urbanism. The lab consists of several (so called) project-based graduation studios, about which the students learn (via workshops) in their phase of project orientation. The themes and projects of the studios vary per semester (umbrella themes are Urban Regeneration, Urban Landscapes, Globalizing Metropolis), but they are always closely linked to the research portfolio and research staff of the Urbanism department. Some studios might offer a more individual oriented approach in MSc3, other studios a more collective one (group work). The main focus in the first weeks of the MSc3 is to start up the graduation project. Subsequently, students develop in MSc3 a theoretical and methodological framework for their project, besides their analysis, research and design work. At the end of MSc3, students present: · their methodological framework in the format of a thesis plan · their theoretical framework in the format of a review paper, to be presented at the Graduation Lab Urbanism mini-conference at the end of MSc3 · their R&d progress and results

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The main focus of the MSc4 is the development of the individual graduation project into a final thesis. In MSc4, students work closely together with their mentor team on an individual basis. The assessment of the student work is done in line with the Faculty of Architecture academic calendar , the Faculty of Architecture graduation manual , and the Urbanism graduation criteria .

The proof of the pudding is in the eating The aims for the ‘new’ Urbanism program are more ambitious than ever…… · More and smaller (‘critical’) design projects than before (in the program 2002-2009) in the first year: 3x 10ects R&D projects in Q1, 2, 3 + 15ects free choice in Q4. o Studio Q1 focusing on urban form and composition, the scale of the city and ecological sustainability o Studio Q2 focusing on urban processes and program, the scale of the city district and social sustainability o Studio Q3 focusing on globalisation and metropolisation, the scale of the region and economic sustainability · The broadness of our field of Urbanism is fully represented in both the compulsory program (studio and/or courses) and the Graduation Lab of Urbanism. · Closer connection the professional projects and discussions is achieved via the new course Practice of Urbanism, led by our Professor of Practice Maurits de Hoog. · A clear cut course on academic skills for professional urban designers and planners fo cusing on (i) academic writing, (ii) comparing and reflecting on different practice/ design driven research approaches, and (iii) developing theoretical and methodological understanding and underpinning in the R&D studio projects. · A close connection between our MSc education and our department’s research portfolio via the project-based graduation studios …… but we -as MSc coordination team- will need to monitor the program intensively to make sure that our ambitions are met. We know. We’ll do.

References Bobbink, I., R.Rooij, S. van der Spek, 2008, Urbanism. Sketch MSc programme 2009-2010. Memo prepared for the Urbanism department meeting July 3rd 2008 Rooij, R., C. Steenbergen, M. Harteveld, 2007, Verantwoordelijkheden en Verwachtingen in het Onderwijs – van studenten, docenten en onderwijsorganisaties, met betrekking tot leren & doceren, leerprocessen en leeromgevingen. In: Atlantis, no. ??. POLIS podium voor Stedebouwkunde

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Ali Guney, Arch Lecturer precedent analysis

Synchronization of Mental Abilities

Abstract I think it is better to summarize some cognitive issues in relation to this subject; how we learn, how we should organize learning (instructions), knowledge, etc. before treating creativity and rationality. Is it, really, possible to consider creativity without any kind of involvement of the ability of problem solving? Do designers not solve a kind of problem while they ‘create’ an (conceptual) artifact? What kind of mental process is creativity? Is it a mental ability of physical nature only, or is it also a kind of constructed form what we might have built up through our lives because of our tendencies ever since our childhood? Have not we built up our present knowledge by experience, by intuition and by many other learning instructions? Do we use our rationality only to solve algorithmic problems or is creativity also, somehow, a quick, well constructed rationality? Maybe both are of the same the same type of intelligence but creativity is more mystical to explain and the other seems to be easier to clarify. What is it to be creative or rational in terms of mental process? What do a creative and a rational mental behavior look like? Do not we use (creative) methods that are rational as well as creative behavior? What might a creative method mean to us? I would like to give some examples from my teaching experience by hoping that it gives some hint about this issue. When I ask my students to make some analysis or design for a given task, actually, they use declarative, procedural and tacit knowledge as well as their intuition while trying to reach their creative design solutions. Every semester they produce mostly similar results in many ways but also somehow different from each other. Each student has a different background in some ways as well as similar ones since the media gives them the chance of immediate com-

munication besides that of local experience. I would like to present some examples of my students’ work during the conference, which will reflect some of their rational and intuitive thinking within the global and regional effect. One of the human cognitive faculties is intuition, as we all know. Students are more successful when we set them free to use their intuition besides using declarative, procedural and tacit knowledge. In all fruitful creative design process, teachers should rationally, motivate them to activate all their mental abilities to employ but then by helping them to find out the constraints of the issues at hand, since otherwise students can be lost in the sea of chaotic trivial and indirect relevant variables. Finally, education should be rational enough to stimulate students to get trained in using mental leaps, which goes with the analogical reasoning, for a creative learning process in the widest sense including how to achieve creative design solutions. They should learn to use all their abilities simultaneously to enjoy the synchronic effect of it. It might be useful to expose some ideas about conditions of learning before going in depth with rationality and creativity. Rationality, in the sense of reasoning, is easier to explain more explicitly than creativity. We all understand that teaching can not satisfy the entire learning process since it is only one of the teaching instructions named learning by being taught”. There are more of learning instructions other than “learning by being taught; learning by discovery, by experience, by trial and error, by being told, by repetition, by analogy, etc. We are not able to control the whole process of what students have already learnt and will learn. What we need is, first of all, motivated students who can learn. ”The only thing that must be assumed is the existence of a student who is capable of

learning. This is the starting point” (Gagne, 1985, p 19). Motivation and capability of learning are only the internal conditions of learning. There are also external conditions of it that teachers and managers of education should take into account. There must be a plan for teaching before teachers begin to teach. In particular, we need a plan concerning students’ capabilities before beginning to teach and after; what are the standard knowledge and abilities to begin and to what end, what they should learn in each phase are all should be taken in to account to instruct effectively (Gagne,1985. p 20). Besides, we should manage learning, too. Teaching stuff should have a strategy to let students keep their motivation, guide them in their efforts. Teachers have the one of the main tasks to motivate the students to learn, keep learning and guide them in the direction of their efforts, evaluate their the product of what they have learnt to achieve an effective learning system (Gagne, 1985, p 20). Besides, we should manage learning, too. Teaching stuff should have a strategy to let students keep their motivation, guide them in their efforts. Teachers have the one of the main tasks to motivate the students to learn, keep learning and guide them in the direction of their efforts, evaluate their the product of what they have learnt to achieve an effective learning system (Gagne, 1985, p 20). Nevertheless, in my opinion, students need an environment of learning that teachers are dominant elements of it during lessons besides all other elements like learning equipments, libraries, and many others, so that they have a chance to observe and chose what they want to learn under the guidance of teachers to explore also their curiosities and abilities. Students and teaching environment can adopt themselves to each other. We can make an analogy between the two-way process of learning/teaching and observer/his or (her) environment. “Environmental images are the result of a two- way process between the observer and his environment. The environment suggests distinctions and relations, and the observer-with great adaptability and in the light of his own purposesselects, organizes, and endows with meaning what he sees” (Lynch, 1984, p 6). This is, of course, only an analogy in relation to their roles of both the target and the source analogies: learners/ teachers as source analogy and observer/ environment as target analogy (Holyoak and Thagart, 1996).

Another factor that is also external to students is instructing. Teaching stuff should provide well-organized conditions of learning for learners so that they can keep learning phase by phase and discover realms fit in their curiosities. “Instruction means arranging the conditions of learning that are external to the learner” (Gagne, 1985, p 20). I think instructions are a set of external arrangements by teaching stuff to give way learners to use their mental abilities to process the given information to learn. “In the most general sense, instruction is intended to promote learning. This means that the external situation needs to be arranged to activate, support, and maintain the internal processing that constitutes each learning event” (Gagne, 1985, p 20). We should also take into account the fact that selective perception is also a constraint which influences our learning that involves also the context (Gagne, 1985, p 81). It is plausible, in accordance with the belief today, to understand learning as ‘information-processing’ which involves long-term memory, short-term memory (working memory) and retrieval systems, transformation and the like. (Gagne, 1985, pp 1314). Read further: “In order to enter and be stored in the long-term memory, the material of learning must be encoded. That is, it has to be transformed into a form that is semantic, or meaningful…Encoding, however, is the critical process by which incoming information is transformed into learned and memorable capabilities” (Gagne, 1985, pp 81-82). Thus, what does the processed information become when it is learnt? This brings us to the concept “knowledge” which means to me: justified true belief that implies also many suppositions because its ultimate convincing concept is belief. What can we say about sorts of knowledge? What kind of knowledge can we have? According to some sources there are 3 sorts of knowledge: 1-Declarative knowledge (knowing what which also has two sub sorts: a-language like representations, b- image like representations), 2-Procedural Knowledge (knowing how), 3-Tacit knowledge (some thing like implicit knowledge), and 4-Linguistic Knowledge (which is also a kind of Tacit knowledge since even if we can not explain all rules of our native language, we still can use it and can be understood by people who use the same language as his own native one (Stillings et al, 1998).

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Mean while, intuition is a different matter from tacit knowledge, although it might be seen like that. I think intuition is a kind of built in form in our mind; we get it by our birth. It is a kind of mental ability that forms our first reaction to the external data so that then we can test this experience later to make it become tacit as well as explicit knowledge. Many theories are written about it, I am not going to in depth with it; it is too a deep issue to explain it within a paragraph of a paper. Nevertheless, there are discussions about the theory of knowledge. Psychologists and traditional epistemologists have different ideas about the distinction between declarative and procedural knowledge since, in their opinion, the two are very closely related. (Stillings et al, 1998, p 369). I think the difference between the two is imaginable, because we can never imagine anything without its functional relations. Some thing can only mean anything to us if we can relate it to some function that is also very closely related to procedural knowledge. Yet, I think we have declarative knowledge with some static properties (beside relational ones) like dimensions etc. which are activated during procedural processes. “Much of our knowledge-that is probably encoded declaratively, since much of it is mobilized in controlled processes” (Stillings et al, 1998, p 369). and about tacit knowledge: “There is a classical intellectualist suggestion: if an agent regularly employs rules in the integration of behavior, then if the agent is unable to report these rules, then it is necessarily true that the agent has tacit knowledge of them” (Fodor 1981, 73-74; reprint of Fodor 1968 in Stillings et al, 1998, p 371). After exploring some ideas about learning and teaching in general, it might be useful to summarize it by a schema (Figure 1). I try to explain here the representational, a Kantian approach I believe in. It shows that human mind constructs two kinds of knowledge in terms of objectivity (which is common to all human beings) and that of subjectivity (which is mostly individual). This leads us to another concept, namely “knowledge representation”. It is a kind of representation relates data structures to each other. “…a representation is a set of conventions about how to describe a class of things” (Winston, 1993, p 16). A knowledge representation has four parts: a lexical, a structural, a procedural and a semantic (Winston, 1993, p 19). Semantic net is one of the representation techniques in which there are lexical, structural and semantic parts besides other ones which are: associational, structured object, formal logic based, procedural, common sense knowledge representations and other approaches (Brachman and Levesque, 1985).

Nevertheless, representations should include many facets and they should be done systematically like theories, thus not fragmentary. “Theories, not individual sentences, are representations” (Hacking, 1993, p 133).

Figure 1. A schematic representation of representational mind After having discussed about learning, knowing, and knowledge representation, I want to attempt to present some ideas about how to use all kinds of knowledge during ‘creative’ design process and then how we should train students. If we study it properly, we can get to know better what and how to teach through some methods since our cognitive device is limited to solve complicated problems with many variables to take in to account. We need some models to understand complicated issues at hand under the pressure of time. We must use models to manage complex problems. Some talented persons can use metaphors to produce new models, but they need time to be tested and ready to use (Lynch, 1960, pp 288-289). What can we say about talent, then? I believe it is a kind of intelligent mental ability by birth that employs analogy which occurs by mental leaps, metaphor, circumscribing (finding the relevant information and eliminating the irrelevant.), quick recognition, relations between issues at hand in the widest sense (thus analysis), has quick perception of some aspects in relation to the problem at hand. Thus, a talented person seems to have nearly all mental abilities. Yes, I think he/she does have these but only in some issues.

Let us consider a talented architect who is said to be an idiot in economics. Is this person born with all skills and knowledge in architecture and without any kind of ability in economics? There is probably a fact that people can be born with gifted hardware and I guess this leads them to have tendency to explore what match with their interests. In my opinion, this talent occurs in the same way as the abovementioned intelligent mental ability does. These mental activities are in essence rational. Let us suppose all these cognitive activities were possible to teach to ‘untalented’ persons. Would it be possible for them to be able to act like talented ones? I suppose not since the quickness and tendencies would differ. In spite of this pessimist but clear sounding idea, we can still teach and train students. We can make them explore their capabilities. What do we need to begin with designing if we follow these ideas about mental activities of having talent? The schema (Figure 2) shows what the possible design phases are, and what we need to begin with design.

Figure 2. Some possible design phases All these phases include different scales and a bit different kind of information. Yet, the cognitive

process in each one remains unchanged. The schema (Figure 3) shows the original approach to design and analysis process but I modified it to other two ones (Figure 4 and 5).

Figure 3, “The design frame, graphically expressed, looks like this:”, after Tzonis, 1992 In figure 4, it is shown how we analyze a precedent through its form- operation-performance. This is, of course, one of the methods for precedent analysis. We use precedent analysis to learn about solutions that are on the surface look different but in some ways similar so that designers use it during design process. “To create concepts one needs to be able to detect similarities between situations despite their differences” (Holyoak and Thagart,1996, p 22). One of the most important task of precedent analysis is finding out what hidden (morphological) relations and principles are that underlie the form of the artifact at issue. It can be first seen as some thing different from its real morphological structure because of its immediately accessible properties, if we study it properly we can understand correct properties of that artifact. Here this state of art is explained with a very good example: “For example, on the basis of readily accessible properties that can be seen, people presumably will not judge whales to be very similar to other mammals not fish, they will probably acknowledge that with respect to some important, although less accessible property or properties whales are similar to other mammals. This observation suggests that restricting oneself to relatively accessible properties may make it difficult to account for the perceived similarity of whales to other mammals. If one can not appeal to “hidden” properties, it is difficult to explain the fact that people might recognize such All these ideas imply that we should analyse the artefacts to gain proper knowledge of it. I mean by analysis in its general sense: it is a kind of representation of breaking up a whole into its components

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on such a way that the elements do not have to be broken down into more ‘unnecessary’ (due to some criteria) details; besides, the structural and semantic relations between components must be preserved and exposed. This “… unnecessary details…” will lead us to the term ‘morpheme’ in morphological analysis of architectural design. By morpheme I mean: the smallest meaningful unit of an artifact and morphology is the science of morphemes (Tzonis, 1992).

References Brachman, R J and Levesque, H J (1985) Readings in Knowledge Representation, Morgan Kaufmann Publishers Inc., San Francisco, California Canizaro, V B (2007) Architectural Regionalism: Collected Writtings on Place, Identity, Modernity, and Tradition, Princeton Architectural Press, New York Gagne, R M (1985) The Conditions of Learning and Theory of Instruction. Holt, Rinehart and Winston, New York

Figure 5. A schematic representation of the major units

Figure 4. A possible cognitive structure of (architectural) precedent analysis, compare with figure 7 Thus, in this schema (figure 4) we can see how the form is related to operation and performance. The form of an artifact is further analyzed into its major units, sub units and finally sub divisions. Spatial relations (figure 5, 6) are recognized and represented as a semantic net work. There are of course many aspects of its form, but I think it is useful, first of all, to find out its basic units and their relations beside organizational sorts of it since otherwise we would have been lost within unnecessary details. We would not see the hidden principles of precedent at hand to be analyzed. Objects are mostly not the same as they are seen. “Our sense of direct understanding is an illusion, because the apparent simplicity of everyday comprehension arises from the subtlety and complexity of the human mind” (Holyoak and Thagart, 1996, p 22 ).

Figure 6. A schematic representation of the major units

Figure 7. A possible cognitive structure of (architectural) design mechanism, compare with figure 4 This schema above represents a way of modeling design process, a kind of synthetic one. This process is applied to all phases which is shown in figure 2. Synthesis is bringing the ‘undividable’ (in accordance with some criteria- morpheme) components into a possible whole(s) within their mutual structural and semantic relationships. This is, of course, a very short explanation of synthesis in general. Later on I will, further, explain what possible combinable mutual structure and semantic are in (architectural) compositions through their components or morphemes /and or: combination of morphemes (objects). During every design process, designers analyze what relevant is. They use precedent knowledge which is from allover the world. They learn from each other; they build their semantic networks through entire environment they act in, globally. Each of them learns from other designer’s semantic networks to become more capable of creating better design solutions. They should keep doing it-without losing attention on the importance of regionalism- because: “Although the individual concepts in a person’s semantic networks are important for thought, the full power of human thinking depends on its capacity to combine concepts to create more complex structure” (Holyoak and Thagart,1996, p 22 ). Finally, this study implies that design teaching stuff should provide relevant knowledge, implicit/tacit and explicit, and also learning environment so that students freely can explore and develop their abilities bye being guided by teaching stuff. It is thus useful to use all kinds of knowledge since they have then a synchronic positive effect on teaching and learning.

Gibson, J J (1979) The Ecological approach to Visual Perception, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Hillsdale, New Jersey, London Holyoak, K J and Thagard, P (1996). Mental leaps: analogy in creative thought, MIT press, Cambridge, Massachusetts Lynch, K (1984), Good City Form, The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England Lynch, K (1960) The Image of the City, The MIT Press: Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London, England Pfeiffer, B B (1993) Frank Lloyd Wright: Collected Writings: Volume 3: 1931-1939, Rizolli/New York in association with the frank Lloyd Wright Foundation Preziosi, D (1979) Architecture, Language, and Meaning: The Origins of the built World and its Semiotic Organization, Approaches to Semiotics 49, Mouton Publishers, The Hague, Paris, London Stillings, N A, et al (1998) The Cognitive Science: An Introduction, MIT press, Massachusetts, London, England Taylor, J S (1983) Commonsense Architecture: A CrossCultural Survey of practical design Principles, W.W. Norton & Company, New York, London Tzonis, A (1991) Huts, Ships and Bottleracks: Design by Analogy for Architects and/or Machines, in: Research in Design Thinking-edited by N Cross et al, Delft University Press, Delft University of Technology Vosniadou, S; Ortony, A (2003) Similarity and Analogical Reasoning, Cambridge University Press: Cambridge, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne, Sydney Winston, P H (1993) Artificial Intelligence: third edition, Addision-Wesley Publishing Company, Massachusetts

education

The Fair city

Urbanism and the Concept of

Vulnerability & Deprivation Edward D. Hulsbergen

Introduction Urban development discussions usually focus on the competitive power of cities or regions. The supposed competitive urban needs are usually of a rather one-sides nature, and primarily include economic and technical innovation, creative environments, imagined excellence of the location, promising niches, as well as strategies and projects. Competition for markets does not appear to mix naturally with the living conditions of vulnerable and deprived residents. Also other aspects of sustainable development are easily left apart. It must be said that although sustainable development is nowadays a mandatory item, it is nonetheless a difficult subject to deal with, not in the least as views on sustainability change. Sustainable urban development and inclusive urbanism focussed on improving urban living conditions, go beyond the common narrow definition of economic competitiveness which is rather careless about long term urban processes. Sustainable urban development is generally speaking about the integration of social, economic and environmental interests, and it also deals with mutual conflicts and solves spatial conflicts (European Commission, 1999). The improvement of the urban living conditions to become more competitive may start with the perceived strong urban assets, but should include the so called problem districts in an approach which is multi-sector, multiactor, multi-disciplinary and not in the least multi-scale (Roberts & Sykes, 2000). Sustainable urban development and inclusive urbanism focussed on improving urban living conditions, go beyond the common narrow definition of economic competitiveness which

is rather careless about long term urban processes. Sustainable urban development is generally speaking about the integration of social, economic and environmental interests, and it also deals with mutual conflicts and solves spatial conflicts (European Commission, 1999). The improvement of the urban living conditions to become more competitive may start with the perceived strong urban assets, but should include the so called problem districts in an approach which is multi-sector, multiactor, multi-disciplinary and not in the least multi-scale (Roberts & Sykes, 2000). This article focuses on the urban living conditions of vulnerable and deprived households, so on the lowest social and spatial scale. The reason is, that the validity of identified urban opportunities, potentialities, progress and problems requires empirical proof on all relevant spatial scales, including the lowest ones. That is where households actually live: the house, neighbourhood and the urban and rural networks people use for environmental, economic and social connections (Dupuy, 2008). The persistent continuation of urban problems for a large number of citizens demonstrates the failures of the sectored approaches. Vulnerability and deprivation appear to be rather permanent aspects of urban living conditions for many an urban household. Understanding and responding to this requires valid and reliable measuring, and awareness of fallacies of aggregation and of disaggregation, concerning the underpinning of the (ex ante) expected outcomes of proposed interventions or the ex post evaluation (Hulsbergen, 2005). In the next section the backgrounds of vulnerability and deprivation are discussed, followed

by a section about deprivation measures in the Netherlands, and a section with own research outcomes. In the subsequent section vulnerability and deprivation are explained and operationally defined. In the last section conclusions are presented.

Selected past studies and debates related to vulnerability and deprivation The discussion on the occurrence of urban vulnerability and deprivation is not new, nor are the approaches to deal with problematic living conditions and problematic population groups. The concepts, definitions, and operational terms and measures change through time. Approaches to improve living conditions may depart from all kinds of interests. A short travel through the last half century, with a small but vocal selection of studies in France, the United Kingdom and the United States of America may help to get some insight into the hindrances in understanding urban vulnerability and deprivation. The selection is based on the representation of meaning for the debate, not so much on constructing a statistically representative sample; let alone the last could be possible. In Paris, Coing (1966) studied the consequences for households of forced removals in a Parisian redevelopment district. With his data of 145 households he constructed four types: a) households for whom the removal came too late; b) households with resilience, but without enough money to furnish the new dwelling after removal; c) households with enough energy to cope and with some means left; and d) households with a sufficient income to live a good life after the removal. This typology is effective because it makes a clear distinction between different kinds of effects on daily life in the new living conditions, and it shows that the problematic side has different faces. It also shows the diversity of households who do not cope well. This is contrary to the common belief of one-dimensional poverty and other misery.

A study in Stockwell, Lambeth in London (Her Majesty’s Stationary Office, 1977) showed that people who moved to new areas did not leave many of their problems behind; for example low paid jobs, little formal education. In the new housing conditions many needs were neglected. A remarkable conclusion of this study is that financial poverty hardly correlated with bad housing; and that social services had only marginal effects. The researchers criticised the (then) current simplistic definitions of problem groups and problem areas. Edwards and Batley (1978), in their evaluation of the British Urban Programme – the policy for inner cities from 1967 until 1977 to diminish inequality and poverty – concluded amongst others that the abundant diversity of definitions of deprivation (inequality and poverty) suffered from the statistical confusions with respect to characteristics of persons/groups and characteristics of areas (including fallacies of aggregation and disaggregation). The definition of urban deprivation became more and more a mix of delinquency, vandalism, illiteracy, mental and physical handicaps, as well as skin colour. The policy to tackle urban problems was reduced in practice to cheap local projects, which lacked a clear contribution to the structural problems. Bentham pointed to the phenomenon that deprivation often occurred on a spatial scale much lower than the (statistical) district: the so-called pockets of deprivation. Especially in older neighbourhoods he doubted the relevance of the formal geographic units, such as districts, for urban policy (Bentham,1985). This is a problem, when these (spatial and social) categorisations are too crude to link areas and people to the specific targets, money may flow to locations and households which actually do not meet the criteria of greatest needs, and the ‘measured’ success is mainly statistical. Not to mention that crude categorization can easily lead to prejudice and discrimination. Hartman (1983), about situations in the United States of America, concluded that spatial interventions were not always in the interests

of specific, vulnerable population groups. The availability of housing, which is anyhow lower for people with less income, becomes visibly problematic in the connection with the composition of the household, the household size, older age in combination with health, disabilities, source of income, and ethnic origin. Interventions in the spatial and social structure are bad when these disrupt or destroy the ways of life of poor and dependent people without offering manageable opportunities for them, resulting in forms of institutionalised helplessness, and increased bureaucracy. Meltzer (1984) also doubts the efficacy of a strategy solely based on the improvement of housing and environment, as the causal relations prove to be different. In the context of the United Kingdom, Edgar & Taylor (2000) stress the importance of new and decent housing as a driver of urban regeneration. However, it is also true that new housing may help to brighten municipal statistics, while leaving other problems untouched. The empirical studies mentioned above are from the past, but these are characteristic, not to say archetypal, as I see it. The last decades a multitude of studies appeared in the Netherlands (the websites of e.g. KEI, NICIS, FORUM show the abundance and variety; the number of articles seems limitless). In the next paragraph focus is on the national ‘deprivation measures’.

Deprivation measures in the Netherlands In the beginning of the 1980’s, the ‘social deprivation measure’ of the Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP, 1980) was rather popular in order to select problem districts. This social deprivation was defined as a complex of shortages, and operationalized by eleven statistically highly correlated indicators, mainly of social and economic nature, which were used to select districts with an ‘accumulation of deprivations’. From a scientific point of view the selection and elaboration of the data could be criticized, as well as the pretension of validity to rank areas with this measure. Our doubts were intensified in that time, when “an overview of

areas in the Netherlands of about 5 to 15.000 residents with relatively large deprivation (measured by income, percentages living on welfare) and a relative high number of members of minority groups” (Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken, 1983:122; translation by the author) was made, in order to tackle urban problems. Many municipalities used the outcomes to ask for funding to improve their ‘worst-problemareas’. Recently, problem areas are selected in the Netherlands by a comparable approach. In the framework of the national programme ‘Van probleemwijk naar prachtwijk’ (from problem district to grand district) 18 indicators are selected, and divided into four measures (called: socio-economic deprivations, spatial-physical deprivations, liveability problems related to socio-economic problems, and spatial- and social-physical problems). The scores on the four measures, unweighed taken together, are the measure of ‘accumulation of deprivations and problems’, and decisive to rank the districts (KEI, 2007). Again, municipalities try to put forward their own ‘worst-problem-areas’. I n comparing old or recent measures, the type of measure is the same, and the results likewise questionable. There is not, but there should be dealt with two basic definition and operational problems. The first is the selection of the variables; these need to be relevant for identifying problematic living conditions, including preventing fallacies of aggregation and disaggregation. The second is the problem of dimensionality; which is about the identification of the (minimum number of ) dimensions needed to define the actual living conditions households have to cope with. The present debate and action to improve neighbourhoods seems good-willing, but in view of the results one might suggest that the quest of ‘social innovation in urban revitalisation’ could have a more integrated focus with attention to urban dynamics and diversity, all this with a higher priority (Drewe, Klein & Hulsbergen, 2008).

Own research Our first attempts to organise the testing of (then) current problem definitions – concerning areas and population groups – dates back to the beginning of the 1980s. In the secondary analysis of the Living Conditions Survey of 1974 (Hulsbergen & Drewe, 1984) the main concentration was on methodological issues, such as how to process the large data base, of 4806 respondents with 559 scores; how to select relevant information, to test hypotheses in a multivariate way of a database with mainly categorical data. But also on criticizing, in our view simplistic notions of deprivation of the SCP and Ministries (see preceding section). In order to test the supposed one-dimensional relation between spatial and social aspects we decided to distinguish two main spatial variables (deprivation and living environment, on various spatial scales) and three main social variables (vulnerability, socio-economic status and life cycle phase). All five were operationalized step by step (diminishing redundancy, establishing the discriminating value of variable scores for the main variables) with the available census data, as far as was possible in this secondary analysis. Even though the data were not ideal, the canonical analyses concerning the relations between the five main variables showed the absence of simple correlations between spatial and social aspects, and the necessity of defining and quantifying problem groups in a multivariate way, based on the conditions of households. We tested these outcomes in various situations, with different databases, and more refined input. As we could not afford and use (then) recent databases on living conditions of the National Census Office, to control the (longitudinal) robustness of our findings, we used large databases which ‘came on our path’: a data base from Managua (Drewe & Hulsbergen, 1987), a data base concerning unemployment in Rotterdam (Feddema & Hulsbergen, 1991) and two databases from Cochabamba in Bolivia (Ledo Garcia, 2002). For an overview and connection of these studies see Hulsbergen (2005) and Drewe & Hulsbergen (2006).

The Managua and Rotterdam data supported the hypotheses on the multidimensionality of the problems, the necessary distinction between spatial and social aspects, and the possibility of quantifying vulnerable and deprived households. With the Cochabamba data it was also possible to analyze changes over time between 1988 and 1996. For both years, the data revealed comparable, two-dimensional structures. The first differentiates households in terms of high-to-low quality of the environment with respect to neighborhood location, sewage system, drinking water and housing quality. The second dimension classified households in terms of high-to-low vulnerability as well as inequalities expressed by source of income, age, employment insecurity, social stratification and home ownership. The remarkable outcome was that the structure of the two-dimensional model was the same for 1988 and 1996. However, the shifts in the dominant operational variables show that living conditions were worsening, in particular with regard to the availability of drinking water and unemployment. For the quantification a typology was constructed based on the two-dimensional model, with four categories: a) households at low risk; b) the recent poor; c) inertial poverty; and d) households at high risk. From 1988 to 1996 the share of ‘households at high risk’ had increased from 26.0 % to 30.5 %, and ‘inertial poverty’ from 23.8 % to 24.6 %. This meant that in 1996 more than half of the population was ‘deprived’ (both the shares of the ‘recent poor’ and of ‘households at low risk’ decreased). These findings were disaggregated by neighborhood and subsequently mapped, displaying the most affected areas.

The Art of Defining Urban Problems When is a 'problem definition' a good problem definition? What makes a specific problem definition preferable to another? Which problem definition justifies the decision to leave trusted, well-trodden paths? When is an urban area a problem area that must be dealt with? How can we ensure that we do not neglect urban needs, also when these are not explicitly mentioned in the problem definition? Our point of view is that even if an incorrect problem statement could lead to an effective approach, a ‘good’ problem definition is preferable. There is no simple answer to the preceding questions. However, the following considerations seem worthwhile to put into practice (Drewe & Hulsbergen, 1987; Hulsbergen, 1992): - It must be possible to conduct research on a problem definition - It must be possible to underpin the validity of the definition - Defining a problem is more of a process than a one-way affair - The point of departure, and who takes this position, must be made explicit - In defining the problem, care should be taken not to stigmatize a group of people or an area - People’s characteristics must be separated from the characteristics of the areas in which they live, being especially alert to avoid fallacies of (dis)aggregation - The problem definition should refer to potential approaches and routes to find solutions - Defining problems should be a conscious process and include openness to evaluation.

The Art of Evaluation Evaluations of architectural and urban designs and plans are often one-sided. According to Langdon (1990) good evaluations (effect analyses) include: - Positive and negative aspects - Object, project, location, processes and values - Explicit quality criteria - Contributions of all (future) actors - Clarity weighing arguments of critics towards final judgment. One could add, thorough attention to: - Reciprocal relation between analysis and composition - Relation between parts of the design

- Relation design to social and scientific questions - Quality of data used as arguments for design decisions - Actual meaning of models used to explain design - Relevance of design images for the stated problems

Vulnerability and Deprivation defined The research projects above have in common that the concepts of vulnerability and of deprivation are of main concern, methodologically as well as theoretically. Vulnerability and deprivation are not the only relevant concepts to study urban problems, but they are crucial to get insight into the – usually hidden - social costs of spatial urban interventions, i.e. the costs for residents who are usually not explicitly included in planning and design. In our multivariate analyses we found their relevance over and over again as independent main variables, contrary to the usual ideas about the one dimensionality of problems, problem areas and problem groups. As independent dimensions, they cannot be counted up, but need to be separated and connected. With respect to definitions and operationalisations, Chambers’ (1989:1) observation is pointed: “vulnerability is not the same as poverty (…) not lack or want, but defenselessness, insecurity and exposure to risk, shock and stress”, and, as such should be understood as being "the opposite of security". Vulnerability “has remained curiously neglected in analysis and policy, perhaps because of its confusion with poverty”. In my view this confusion is also true for the concept of deprivation. In other words, the art of defining urban problems could be improved in urban policy. But also the art of evaluation. (See Box) Vulnerability refers to the social dimension and consists of different forms of dependences, while deprivation refers to the spatial dimension, and consists of a variety of shortages in the living environment on various spatial scales. For a good understanding of urban problems vulnerability and deprivation have to be distinguished sharply in order to prevent fallacies of (dis)aggregation. Dependences and shortages can be made operational as follows (Hulsbergen, 2005). Vulnerability becomes manifest in: - (few) social contacts - (limited) social networks and participation - how one provides for one’s household (wel fare, uncertain jobs)

- (little) time spent on all kinds of activities, including leisure - (hardly) aspirations and future expectancies - (limited) knowledge of societal developments - (little) use of social amenities and services - (poor) health and disabilities. A person or household is vulnerable when changes in living conditions always have a negative impact, without the opportunity to improve the situation. Being vulnerable means, that the system which creates the changes cannot be used to improve one’s own situation. Deprivation (shortages) becomes manifest in material conditions: - shortages experienced in providing for one’s household caused by spatial-physical constraints at home, in the neighbourhood and the district up to the urban and regional level - (insufficient) quality and quantity of housing - (lack of ) accessibility to all kinds of relevant activity - (lack of ) suitable employment - (no) access to new technologies, e.g. to the rapidly developing informa tion and communication technologies (Drewe, Fernandez-Maldonado & Hulsbergen, 2003). A person or household is deprived when the material environment restricts life more than it facilitates. The combination of vulnerability and deprivation provides the necessary indicators to analyse urban conditions and the effects of urban intervention with multivariate definitions and quantifications. In its minimal form this combination is a typology of four: vulnerable and deprived, vulnerable and not deprived, deprived and not vulnerable, not deprived and not vulnerable.

Conclusions - ‘Problem neighbourhoods’ as place appear to be among the most permanent parts of cities and regions. - ‘Problem neighbourhoods’ as people are very permanent in households where vulnerability and deprivation go together, where problematic living conditions continue and can not be handled without outside support. This support is not about charity, but about inclusion, about connection and accessibility of the spatial-functional main network and the urban economy; of households to be able to diminish vulnerability and deprivation. - ‘Problem neighbourhoods’ as a political and policy question should include the spatialfunctional interests of the present residents and other users, and not primarily the interests of economic mainstream forces. - Urban regeneration is a relatively slow but continuing process. Incidental gentrification may occur and speed up spatial-functional changes when economic powerful actors need new spaces. Gentrification and comparable renewal processes should also serve the living conditions of vulnerable and deprived residents. - Areas and their respective population differ, so testing the actual living conditions and trends is necessary. A theory or practice which lacks a framework to measure the actual situation, problems and potentials, may be attractive for top down planning and decision making, but represents a risk: evaluation and monitoring outcomes may be insufficient to detect signals of social and spatial distress. - When one looks at the people, one person at the time, and aggregates one's observations from thereon, the conclusions are quite different from statistical conclusions based on the correlations of aggregated data on the level of districts and cities. The construction of aggregated categorisation without checks for household-effects are a weak and risky foundation for social and spatial urban interventions. Statistics might not lie, however, they certainly can blur. - It is an open question how many households live permanently in vulnerable and deprived conditions and how many households succeed in escaping from the urban pits. o The first step is to accept a vulnerability/

deprivation problem statement as part of urban reality. o The next step is to measure with sufficient relevant indicators on a relevant low scale, and to quantify vulnerability and deprivation (households and spaces) bottom up. o The third step is to decide on which are the specific problems in the specific areas that need to be dealt with, and how. The availability of possible approaches (education, employment, safety, etc.) is not the problem, because there are many instruments; the question is what works in this specific situation and for whom. o The final step is an integrated action to diminish vulnerability and deprivation, close to the households who do not benefit, or do not understand how to link to opportunities for enlarging their capacities to provide for themselves. - The message is not that the current improvement of housing and environment should be stopped, as well as the investments in education, employment and safety. The message is that their consequences should be monitored and evaluated in an appropriate way. Also with respect to where the money flows to, and to whom: where it should go, indeed to the greatest needs. - It also might help to think about a basic question concerning urban policies focussed on a competitive urban future: On whose plate is which piece of the imagined future pie? Here we come back to the Introduction of this article. Complementary and inclusive thinking and acting as crucial components of sustainable urbanism.

ality in Managua – a multivariate approach, Angewandte Sozialforschung, 1986/7, 14, 2/3, pp.210-210

bare groepen in de stad: denkbeelden en feiten, Dissertatie, Publikatieburo Bouwkunde, Faculteit Bouwkunde, Technische Universiteit Delft, Delft

Drewe, P. & E.D. Hulsbergen, 2006, The 'Urban Divide'- What Role for Demography?, Canadian Studies in Population, Vol.33.1, pp. 119-136; http://www.canpopsoc.org/journal/ CSPv33n1p119.pdf

Hulsbergen, E.D., 2005, Vulnerability and Deprivation; in: Hulsbergen, E.D., I.T. Klaasen & I. Kriens (eds), Shifting Sense in Spatial Planning, Series Design Science Planning, Techne Press, Amsterdam, pp.45-56

Drewe, P., A.M. Fernández-Maldonado & E.D. Hulsbergen, 2003, Battling urban deprivation: ICT strategies in the Netherlands and Europe, Journal of Urban Technology, 10/1, pp.23-37

Hulsbergen, E.D., 2007, Don’t forget to measure Down Town; in: Rosemann, J. (ed.), PermaCity, TU Delft, pp.59-65

References

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Bentham, C.G., 1985, Which Areas have the Worst Urban Problems, Urban Studies, Vol. 22, pp.119-130 Chambers, R., 1989, Vulnerability, coping and policy (Editorial Introduction), IDS Bulletin, Vulnerability: How the Poor Cope, 20/2, pp.1-7

Drewe, P., J-L. Klein & E. Hulsbergen, 2008, The Challenge of Social Innovation in Urban Revitalization, Techne Press, Amsterdam Dupuy, G., 2008, Urban Networks – Network Urbanism, Techne Press, Amsterdam Edgar, B. & J. Taylor, 2000, Housing; in: Roberts, P. & H. Sykes (eds), 2000, Urban Regeneration. A Handbook, Sage Publ., London, pp. 153-175 Edwards, J. & R. Batley, 1978, The Politics of Positive Discrimination. An Evaluation of the Urban Programme 1967-77, Tavistock Publications, London European Commission, 1999, Guidelines for the New URBAN Community Initiative 2000-2006, European Commission, Brussels

Hartman, C. (ed.), 1983, America's Housing Crises, Institute for Policy Studies, Routledge & Kegan Paul, Boston, Mass.

Coing, H., 1966, Rénovation urbaine et changement social, L'Ilot no.4, Paris 13e, Les Editions Ouvrières, Paris

Her Majesty's Stationary Office, 1977, Inner London: Policies for Dispersal and Balance. Final Report of the Lambeth Inner Area Study; by G. Shankland, P. Willmott and D. Jordan, London

Drewe, P. & E.D. Hulsbergen, 1987, Margin-

Hulsbergen, E.D., 1992, Positie en Ruimte. Kwets-

Hulsbergen, E.D. & P. Drewe, 1984, Herbewerking Leefsituatiesurvey 1974,; een methode voor identificatie van probleemgroepen, Instituut voor Stedebouwkundig Onderzoek, Rapport 46, Technische Hogeschool Delft, Delft KEI, 2007, Hoe is de selectie van VROM voor de veertig wijken tot stand gekomen? Datum: 29 maart 2007, Kennisbank KEI kenniscentrum stedelijke vernieuwing; http://www.kei-cenrum. nl/, May 2007. Langdon, P., 1990, Urban Excellence, Van Nostrand Reinhold, New York Ledo Garcia, C., 2002, Urbanisation and Poverty in the Cities of the National Economic Corridor in Bolivia. Case Study: Cochabamba, Delft University Press Science, Delft Meltzer, J., 1984, Metropolis to Metroplex, the Social and Spatial Planning of Cities, John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore Ministerie van Binnenlandse Zaken, 1983, Minderhedennota, Tweede kamer, Zitting 1982-1983, 16102 nrs. 20-21 Roberts, P. & H. Sykes (eds), 2000, Urban Regeneration. A Handbook, Sage Publ., London SCP, 1980, Sociale achterstand in wijken en gemeenten, Sociaal en Cultureel Planbureau, Cahier 14, Rijswijk

Edward Hulsbergen: voor al uw sociaal-fysiek stedebouwonderwijs “Wie schrijft, die blijft!”

Remon Rooij en Herman Rosenboom leerstoel Ruimtelijk Planning & Strategie Edward is altijd nauw en intensief betrokken geweest bij het opleiden van studenten en het onderwijsprogramma van de afstudeerrichting / vakgroep / afdeling Stedebouw. Als psycholoog van origine was Edward natuurlijk altijd een vreemde eend in de facultaire Bouwkunde bijt, die vol zat met ontwerpers. En die vreemde eend is hij gelukkig altijd gebleven! Onderzoeksminded als hij was, was zijn onderwijsbijdrage in den beginne specifiek gericht op methoden en techniek van onderzoek. Maar dat veranderde...

Want in de jaren negentig, met de onderwijsverandering op BK van de vakkenstructuur naar de blokken- en modulenstructuur, kreeg Edward ruimte om met de collega's Den Draak, Gantvoort, Guyt, Tacken en Rosenboom Kwetsbaarheid en Achterstand in het onderwijs tot uiting te brengen via de derde kernmodule van het afstudeerprogramma Stedebouwkunde: de module S3 Samenleving. En in die zelfde tijd organiseerden afstudeerders zich ook -bottom up!- rondom gemeenschappelijke afstudeerthema's. En van bottom-up initiatieven werd Edward natuurlijk al snel warm: samen met John Westrik begeleidde Edward in de jaren '90 dan ook vele afstudeerprojecten op het gebied van Naoorlogse Woonwijken. De afstudeerstudio als begrip en facultair instituut was geboren.... Later in de BSc/MSc structuur (na 2002) kwam het thema samenleving terug in het eerste jaar van de MSc opleiding tijdens het vak Maatschappij en Ruimte, dat onder Edwards verantwoordelijkheid viel en waarbij studenten papers dienden te schrijven over maatschappelijke ontwikkelingen en hun ruimtelijke effecten en condities. De laatste jaren was Edward met Paul Stouten en wederom John Westrik betrokken bij een afstudeerstudio: Urban Regeneration.

Maar pareltje van Edwards onderwijsbijdragen was toch wel de S3. De kern van de S3 module was het opzetten, uitvoeren en rapporteren van (ruimtelijk) onderzoek naar problemen, ontwikkelingen en kansen in de (groot)stedelijke samenleving en de vertaling daarvan naar een ontwerpopgave. Sociaal-maatschappelijke thema's zoals demografie, sociale veiligheid, stedelijke voorzieningen, technologische ontwikkelingen en later duurzaamheid passeerden uitgebreid de revue in lezingen van de S3 staf en in de onderzoeksonderwerpen van de S3 studenten. Uitgangspunt van het didactische model van de S3 was de individuele begeleiding van de onderzoeksprojecten enerzijds en het wetenschappelijk, schriftelijk rapporteren anderzijds. Thema (maatschappij) en aanpak (kwalitatief en

kwantitatief onderzoek; methoden en technieken) van de S3 sloten perfect aan bij Edwards interesse en expertise.

Met het afscheid van Edward als docent, verdwijnt niet alleen een brok aan inhoudelijke kennis op het gebied van onderzoeksmethodologie en sociaal-maatschappelijke stedelijke ontwikkelingen, maar ook een zeer geëngageerd mensen-mens, die niet alleen als UHD van de leerstoel Ruimtelijke Planning de stafleden menselijk managede (zoals het hoort dus), maar ook studenten vertrouwen en inspiratie gaf om onbewandelde paden te begaan. foto uit: Delta 25, jaargang 41 bijschrift: 100% Edward

A cartography of fairness: some visual associations

Vulnerability and deprivation

Jeroen van Schaick Imagining the fair city is thinking about people in cities. In urban design and planning imagining is directly related to making images. So thinking about the fair city in a Faculty of Architecture means thinking about images of fairness and unfairness. Is it possible to think up a cartography of fairness and unfairness that will be of relevance to urban designers? Fairness starts with the relative possibilities of one person in comparison to another. But fairness in the city goes beyond the individual. I think of an image by Mei-Po Kwan (Ohio State University) from the Portland activity-travel survey, mid 1990s (Fig.1). The image shows that the activity spaces of African-American women are more restricted than individuals of other gender/ethnic groups in their study. 3-D images of timespace paths of people are invented by Torsten Hägerstrand in the 1970s. He asked then: what about people in regional studies? And such a question is still relevant for urban design and planning. Prof.em. Paul Drewe, for whose valedictory event Edward Hulsbergen co-produced the book Shifting Sense in 2005, paraphrased that question and asked ‘what about people in urban design and planning?’ The visual language offered by time geography still offers starting points to imagine that. Is fairness then not embedded in the physical world with which urban designers concern themselves? The thesis developed by Stephen Graham and Simon Marvin in their book Splintering Urbanism would suggest it can be. A key concept in their book is the ‘bypass’: grossly simplified, bypasses in infrastructure networks (transport, ICT, energy, etc.) are the result of the economic pressure to produce premium networks bypassing ‘messy’ daily life worlds which one can use as long as one pays the money for it. One can distinguish three types: local bypass, glocal bypass and virtual network bypass, each affecting unevenness in the distribution of access to services amongst groups of people and businesses. In terms of imagery, Stephen and Graham show the strength of the schematic drawing (Fig.2).

Much more can be said about imagining the fair city, but I have just room for one more association. In addition to spatial accessibility which can be imagined through diagrams such as the one by Graham and Marvin, one can also imagine that the accessibility to services is different at different times of the day. With a compression of more and more activities in a day of, for example, a two-earner-household with kids that does not have the money to pay other people to take on chores, is increasingly experiencing a so-called ‘time squeeze’. To imagine how this time squeeze works out both in space and time, we need yet another type of cartography. An interesting image is offered by the on/off map showing where and when which services are accessible. Different types of on/off maps in addition to other time-space maps were developed by a research group on time-oriented urbanism at the Politecnico di Milano. In summary, imagining a fair city requires images that give face to the uneven distribution of, for example, access to services; images that give face to fairness and unfairness. Key elements of such imagery are networks, time-space and the real trajectories of people in their daily lives. But urban design and planning cannot only look at how fair or unfair the current city is. Maybe this cartography of fairness could help in also imaging a fairer city in the future.

Taeke M. de Jong

From an ecological point of view ‘vulnerability’ and ‘deprivation’ are relative and scale sensitive concepts. They are related to the context of the vulnerable or deprived organism. And, ‘context’ is a scale sensitive concept. At the scale of the Earth any living organism is vulnerable because of its limited tolerance compared to fluctuating temperature, availability of liquid water and of minerals in the appropriate form other planets do not provide. However, the human species is able to adapt contexts by imagining and simulating environmental processes (science), even the not very probable ones. Humans are also able to imagine improbable accomodations of the environment and adapting their behaviour realising such accomodations (technology) such as clothes, houses and transport facilities. At lower levels of scale than the Earth as a whole these conditions vary in space and time. It forces human species to invent many locally specific solutions for survival. Apart from the physical conditions mentioned, in any ecosystem predators will emerge like the Mexican Flue threatening human species. So,

many facilities for defence against these threads (medical facilities, assurances, military defence, police, justice, government) emerge, gradually surpassing the primary effort to accommodate physical conditions only. At a certain density humans become predators of their own species, based on dominance of individuals or groups. It’s here the concept of deprivation enters the scene. Dominant people can deprive subordinate people. A simple ecological definition of ‘A being dominant over B’ is: ‘A can influence B and not the reverse’. So, B becomes vulnerable in a context with B, threatened by deprivation with death as the ultimate consequence. However, the simplicity of this ecological definition hides many suppositions, culminating in the term ‘influence’. There are many kinds of influence or dominance factors after all. So, in some respects A could be dominant over B, but in other respects, elsewhere or later B can be dominant over A in the same period of time. A boxing contest is a clear example of ‘later’ in the period of that context: A hits B, but then B hits A. However, in other contexts A anticipates on judicial countermeasures, a probable future dominance of B in other respects, deciding not to hit A. Numerous similar feed-back systems based on anticipation (imagination and simulation) in a context of institutions stabilise human society, the area of sociology, social psychology, psychology, economy, management and so on. However, people anticipate on anticipations of others like in a game of chess. They look for opportunities or holes in the system of feed-backs to increase their dominance (avoiding a feed-back). It takes time before at the system’s level it will react by new feed-back regulations. So, a temporary imbalance occurs, increasing the possibilities of some (‘territory’) at the cost of others. The scientific and technological effort to invent lacking feed-back links has been the task of Edward Hulsbergen at our Faculty. Now, it is our task.

De taal van de kwetsbaarheid Iwan Kriens

Housing for social inclusion Lei Qu, RPS Urbanism

Een gekozen Gemeenteraad vertegenwoordigt de burgers van de lokale samenleving. Maar hoe kan zij bij ingrijpende beslissingen op een juiste manier met de betrokkenen communiceren? Neem de herinrichting van een straat. Door onderhoud of een veranderend inzicht over wat een straat moet zijn, wordt een nieuwe inrichting bedacht. Het plan wordt huis aan huis verspreid met de oproep aan de bewoners om op een avond bijeen te komen: inspraak. Wat blijkt, en we spreken over de jaren ’70: alleen de bewoners die tegen het plan zijn, bijvoorbeeld omdat de nieuwe bomen licht wegnemen, of omdat er een parkeerplaats precies voor de tuiningang is gepland, komen naar de bijeenkomst. Het resultaat van de inspraakavond is niet representatief: alleen de tegenstemmers hebben hun stem laten horen. Een aantal jaren later worden met deze ervaring ingrijpender wijzingen in de woonomgeving in procedure gebracht. De gemeente heeft geen nieuwe bouwlocaties meer en besluit te verdichten. Plantsoentjes, pleinen en sportvelden die al van de gemeente zijn en grenzen aan al aangelegde infrastructuur kunnen nieuwe en goedkope bouwlocaties opleveren. Het gaat om wijzigingen die door iedereen als een aantasting worden beschouwd. Voor het overleg met belanghebbenden is het nodig dat de Gemeenteraad een soort legitimering geeft voor de ingreep. Na de eerste schermutselingen met de buurten wordt de hardheid van beoogde massa per locatie vervangen door een streefgetal van een aantal wooneenheden. Vanwege de impact van de plannen wordt een hoge opkomst verwacht. We spreken nu over de jaren ’80. En wat blijkt? Bewoners van huurwoningen reageren nauwelijks en de plannen in gebieden met sociale woningbouw worden probleemloos aanvaard. Dit in tegenstelling tot gebieden met veel eigen woningbezit. Hier is de opkomst overweldigend en de gemoederen lopen hoog op. Terug naar de Gemeenteraad levert dit een hernieuwde bestuurlijke opdracht, want men wil geen verschil maken tussen de buurten. De tegenstand bestaat voor een groot deel uit hoger opgeleiden. Dat blijkt een voordeel. Door in gesprek te blijven en door de dekking van de Gemeenteraad blijft het overleg voortgaan. Vele vergaderingen gaan voorbij totdat het woord confrontatie valt. Dat blijkt de ‘gevoelsafstand’ te zijn, waarbij de grenzen van de privacy worden overschreden. Er worden nieuwe tekeningen gemaakt en tot ieders verbazing ontstaan nieuwe locaties die kennelijk niet confronterend zijn en die voorzien in het realiseren van het beoogde aantal wooneenheden. Blijft over de constatering dat het verschil in vorm en omvang van de weerstand tussen de wijken wordt veroorzaakt door ongelijkheid in mondigheid en betrokkenheid en materieel bezit. Nu, zoveel jaren later, zien we dat het allemaal niet voor niets is geweest. Juist in een buurt met uitsluitend sociale woningbouw blijkt dat door een verbinding te leggen met belangen die van onderaf zijn gestructureerd en opgebouwd, via buurtwerkers en eigen organisaties met buurttafels, flatkoren en kookboeken, ingrijpende wijzigingen met brede instemming en medewerking kunnen worden gerealiseerd. Het is alsof men eindelijk de juiste taal heeft leren spreken om te kunnen horen en gehoord te worden.

In many developed countries income disparities increased since the 1980s. For instance in the Netherlands, the Central Bureau of Statistics have the figures showing quite a marked fall in inequality from 1962 onwards till the first half of the seventies, then followed with 10 years’ stable period. A slight increase in inequality can be registered, starting in 1983 (van Zanden,1998). This is mainly due to changes in the inequality of earnings. As one of the consequences, the low income groups were linked with poverty and social exclusion, having lives of low quality. However, one needs to be aware that low income may not always lead to poverty and social exclusion, since other resources e.g. the availability of assistance from social network, will influence dramatically the quality of life for the low income people, as well as the benefit of home ownership, the informal economy, employerprovided and/ or state-provided benefits and so on. (Anthony B. Atkinson, Eric Marlier, Brian Nolan, 2004) Therefore housing, for instance, as complementary resource for the low income groups to reach better living quality is a crucial component for creating sustainable neighborhoods within the context of increasing social exclusion, as it has been considered the key issue for improving social conditions of cities since the beginning of the 20th century, like social housing in the Netherlands in combination with changing approaches of urban renewal and urban regeneration. It has become the main instrument of urban governance, operated within a context of reduced public spending, and played a pivotal role in supporting low-income households, engendering social cohesion and tackling housing market failure. In recent years, reduced social mix and increased polarization in society have accompanied the decline of social housing sectors. (Gibb, Kenneth 2002, p. 335) This reminds us that housing sector itself could not act as the antidote to current social problems. It must be part of holistic strategies that tackle current and potential residents’ requirements to make living environments attractive, affordable and convenient for daily lives, which needs a cross-sector and multi-layer approaches linking housing with new urban structure and socio-economic transformation process. There is a consensus that neighborhoods will be sustainable only if they are fully inclusive with basic standards of public services delivered, especially in the most deprived neighborhoods and for the most vulnerable groups in society. However, the narrowly residential rehabilitation that were so paradigmatic of the process in the 1960s and 1970s now seem quaint, not just in the urban landscape but in the urban-theory literature (Smith, N. 2002, p.439). Considering the changing spatial concepts in cities around the world and the fact that gentrification had evolved by the 1990s into a crucial urban strategy for city governments in consort with private capital, more proactive and transformable housing strategies need to be created, not only focusing on local level of urban regeneration but also based on the socio-spatial redistribution generated by the formation of regional multi-nuclear structure, to create more alternatives and choices for all the social groups.

Making The Fair City ideal explicit

Ana María Fernández-Maldonado

‘Vulnerable citizens deprived of position in the planning system' ir Lidewij Tummers, Chair spatial planning and strategy, department of Urbanism, TU Delft

Paying enough attention to issues related to The Fair City seems the best way to continue with one of Edward Hulsbergen’s most frequent activities at the faculty: hammering students – and peers – on the significance of societal issues in neighbourhoods and cities, and of the risks of spatial determinism. This has been necessary because students – later urban planners and designers – tend to develop plans and designs with little understanding (or without sufficient consideration) of the societal processes going on in urban settings. The disastrous results of such interventions – as the countless problems of European social housing projects show – are more difficult to cure that it would have been to prevent them. A second good reason for insisting on paying careful attention to societal processes is the current emphasis on economic growth and profit that characterises our time, in which market principles tend to prevail over social principles in both the public and private practice of urban planning. It is, thus, important that students keep on dealing with Edward’s usual questions to raise awareness of urban inequalities: who profits from the proposed transformations, and how?; and who are the winners, who are the losers of the spatial intervention(s)? Not less important is the leap from the particular issues of neighbourhoods – Edwards’ preferred level of intervention for its enhanced opportunities for participative and bottom-up processes –into the general (ethical) issues that accompany the thinking about cities: what is the good city?, or in other words: which (relative) level of poverty is acceptable?; which kind of urban life is acceptable (by our society), and which not? These questions are indeed fundamental for urban planning and design students, since these

disciplines were born from the vision of the good city – of order and efficiency – as a reaction to the unhealthy and chaotic early industrial city. But although the awareness of the increasing complexity of our current cities has made us distrustful about universal ‘good city’ models, the ideal of an open, democratic and just or fair city remains, although implicit. Several social thinkers can inspire us to implement this noble ideal. John Rawls’ work on justice is usually cited to defend equality as a rational approach to organizing a ‘well-ordered’ or fair city. Habermas’ concept of deliberative democracy – the assumption that the best decision in participatory decision-making will arrive through discourse – has been used to improve democracy and participation in planning. Jane Jacobs’s work has given us valuable hints for promoting diversity and the human scale within neighbourhoods. Amartya Sen’s focus on capabilities of people – freedom to do and to be what people value most – is very helpful to support diversity in cities. And the list goes on. The most important is that despite the inherent difficulties we keep on trying to achieve The Fair City ideal and we make it explicit. “We cannot know, ex ante, what will be the most fruitful source of change, but by continuing to converse about justice, we can make it central to the activity of planning. The very act of naming has power. If we constantly reiterate the call for a just city… we change popular discourse and enlarge the boundaries of action. Changing the dialogue, so that demands for equity are no longer marginalized, would constitute a first step toward reversing the current tendency that excludes social justice from the aims of urban policy.” (Fainstein, 2009) Fainstein, Susan (2006) Planning and the Just City. Paper for the Conference on Searching for the Just City, GSAPP, Columbia University, April 29, 2006

This piece was written to celebrate the longstanding contribution of Edward Hulsbergen to the questioning of vulnerability and deprivation in the field of Urbanism. It is based on action research and activist practice, rather than on theoretical scientific research. Edward himself showed a concern for citizens in deprived areas outside his academic practice. Always promoting careful attention to methodology and rigorous structuring of discourse, he has made a scientific approach accessible to many students departing from reflections on their everyday experiences. A tradition to be continued.

Introduction Even in a sophisticated democracy and wellorganized ‘safety net’ as the Netherlands, citizens can be vulnerable to gaps in the planning system, and become deprived of civil rights because of failing planning. Or should we say: the failing application of planning instruments, selective priorities in law enforcement and cowardice attitude in face of liability-culture? How difficult is it for civil servants, to respect the place of citizens in the planning system? (van Zuylen, 2007). An exploratory, theory-building case study (Yin 2003, p192) from the city of Rotterdam.

many inhabitants resist such top-down decisions, feeling that destruction of social capital is not an adequate strategy for urban development, nor does it solve –at best move out- the local deprivations. Consequently they mobilize for resistance: and when meeting a rigid attitude in developers and public entities all parties end up in a tedious process, delaying planning and satisfactory intervention. For this reason, in December 2008 members of parliament Depla (labour) en Martijn-Ortega (Christen Unie) successfully presented a motion: ‘lokaal handvest bij sloop en renovatie’ (local protocol for demolishment and renovation). Already in 2007 Rotterdam Alderman Karakus (labour), faced with increased resistance against urban renewal plans, took the initiative for such a protocol. In Rotterdam dwellers, developers and local government have a tradition of dialoguing over urban renewal. The question is raised: what does the protocol add to this, or in other words: which problem is it going to solve?

A protocol for urban renewal When residents are faced with a restructuring operation, it generally means they are removed from life-long environments and social networks (Fraisse, 2009). Developers and planners often answer to this loss and the cost of resettling with a financial gesture. Despite this compensation, many inhabitants resist such top-down decisions, feeling that destruction of social capital is not an adequate strategy for urban development, nor does it solve –at best move out- the local deprivations. Consequently they mobilize for resistance: and when meeting a rigid attitude in developers and public entities all parties end up in a tedious process, delaying planning and satisfactory intervention. For this reason, in December 2008 members of parliament Depla (labour) en Martijn-Ortega (Christen Unie) successfully presented a motion: ‘lokaal handvest bij sloop en renovatie’ (local protocol for demolishment and renovation). Already in 2007 Rotterdam Alderman Karakus (labour), faced with increased resistance against urban renewal plans, took the initiative for such a protocol. In Rotterdam dwellers, developers and local government have a tradition of dialoguing over urban renewal. The question is raised: what does the protocol add to this, or in other words: which problem is it going to solve?

In response ‘Rotterdammers in actie voor betaalbare huisvesting’ (Rotterdam residents in Action for affordable housing), in short RiA, a selforganized federation of dwellers organizations in Rotterdam, has proposed an alternative.

RiA’s alternative RiA was born out of frustration with local urban renewal processes. In June 2008 the local committee drawing up the protocol became aware of RiA and invited her to participate in its formulation. RiA mobilized its members in an intense process of reflection and came up with an alternative text, departing from the following points: Dwellers may be the most complex, yet also the most sustainable aspect of a town. They should be at the heart of ‘restructuring-’ or ’renewal’ operations. In Rotterdam urban renewal today this awareness is lacking. the urban renewal process should begin with the formulation of a problematic TOGETHER with the residents of an area. Dwellers do not want to resist improvements, rather they want them to be effective. Interventions would than aim for what is really necessary (for example maintenance of buildings and public space). In last instance this could mean dwellers organisations become clients and co-makers (Wooninnovatiereeks 2008). The protocol should in the very least comply with the guidelines of the motion Depla-Martijn (which it didn’t at that time) If it is to improve communication: would that also improve the decision-making process, or is it just smoothening the implementation of painful top-down decisions? improved INFORMATION does not imply enhanced confidence or dealing with qualitative arguments against (aspects of ) the plan At present, local residents do not have an equal position in the planning processes. They tend to loose the exhaustive battle over plans and investments mainly for want of similar resources as the professional parties involved. The time investment is often disproportional.

An infrastructure is needed to facilitate initiatives of residents. Existing consultancies such as Woonbond as well as independent federations such as RiA could have a role in supporting local participation groups. To facilitate this, a budget needs to be made available; the funds of the VROM Ministry and so on have proven difficult to access for local initiatives. Conclusion RiA concludes that the protocol, rather than regulate communication, should provide a workable answer to the question ‘to whom belongs the city?’ How can a balance between local residents’, developers’ and public long-term interests be reached? The Rotterdam Protocol has not been concluded as yet (summer 2009). The consultation round has shown that residents (not only through RiA, however united in vision) have been the party most seriously reacting to the proposal. Developers and the public servants either showed a lack of interest or out-right denunciation to its establishment. If the city of Rotterdam, in this case represented in the Alderman and Protocol committee, succeeds in implementing RiA’s suggestions, it could create ‘new practices of democratic debate’ in urban development (Healy 1996, p 68). This would truly enhance urban renewal processes for the benefit of its deprived, but capable, citizens again.

References: Zuylen, Jornt van (2007): Help, een burgerinitiatief, Den Haag: Inaxys/Ministery of internal affairs Yin, Robert K. (2003): Case studies and research. Design and methods, London: Sage (third edition) Fraisse, L (2009): local initiatives and neighbourhood development, Vienna: Social Polis European policy paper 11. Motie Depla/Martijn see: http://www.stafdepla. nl/indekamer/bijddepla021208.html Rotterdammers in actie voor betaalbare huisvesting (Rotterdam residents in Action for affordable housing) see www.riavoorrotterdam.nl Woonbond see: http://www.woonbond.nl/ Wooninnovatiereeks volume 5, #20 (2008) Co-Ontwikkeling het corporatie alternatief voor particulier opdrachtgeverschap Arnhem: Arko Healy, Patsy (1996): collaborative planning, London: Routledge

The Fair City is further away Roberto Rocco, Chair Spatial Planning and Strategy

In the ideology of modern capitalism, places and cities need to be ‘competitive’ and 'distinctive' from the point to view of infrastructure, connectivity and image in order to become efficient and recognizable places for investment (Sassen, 1991) (Duffy, 1995) (Porter, 1998a). In order to comply with this idea, some cities have undergone a feverish process of spatial adjustment and renewal, with public authorities sometimes engaged in partnerships with the private sector (Friedman, 2005) . According to early theorists of city competitiveness (Porter, 1998b), this might be the result of the reduction of investment capacity by central governments and, even more alarmingly, the result of structural shrinking of the public domain (Sennett). Others have attributed it to a more protagonist role of local governments in relation to national states (Sharpe, 2006), which is the outcome of the perception that local governments are more reactive in dealing with rapid changes in spatial requirements from firms and individuals. In order to keep up with the need to invest (and attract investment), local governments have sought partnerships with the private sector and have adopted strategic planning as a tool for development. However, analysis reveals (Rocco) that the public sector remains the biggest investor and the biggest stakeholder in large urban projects, taking on most of the risks in order to attract private investors. Inflated competition between cities and regions has led to the growth of public expenditure in transportation, communication infrastructures and the establishment of new top locations for business. This happened in detriment of investments in education, health

and social housing, as indicated in by recent studies (Figlio and Bloningen, 1999), which indicates increasing pressure on public budgets for social issues. Some studies indicate that there has been a "simultaneous evolution of growth and inequality" (Lundberg and Squire, 2003), resulting in what (Mollenkopf and Castells, 1993) call the ‘dual city’. The ‘dual city’ is a concurrently highly developed and interconnected city that accommodates in its boundaries more and more destitute citizens side by side with a small number of privileged dwellers. The former are sometimes pushed into the informal sector by the shift from an industrial-based economy to a sophisticated services-oriented economy, where gains in productivity are generally issued from technological improvement and cuts in personnel. This, together with lax social policies, is apparently increasing the gap between rich and poor in large urban areas, in both developed and developing countries, leading to social friction, mostly associated with racial tensions derived from extreme disparities in life chances (the Los Angeles Riots, 1992, the Paris riots, 2007,2008, the Birmingham riots, 2005). Urban planners and designers ought to take growing inequalities into account when planning and designing. They should be aware that city competitiveness might also bring on high risks and disadvantage. Most important, some actors are excluded of planning processes and cannot be ‘partners’ in any public-private partnership. It is a challenge for planners, mostly working in the public sector, to engage an ample spectrum of the civil society when processes of urban regeneration and renewal occur. This role does not pertain to planners and designers only, of course. However, they have extraordinary tools at their disposal:

they can communicate, draw and represent what abstract plans might mean for a community. They can also work as one of the articulators between several stakeholders and communities. Finally, they can help clarify the question of who wins and who looses in large urban renewal and regeneration projects. DUFFY, H. (1995) Competitive cities: succeeding in the global economy, London, Chapman & Hall. FIGLIO, D. & BLONINGEN, B. (1999) The Effects of Direct Foreign Investment on Local Communities. Cambridge, MA, NBER. FRIEDMAN, J. (2005) Globalization and the emerging culture of planning. Progress in Planning, 64, 183-234. LUNDBERG, M. & SQUIRE, L. (2003) The Simultaneous Evolution of Growth and Inequality. Economic Journal. MOLLENKOPF, J. H. & CASTELLS, M. (1993) Dual City: Restructuring New York, New York, Russell Sage Foundation. PORTER, M. E. (1998a) On competition, Boston, Harvard Businesss School. PORTER, M. E. (1998b) The competitive advantage of nations : with a new introduction, New York, Free Press. ROCCO, R. (2008) An Urban Geography of Globalisation: New Urban Structures in the Age of Hyper-connectivity, Delft, IFoU.

SASSEN, S. (1991) The Global City: New York, London, Tokyo, Princeton, Princeton University Press. SENNETT, R. (1993) The fall of public man, London, Faber. SHARPE, L. J. (2006) Theories and Values of Local Government. political Studies, 18, 153174.

Physical networks and fairness `

Sybrand Tjallingii

Faculty of Architecture, Delft University of Technology

Sustainable urban development usually is interpreted as involving three dimensions: the economic, the social and the environmental. Spatial designers address all these aspects, but their plans necessarily focus on the physical environment that, usually, has not a direct causal relationship with social and economic processes. However, the physical environment creates conditions. Presently, professional debate increasingly concentrates on network conditions. In my earlier studies, I proposed to take water and traffic networks as carriers in strategic urban and regional planning: the two networksâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; strategy (Tjallingii, 1996, 2005). This special issue of Atlantis, devoted to vulnerability and deprivation, central themes in Hulsbergens work (Hulsbergen, 2005), is a good opportunity to discuss some social implications of the two networks. How does traffic and water network planning relate to social fairness, to inclusion and exclusion?

One obvious issue related to fairness is the Nimby discussion. It is the planning debate about the perceived selfish, 'not-in-my-backyard' behaviour of citizens who refuse to accept their share of nuisance from big public works such as roads, airports and power plants. Everybody's right for mobility and electricity indeed may lead to some peoples unfair share of nuisance. This is the focus of the 'environmental justice' movement in the US (Harvey, 1999). One approach to address this issue is locating nuisance far away from where most people live. Planning models that count the number of inhabitants near nuisance sources as an indicator of environmental quality, actually imply this approach. In densely populated areas this far away approach is difficult to realize. But

apart from practical considerations, there are also fundamental objections. Is it planning wisdom to build more ring roads and remove traffic noise and the health problems of fine dust particles to the urban periphery? Here, the new roads create problems for the countryside with vulnerable landscapes and nature and for vulnerable people such as small farmers and urban pedestrians and cyclists going there to enjoy quietness. What are the alternatives to the far away approach?

One option is a compact city approach, advocated by many environmentalists and planners as the solution to disperse urban development. Concentration will reduce the need for private and increase the support for public transport. Moreover, compact urban development will reduce the problems of sprawl: wealthy people moving out of the city to the quiet green countryside, fragmentizing the green landscape and leaving behind the central cities with less wealthy people and less financial means to solve their problems. However, high prices for inner urban land do not make it easy to realize such an approach. Moreover, more buildings tend to reduce gardens and public parks and this will not only encourage those who can afford to leave the city but also reduce the quality of life for the less wealthy that have to stay behind. Most people highly value green spaces, but economically, parks and gardens are always less profitable than built developments. In the power play of urban development green spaces need allies. Here water networks can play an important role. Flood prevention and water supply are related to politically powerful safety, damage and health issues and climate change increases the urgency

to create space for water. In spatial planning these issues are related to river valleys and drainage patterns and this makes it attractive to combine green structures and water networks in blue green structures for urban development and redevelopment. In a natural way this can lead to urban design that expresses the identity of the local urban landscape.

Thus, the synergism of blue and green creates an urban environment for quiet activities just as the synergism of traffic and logistics creates an urban environment for dynamic activities, including intensified agricultural production and mass tourism. On the other hand, to prevent conflicts , there should be a distance between the quiet and dynamic worlds. In summer, the city of Paris blocks the road along the river Seine to install Paris plage, a lovely promenade for all along the riverbanks. Many other cities have found more structural ways to encapsulate and over bridge traffic corridors in order to separate fast lane and slow lane worlds.

This leads to the two networksâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; strategy that addresses the complexity and uncertainty of urban development by focusing on the frames provided by the water and traffic networks. In a developing country perspective, this may lead to a site-and-services approach of urban growth. The city of Curitiba, Brazil, gives another concrete and interesting example. Businesses and private persons who occupy a place along the central traffic corridor of the city have to contribute to a special fund that is used for social housing

projects, providing dwellings for squatters who have settled in the vulnerable floodplain. In the developed world, Olmsteds green structure plan for Boston and many other examples of bluegreen wedges provide beautiful urban edges that are attractive for both higher and lower incomes. Even those who cannot even dream of a villa on the edge, will find a public park in their neighborhood. The future of urban development is not in the edge cities but in the quality of the edge of the city.

References: Harvey, D. The environment of justice. p.153186 in: F. Fischer & M. Hajer(ed.): Living with Nature. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Hulsbergen, E.D. 2005: Vulnerability and deprivation. p. 45â&#x20AC;&#x201C;57 in: Hulsbergen, Klaasen & Kriens 2005: Shifting Sense. Techne Press, Amsterdam. Tjallingii, S.P. 1996: Ecological Conditions, Diss. TU Delft. Tjallingii, S.P. 2005: Carrying Structures, Urban development guided by water and traffic networks. p. 355-368 in: Hulsbergen, E.D., LT.Klaasen & I .Kriens( ed.): Shifting Sense, Techne Press, Amsterdam.

THE RELATIVITY OF DEPRIVATION Photography by Ina Klaasen

Dag Edward en Tot ziens Paul Stouten “Ik (filmcriticus) moet hem (Vittorrio de Sica) over iets anders spreken. Over illusies, hoop, teleurstelling. We dachten de wereld te veranderen maar de wereld heeft ons veranderd”. Vrijdag 22 augustus 2009. “45, 45 rapporten nagekeken”, mompelt Edward voor zich uit. Terwijl hij een laatste rapport op een stapel links van hem neerlegt. Rapporten van studenten ter beoordeling van het studieonderdeel ‘Maatschappij en ruimte’ dat uit het nieuwe onderwijs is verdwenen. Edward rondt zijn taken af en draagt ze over aan collega’s. Dit gebeurt met een groot plichtsbesef. Vervolgens zegt Edward: “Paul (Drewe) riep gisteren nog: Edward niet te hard lopen”. Edward probeerde de trein nog te halen, na een gesprek met twee Palestijnse promovendi en Paul Drewe in Rotterdam. Zo zie je maar van globalisering is hij eveneens op de hoogte zonder dat het grote woord steeds uit zijn mond behoeft te komen. Plichtsbesef en bescheidenheid. En nog steeds aan het werk om zijn zaakjes en die van anderen te ordenen en richting te geven. Het schema van zijn aanpak van ‘people management’ laat hij achter op de witte kastschuifdeur van geperforeerd staal. “Moet die weg”. “Nee, laat maar hangen”, zeg ik. We zitten toch niet in de film van ‘About Schmidt’ met Jack Nicholson in de hoofdrol, denk ik. Vorig jaar liep ik met Edward over de Westersingel te Rotterdam naar het NAI gedreven door een keuzeproject voor studenten als voorbereiding op een tentoonstelling over de maakbaarheid van Nederland. Plotseling lag een hand op zijn schouder. De hand van een oud- student, uit de jaren tachtig, die onder andere projectleider was geweest van de beelden langs de Westersingel. Zo zijn er vele handen van stedenbouwkundige ontwerpers en planners die de hand op zijn schouder hadden kunnen leggen. Ze zullen zich nog wel zijn vragen herinneren over het hoe, wat en waarom tijdens het schrijven van hun scriptie. En als ze het dan zeker dachten te weten, kwamen er geheid nieuwe vragen: “Is dat zo? Hoezo? Hoe ga je dat onderzoeken?”. Meestal werd dit ondersteund met een gebaar uit elleboog en pols. De afgelopen twee jaar heb ik een studio over urban regeneration opgezet. Edward was hierbij een grote steun. Zijn uiteenzetting over de koppeling van planning en ontwerp, onderzoeksmethoden met als topics casestudy en SWOT vonden bij studenten een enthousiast gehoor. Op een ochtend, de dinsdag na Pinksteren, vorig jaar, hadden we een studiobijeenkomst. We waren net begonnen, toen we werden gewaarschuwd voor de brand. ‘Het was geen oefening’. Iedereen wist vrij snel zonder paniek wat hij moest doen. Edward pakt zijn groene hangmap met gegevens en abstracts van onze studenten en ik ga naar mijn kamer en pak mijn koffertje. We verlaten het gebouw via het trappenhuis aan de noordzijde. Op het parkeerterrein pakken we onze agenda en vervolgens zoeken we onze studenten op om een nieuwe afspraak te maken. Kortom op Edward kun je rekenen en wat er ook gebeurt het onderwijs gaat voor en door. Hij stelde mij in staat om mijn onderwijs van stedelijke vernieuwing weer vorm te kunnen geven. Paradoxaal genoeg was dit weer mogelijk na mijn overstap naar de leerstoel Ruimtelijke Planning. Na mijn overstap naar deze leerstoel werd mijn vermoeden over de organisatie en inhoud van onderzoek en onderwijs op alle fronten bevestigd. Edward – met Ina – gaven vorm aan een goed georganiseerd werkverband waarin de organisatie en inhoud van onderwijs en onderzoek en de samenhang daarvan inspirerend werd opgepakt en geleid met ruime mogelijkheden tot feedback van papers, artikelen en onderwijsprogramma’s. Zijn benadering en ervaring in het vormgeven van onderzoek was zeer doeltreffend en inspirerend bij de afronding van mijn promotieonderzoek. Datzelfde geldt voor artikelen en papers die we samen hebben geschreven. Daarin was de koppeling tussen ontwerp en planning een centraal thema en waren sociale ongelijkheid, kwetsbaarheid, achterstand en sociale innovatie de sleutelwoorden in de benadering van stedelijke vraagstukken. Het concept netwerkstad was de paraplu met de vraag welke mogelijkheden deze netwerken (inclusief sociale netwerken) bieden om het gebruik daarvan te verbeteren. En hoe efficiënt zijn deze netwerken om kwetsbaarheid te verminderen en achterstand te voorkomen. Hoe dan ook, de huidige bewoners moeten volgens Edward terug op de beleidsagenda en beleidsuitvoeringagenda, om sociale verbanden te herstellen en nieuwe vormen van sociale fragmentatie te voorkomen. Met het volgende citaat van Harvey wil ik dan afsluiten. Harvey doelt hierbij op de stedelijke problematiek en uitwassen van privatisering en marktwerking. “The inalienable right to the city is worth fighting for. City makes one free it used to be said. The air is a bit polluted now. But it can always be cleaned up”. Dat klinkt minder passief als Vittorio de Sica. Dank Edward voor al je inspanningen om de lucht op te klaren. Dank voor not just being there maar being there voor iedereen, collega’s en studenten.

Groeten uit Eindhoven Beste Polis-leden, De aftrap van het nieuwe collegejaar heeft alweer even geleden plaats gevonden, dus het collegeblok en notebook zijn ook bij jullie vast weer afgestoft voor een nieuw studiejaar. Hopelijk zijn jullie er met frisse zin aan begonnen. Hier in Eindhoven hebben de meeste studenten in ieder geval een enthousiaste start gemaakt: de werkplaatsen zitten vol en ook de collegebanken zijn nu nog goed gevuld. Het is natuurlijk altijd maar even afwachten hoe lang er op dit hoge niveau gefunctioneerd kan blijven worden, maar een goed begin is het halve werk - zoals dat in de volksmond zo mooi gezegd wordt. Wij als nieuw VIA bestuur staan op het moment van schrijven aan de vooravond van een fantastisch bestuursjaar. Het afgelopen jaar heeft VIA verscheidene succesvolle activiteiten georganiseerd. Naast activiteiten als lezingen, borrels en excursies zijn we met 20 studenten op studiereis geweest naar Florence. Een stad die vanuit vele invalshoeken enorm interessant is, niet in de laatste plaats vanuit een stedebouwkundige natuurlijk. Het was goed vertoeven in het Toscaanse land. Voor aankomend jaar staan er meerdere activiteiten op het programma die een groot succes beloven te worden: natuurlijk de studiereis en een meerdaagse excursie, maar op deze plaats wil ik zeker ook het VIA Symposium ‘24 uur in de stad’ genoemd hebben. Dit zal op 2 december a.s. plaatsvinden, en bij deze nodig ik jullie allemaal van harte uit om je hiervoor in te schrijven. Houd onze website in de gaten voor meer informatie! Als nieuw bestuur hebben wij ons voorgenomen meer over de gemeentegrenzen van Eindhoven te kijken. Vaak worden de stedebouwopleidingen van Delft en Eindhoven als elkaars concurrenten gezien. Ons lijkt het echter van meerwaarde om in plaats daarvan meer te kijken naar wat we gemeenschappelijk hebben en dus samen kunnen delen. Wij willen graag de banden aanhalen en meer samenwerken met gerelateerde studieverenigingen. En dat gaat hopelijk verder dan het schrijven van stukjes voor elkaars verenigingsblaadjes; de gezamenlijke excursie van Polis en VIA naar SAB die eraan zit te komen, lijkt ons alvast een mooi begin… Wij hopen op een succesvol, leerzaam en vooral leuk jaar, en wensen jullie dat ook toe! Hopelijk hebben jullie een jaar na intrek jullie draai gevonden in jullie nieuwe onderkomen en gaan jullie een jaar tegemoet met niet alleen veel mooie en interessante activiteiten, maar ook met een grote aanwas actieve stedebouwstudenten. Namens het voltallige VIA-bestuur en al onze leden: werk ze dit jaar en we zien jullie graag snel bij een van de activiteiten! Marleen van Dongen Voorzitter 17e bestuur VIA

Studievereniging VIA Stedebouw www.viastedebouw.nl via@bwk.tue.nl Het 17e VIA bestuur 2009-2010 Op de foto v.l.n.r.: Suzanne Geux (Penningmeester) Manoe Ruhé (Commissaris P.R.) Marleen van Dongen (Voorzitter & Commissaris Onderwijs) Piet Suijkerbuijk (Commissaris Activiteiten) Maura Niessen (Secretaris & Commissaris Studiereis)

24 Uur in de Stad Symposium 2 december 2009

Flexibiliteit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaarde Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyc waardering Lezingen / Discussiepanel / Casestudy / Prijsvraag Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyc Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flex Verdichting Tijdscyclus Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmenta Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimteg Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaarder Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichti Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragme Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimteg Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaarder Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichti Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragme Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimteg Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaarder Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichti Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragme Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimteg Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaarder Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichti Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragme Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimteg Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaarder Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichti Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragme Flexibiliteit Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid VoorVerdichting meer informatie, kijk op: viastedebouw.nl/symposium Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaardering Meervoudig Ruimteg Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichting Tijdscyclus Herwaarder Meervoudig Ruimtegebruik Hybriditeit Tijdelijkheid Intensivering Defragmentatie Flexibiliteit Verdichti

Ruimtegebruik in de tijd efficiĂŤnter maken

WE WANT YOU! for the Polis board & committees

Call for Submissions Atlantis 21.2

We are looking for:

* New board members

The next Atlantis issue is planned for release in January 2010. Firstly we would like to encourage all Polis members to contribute to this magazine with their articles, opinions, report, photo’s...everything is welcome!

President – organizes meetings and delegates between the association, students and staff Treasurer – deals with finances, payments, contributions and sponsorships

In this issue the new MSc programme for Urbanism has been presented: we welcome any reactions or comments you might have as we believe input from as many people as possible can only contribute to a better fine-tuning of the Urbanism master.

* Activity committee members

Also, our 20-year anniversary went by mostly unnoticed, due to the difficult circumstances we have found ourselves in. For the next issue we would like to give a tribute to 20 years of Polis activities and Atlantis magazine. Excerpts, photo’s, articles and contributions from the past two decades will give our current students and readers a good overview of what has been achieved throughout the years. For more ‘experienced’ Polis members it will be a fun way to look back and reminisce.

(president & treasurer)

Activity committee – sets up activities for students and practice members Regular activities: PolisProjectForum – once a month an urbanism studio/student is chosen to present their current work in an informal ‘forum’ type setting to anyone interested. The event is closed off with a presentation by an urbanism bureau. Free food & drinks during the event. (e.g. afternoons from 16.00-19.00) PolisPracticeVisit – once every two months an urbanism bureau somewhere in the Netherlands is visited. A presentation is given and an urbanism project nearby is visited afterwards. Occasional activities: PolisWorkshop – a workshop can be organized together with a studio from the faculty or a bureau, dealing with different design issues. PolisExcursion – a summer trip (duration one week) to a location to be chosen by the committee, open for all members. Promotion committee – artwork and flyer design and distribution, website maintainance.

* Atlantis magazine editors Atlantis committee – editors for the Atlantis magazine, gathering of articles or writing articles yourselves.

We hope to be able to count on your support and ideas for putting together yet another beautiful and informative Atlantis magazine! Please contact us at polis@bk.tudelft.nl or drop by our office at BG West 160, Julianalaan 134, Delft

ADDRESS CHaNGE? LET US KNOW

POLIS, Podium voor Stedenbouw t.a.v. Secretaris Julianalaan 134 2628 BL Delft

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A practical association for Urbanism, what’s in it for you? Polis, platform for urbanism, as a practical association, is connected to the faculty of architecture. The association focuses on urbanism education and the practice of urbanism. It strives for an optimal urbanism study and keeps an eye on the urbanism education program in the meantime. However, the actual developments in the work field are also closely monitored. Doesn’t sound too bad, but, what’s in it for you? Well, Polis offers her members a platform. A platform where excursions, lectures, symposia, workshops, competitions, debates, study trips and more are organized by members for members. By becoming a Polis member now you support this platform and, more importantly, you can use it too. As a member you will receive the Atlantis approximately 4 times a year. Furthermore, Polis members take precedence concerning activities and study

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YOUR LOGO HERE? please contact Polis: polis@bk.tudelft.nl

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The contribution fee to become a member of Polis on a yearly basis is: Student membership Alumnus membership* Practitioner membership Bureau membership

trips and receive a discount on entrance fees.

stedebouwkundigonderwijs en de stedebouwkundige praktijk. Ze streeft naar een optimale stedebouwopleiding en houdt daarbij het stedebouwonderwijs kritisch in de gaten. Dit klinkt tot nu toe niet onaardig, maar wat heb je er nu echt aan? Welnu, Polis biedt haar leden een podium aan. Een podium waarop voor en door leden excursies, lezingen, symposia, workshops, prijsvragen, debatten, studiereizen en nog meer wordt georganiseerd. Als je nu lid wordt van Polis steun je dit podium en kun je er vooral ook gebruik van maken. Als lid ontvang je tevens 4 keer per jaar gratis de Atlantis, daarnaast

21st year, number 1, September 2009 quantity: 500 issues

Adress of the Editorial Office POLIS - Faculteit Bouwkunde BG West 160 Julianalaan 134 2628BL Delft

hebben polisleden voorrang bij activiteiten en studiereizen en krijgen ze korting op inschrijfgelden. Lijkt ons een goede reden om lid te worden, nietwaar?

Printer Drukkerij Tan Heck, Delft Advertisements Information at the editorial office address

10,15,30,60,-

* the contribution for alumni members is valid for a period of 2 years after graduation. After this period the membership fee will automatically become that of a practioner.

Polis, podium voor stedebouwkunde. De vereniging houdt zich bezig met het

Editors Edoardo Felici Ana Maria Fernandez Maldonado

€ € € €

After subscribing to Polis you will be requested to pay the membership fee.

Een praktijkvereniging voor stedebouwkunde, wat heb ik eraan?

Atlantis Magazine for urbanism, a publication from POLIS, podium for urbanism.

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Membership

We think those are pretty convincing reasons for becoming a member, don’t you?

Main Editor Pouyan Medizahdeh

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Fig. 1: koe (cow)

name

new address entrance date other information

I want to become a member of Polis! Name

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Address ....................................................................... Postal code ................................................................... City

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Tel .................................. Fax ................................... Email

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I’m applying as a: 0 student 0 practitioner 0 bureau 0 alumnus, graduation date: .............................. Bank account no.

Once we have received your subscription you will receive a welcome package containing our lustrum publication and the latest Atlantis. We hope you will enjoy your membership!

YOUR LOGO HERE? please contact Polis: polis@bk.tudelft.nl

old address

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Polis is hereby granted permission to automatically collect the membership fee from the abovementioned bank account.

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Articles Articles, admissions and reactions can be offered to the address of the editorial office. Author guidance is available at the editorial office. Copyright with the permission of authors and acknowledgement of sources.

Subscriptions Polis-members receive the Atlantis for free. Polis-yearcontribution: Students: € 10 Alumni: € 15 Practicalmembers: € 30 companymembers: €60 Previous issues: pdf versions available

Cover: