Long is the journey issue 1 by A Colorni-Hirschman International Institute

LONG IS THE JOURNEY ISSUE N.1

PART 1 - THE CLASSICS

LEARING FROM: COLORNI EUGENIO COLORNI: OUR IMAGE

EUGENIO THE INNOVATOR, by L.M.

COLORNI’S LETTERS FROM PRISON, by L.M.

ON EUGENIO COLORNI’S “PREFACE”, by L.M.

ONLY EUGENIO, by L.M.

UNPUBLISHED PAPERS PRESENTATION UNPUBLISHED PAPERS

“PROPOSAL - A NOTE” by L.M.

PROPOSAL FOR A EUROPEAN MONETARY AUTHORITY, summary by L.M.

INTERPRETIVE SOCIAL SCIENCE THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE, by N.S.

GEERTZ AND DARNTON COLLABORATING IN AN UNDERGRADUATE COURSE ON HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY, by N.S.

ANNEX 1: SYLLABUS OF HISTORY 406 (FALL TERM 1974)

ANNEX 2: SYLLABUS OF HISTORY 406 (FALL TERM 1992)

ANNEX 3: LETTER OF GEERTZ TO DARNTON (1977)

GENTE Y CUENTOS IN MEMORY OF SARAH HIRSCHMAN, by N.S.

PART 2 - TO SAY AND TO DO THE IMPROBABLES

66 68

TABLES OF THE LAW (1994)

SEMINARS AT THE ISTITUTO DI STUDI FILOSOFICI (1994)

CASAL DI PRINCIPE, by Franco Cioffi (2013)

AN UNCOMMON EXPERIENCE, by Daniela Caianiello (2014)

PRINCIPLES OF “GOOD MANAGEMENT” IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR, by Paolo Di Nola (2014)

CIVILIZING PRACTICES, by Franco Cioffi (2015)

A FAMILY ENTERPRISE CASE HISTORY, by Francesco Messina (2015)

PART 3 - PUBLICATIONS ON OUR CLASSICS

REFERENCE BOOKS

PART 1 - THE CLASSICS

OUR IMAGE

[1]

by Eugenio Colorni (1937) Dear Silvia, I write to give you good news about our little one. In the first month of her life, she has already grown by a pound. She sucks well, sleeps well, does not cry too much. She has begun to follow persons and things with her eyes and to have a special expression when she sees her mother. […] During the first days I felt I was touching Providence with my own hands. Birth is an extraordinary phenomenon. The most complicated events happen with a regularity of a watch: frontal presentation, dilating pains, release of the water. Everything happens rapidly, logically, with precision. The baby is born. And everything is predisposed in such a manner that as soon as one mechanism of breathing ceases, another immediately takes over. The baby right away uses the new mechanism with utmost competence. Taken to the breast it sucks with a seriousness and commitment as though it had been years in training. During the first days the milk of the mother is not milk. It is a slightly laxative liquid, exactly the fluid the infant needs to rid the body of what is left over from the month of growth in the uterus. […] I said to myself, God Almighty must have thought a lot about us when he arranged all this. He combines everything just right. Everything is so harmonious, coherent, economical. Everything has a purpose; nothing gets lost. There really must exist some “finalism” in nature that organizes matters along the simplest and best organized lines. No man-made machine can equal these natural mechanisms. But I have had second thoughts when I have seen my wife tired out by the nursing and the nurses of the hospital busying themselves around my baby even though she was bursting with health. A little creature like that is capable of occupying a woman all day long. I thought: “OK – I praised Providence for the things through which it has made my life easier. But why doe-

sn’t it occur to me to blame Providence for those things it has forgotten to arrange well for me?”. For what arcane end does nature obliges me to carry the baby in my arms for a whole year? To provide it with everything it needs, to keep it worm, to supply it with food, to change it seven times a day? If Providence has built such a beautiful machine to feed the child couldn’t it also invent one to dry it? Nature is courteous and attentive insofar as the taking of the food is concerned. But how unhelpful it is with respect to the opposite function! You may object that man himself with his civilization is responsible for these discomforts. Yet primitive people and animals experience similar difficulties. They too must take care of their children, feed them, protect them, clean them, teach them many things. They too receive some gifts from nature, but must work hard to supply themselves with those that they do not receive. True enough, we find a certain order in some things. But we also note an enormous disorder in an immense number of others. All our labor consists in nothing but the attempt to remedy this disorder. In spite of that we call nature perfect and regular. As soon as, at some point, we see a bit of work already done for us, we fall to our knees and are ready to adore […]. As far as I am concerned, I would be much more grateful to Providence if it had saved me not the initial laxative for my baby, but the continuous worry for his catching cold or getting too hot or becoming ill […]. Do not fear that I am embarking upon a dissertation on optimism and pessimism; that I want to decide whether the world is beautiful or ugly, or to side with Candide or Pangloss[2]. I am asking a different question. Has nature arranged its laws to feed the needs of man or is it rather man who has taken advantage of a certain number of things in accordance with his needs

OUR IMAGE, by Eugenio Colorni (1937)

and has arranged them to his convenience? And then […] has said: “Here are the most perfect laws of nature as they have been arranged by Providence for my use”. With these laws of his own making, man has built up his own concept of nature. Man is unfazed when he meets with the irregular, the disorderly, the useless and noxious, and with all kind of phenomena whose purpose he is unable to decipher. Here too there is a law, he says, a most beautiful and perfect law. “It is so perfect that I am not yet strong enough to understand it […]”. He has created words like ‘contingency’, ‘chance’, ‘accident’, and others like ‘mystery’, ‘unknown’, ‘inexplicable’, ‘unexplored’ […] that precisely indicate that there is something there that he hopes one day to put to use for his own purposes. “It is a question of time”, he says. There is always a law, according to man. […] I am sure that a scientist or a doctor would not be at all embarrassed by […] these disappointments of a novice father. Everyone of the drawbacks about which I have complained is part of a marvelous order, once one knows how to look. It isn’t the danger of my child being dropped and getting hurt the consequence of gravity, a universal law if there ever was one? And when the human body overheats or becomes too cold, does that also obey some quite precise rules? In so far as the whooping cough is concerned, the doctor assures me that science is hopeful of understanding the nature of this disease and of rendering it harmless. In short, man attempts to incorporate every disorder into some order, close or remote, present or future. But what if there were a absolute, definitive, hopeless disorder? An area of experience that would now and always escape any kind of net, that would be impervious to every system and to every harmony? How would man behave in that eventuality? I cannot demonstrate to you that this kind of disorder exists in na-

6-7

ture. What I can tell you is that if existed man would not notice it; he would pass next to it and would perhaps even touch it, but would not receive any impression from it. Man does not have any organs suited for conceiving disorder. And if he had, it would no longer be disorder; it would precisely enter into the system of his organs. Man has this specialty: to take notice only of what can be useful to him […]. The irregular runs through his fingers – and that is the reason for which he says it does non exist. Imagine that among many dots scattered about by chance, we isolate six that are symmetrically arranged and then we exclaim: “How marvelously nature has built the hexagon! How perfect is this figure! If one joins the vertexes with the center six equilateral triangles appear and they all are equal and the sum of all the angles is always equal to eight right angles! If one draws a circle around the hexagon, we can see that the side of the hexagon is equal to the radius of the circle! How clever we have been to uncover, in this chaos of dots, the monster of regularity! Surely, all the other dots will turn down to be similarly regular and all we need is to continue our efforts and we will find ever new harmonies!”. This is more the less the way we operate in the sciences. We choose among the immensity of the world some little tune that has about it a certain regularity (just as from a huge amount of noise we isolate sometimes a new sound that constitute a new melody). And we are incapable of hearing the rest. And it is that little tune that we call ‘nature’. From birth, man is bound by a certain number of conditions that are simply there and are never questioned: two legs, two hands, two eyes, ten fingers, one heart. From that moment on he makes use of everything that corresponds to his mode of being and denies the existence of all that is unsuited

to it. With what that turns out to be suited he builds his concepts and his values – beautiful and ugly, useful and noxious, good and evil. I assure you that if he had seventeen hands instead of two, symmetry, equilibrium, and proportion would be based on the number seventeen.

Notes [1]

Quotations from “La nostra immagine” (Eugenio Colorni, Scritti, Firenze, La Nuova Italia, 1975, p. 337341). This essay was written when Eugenio was 28 and after the birth of Silvia, the first child of Eugenio and Ursula. Silvia is also the name of Eugenio’s sister and the essay is written in the form of a letter to her. Translations by Sarah and Albert Hirschman to celebrate the birth of Alexander, son of Lisa Hirschman and of Peter Gourevitch, on January 1, 1978.

[2]

[Candide, ou l’Optimisme by Voltaire, 1759].

We see only what we look for, and we look only for what suits us. Little wonder then, that the world, as we are finding it, suits us. In this manner the myth arises that nature is beautiful and regular, or logical and mathematical. A myth which, as you know, is believed by both the materialistic scientist and the mystic. Another example: you know that the animals after having given birth eat the placenta. We throw it away. […] Because we think we know the function of this membrane, in our view it has had the purpose of enveloping the fetus. […] But when the animal first saw this blood-stained thing he probably asked himself: What is this thing good for? Let us try to eat it”. […] Suppose now there were a scientist among the dogs or the horses: he would be convinced that the natural function of the placenta is to satiate the mother after giving birth. And he would exclaim: “How excellent a provider is nature; it provides our dogs and our horses with exactly the food they need and for which they crave”. Nature, believe me, is like a mirror that reflects the image of him who scrutinizes it. And man, the most intelligent of the animals, substitutes his own image for the mirror.

OUR IMAGE, by Eugenio Colorni (1937)

8-9

EUGENIO THE INNOVATOR - A LIFE FOR LIBERTY 1. The conferences to mark the centenary of the birth of Eugenio Colorni (2009) have produced three volumes, in which 33 philosophers, federalists, and historians of politics, culture, science, etc. have deliberated on many aspects of his experience[1]. This has been accompanied by the re-publication of an important set of Colorni’s texts, now edited by Geri Cerchiai[2]. In my opinion, this is a positive endeavor (one that proposes revisiting Eugenio’s ideas in the current circumstances, which are very different from those in the past), but it is only partially satisfactory. This is because no edition of Eugenio’s complete works has ever been published. Further, it is immediately clear on reading these volumes that each author is interested, for professional reasons, in a specific aspect of Eugenio’s life rather than in a comprehensive understanding of this protagonist of the cultural and political history of Italy and Europe. As a result, he does not ever seem to really “leap from the pages” of these volumes. A partial exception to this tendency is the book of a young author, Antonio Tedesco: Il partigiano Colorni e il grande sogno europeo[3]. This is not because it has an exhaustive approach: it is fundamentally a political narrative. But because it has the merit of being, rather unusually, a vivid reconstruction which draws on the less-explored areas of available documentation—especially the Solari archive, the central State archives, socialist documents and numerous stories and biographies of the era. And because it is a captivating volume that reads like a novel. It succeeds in alternating various episodes of national history with biographical events in Colorni’s personal, intellectual and political experience; precisely because of this, some aspects of it can be [4] further elaborated . 2. Reflecting on Colorni’s life, it can be argued that, paradoxically, the entire course of events conspired to drive this brilliant youth to extraordinary theoretical and political accomplishments: his social back-

ground, the tragedy of his father’s death, his strict education, the contingencies of his professional life, [5] the historical era he lived in . As we know, Eugenio came from a professional, affluent, Jewish family. His father Alberto, a non-practicing Jew who was a businessman dealing in agricultural machines, married Clara Pontecorvo (whose sister Alfonsa married Samuele Sereni, a famous doctor of the Court). Alberto died prematurely of an illness he had contracted in Germany, and Eugenio was raised by his mother—a strict practicing Jew. He found himself living in the era of the consolidation and affirmation of the Fascist regime, in an affluent, post-Risorgimento family that did not have business or governance responsibilities but was able to benefit from contacts and connections with high society[6]. As a young high school student in Milan, prompted into his endeavor through interactions with his three Sereni cousins (Enrico, Enzo and Emilio) with whom he shared his long summer vacations at the seaside in Tuscany (Forte dei Marmi), Eugenio went through a series of youthful experiences to finally decide on philosophy and antifascism. At University, he associated with two antifascist professors—Borgese and Martinetti—and occupied himself with aesthetics (with the former) and with general philosophy (with the latter), since he intended to pursue an academic career. The decision to study philosophy brought him into direct contact with the dominant culture of his time in both Italy and Germany, where, on the advice of Martinetti, he went to learn the language and study Leibnitz, shortly before the advent of Nazism. Eugenio thus realized that, departing from the position of privilege in which he found himself, he had to engage with the dominant culture in order to find a way to overcome it. And this was the central “purpose,” both intellectual and political, of his life. 3. I now come to the illuminating historical scene reconstructed by Tedesco. It is certainly useful as an

EUGENIO THE INNOVATOR - A LIFE FOR LIBERTY

introduction to Colorni’s story, but I believe it is even more interesting for those who have already encountered Eugenio and are rather familiar with his thought and his life. In fact, I think that Tedesco’s narrative can be better understood keeping in mind the facts described above. Indeed, we must ask: what could a young, talented, antifascist philosopher have done in the face of the collapse of the political situation in Germany (and its consequences in Italy)? What could he have done when confronted with the loss of his academic points of reference—Borgese who went into self-imposed exile in the United States and Martinetti who was involved in the round up of the “Giustizia e Libertà” group of Turin in 1935[7]? The answer is, simply, that which he did do—with great intelligence and skill. That is, on the personal front, Eugenio pragmatically renounced his academic career and redirected himself towards school teaching. He published, to that end, Liebnitz’s La monadologia (with a long and erudite introduction) in the collection of studies curated by Giovanni Gentile (a leading philosopher of Fascism) whom he had met at Forte dei Marmi in the summer. He secured the title of lecturer of philosophy and education in teacher training schools, and began teaching in Vigevano, later moving to the Istituto Magistrale Gio[8] suè Carducci in Trieste . On the intellectual front, as the culmination of a process of maturation spurred on by his active participation in the antifascist movement, Colorni decided to abruptly dissociate himself from the theoretical world of idealism in which he had been immersed in high school and university[9]. He achieved this though an increasingly acerbic critique[10] of the concept of the philosophical system and, with it, of the need for a Weltanschauung, which was strongly felt in the German culture of that time[11]. 4. It was a radical change: the collapse of an entire universe of thought paving the way for a new elabora-

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tion. In fact, Eugenio’s aim was to free the mind in order to think anew, to be able to generate theoretical and political analyses suited to the times from a fresh perspective. Eugenio emerged from this experience with an extraordinary and astute ability for self-reflection, a strong capacity for reasoning, a sort of “perpetual motion” in the unceasing daily exploration of reality and of the self. This was an intellectual rebellion fomented from within the depths of Italian idealism, one which Eugenio quickly generalized to German idealism and Marxism—a decisive choice as compared to any form of dogmatic and standardized thought. He put this into practice by committing himself fully to antifascism, by producing a wealth of new ideas and initiatives, and, at only 28 years of age, taking charge of the Centro Interno Socialista[12]. These therefore were the exciting events of the terrible thirties of the last century that culminated in producing Eugenio the innovator—dynamic, exuberant and self-ironical, but also human, even childlike—who remains etched into the memories of those who have had the fortune of knowing him. He was an intellectual capable of simultaneous progress in many different fields (philosophy, politics, society, literature, psychology, mathematics, the natural sciences, etc.); animated by an inexhaustible curiosity to know; insatiable, greedy for culture, always searching for useful readings. He was a scholar who, while unceasingly developing his own research, also enjoyed the luxury of publishing philosophical and literary reviews. Here, therefore, is the source of the “miracle” of Trieste: an unprecedented combination of political commitment and wide-ranging research; a “possibilist” elaboration (largely unacknowledged[13], but from which Tedesco’s book and Degl’Innocenti’s introduction[14] now allow us to piece together his party political side); a remarkable ingenuity in the invention of stratagems and exit routes; a sociopoli-

tical innovation that half a century later, Albert Hirschman would call the “ideal micro-foundation of a democratic politics[15].” 5. In this regard as well, Tedesco’s text is useful because it enables us to follow the evolution of the situation in the country and even the seemingly incredible aspects of Eugenio’s story, from which sprang achievements so rich that we can continue learning from them even to this day. Unfortunately, as documented in the book, this was a trajectory that also came to attract the attention of the political police, before being brutally interrupted. As we know, Eugenio was sentenced to 5 years of police confinement to be served on the island of Ventotene[16]. Considering the period and the behavior of the State, this was a relatively mild punishment, probably produced by a combination of circumstances—such as Eugenio’s brilliant defense which shielded him behind the image of a scholar, the weakness of the evidence against him, and most important, the fascists’ need to protect the identity of their spies in Italy and abroad[17]. Eugenio certainly pondered the reasons behind this decision, and in all probability began to search for the regime’s weak points, also with regard to the deplorable condition in which he found himself. This essentially meant applying to his own situation the same research into the possible that he had intelligently developed for antifascist socialism. The first stratagem was to use the approved channels, thereby presenting to the authorities a series of reasonable and justified requests especially concerning his family, and avoiding disappearing from sight; establishing himself instead as a special case deserving of ad hoc solutions. The second stratagem, which he used when the first did not yield the expected results, was that of appealing to higher authorities so as to limit the arrogance of subordinates and simultaneously open a new front. In fact, Eugenio and his wife realized a cer-

tain detail that they could play to their advantage: although the political police were well aware that they were both Jews, Ursula was a German citizen with a regular passport and was officially declared as being “Protestant.” For several reasons, namely, not wanting to turn to their powerful ally to resolve the issue (since this would have implied an inability to deal with it themselves); wishing at the same time to avoid the bad image (la brutta figura) that would result from appearing callous towards a pregnant foreign lady with a child, who wished to be close to her husband; and perhaps lured by the opportunity to generate propaganda through an act of benevolence, there was a possibility that the authorities would allow Colorni to be reunited with his family in Ventotene[18]. And this was what happened, giving Ursula the opportunity to reconnect with some of her antifascist contacts during her movements in and out of Ventotene. Thus, having learned how (and having created an exception), the couple (using a third stratagem) intensified the pressure with the help of friends and relatives. They succeeded in securing permission for Eugenio to spend 10 days in Milan to help Ursula at the birth of Renate (1939) and then of Eva (1941); finally, Eugenio now being the head of a large family, they were able to secure his transfer on to the main[19] land —a prelude to his return to active politics. 6. As documented by Tedesco, Eugenio suffered in Ventotene due to the meticulous regulations the inmates were subjected to, isolation, deprivations of all sorts (not least that of food), and also because of the ideological clashes between various antifascist factions, which did not interest him. He battled depression and tried to cope by finding solace in his studies, gradually supplied with appropriate books by Ursula[20]. It is in this phase that he wrote some of his most important essays—from an apologue on Kant’s “Four Sons” to his essay on philosophy

EUGENIO THE INNOVATOR - A LIFE FOR LIBERTY

and science[21]. It was here that he further reinforced his mental faculties, studying mathematics and physics, the evolution of the concepts of space and time in the Theory of Relativity (and hypothesizing on future developments in this area), and trying to glean from scientists the secrets to the pursuit of discovery which, like electricity, has radically transformed human life… Eugenio challenged the frontiers of knowledge, perhaps without realizing that on this rather abstruse terrain for a layman, Ursula could no longer follow him. The arrival of Altiero Spinelli and then Ernesto Rossi on the island led to the formation of a quartet (with Colorni and Ursula) of inseparable federalists[22], from which would later emerge the “Ventotene Manifesto.” Nevertheless, in my opinion, there has been little reflection on the spontaneous division of labor that occurred in this little group. With each member following their own vocation, Ursula focused on networking, Ernesto (through contact with Luigi Einaudi) on the institutional and economic aspects, Altiero on politics and Eugenio on the cultural element. To me, the most interesting feature of this group was the relationship between Altiero and Eugenio. Altiero was a politician from the Communist school who had rebelled against Communism. Characteristically, Eugenio, who appreciated Altiero’s political intuition and leadership skills, assumed the role of a mentor[23]. A comparison of the famous Ventotene dialogues—those written by Eugenio (Commodo) and those (unpublished but available in the Spinelli fonds at the European University Institute, Fiesole) written by Altiero (Severo) suffices to reveal the nature of the relationship between them. It also sheds light on Altiero’s assertion that he had formed a habit of referring everything he wrote to Eugenio in order to recognize his mistakes in advance. In other words, Eugenio rediscovered his pedagogical voca-

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tion here. 7. Finally confined in Melfi (Basilicata), Colorni began to realize that antifascism was regaining ground [24] across the country . Fearing that his confinement would be extended, he made his will[25], escaped, and went into hiding in Rome. “There are many stages in the life of a man,” he stated. “This is the stage of courage[26].” Thus began Eugenio’s epic, which Tedesco describes with intelligent engagement against the background of the dramatic events of the time[27]. This is a Eugenio who was “enthusiastic about his political struggle and the federalist idea”; “completely absorbed by his underground work, extremely lively, active and generous”; President of the first steering committee of the federalist movement; agitator; political leader who supported the tactic of the “ingression” of federalists into the Action Party and the Socialist Party; animator of the Italian Movement for the European Federation; “leading figure of the Roman Resistance” after 8 September. He became a partisan who “lives the hard life of conspiracy”; a point of reference for young socialists; a teacher in the Party school, an organizer of socialist railway workers; the lead editor of Avanti!; a political and military leader—until his tragic end[28]. “To defeat death by doing.” This is the quote from Eugenio with which Tedesco concludes his volume. “Neither giving nor receiving, but doing. This is my essential need, without satisfying which I would not have the serenity to calmly receive. And by doing I mean creating something that exists in its own right, yet which is simultaneously an extension of myself, which belongs to me, in which I am recognized, but which does not have need of my presence [29] to continue existing .”

Key resources

Notes

Cerchiai G. and Rota G, eds., (2011) Eugenio Colorni e la cultura italiana tra le due guerre, Manduria-Bari-Rome, Lacaita. Colorni E. (1918-42) Lettere, collected by Eva Hirschmann, vol. 1, 2, 3 and 4 – mimeo. Colorni E, (1932) L’estetica di Benedetto Croce. Studio critico, Milan, La cultura. Colorni E. (1975) Scritti, edited by N. Bobbio, Turin, Einaudi. Colorni E. (1998) Il coraggio dell’innocenza, edited by L. Meldolesi, Naples, La città del sole. Colorni E. (2009) La malattia della metafisica, edited by G. Cerchiai, Turin, Einaudi. Croce B. (1913) Breviario di estetica, Bari, Laterza; now Milan, Adelphi, 1990. Degl’Innocenti M., eds., (2010) Eugenio Colorni dall’antifascismo all’europeismo socialista e federalista, Manduria-Bari-Roma, Lacaita. Hirschman A. O. (1963) Journeys toward Progress. Studies of Economic Policy-Making in Latin America, New York, Twentieth Century Fund. Hirschman A. O. (1977) The Passions and the Interests. Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press. Hirschman A.O. (1990) Tre continenti. Economia politica e sviluppo della democrazia in Europa, Stati Uniti e America Latina, edited by L. Meldolesi, Turin, Einaudi. Hirschman A. O. (1995) A Propensity to Self-Subversion, Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press. Leibnitz G. G. (1934) La Monadologia, edited by E. Colorni, Florence, Sansoni. Solari L. (1980) Eugenio Colorni. Ieri e sempre, Venice, Marsilio. Tedesco A. (2014) Il partigiano Colorni e il grande sogno europeo, Rome, Editori Riuniti. Zucca F., ed., (2011) Eugenio Colorni federalista, Manduria-Bari-Rome, Lacaita.

[1]

Degl’Innocenti, ed., 2010; Cerchiai and Rota, ed., 2011; Zucca, ed., 2011.

[2]

Colorni 2009.

[3]

Tedesco 2014. It is a non-academic book, dictated by a passion for politics. When compared with the four texts of the centenary, it displays certain imperfections, which a diligent reader can however remedy by himself. The danger, of course, is in the fact that the two streams—academic and non-academic—run parallel without meeting. For this reason, I think, it is useful to construct some ad hoc “crossroads” between them.

[4]

In fact, as the principal events that led to the consolidation of Fascism (and beyond) unfold before our eyes while reading this book, it quickly becomes clear that a deeper exploration of this theme would require some additional point of reference. Hence this note, which on one hand, aims to present Tedesco’s book in the manner it deserves and, on the other, intends to highlight, as examples, certain theoretical insights related to Eugenio’s politics. Also because, in my opinion, anyone wishing to construct an alternative to the ongoing intellectual exercise of “dissecting Colorni” along disciplinary lines (and thus creating a watered-down version) would do well to compose (and translate into English) brief notes which carve out an alternative path, which aim to systematically reconstruct the work of this extraordinary figure from different perspectives but in a manner as coherent and integrated as possible. And which in doing so, are able to draw on the extensive works already executed. This is an undertaking that can only be carried out gradually; not by tackling this weighty subject head on, but by means of useful lateral approaches.

EUGENIO THE INNOVATOR - A LIFE FOR LIBERTY

[5]

[6]

I would like to emphasize the peculiar circumstances with which (and from which) Eugenio emerged. Because as Albert Hirschman (1963, p. 6) would later say, not only of countries but also of people: they progress (when they progress) starting from where they are, because they are what they are, and despite the fact of being as they are. It was a unique position from which Eugenio would derive a strong moral commitment vis-à-vis the events of the time and which, on the other hand, he would use as the basis of his political and intellectual experience. As we will see later, this aspect of the matter is more important than it may first appear in the understanding of Eugenio’s trajectory. However, it could be misunderstood, as indeed it was by the Communists with regard to Colorni as well as Albert Hirschman. Because, being unable to grasp how these two associates, by ingenuously studying the situation and mobilizing their network of both influential and grassroots contacts, were able to foster several antifascist initiatives (for e.g., bringing antifascist propaganda material into Italy using Albert’s impeccable German passport and the false cover, instead of the false bottom, of a suitcase), they sometimes ended up disparaging them.

[7]

Ref. Tedesco p. 65.

[8]

And, of course, he went on to marry Ursula Hirschmann, whom he had become acquainted with in Berlin as a young antifascist…

[9]

As we know, since his high school days, Eugenio was interested in the Breviario di estetica by Benedetto Croce, whom he considered one of the masters of his generation. He later continued his study of aesthetics with Borgese and wrote a monograph (intended for academic purposes: Colorni 1932) on this booklet by Croce, whom he had come to know personally in Naples and had later re-encountered in Berlin. But this monograph, which maintained the need to libe-

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rate Croce’s reasoning from the Hegelian model, did not please the philosopher. Perhaps this was the first step in Eugenio dissociation from idealism. [10]

I believe that a careful reading of all the available documents can (and perhaps should) demonstrate the significance of (at least) certain stages in this escalation of Eugenio’s criticism, which would culminate, as we know, in his autobiographical text (now in Colorni 2009, p. 10-37) written during the Ventotene period: “La malattia filosofica.” This is a title which, incidentally, is at odds with the manner in which his works have largely been categorized.

[11]

But, typically, this was done as a simple exercise in criticism, without abjurations or fanaticism. On the contrary, Colorni would go on to successively reuse what he had learned and what could continue being useful—such as his specialization in Leibnitz that (as mentioned) could screen him in high circles, a professional shield that allowed him to participate in international conferences abroad and that (probably) also served as a tool for emendatio intellectus, as written by Norberto Bobbio (in his introduction to Colorni in 1975). This was based on the idea that, as Hirschman would later do in The Passions, a plunge into the past may allow the author to observe the present from a different point of view. Thus, Eugenio continued to study and write about Leibnitz for eight years, until his arrest. At this point, however (letter to Ursula, 28 November 1938: Colorni 1918-1942 Lettere vol. 2), he admitted to his wife that he was unable to answer her question about “the practical use of all this work”…

[12]

A short time later Eugenio also lost his mother, and thus found himself having to single-handedly manage all family responsibilities in addition to politics.

[13]

Till date, there is not a single collection of Colorni’s political writings (and his theoretical-political letters).

[14]

Degl’Innocenti, ed., 2010.

[15]

Hirschman 1990, p. xxxi; English tr. 1995, p. 119.

[16]

“Confinement,” explains Tedesco (p. 120), “is not a sentence passed by the judiciary, but a preventive measure aimed at getting rid of political opponents without resorting to a trial and especially without the necessary display of evidence.”

[17]

[18]

According to Tedesco’s reconstruction, this would mean Alberto Capanni in Trieste and Alberto Cimadori in France. Impressive for its clarity in this regard is a dispatch by the Division of General and Confidential Affairs reported by Tedesco (p. 118), which states verbatim: “It was necessary to override the judgement of the Special Tribunal, solely to avoid compromising the position of our valuable trustees abroad.” Eugenio was probably aware of the existence of this potential space from the beginning, from the moment when, in his original (rejected) request for family reunification, he had presented to the competent authorities his plight of being at a “distance from a daughter aged just two, and from a ‘foreign (German) wife with no relatives to support her in Italy,’ who was three months pregnant” (Tedesco, p. 122).

[19]

Ref., in this regard, Tedesco’s reconstruction: p. 140-3.

[20]

“This prisoner,” the policeman charged with guarding him writes laconically, “leaves little room for comment on his political conduct and is exclusively dedicated to his studies” (Tedesco, p. 127).

[21]

“Apologo su quattro modi di filosofare” and “Critica filosofica e fisica teorica” (now in Colorni 2009, p. 188-235).

[22]

Which from time to time included, as a messenger, Ernesto’s wife Ada; and later also Altiero’s sister. [23] This seems to me entirely coherent with what, as Leo

Solari claims, Eugenio would say: “The true method of winning the affections of another is to let him be, not to transform him into my way of being, but to enjoy his way of being different from me. This is what I call love and understanding of another man” (Tedesco, p.26). [24]

Among other things, he planned the launch of a journal of interdisciplinary scientific methodology, which was to encompass biology, psychology, anthropology and economics and was to have been directed by the philosopher Antonio Banfi. Cfr. Tedesco p.144-5.

[25]

Now published in Cerchiai, ed., 2010, p. 283-4.

[26]

Tedesco, p. 171.

[27]

Ibid. Chp. 4 (from which are drawn the quotations that follow). “Eugenio,” continues Tedesco (p. 170), “felt alive, liberated from the condition of perpetual idleness, from the intellectual euthanasia to which he had been condemned.”

[28]

“If there is a hard-earned gold medal in the Resistance,” writes Sandro Pertini, “it is his.” To be precise, this refers to a gold medal for military valour.

[29]

Solari Archive, the new will of Eugenio, written shortly before his death (ref. Tedesco, p. 195-6).

EUGENIO THE INNOVATOR - A LIFE FOR LIBERTY

16 - 17

EUGENIO COLORNI’S LETTERS FROM PRISON, (Sep–Dec 1938) [1]

1. Eugenio Colorni’s first letter from prison to his wife Ursula Hirschmann (21st September 1938) concerns, as is known, Goethe’s doubtfulness (the archetype, in a certain sense, of Colorni’s theory of doubt)[2]. “I am reading,” he writes, “one page per day of Faust. The two prologues seem to me the most beautiful sections of Faust’s famous monologue. What is striking in Goethe is his—what shall we call it?—doubtfulness before passing judgement, before ascribing value. Consider the Prologue in the Theatre. Are we sure that he absolutely justifies the poet as compared to the director and actor? Yes, he does. But he seems to say ‘I am also able to understand the perspectives of the others. Their points of view also ‘exist.’ ’ There is an almost tragic point where the actor says: You think about posterity; but who thinks about the present?[3]”. To occupy himself (ref. the letter dated 4th October), Eugenio reads several books in the prison library at Trieste, including “some of the great historical novels of the last century (Tommaso Grossi, Sienkiewicz)” which leave him disappointed—he describes them as “dull, banal, lacking the most basic psychology.” Instead, he enjoys Kipling’s Kim, because the author “succeeds in imbuing the story with an unforgettable colour and character[4].” He goes on to add, “I have also read Chesterton’s The Man who was Thursday, one of those novels where, in the style of Kafka, everything hinges on a ploy, a transposition of terms between the ironic and the hallucinatory. Now I have been able to obtain from the prison library two Shakespearean tragedies, and I intend to read them slowly, savouring each [5] word: this way they will last longer . But I miss my books and my work very much.” Eugenio goes on to write (in the letter dated 17th October), “Here I continue my regular and monotonous daily life. I have read, from the prison library, Schiller’s Don Carlos and Shakespeare’s The Tempest. I liked Don Carlos much more than

I thought I would. It is a complex tragedy, human and not at all stereotypical. It is the best work by Schiller that I have read (but I’ve read very little by him). And The Tempest is delicious. It is coupled with A Midsummer Night’s Dream, but is perhaps more beautiful. It is strange how Shakespeare makes the reader feel and smell a landscape and an atmosphere, almost without having described it […] yet the landscape of this island is present to the reader in all its minute detail[6]. As you see, I am building a literary culture, and exerting myself in criticism. In the absence of all else….” 2. Eugenio is then shifted to the prison of Varese, where he (finally) receives a parcel of books sent to him by Ursula. “You can imagine,” he writes on 14th November, “how I threw myself into the books you sent me […]. They mean everything to me, and now that I have them, I know better how to pass my time. I thank you also for the selection, you have done it very well and exactly according to my taste: a bit of physics, some of the classics, some culture.” In the absence of political books (which, evidently, were not allowed to an antifascist prisoner) and apart from literary culture, Eugenio’s other great intellectual passion emerges forcefully here: the natural sciences. “When I was informed that the books had arrived,” he writes, “I thought: let’s hope that there will be something by Goethe, and Perucca’s Fisica, and indeed there was. You have also had the extremely good idea of sending me books on modern biology, a subject that is completely unknown to me and about which I have wanted to read for a long time[7]. Yesterday, in fact, I immediately began reading Enriques’ Il Problema della Vita, which seems to me very well-written[8].” “The methods of the various sciences differ, yet they always have common points of departure. What always interests me the most is observing for which motives, deriving from their physical and

EUGENIO COLORNI’S LETTERS FROM PRISON, (Sep–Dec 1938)

mental structure, men have fixed their attention on certain facts rather than others, and have considered some to be essential and others, accessories. It is not so much the ‘law of nature’ that interests me as the ways in which we have formulated the functioning of nature according to the principles of this law, rather than any other. And I believe that the significance of this inquiry is not only philosophical but also principally scientific, because this ‘genetic’ knowledge of the law of nature permits a deeper exploration of its meaning and limits, and therefore more appropriate use. The ‘law of nature’ is not a reality, it is an instrument (do you like this formulation?).[9]” From this general theory, Eugenio moves on to some specific evaluations. “I am studying physics from Perucca’s book,” he writes in the letter of 26th November, “and in the evenings I read books on biology, and then Don Quixote in bed. By now I have almost finished the biology books. But I have not found that sense of new vistas opened, which one has while reading books on new physics. It is a research that is still chaotic, that, I think, has not yet found its way. It seems to me that the majority of the theories developed in this field (vitalism, mechanism, evolution, natural selection, etc.) are, so to say, empty: they do not serve to advance research or to obtain new results, but serve mainly to meet men’s need for complete theories that resolve their problems all at once: a need that is to me unseemly. It is the same for the famous problem of ‘vital energy.’ I would have nothing against this concept […]. But to decide whether to use it or not, we must ask ourselves, ‘Does this concept help us understand things better, to discover new facts, to interpret old ones in a simpler and more orderly manner, to formulate useful laws that enable new projections and applications?’ […] It is the success of a concept that determines whether or not it should be adopted. Instead, it seems to me

18 - 19

that there is a general argument for and against this concept, based on sympathies and sentiments that have nothing to do with the search for truth.” 3. From his renewed interest in literature on one hand and in the natural sciences on the other, Eugenio then returns to his dominant passion for philosophy in the letters written towards the end of 1938. In fact, concluding the 26th November letter to Ursula, he writes, “I am somewhat reconciling myself with my old and abandoned philosophy. This is why [from among the books you sent me], I reserve Simmel’s book as ‘dulcis in fundo.’ Let me explain: I still detest philosophy as an instrument to soothe ills, recover losses, satisfy curiosity, to compensate for tastes we no longer have. That is why I loathe any philosophical system that intends to ‘close the loop’ and explain the universe. But philosophy as a tool, a ray of light that clarifies misunderstandings and removes prejudices, seems to me always indispensable. It is resolved, in the end, through a simple exercise of intelligence and honesty.” But when he starts reading The Philosophy of Money, he finds himself back to square one. “I have started Simmel’s book, which has so far left me a little disappointed,” he writes on 28th November[10]. “Always the same stories of the spirit continuously surpassing itself, of setting and exceeding limits, etc. Variations on a theme that has already been discussed ad nauseam. It is strange how difficult it is to find any observation, even small, that is fresh, candid, and presents a new point of view! I think that the problem is in the approach: that philosophers basically care too little about ‘understanding’ and too much about ‘explaining.’ And often these two are antithetical to each other. ‘Explaining’ in fact implies finding a theory, a system, an organization of reality in which there is a place for everything and everything is in its place. ‘Understanding’ implies a putting oneself in a passive position, so to speak, in the face

of things, ready to grasp them in the manner that seems most opportune. This is why I like Goethe. ‘Systems’ for him were not really serious. In fact he must have changed them many times in his life. The ‘system’ for him was nothing more than an entertaining game. What was important and serious for him was to ‘understand’ in any way, by any means. I would like to read Nietzsche.” “Simmel’s book, which I am reading slowly,” Eugenio writes again on 8th December, “gives me contrasting impressions. At times he says things that are good and incisive, only to leave them aside, satisfied with having defined them,without using them, without applying them. For example, he has some good observations on the process by which the spirit attributes to certain forms of activity an intrinsic value, in themselves and as an end in themselves (art, morals, etc.). But then? How much psychology could be developed out of it to dissect the process of needs, tendencies, desires and apprehensions that engender this disposition! And from Simmel instead (and with him, from all philosophers), nothing: he is content to have defined it with a formula, to have framed it in a system, in a law—this satisfies him completely. I will never tire of repeating that a law has a purpose only if it is useful. If it serves only to satisfy us, it is worthless.” 4. Finally, a fourth vein of inspiration concerns the gender issue and relations with Ursula. The first hint of this appears in the letter of 15th October, in which Eugenio declares that Ibsen’s Hedda Gabler impressed him. “She is one of the enduring female characters in the literature of the last century, such as Anna Karenina, Madam Bovary, etc. It is a perfect role for Greta Garbo (or perhaps she has performed it already?).” A month later (in the letter of 14th November) it becomes clear that Eugenio began to worry about his wife’s psychological predicament: “It seems to me that you [Ursula] have let yourself sink into

a state of apathy and drowsiness, which I do not like at all. You know that for the two of us, boredom does not exist. And I think that you should occupy yourself with something and live a more active life. Why don’t you think about your degree dissertation? Or if not, then read, or write, or do sports, but stay busy. You know that sometimes it is necessary to tie oneself to work, even if somewhat artificially, or to a study that may not be one hundred percent satisfactory (as I did for years with my work on Leibnitz). But if you don’t do this, there will never come a time when things interest you completely. It seems to me that you are always waiting for inspiration, for work that will give you boundless happiness. But that will never come unless you prepare yourself for it through training, however laborious.” Eugenio resumes this “sermon” in the letter of 26th November. “You know,” he writes, “that my only wish is for you to be content and happy, not only for the usual obvious reasons, but because I know that when you are happy, you live this state so deeply and intensely that you can derive beauty and spiritual richness from anything you do, even the most banal activities. In any case, if you ever feel a bit tired and dejected and find yourself living an uninteresting life, remember that books contain the experiences of the most interesting people who have ever lived, and if you search enough, you can always find a book suited to addressing your current state of mind.” This is a leap of empathy that focuses on acknowledging Ursula’s merits, her intellectual generosity. In fact, on 28th November he writes, “Reflecting on the contents of our last letters about philosophy, I would say that probably the main reason for my detachment from systematic and professional philosophy was having married you. Ultimately, with you, I am always very ashamed because of my interminable Leibnitz. This is work that requires one to live somewhat apart from the world in a clique

EUGENIO COLORNI’S LETTERS FROM PRISON, (Sep–Dec 1938)

of people who, for the sake of university conventions, to create the illusion of being profound etc., give importance to these things. There are people who live their entire lives in cloisters of this sort: scholars, professors, almost all of them. But then you happen to find yourself in the presence of a person of the world, and read in their eyes the question, ‘Well, of what use is all this?’ And you realize that the answer you have long constructed for this question—to great effect at home, at school or in a university environment—doesn’t hold up and rings false in front of this person of the ‘world’ whose esteem you long for. This is basically what befell me with you. I realized almost unintentionally that the entire orbit of questions on which my Leibnitz revolved were valid within this contrived and professional enclosure, but sounded hollow in the world. By this I do not mean to deny the value of scientific professionalism. But there is a version of it that goes around in circles.” “Let us take everything philosophically,” continues Eugenio in the letter of 12th December. “In fact, here I have nothing to do except study and think about philosophical ideas. And it really is true, as I wrote to you the other time, that I have stolen these ideas from you. It is also true that teaching does not require words, but love. In fact, you have never lectured me against philosophy; rather, you have always strived to understand my thoughts and my studies. But through your efforts to determine their usefulness and my efforts to prove it, I have understood, or better yet, sensed, that you were right. It is precisely this: to convince someone of his mistake, it is necessary to try with great effort and with great love to agree with him (that is, to understand him). And only through this mutual effort to understand does love grow and the truth emerge. So I sometimes regret having made too few and too infrequent efforts to ‘agree with you’; and at times, when I did, I did it with an exceedingly cold

20 - 21

sense of justice.” However, this is not all: later (on 20th December), Eugenio finally clarifies the basis of the difficulties that Ursula struggles with. “I also know very well,” he writes, “and I have suffered much this being at the mercy of your own thoughts, which are futile, banal and shamefully mediocre: spending hours and hours at the desk with a task that may even be good and interesting, but unable to focus attention on it. And everyone thinks that you are studying and working very hard and they probably admire you for this, while you have spent four and a half of these five hours at the desk fantasizing about the color of a dress, or silently singing a little melody composed around the sound of an inner rhythm, or imagining in all its details a scene in which you invent a certain person […] etc. This is not to speak of myself, but to give you the sense of a ‘common ailment,’ how very many of these futile and mediocre daydreams there have been in eight years of work on the philosophy of Leibnitz. You may say, ‘All right, but how can one break free of this and gain some willpower?’ I do not know very well myself, but I have two things to say: 1. [...] the patient to whom the doctor says ‘Exercise your will’ answers, ‘But in fact my disease is not being able to exercise my will.’ It is about finding precisely that psychological mechanism that drives you to want[11], that chains you to the desk so that if four and a half of these five hours are spent daydreaming, at least half an hour is spent working. I know of two such mechanisms, both artificial. One is social convention. The entire world demands that a philosophy graduate should study, should write, etc. The official scientific world constructs an environment in which whatever he does, even if devoid of its true intrinsic motive, will be appreciated […]. From a woman, however, no one expects five hours at the desk. Public opinion dissuades her from this; it does not motivate her. Live in an

environment where it is normal for a woman to engage in intellectually productive activity, and the task will be much easier. External commitments will also support this end (exams, obligations to present a work, etc.). 2. The second ‘mechanism’ I know is axiomatic confidence, even if hesitant, in oneself. This is the confidence that uses every possible excuse to believe that what one does is important. Ultimately, those university and academic cliques, which I criticized in one of my last letters, have at least the redeeming characteristic of being institutions made to confine you for those famous five hours to the desk.” 5. Let us pause a moment to catch our breath. First, in this small digression, we have witnessed the appearance of certain typical characteristics of Eugenio’s modus operandi (his famous stratagems). Such as the theory of doubt (or doubtfulness) which requires us to challenge every day the tenets we thought we had understood. Such as the need to leave one’s comfort zone and confront the world; to “go off the beaten path” to ascertain the reasons behind certain discoveries and their limits, to experiment with new lines of thought. Such as the interest in observations albeit small but fresh and candid, which open new doors and are therefore useful, simplifying, illuminating and stimulating. Such as the practice of paying attention to the involuntary projection of oneself on to the subject of study and the undesirable factors that produce this phenomenon. Such as the need to restrain the senses to avoid (as far as possible) superimpositions on “reality,” so as to be ready to grasp its significance in the most opportune manner. Such as prioritizing the need to understand, the emphasis on the utility of one’s actions, and on results. Such as empathy, acknowledgement of the merits of others, the importance of affective relationships and the highest respect for individual autonomy

as a way to understand and truly comprehend each other in the search for truth. Such as research into inductive mechanisms, etc. Further, it is clear that Eugenio’s letters portray an intellectual with a humanistic (philosophical and literary) education striving to acquire an in-depth knowledge of the natural sciences in his efforts to reason without constraints, to embrace, at least in intent, the realm of human knowledge. Not only is it true, as previously mentioned, that every political reference is by definition banned in these letters, but it is also a fact that the perspective from which they are written is always binary, such as that of the Accademia dei Lincei: Eugenio did not comply with the modern tripartite division because he did not recognize social sciences as an independent field, separate from humanities and the natural sciences. In all likelihood, Eugenio included politics (as well as psychology, economics, etc.) among the humanities. Moreover, in retrospect, we can see that he was ironically unaware that his bitter struggle against philosophy as a means for consolation, for self-satisfaction, and therefore narcissism—which incited his scathing critique of the concept of a worldview (the famous Weltanschauung), of systems, of holism, etc.—promoted the opening of the vast intellectual space in which great advances would be made by his brother-in-law, friend (and, in a sense, younger brother[12]) Albert Hirschman, who would finally became Professor of Social Science (in the singular) at the Institute for Advanced Study in Princeton (NJ). It is not surprising, therefore, that towards the end of that fateful year 1938, all this would lead Eugenio to a pure and simple re-proposition of his philosophical point of view. “Reading your letter of last night,” he writes to Ursula on 12th December, “I thought to delineate the general lines of my philosophy. They would be these (nothing new or divergent, of course): Man has made true progress every time he has

EUGENIO COLORNI’S LETTERS FROM PRISON, (Sep–Dec 1938)

realized that he is not at the center of the universe. The case of Copernicus is the most typical and noteworthy, but there exist throughout history these leaps ‘beyond oneself,’ this realization that the laws we attribute to reality are essentially no more than our imagining that reality is made in our image and likeness, as a good servant to our needs. Every time man has made such a step, he has been able to understand more, to engage better with reality, and has found at his disposal powerful tools to dominate nature. The less man has felt himself to be the lord and center of nature, the more he has dominated it. Here, too, it is possible to say that ‘love’ more than ‘pride’ has enabled him to understand it. It can be said that the entire evolution of thought, from the primitives who believed rain and good weather to be the will of the gods, […] to Plato who attributed reality and objective truth to a certain number of mental concepts, to Newton who considered space and time to be real entities, has progressed every time the notion of ‘substance’ has been substituted by the notion of ‘relation.’ But doing this requires a great effort of sincerity and, in a manner of speaking, asceticism. We must have the courage to observe ourselves as if we were outside our own selves, to make ourselves our own subjects […] to renounce our own thinking habits. […] And every scientific discovery, almost every technical achievement, is like a slap we give ourselves, so as to say, ‘Things do not stand according to the convenience of my perspective.’ Therefore, indeed, every discovery is necessarily partial and has no interest in constructing large systems in which everything is well organized. Every discovery is […] essentially an exercise in humility. You could reply, ‘Okay, but this is a method like any other.’ […] No: I support this method because it is the only one that yields results. He who applies this method finds himself richer in knowledge and in tools; entire regions of the natural world have

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been laid open to him. Philosophers have a saying, ‘Our research is disinterested; concrete results do not matter.’ Concrete results are the only proof we can have of being on a path that is fruitful for everyone. […] The point at which modern physics has arrived, with the tremendous results we know of, is precisely this: space, time and movement are not ‘Platonic ideas,’ are not realities in themselves; they are relationships. And in this regard, there are two striking aspects: 1 The effort it took to rid human beings of this preconception, indicating that it was rooted in forces not only intellectual but also almost organic. 2 The incredible breadth of the panorama revealed to us through the simple repositioning of these concepts. With this I conclude, my beloved. These are old ideas, I know, but it does me good to share them with you.” 6. We understand now that to relieve the burden of imprisonment[13], Eugenio sometimes tries to express his point of view in a lighthearted manner, as when he writes to his wife (on 28th November), “These days, I always think about mystical conceptions and philosophical systems, like a child who wants the moon and who, having been given a beautiful cardboard moon by his indulgent parents, goes around boasting and saying, ‘I own the moon.’ And to those who point out that there are strong reasons to doubt if that is really the moon, he replies, ‘I cannot live without the moon; therefore, this is the moon.’ This ‘not being able to live without’ is exactly the point that reveals the arbitrariness of these conceptions.” Further, in a letter to his sister Silvia on 13th December, he declares wanting to “take up playing the joker again” once they are reunited. In the meantime, he writes, “If you happen to have problems, ideas, queries, questions, doubts, uncertainties, inquiries, curiosities and other such thin-

gs, write to me freely, and you will find me a real, guaranteed oracle. ‘If you are tormented by doubt, whether assailed by it or not, ask me readers, I will answer you.’” But then, typically, he cannot help but turn his thoughts to his philosophical bugbear. “Speaking of comic papers,” he adds, “they are definitely for me a great font of wisdom. In fact for many months, even years, I continue to ruminate over a cartoon that I would like to make almost the motto of my philosophy. There were two sunflowers; one says to the other, ‘Recent studies have shown that it is not the sun that always turns towards the direction we face, but us who always turn to face the sun.’ Well, we laugh at the sunflowers, but when you think that until four hundred years ago, men did exactly as the sunflowers […] that they still do so even today in infinite cases! According to me, each discovery, each progression is a reversal of perspective, like that of the sunflowers[14].” Finally, on 28th December, Eugenio writes to his wife Ursula, “In any case, I mean to say that this inability to settle, this getting carried away by one’s thoughts is perhaps a feminine talent, but one that is essential for the intellect; it is called imagination. The problem is finding the trick that allows one to channel it and render it productive (and by productive, I also mean that perhaps it may only give joy and a sense of enrichment). This is almost a question of instinct and flair. One must be slightly selfish in order to have the ‘organic patience’ that Goethe speaks of, and must even know how to give up, that is, to manage one’s faculty of enjoyment and choose between pleasures. And this is what I would call Epicurean asceticism. The danger is an agitated ‘living.’ We must always be a little bit out of ourselves, spectators to some extent; this will allow us, if not to renounce, at least to choose between two fantasies.”

Sentenced to five years’ confinement, Eugenio Colorni was transferred by order to the island of Ventotene at the beginning of 1939.

Key resources AA.VV. (1962) Lettere degli antifascisti dal carcere e dal confino, edited by G. Pajetta, Rome, Editori Riuniti. Cerchiai G. and Rota G., eds., (2011) Eugenio Colorni e la cultura italiana tra le due guerre, Manduria-Bari-Rome, Lacaita. Colorni E. (1918-42) Lettere, collected by Eva Hirschmann, vol. 1, 2, 3 and 4—mimeo. Hirschman A. O. (1958) The Strategy of Economic Development, New Heaven Conn., Yale Univ. Press. Hirschman A. O. (1995) A Propensity to Self-Subversion, Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press. Meldolesi L. (2013) Imparare ad imparare. Saggi di incontro e di passione all’origine di una possibile metamorfosi. Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino.

Notes [1]

Colorni, 1918-42, Vol. 2. This group of letters is, in my opinion, particularly useful to those who want to quickly grasp a key set of Eugenio’s theories. In fact, he had already reached some essential conclusions, but had not yet written his best-known essays. Thus, in an effort to explain himself to his wife Ursula (and to cope with prison conditions), Colorni arrives at some illuminating formulations. On the other hand, these letters are also written immediately after the intense dialogue with Albert Hirschman in Trieste in 1937-38: they provide a glimpse of how it must have been for the latter “another experience, more funda-

EUGENIO COLORNI’S LETTERS FROM PRISON, (Sep–Dec 1938)

mental in nature [than that which had enabled him to become an expert on the Italian economy] that came to me [Hirschman] through the example of my brother-in-law and friend, Eugenio Colorni” (Hirschman 1995, pg. 118; ref. also Meldolesi 2013, Chapter 2). [2]

[5]

“I am also reading some of Shakespeare’s magnificent tragedies,” writes Eugenio in the letter of 8th October. “The characters are all statuesque, and so few words! I am beginning to think that all the greats (Dante, Shakespeare, Goethe) are distinguished by their use of very few words to express themselves: this makes them concise and sculpted, which in Goethe takes the form of sententiousness and proverbialism.”

[6]

“I think it is in one of these plays,” adds Eugenio about The Tempest (in the letter of 25th October), “that genius borders on madness: equally strange and disconcerting, both fragrant and mysterious, burlesque and tragic! I am also reading My Memoirs by Massimo d’Azeglio, a book I had read as a boy, but which interests me even now because of the environment it describes.”

[7]

Actually, in the first letter to Ursula (21st September), Eugenio had already mentioned the “books on biology you sent me,” and had observed “how scientists, in all their experiments, are still always obsessed with creating a homunculus, a test-tube man. It is not really this; it is the artificial fabrication of a living cell, but the principle, the tendency is the same: in short, to ‘remake’ with our own means that which already exists. Certainly every scientific advancement until now has occurred in this form: artificially reproducing a natural process (and machines are none other than this). But who knows whether this, in the field of biology, is a mistaken or unfruitful path? And whether there is the need to find an alternative, another ‘grasp,’ a different way of approaching the problem?”

[8]

This is a puzzling passage, from a twofold point of view. Because, according to the letter of 21st September (ref. above), Eugenio had already read some

Ref. above. The letter was originally published in AA. VV. 1962.

“Also in Goethe,” continues the letter, “as in Dante, Hell is more alive, more human than Paradise (see the critique of De Sanctis). On the other hand, reading the famous monologue of Faust left me a little disappointed: it is a bit grandiose, and I began to get tired of this ‘living with all the senses,’ this ‘identifying with nature’ etc. While it is true that Goethe invented them, they have already become commonplace for us. Schiller’s motto is ‘judgement,’ Goethe’s is ‘understanding.’ In this sense Goethe is more humble than Schiller.”

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[3]

He returns to this book in the letter dated 12th October, in response to a letter from Ursula (one we do not know): “I find absolutely correct,” writes Eugenio, “your observations on Kipling’s Kim; it is exactly that, a world without beginning or end. I find some of this same sense in Turgheniev’s short stories in the collection Sketches from a Hunter’s Album […]. The Oriental world has no fear of death. It is suspended in waiting. Time has no value. I am also reading Slataper’s My Karst. I rather like it and I think that you would like it too, because it gives a physical quality, an almost sensual atmosphere to the landscape here in the surroundings of Trieste.” “Slataper,” he adds in the letter of 15th October, “is an individual impassioned with sincerity, of whom one would have wanted to be a friend. A born writer and poet even in his most personal and audacious confessions.”

[4]

books on biology in prison, sent to him by Ursula, and because, on that occasion, he had expressed a very different opinion on Il Problema della Vita (was the same book “rescued” by Ursula in Trieste and sent to him?). In fact, he had written, “Either the book is badly written (and I think this is partially true) or we are in a field with neither head nor tail, with no guideline, in which we are groping in darkness. It seems that there aren’t even the rudiments of a unified directive in this biological research: the discoveries are basically random. In short, we are in a state like that of physics before Galileo.” Nevertheless, as we will see in the passages recounted later in this text, it is clear that Eugenio’s “ruminations” (as he himself called them), this “thinking aloud through letters,” had already carried him further. “From about a week,” continues the letter, “I have been allowed a notebook and a pencil for a few hours a day. And I am writing an essay on mathematical physics [which has not been preserved], in which I think I have solved some problems that have vexed me for some time. Last night I also started reading Don Quixote.”

[9]

This letter was also originally published in AA. VV. 1962.

[10]

[11]

Note how this passage brings to mind the inductive mechanisms in Albert Hirschman’s The Strategy.

[12]

In fact, in his will in 1944 (now in Cerchiai G. and Rota G., eds., 2011, p. 284), Eugenio wrote that in Otto Albert Hirschmann, “it seemed to me that I had found my younger brother.”

[13]

Ref., for example, to the letter to his sister Silvia on dated 13th December.

[14]

“Please,” continues Eugenio, “don’t scoff at the story

I have just told […] Besides, do not think that I did nothing except ruminate over this theory. Rather, this is merely the outline of my activity. The core is attempting to apply it in the field of science. So, for example, modern physics has dismantled the concepts of absolute space and time, absolute movement, etc. But it has preserved the concept of the ‘universal constant.’ Well, I believe that this concept can be dismantled just like that of absolute movement, and it is from this dismantling that new and fruitful scientific developments can be derived”.

EUGENIO COLORNI’S LETTERS FROM PRISON, (Sep–Dec 1938)

26 - 27

ON EUGENIO COLORNI’S “PREFACE”

to Problems of the European Federation by Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi 1. In my opinion, it is impossible to read the texts of (and on) The Ventotene Manifesto collected in Altiero Spinelli’s The European Project (introduction by Mario Albertini, 1985) without a sense of apprehension, involvement, and appreciation of the role they have played in recent history—both Italian and European—despite originating from precarious and extraordinarily difficult conditions. But it is also true that, on careful reading, Spinelli and Rossi’s Ventotene Manifesto and Spinelli’s numerous writings that accompany it now inevitably appear “dated.” These political texts are, of course, essential for reconstructing the history of European federalism in the postwar period (and its influence on the Italian political system[1], on public bureaucrats, on their conceptions of Europe, and all the way up to the Euro-enthusiasts at the end of the last century). However, from a distance, they appear to have (gradually and inevitably) lost their original topicality and their edge. How can we escape from the shallows on which this current of inspiration has run aground? It is difficult for these essays to prove useful in responding to the urgent need for relaunching the EU, and more generally to the federalist aspirations (internal, European, global) of today. Perhaps it is exactly this which urges us to focus on the contributions of Eugenio Colorni, because focusing on the background of the events he was less subject to the whims and vagaries of contemporary political evolution. A key text is this regard is undoubtedly Eugenio’s 1944 “Preface” to the Manifesto[2]. It is a brief text of just five pages that makes for very interesting reading even today. Not only in itself, but also because—as I will try to show—it (surprisingly) permits the creation of a bridge between the era in which it was conceived (one of “iron and fire,” as defined by Giorgio Amendola), and the concerns of the present. Therefore, it can be used as a starting point

to view in retrospect (and then in prospect) trends in current democratic federalism that are attempting to stay close to the original inspiration of the text, and simultaneously to develop this argument far beyond what Eugenio could have predicted (or perhaps foreseen). With this, I certainly do not intend to carry out an exercise on the predetermination of the characteristics of our era, in the manner of Braudel’s longue durée or other semi-deterministic concepts. It is necessary to analyze today’s world as it is, with its many degrees of difference in full view. But at the same time, I would insist: it is by no means inappropriate to keep in mind the positive and negative aspects of the era that it is heir to, even as a stratagem to begin contemplating the future. 2. “Is this possible?” the reader may ask incredulously. The answer lies in the “attempt to believe” that follows. I ask, therefore, a little patience in following me in a meticulous examination of Eugenio Colorni’s “Preface” to Problems of the European Federation[3]. “The present writings,” begins the “Preface”, “were conceived and drafted on the island of Ventotene in 1941 and 1942. In that exceptional environment, in the snares of a very rigid discipline, with information made as complete as possible using a thousand subterfuges, in the sadness of forced inertia and anxiety over imminent liberation, a process of rethinking all the issues that had been the reasons behind the actions taken and attitudes adopted in the struggle was maturing in the minds of certain people.” This therefore speaks of a reflection, both individual and collective (in a small group)[4], based on limited knowledge[5] and taking place in particularly arduous conditions that nevertheless proved to be paradoxically favorable to the task. In fact, Eugenio continues, “The distance from concrete political life allowed us a more detached perspective

ON EUGENIO COLORNI’S “PREFACE” to Problems of the European Federation by Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi

and encouraged a review of traditional positions, seeking out the reasons for past failures not so much in technical errors in parliamentary or revolutionary tactics[6] or in a general ‘immaturity’ of the situation[7], but in the inefficiencies of the general approach, in having committed to the struggle along the usual fault lines with too little attention to the new circumstances changing our reality.” This “more detached perspective” allows, therefore, the remedying of some typical “inefficiencies of the general approach” and a reorientation of action, abandoning old habits and focusing attention on “the new circumstances changing our reality.” It speaks of a novel elaboration suggested by the new conditions that are taking shape, rather than a critique of inherited thought—although the latter is not excluded[8] (and will inevitably emerge later in the text). Indeed, Colorni adds that at Ventotene, “preparing to fight efficiently the great battle looming in the near future, we felt the need not simply to correct the errors of the past, but also to re-enunciate the terms of political problems with minds free of doctrinaire concepts or party myths.” “So it was,” he continues, “that in the minds of certain people[9] was formed the central idea that the basic contradiction responsible for the crises, wars, misery and exploitation afflicting our society is the existence of sovereign States that are geographically, economically and militarily defined, that consider other States competitors and potential enemies, and that live in a perpetual state of bellum omnium contra omnes with respect to each other.” 3. This cornerstone of the argument—the reader may think at this point—is hardly original: just think of the centuries-old rivalries that have divided the various European states, just recall the so-called age of imperialism. What is new instead are the conclusions drawn from these in the Manifesto.

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“The reasons why this idea, although not new in itself,” writes Eugenio, “took on a new significance on the occasion and in the conditions in which it was conceived [that is, in Ventotene at the beginning of the 1940s] are many: 1) First of all, the internationalist solution, which figures on the agendas of all the progressive political parties, is considered by each of them a necessary and almost automatic consequence of the achievement of the ends that each of these parties proposes. The Democrats maintain that the establishment, in each country, of the regime they advocate will definitely lead to the formation of a united consciousness that, overcoming cultural and moral boundaries, would constitute the premise […] for a free union of people in the political and economic spheres as well. And the Socialists, for their part, believe that the establishment of regimes of the dictatorship of the proletariat in various States would by itself lead to an international collectivist State[10].” Eugenio did not venture into the arguments of either, nor did he occupy himself with the ideological roots of these assertions. Instead, he thought it sufficient to show how things actually are, using a simple phenomenological examination[11]. “Now,” he adds, “an analysis of the modern concept of State and the interests and sentiments linked to it[12] clearly shows that although similarities in internal regimes can facilitate friendly relations and collaboration between one State and another, it is not absolutely certain that this will automatically or even progressively lead to unification, as long as there are collective interests and sentiments associated with the maintenance of a unity confined within borders.” As we see, Colorni does not deny that a specific internal institutional structure can have positive effects at the international level. However, he simply maintains that this relationship is not guaranteed and is not “one way,” namely, that a given internal

political and economic structure does not necessarily determine the external one. “We know from experience,” he continues, “that chauvinistic sentiments and protectionist interests can easily lead to a clash and a rivalry between two democracies; it is not given that a rich socialist State would necessarily pool its own resources with another much poorer socialist State merely because it is governed by a similar regime. The abolition of political and economic borders between States, therefore, does not necessarily derive from the simultaneous establishment of a given internal regime in each State; it is an issue in its own right, and must be tackled using appropriate means that are tailored to it.” This, therefore, is the crux of this intricate matter. 4. We now come to the second reason behind the “new significance” of the idea that nationalism must be put on trial. The text continues: 2. “What, moreover, urged us to emphasize the federalist proposal in an autonomous manner was the fact that existing political parties, associated with a history of struggles fought within the confines of each nation, are by habit and tradition accustomed to defining all problems based on the tacit assumption of the existence of the nation State, and to considering problems of the international order as issues of ‘foreign policy’ to be resolved through diplomacy and agreements between various governments.” It is a method of operation—the reader may think—still in place today, and one that certainly will not change overnight. But, warns Colorni, “this attitude is partly the cause and partly the consequence of the one mentioned before, whereby, once power has been seized in one’s own country, agreement and union with similar regimes in other countries will automatically come about without the need for a political struggle expressly dedicated to this end.” Therefore, the first attitude cannot

be changed without transforming the second: here we perceive the depth of the metamorphosis, both international and internal, that must be induced to begin effectively addressing the problem of nationalism and its tragic consequences. “The authors of these writings[13],” continues Eugenio, “held […] the deep-rooted conviction that those who wish to propose the issue of the international order as central to the current historical era and consider its solution as a necessary prerequisite to solving all institutional, economic and social problems imposed on our society, must necessarily adopt this point of view to consider all issues concerning internal political contrasts and the attitude of each party, also with regard to the tactics and strategy of the daily struggle.” This is a passage that, even today, is breathtaking for the reader. Once we grasp this crux of the matter, reasons Colorni, we must remain coherent with this decision, giving it priority over every other aspect of political action: here essentially lies the most original feature of the Ventotene argument. “All issues,” writes Eugenio, striving to grapple with the political issues of his time, “from constitutional liberty to class struggle, from planning to gaining power and using it, take on a new light when articulated from the premise that the primary goal[14] is a united international system[15].” 5. What should we think therefore, in retrospect, of this conclusion that shifts the focus of political action to a historically new, uncharted territory[16]? First of all, that it concerns a radical political proposition that follows logically, almost inevitably, from the premise. In fact it is evident, in this regard, how the rebel philosopher (Eugenio) unreservedly supports the political position taken by the new type of professional politician (Altiero) and the militant economist (Ernesto) on this essential point. It could be said that with his theoretical authority, he reinforced it ipso facto. Moreover, Eugenio re-

ON EUGENIO COLORNI’S “PREFACE” to Problems of the European Federation by Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi

alizes that for this turnaround to become reality, it would have to permeate every aspect of politics and that this, therefore, would require great political effort. It is a bold proposal that, at first glance, seems no more than a flight of fancy [un volo pindarico]—especially when seen (as we do today) from a distance in time. But it must be noted in this regard that for Eugenio, in all probability (as it would later be for Albert[17]), the energy that would permit this change is concealed precisely in this turning point[18]. It is the reversal, the overturning of the political perspective that matters. Therefore, it is necessary to concentrate energies on it in order to open the doors to the future. Hence Colorni’s support to the political process that had just led to the rise of the Federalist Movement— the Italian trailblazer in the process of European fraternization that, however partial and imperfect, born as it was under the shadow of the Cold War, was gradually affirmed during the second half of the last century. It is true, on the other hand, that this injection of federalist spirit certainly did not exhaust the question, nor would it be able to. This was also because the Ventotene group’s need to emphasize the European federalist dimension—which was until that moment largely new (and therefore unknown) in political discourse—had the medium- to longterm effect of triggering a new type of interaction between the European and international dimension (on the one hand) and that of internal political action (on the other). This means that while the previous absence of federalist ideals in political discourse had unwittingly allowed nationalism in its various forms to prevail, the internal-external interaction, once triggered, generated (and will continue to generate) a process of action and reaction that could have far-reaching effects. Therefore, this inversion of thought, far from being a mere flight of fancy, is

30 - 31

actually a guiding star. We should never lose sight of it, as we will now try to show. 6. We come to Eugenio’s third point: 3. “Yet another reason—perhaps the most important [to support the novelty of the federalist idea]—is the fact that while the ideal of a European federation, the precursor to a global federation, may have seemed a distant utopia until a few years ago, it now appears, at the end of this war, to be an achievable goal and almost within reach.” Here, every word deserves a brief comment. First of all, in Colorni’s view, the “ideal of a European federation” would be “the precursor to a global federation”; it would be so because the Ventotene group still considered Europe the center of the global economic and political system. Only later would he realize that the war had shifted this nucleus to the United States, primarily to New York. This is a change in the cards, because if Europe (for Colorni, chiefly Germany[19]) is no longer the center of the system, it is clear that a possible European federation does not even hypothetically presage a global federation. The continental and global domains prove to be relatively independent of each other, and should be discussed separately. This means that the external-internal relationship that Eugenio and his friends had identified sub specie federalism (as opposed to nation States, with their associated hierarchies, rivalries and tragedies) should be generalized as a common interaction: between towns and regions, regions and States, States and regional federations, regional federations and continents, continents and the world. The essential fact of antagonism between nationalism and federalism should therefore be considered as part of this more complex system of relationships[20]. We now come to the second part of Colorni’s proposition, whereby the ideal of a European federation, a distant utopia until a few years ago, now seems, at the end of the war, to be “an achievable

goal and almost within reach.” We know, of course, that it was not so; it was the typical “mirage” that appears during the ascent of certain fundamentally important social and political processes. Be we also know that this illusion contained an invaluable glimpse of the future. We discern, in these peculiar historical conditions, a line of thought that would repeatedly light the way in the years to come. Federalization (of Europe and the world) would thus come to represent an alternative to nationalism and its tragic consequences, a path to be systematically pursued for many decades, as part of a process involving a much larger sphere of external-internal relationships. Further, keeping this essential aspect in mind (and therefore from this somewhat different point of view), we can more easily appreciate the explanations for this phenomenon in the following text. “The complete reshuffling of populations”—Eugenio writes—“that this conflict has provoked in all the countries under German occupation; the need to reconstruct on new foundations an economy that has been almost completely destroyed and to refocus attention on all the problems concerning political boundaries, customs barriers, ethnic minorities, etc.; the very character of this war, wherein the national element has so often been overshadowed by the ideological element in which small and medium-sized States surrender much of their sovereignty to stronger States; where these same Fascists substituted the concept of ‘national independence’ with that of ‘living space’: all these elements should be recognized as evidence that the federal ordering of Europe is more topical than ever before […].” In a certain sense, Colorni was right to see in the series of described events a tendency towards the eradication of the nation State and its simultaneous replacement with a federalist order. Except

that in his mind, because of a sort of optical illusion, the contemporaneous phase of this process—characterized by the immense upheaval of war—took the place of an entire historical era: one in which we find ourselves even today, far as we are from this goal (and the further developments that may follow). “Forces from all social classes,” concludes Eugenio, “for reasons both economic and ideal, may be interested” in this change. “We can move towards it by means of diplomatic negotiations and popular agitation, promoting among the educated classes the study of problems related to the issue, influencing the ruling classes and provoking de facto conditions of revolution from which it will be impossible to turn back; we can do this by influencing the upper echelons of the victorious States and spreading the word in defeated States that only in a free and united Europe will they be able to find salvation and avoid the disastrous consequences of defeat.” In Eugenio’s reasoning, the discussion moves, therefore, to the newly-constituted federalist movement[21] and the political contingencies that would accompany the final phase of the conflict. 7. In my opinion, the import of carefully reading and reflecting on these few pages by Eugenio lies not only in comparing the high aspirations of the Ventotene group with the present narrow focus of the EU. It seems to me more important to recognize, in the light of these pages, that the historical era in which we find ourselves today, termed “globalization,” is also characterized by a crisis of the Westphalian State. Its nature is certainly very different from that of the military conflicts of the last century—if only because the wars and battles that mark our age are (fortunately for now) regional in character. But this does not negate the usefulness of holding up the era analyzed by the Ventotene group as a “mirror”[22] to our own, conducting

ON EUGENIO COLORNI’S “PREFACE” to Problems of the European Federation by Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi

a brief exercise to better understand both and to draw from this useful learning, if possible. In the first place, even the present crisis of the nation State can be observed from within a long-term historical perspective, one which is rooted (I am told[23]) in the 17th Century, in the Peace of Westphalia. In our time, this process has involved numerous adaptations (for example, the consequences of decolonization and the ongoing multi-polar process that is gradually reducing the longstanding hegemony of the US) and unceasingly manifests itself as a historical tendency, always taking on new features. Certainly, even today, federalism in its various forms (from the most subtle to the most stringent, from the most localized to the most expansive) constitutes a decisive response to nationalistic rivalries and their consequences, as is evident in the impressive process of institutional linkages and interconnections prevailing at the global level (which also corresponds to similar structural processes)[24]. Indeed, democratic federalism, with its many developments and internal and external variants, is a vastly preferable alternative to nationalistic centralism, even in its present “new and improved” version. But judging from experience, it would be naïve and imprudent, in my opinion, to consider all this (sic et simpliciter) as the “solution to our problems.” Rather, it is a fact that in the current period of globalization, market forces tend to transcend borders, to mix populations (religions, cultures, etc.), to continuously challenge the policy “prescriptions” that have been gradually developed at the institutional level. In each case, it is possible that solutions of a federalist nature are able to better respond to these processes; in a trend, however, that is unceasing, and which by nature has a tendency to resurface and repeatedly challenge the techno-political ingenuity of the many “doctors” (philosophers, social scientists, politicians) at the sickbed of human societies.

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8. On the other hand, it is clear that the affirmation of the external federalism discussed by the Ventotene group could have set in motion an internal democratic federalism (as indicated in certain passages examined above[25]); both of these ultimately, in a reverse relationship, could have been connected to the federalist tradition of Carlo Cattaneo[26]—not as a necessary relationship but simply as a possibility. Moreover (to further complicate the matter), it is true that the very existence of vast spheres of external-internal interaction at various levels of the global institutional system implies that developments in one area may (or may not be) accompanied by progress in the other[27]. This presents the researcher with a broad dimension of reality to investigate, in which the opposition between nationalism and federalism often generalizes itself into emerging clashes and/or encounters on various different levels. Finally, even if a system of internal-external federalism could be used to quell many explicitly nationalist tendencies (and the elements that constitute them, such as social and territorial hierarchies, rivalries etc.), we would still not have resolved the entire issue, because a federal Chinese State could always clash with a federal Indian, American or other State. Therefore, it now becomes essential to abandon the very idea of a single solution, of an objective to be achieved as such. It is undoubtedly necessary to keep sight of the pole star—the Colornian idea of continental and global federalization as an alternative to nationalist rivalries. But it is also necessary to consider the progressive process of humanity’s mastery of its destiny, and the collective realities that induce the enhancement of this awareness. Here, indeed, we find our pole star beginning to expand into a constellation. Because in order to achieve the desired results, federalism must be accompanied by other key concerns within the human sphere, such as

prosperity, democratization (as a real alternative to the logic of hierarchy and domination), culture, social justice, gender equality, the environment, etc. It is clear that in our era, the idea of the United States of Europe appears obsolete and unattainable if it is proposed (as is often done) as a way to create a “global player” that counts, in the face of the other “big players.” Our continent has already definitively lost much of its traditional dominant character. But it could take on another, we may assume—that of the brightest star in the constellation, the best that can emerge from the ongoing global metamorphosis[28]. Those who acknowledge this possibility cannot help but mentally introduce it into the realm of external-internal relationships in which they operate, as well as to fight their progressive battles wherever these may emerge. And this, indeed, is my personal wish for European democrats (and first of all for Italians and “Italic” progressives scattered across the world) in the spirit of the 25 April liberation from Nazism and Fascism[29], seventy-one years after Eugenio Colorni’s “Preface” to Problems of the European Federation.

Key resources Bassetti P. (2015) Svegliamoci Italici!, Venice, Marsilio. Colorni E. (1944) “Prefazione” a Spinelli A. and Rossi E. Problemi, cit. d’Aquino N. (2014) La rete italica. Idee per un Commonwealth. Ragionamenti con e su Piero Bassetti, Rome, Ide. Graglia P. (1993) “Introduzione” a Spinelli A., Machiavelli cit. Hirschman A. O. (1945) National Power and the Structure of Foreign Trade, Berkeley Cal., Univ. of California Press. Hirschman A. O. (1958) The Strategy of Economic Development, New Heaven Conn., Yale Univ. Press.

Hirschman A. O. (1977) The Passions and the Interests. Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph, Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press. Hirschman A. O. (1978) “Beyond Asymmetry: Critical Notes on Myself as a Young Man and Some Other Old Friends”, International Organization, winter; now in Hirschman A. O., Essays cit. 1981. Hirschman A. O. (1981) Essays in Trespassing: Economics to Politics and Beyond, Cambridge U.K., Cambridge Univ. Press. Hirschman A. O. (1984) “A Dissenter’s Confession: Revisiting The Strategy of Economic Development”, in Meier G. M. e Seers D. ed., Pioneers in Development, Oxford, Oxford Univ. Press. Hirschman A. O. (1991) Rhetoric of Reaction. Perversity, Futility, Jeopardy, Cambridge Mass., Harvard Univ. Press. Hirschman A. O. (1995) A Propensity to Self-Subversion, Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press. Meldolesi L. (1994), Alla scoperta del possibile. Il mondo sorprendente di Albert Hirschman, Bologna, Il Mulino; English tr.: Notre Dame (In.), Univ. of Notre Dame Press 1995; Spanish tr.: México, Fondo de Cultura Econòmica, 1997. Meldolesi L. (2000) Occupazione ed emersione, Rome, Carocci. Meldolesi L. (2012) Federalismo possibile. Per liberare lo Stato dallo statalismo ei cittadini dall’oppressione, Bologna, ESD. Meldolesi L. (2013) Imparare ad imparare. Saggi di incontro e di passione all’origine di una possibile metamorfosi. Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino. Meldolesi L. (2015) Italici e città, Rome, Ide. Napolitano G. (2008) Dal Pci al socialismo europeo. Un’auto-biografia politica, Bari-Rome, Laterza. Spinelli A. (1985) Il Progetto Europeo, Bologna, Il Mulino. Spinelli A. (1993) Machiavelli nel secolo xx. Scritti dal confino e della clandestinità 1941-1944, edited by P. Graglia. Bologna, Il Mulino. Spinelli A. and Rossi E.(1944) Problemi della Federazione Europea, Rome, Poligrafica. Watts R.L. (2005) “Comparing Forms of Federal Partnership”, in Karmis D.and Norman W., Theories of Federalism: a Reader, New York, Palgrave.

ON EUGENIO COLORNI’S “PREFACE” to Problems of the European Federation by Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi

Notes [1]

Ref., for example, the autobiography of Giorgio Napolitano (2008).

[2]

This refers to the 22 January 1944 “Preface” to Problems of the European Federation by A.S. (Spinelli) and E.R. (Rossi), a booklet presented by the Edizioni del Movimento Italiano per la Federazione Europea and published by the Società Anonima Poligrafica Italiana and which, in the words of Spinelli, is “the authentic and precise text” of the Manifesto (ref. Spinelli 1985, p. 15). “The collection of federalist writings edited by Colorni,” wrote Piero Graglia (Spinelli 1993, p. 34-5), “was one of the most ‘successful’ publications clandestinely published in Italy […] As can be deduced from a letter by Colorni to Spinelli and Rossi […], he spent 27,000 lire at that time […the equivalent of about € 6,000 today] for publication, immediately putting into circulation 500 numbered copies priced at 100 lire each (by way of support for the federalist movement); after the liberation of Rome, there were plans for the ‘regular’ distribution of 2,500 copies at the rate of 30 lire. In his letter, Colorni added, ‘I had to write the preface, because we were not able to obtain a copy of the Manifesto you had published in Milan.’ ” As we see, Eugenio almost apologizes for having written the “Preface”…

[3]

As we know, along with the Ventotene Manifesto (whose complete title is For a Free and United Europe. A Draft Manifesto), this pamphlet also included two other texts by Altiero: “Marxist Politics and Federalist Politics” (written between 1942 and 1943) and “The United States of Europe and the Various Political Tendencies” (written in the second half of 1942). Ref. Spinelli 1985, p. 15, and 1993 p. 27, n. 4.

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[4]

In fact, Ursula and Eugenio also joined Altiero and Ernesto’s initiative. Ref. for more information n. 9.

[5]

We know that besides current events, the group knew of the Political Letters and other writings of Junus, that is, Luigi Enaudi (who maintained a legal correspondence with Ernesto Rossi) and some books by English federalists, such as The Economic Causes of War by Lionel Robbins. They were able to acquire only second hand copies of the American federalist classics (ref. Spinelli 1985, p. 202-3).

[6]

Here, in all likelihood, Eugenio refers to the endless disputes between reformists and revolutionaries that had characterized the Workers’ Movement since its inception.

[7]

An argument derived from the theory of Karl Marx, who asserted the inevitability of social change once a certain threshold of capitalist development is reached.

[8]

And it could not be, given the theoretical critique that Eugenio extends to Marxism.

[9]

“In the first half of 1939,” Altiero recalls (1985, p. 201-2), “reading articles that Einaudi had published at the end of 1918 in the Corriere della Sera against the League of Nations in favor of a European federation, reading certain essays by English federalist authors, reading Meinecke’s book Nationalstaat und Staatsrason […] as well as reflecting on Europe’s apparent march towards a new World War, I began to think that probably, the future of Europe, once fascism and Nazism fall, would have to be sought not simply in the restoration of national democracies but in the establishment of a European federation. […] This idea was first born in my discussions with Rossi. […] When we began talking about this idea with others, Eugenio and his wife Ursula were among the first to embrace it.”

[10]

Fortunately, we are no longer plagued by this mainly doctrinal divide between democrats and socialists, typical of the progressive camp of that period. But this “change for the better” is interesting, both to understand the trajectory that was followed and (most important) to recognize the limits of that time regarding the conception of democracy.

[11]

He seeks empathy from the reader at this point; he appeals to reason and common sense. This is an analytical choice which brings to mind that of Albert Hirschman almost half a century later, when instead of embarking on a critique of ultraliberal thought based on its underlying principles, he presents an original phenomenological analysis: that of the Rhetoric of Reaction (1991).

[12]

This reference to interests and sentiments clearly recalls to us The Passions and the Interests, which occupied Hirschman during the 1970s. Further, it implicitly reveals Eugenio’s concern for the need to reconcile the interests and sentiments of different countries in a federalist arrangement—an aspect in which his thought approaches that of Carlo Cattaneo. Nevertheless, this is a subject that was largely outside the mental framework of the Ventotene group.

[13]

By Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi, collected here under the title Problems of the European Federation, ref. above n. 2.

[14]

Amazing, in this regard, is the consonance with what Albert Hirschman was then writing on the other side of the world in California (1945) and which later (1978) he would consider “infinitely naïve” (up to a certain point— I suggested on my part: Ref. Meldolesi 2013, Chp. 3 and 1994, Chp. 4).

[15]

Eugenio continues, “The same political maneuvering— aligning oneself with one or other of the forces at play,

highlighting one or the other keyword—takes on a very different significance depending on whether the essential aim is to seize power and implement certain reforms within the ambit of each single State, or whether it is the creation of the economic, political and moral prerequisites for the establishment of a federal order that embraces the entire continent.” There had been certain other proto-federalist currents and experiences in Europe, such as those of Jean Monnet during WWI, the League of Nations, and later during WWII. But a federalist argument disseminated at the continental level starting from Italy (and also Germany) was an innovation. This, according to Eugenio’s philosophy, would enable a great step forward in the redefinition of Europe (and consequently, as we will see, all humanity). If I am not mistaken, this is the crucial point. Following the approach that Albert Hirschman (1981) would call “trespassing” (that is, the application in one field of results obtained in another), Eugenio introduces here into politics his learning from the natural sciences.

[16]

[17]

“Eugenio had too many ideas,” Hirschman once told me at the end of the last century, meaning (presumably) that they were too many to be developed adequately. I have long thought that with this cryptic statement, he intended simply to draw attention to his own arguments instead. But it is only now, while commenting on each section of Eugenio’s “Preface”, I recognize the large number of Eugenio’s ideas that were actually at the source of Albert’s vast and impressive scientific production. Albert never wanted to write about Eugenio’s work, but he always acknowledged his intellectual debt to the latter. Now I clearly see why.

[18]

The reference, of course, is to the famous debate on unbalanced growth that followed the publication of The Strategy (1958), then to “sailing against the wind” (1984), and finally to Hirschman 1995, Chp. 19.

ON EUGENIO COLORNI’S “PREFACE” to Problems of the European Federation by Altiero Spinelli and Ernesto Rossi

[19]

[20]

[21]

Here I refer to the fact that Eugenio, because of his personal experiences and political leanings, pinned his hopes on the possibility of a revolution in Germany; Altiero and Ernesto, instead, put faith in Great Britain. But none of them had even imagined the far more dominant role that the United States would play during the postwar period (Ref. Spinelli 1993, Chp. 5). Approaching the issue from a theoretical perspective, the understanding I propose here has the advantage of avoiding everything that Eugenio and Albert would undoubtedly have rejected. That is, (dangerously) transforming a key aspect of reality (the opposition between federalism and nationalism is a case in point) into a “one and only” relation, one that rules the roost. Unfortunately, this is precisely the error that many federalists unknowingly succumbed to throughout the postwar period. The federalist movement was constituted on 27-28 August 1943 in Milan, at the house of Mario Alberto Rollier, by about 20 people including the Ventotene quartet. “It is indeed for this,” continues the passage, “that our Movement arose. The preeminence and the priority of this issue above all others that influence the era in which we approaching, the certainty that if we allow the situation to settle into the old nationalistic molds, the opportunity will be lost forever and our continent will have no long-lasting peace or wellbeing: all this has led us to create an autonomous organization to advocate the idea of a European federation as an achievable goal in the coming postwar period. We do not deny the difficulties […]; but we believe that it is the first time that this problem is within the ambit of political struggle, not as a distant ideal but as a pressing, tragic necessity.” Clearly, the “optical illusion” we mentioned above is at play here too, but in a positive manner this time. Because the “old molds” were partly modified to the extent of achieving an era of peace in

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Europe. But not, unfortunately, of making the Ventotene group’s “European dream” a reality. [22]

Regarding this working method, ref. Meldolesi 2000, Chp. 2; 2012, Chp. 3; and 2015, p. 120-9.

[23]

I refer here to the discussion of Piero Bassetti 2015 (Ref. also d’Aquino 2014 and Meldolesi 2015).

[24]

Ref., for example, the change map in Watts 2005, p. 236.

[25]

Ref. above n. 9 and 21; and para 3 and 4.

[26]

In fact, in his Risorgimento-era argument, federalism was proposed for Italy and then extended to Europe, while the Ventotene logic moved the other way. But, at the time, this inverse relationship was not recognized.

That is, no predetermined path can be detected. Regressions are possible, and often occur. Advancements in the external-internal interaction are only a possibility to be searched for (To revisit, from this point of view, the reference to the various forms of unbalanced growth discussed several times by Albert (ref. above n. 18), one should note that a reciprocal relationship exists: reading Eugenio’s 1944 “Preface” calls to mind certain developments made by Hirschman, while instead, the attempt to reason beyond this “Preface” spontaneously leads us to draw on Albert’s arguments).

[27]

[28]

We note here the similarity to Carlo Cattaneo’s theory of civilization [incivilimento].

[29]

The first draft of this chapter was written in Italian between 25 April and 1 May 2015.

ONLY EUGENIO

by Luca Meldolesi - New Year 2015 “To my brother-in-law Otto Albert Hirschman, in whom I felt I had rediscovered my younger brother, I leave all my personal effects that are not needed by my wife and children” “Testament of Eugenio Colorni”(Melfi, 2 May 1943). “Only Eugenio was able to say and to do.” Albert Hirschman (private conversation, summer 1998). “I am grateful to you for the renewed friendship with Eugenio Colorni”. Albert Hirschman (email, May 2004).

Dear friends What did Albert Hirschman really mean when, at the end of the last century (taking me aside by the arm in his manner, in a low voice), he said to me: “only Eugenio Colorni was able to say and to do”? Only Eugenio, as compared to the other intellectuals and artists - as Eugenio Curiel, Umberto Saba and the professionals in Colorni’s circle, equipped, as they were, with a liberal approach that was both committed and irreverent - whom Albert had become acquainted with in Trieste in 1937-38 Only Eugenio Colorni, as compared to his sister Ursula, to Altiero Spinelli, to Ernesto Rossi and more generally, to the inmates of Ventotene and later to those within the spheres of the Resistance. And again, only Eugenio, even compared to Albert himself: because knowing him, it is likely that with this statement he also intended to justify his personal journey. As we know, he was a “doer” in his youth, and then chose the profession of economic advisor (on the Marshall Plan and to the government and businesses in Colombia) which allowed him to say and to do. But later, once he reached the age of forty, he decided to dedicate himself to purely intellectual work. Certainly, he displayed extraordinary progress in this endeavor,

owing to (I have always thought) the fact of having been a “doer” in his youth. Despite this, here stands Albert’s judgement: a sort of recognition of Eugenio’s superior ability both to say and to do. Only Eugenio, no doubt; Eugenio being the kind of person he was. That is, exuberant, dynamic, disarming, untiring, humorous, encouraging, engaging, iconoclastic… Finally, it is possible that on that occasion, Albert also meant to caution me about my efforts to simultaneously say and do, along with my students whom he met during his visit to Naples. In other words, this short, perhaps intentionally succinct phrase (since Albert believed that brevity intensifies the impact of an idea) has returned to my mind a thousand times in these years. It is therefore not surprising that it powerfully re-emerges at this point when Nicoletta Stame, certain friends and I are attempting to establish a Colorni-Hirschman International Institute. In the first place, this is because it concerns a key aspect of the future institute. Additionally, it is because we are, unintentionally, unique. No other collective, to my knowledge, has concerned itself with saying and doing in the manner of Eugenio Colorni (and especially now that the dialog with our interlocutors, from Milan and from abroad, is reaching the point where we realize that this is the crux of the discussion: the “knowing how to do” that springs from the integration of theory and practice). In fact, we cannot expect that our colleagues in Lombardia or Hirschmanian intellectuals around the world (who have only heard of Eugenio without being able to study his contributions, because they have never been translated), will suddenly be able to penetrate the heart of the matter. So it is up to us, in as much as we are capable, “to renew the friendship with Eugenio”— including the delicate, continuously shifting equilibrium between research and action, between possibilist agility and the

ONLY EUGENIO, by Luca Meldolesi - New Year 2015

mobilization of energies that was Eugenio’s defining characteristic. Our chosen time and the initial feedback—in our country, in Europe and abroad—seem encouraging for the launch of our Institute. But perhaps it is good to ask ourselves, even if only introspectively, why this moment. In other emails, I have proposed certain reasons I think legitimate—such as rekindling interest in this line of thought, preserving the legacy of Albert (and of Sarah and of Clifford Geertz), avoiding the dispersion and reinforcing the influence of experiences including our own, engaging with the new generation, etc. Now, I would like to add a few points regarding the famous Colornian lesson of saying and doing. It is because everything we have constructed until now on the levels of theory and practice has placed us in a peculiar position. And because despite progress, the task of stimulating the institutional system—especially the various aspects of the European and Italian equation that are making little progress—requires, in our opinion, a context to strengthen it. We have made considerable effort to (re)enter this scheme of ideas, dear friends. But now it seems to me that the Colornian “call of the wild” has convinced a significant number of us, and I think that others, too, can be inspired…. Best wishes to the Institute! Best wishes to you all! Luca Meldolesi P.S. I sense some possible objections in the air. “Yes, we agree,” those who have already discussed these matters on several occasions may respond. “But what is new? Are there additional facts that substantiate this point of view?” I would say that there are, on at least two fronts. First: Notwithstanding what I myself have written about

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it[1], Adelman’s biography of Albert Hirschman[2] holds some surprises. In fact, I am convinced that my reconstruction places Eugenio and Albert too much on the same level. There was a difference of six years between them; a sizable difference when one is young, so much so that one was the mentor of the other. When Albert arrived in Trieste, he was attracted and enthralled by Eugenio’s extraordinary intellectual and political work. It was Eugenio who dominated the antifascist scene in Trieste—in saying and in doing. Despite his proximity to Eugenio, Albert would have liked to be closer still. He admits to Adelman that he was somewhat envious of Eugenio Curiel, who had more access to Colorni than he did. Albert was a fast learner on the intellectual as well as the practical level. He became, and would ever increasingly be, a master of the art of saying (and not saying). But he soon realized that he did not have the qualities of a leader. He was certainly not a crowd-puller, to the extent that he would, much later, move to Princeton to free himself from teaching. He worked well by himself, one-on-one, or with a few people. His allure and his influence—which would grow over time—are undoubtedly linked to his extraordinary intellectual capacity (shrewd and startling alike), with which he would eventually work wonders. Second: I believe it is time to examine more closely Eugenio Colorni’s last days. In this regard, allow me to propose here some points of departure. While Nicoletta and I were in France, Rai (the television channel) aired a rather romanticized short film about Ventotene. Daniele Morciano has kindly sent me that film, but I have chosen not to circulate it because it presents things as seen “through Altiero’s eyes” and, therefore, from the mainstream Europeist perspective. However, those frames, especially the first, have reawakened in me a question: what were the actual relations between Eugenio Colorni, Ernesto Rossi and Altiero Spinelli? I think that Eugenio was well aware of the caliber of

his two mates: Ernesto was an economist trained by Einaudi (who in his time had already written about European federalism!); Altiero was a politician who had spent a fair amount of time in prison. Eugenio, declares a witness of that time, “endured his confinement by thinking.” He probably believed that his task, relative to his two companions, was to stimulate creative energies while vigorously combating every stereotype and faulty mental construct. This yielded results, especially with Altiero, who in two years of dialogue with Colorni undoubtedly made significant progress. His observations on this are extremely eloquent. Clearly, Eugenio developed many ideas of his own that did not necessarily concur with those of Altiero and Ernesto. But this does not appear to have concerned him too much. Eugenio probably realized at this point that Ursula was not maintaining her pace of work and was beginning to be affectively drawn into Altiero’s circle (a fascination with politics). This pained him, but it does not seem to have changed his attitude towards Altiero. Later too, in the face of the enormous political difficulties of that time, Eugenio maintained the dialogue: he tried to introduce Altiero into the Socialist Party and apparently remained connected to his two Ventotene companions until the end. In other words, he understood the importance of the political work that Altiero, Ernesto and Ursula could have done for Europe and for the federalist movement, at a time when there was already a sense of the impact that conformist and bureaucratic parties could have had on postwar Italy. As for Albert, his attitude towards doing (which we have previously discussed) also clarifies, in my view, his opinion of Altiero, which he personally expressed to me. It also sheds light on Albert and Sarah’s fluctuating relations with “their family” in Rome during the postwar years. Altiero and Ursula (and initially also Ernesto) inevitably no longer had Eugenio as a point of reference and as a

guide when they embarked upon the federalist movement, with all its ups and downs, pros and cons. It was only much later that they encountered “possibilism” and exerted a real influence on the Italian Left. But for the federalist movement as a whole, this road, no longer sustained by a true intellectual force such as that of Colorni, subsequently gave rise to Euro-enthusiasm and finally, the dismal drifting of today. This demonstrates, in retrospect—and this is my conclusion—how difficult it is to hold a steady course while progressively pursuing this delicate and continuously shifting equilibrium between research and action, between possibilist agility and the mobilization of energies, which we have been discussing.

Key resources Adelman J. (2013) Wordly Philosopher. The Odyssey of Albert O. Hirschman, Princeton (NJ), Princeton University Press.Meldolesi L. (1994), Alla scoperta del possibile. Il mondo sorprendente di Albert Hirschman, Bologna, Il Mulino; English tr.: Notre Dame (In.), Univ. of Notre Dame Press 1995; Hispanic tr.: México, Fondo de Cultura Econòmica, 1997. Meldolesi L. (2013) Imparare ad imparare. Saggi di incontro e di passione all’origine di una possibile metamorfosi. Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino.

Notes [1] [2]

Meldolesi 1994; 2013 Chp. 2. Adelman 2014.

PRESENTATION UNPUBLISHED PAPERS There is a wealth of unpublished material in English to draw from. Part of it was published in Italian by Marcello de Cecco and by Luca Meldolesi; part of it was given to the latter by Albert and by Eva Hirschmann; part of it is dispersed in journals and newspapers; and part of it is preserved in libraries (such as the Princeton Mudd Library which holds 81 boxes of Albertâ&#x20AC;&#x2DC;s papers). The idea behind this part of the dossier is to introduce and comment on long quotations from relevant papers that have not yet been circulated, and to distribute scanned copies of the full papers on demand (including through whatsapp).

“PROPOSAL - A NOTE” by L.M.

Thinking of the Euros we keep in our pockets in many countries of Europe, the essay of the young Albert Hirschman – “Proposal for a European Monetary Authority” (November 2, 1949)[1] – looks undoubtedly “prophetic”. At the time, the Economic Cooperation Administration (ECA) Program Secretary, Harold Van Buren Cleveland, marked that paper as “confidential” and “PS/PC(49)6”, and signaled it with the following note: “The attached memorandum was prepared by Mr. Albert O. Hirschman of the Federal Reserve Board in response to an informal request. Because it is a competent review of some of the problems encountered in finding a method for coordinating fiscal and monetary policies among the participating countries, it is circulated in Program Coordination and Fiscal and Trade Policy[2] for study and comment. The views expressed in the memorandum are the author’s and not necessarily those of the Board”. “Proposal”, therefore, is not part of the professional work that Albert was doing for the Marshall Plan at the time, mainly published in the “Review of Foreign Developments” – a sort of Bulletin of the Board[3]. It is an off-spring, a semi-private “response to an informal request”, presumably advanced by Cleveland himself, or by somebody of the think-tank that then existed in ECA. Only in “Fifty Years After the Marshall Plan”[4] Hirschman decided to tell the story. Taking stock from two posthumous memoires by Robert Marjolin and Richard Bissell[5] and drawing from his personal recollections, he explained how, at the time, he was attracted intellectually and politically by an ECA group, gathered around Bissell and headed by Cleveland, that was very much in favor of Europe, without realizing that the ideas that, together with the ECA brain-trust,

he was developing and advocating “infuriated” the American Treasury[6]. So it happened that, together with a twin paper “Approaches to Multilateralism and European Integration”[7], “Proposal” remained unpublished – while it is clear retrospectively that these two essays are true ancestors of important historical economic events that later developed in Europe, such as the Common Market and the European Central Bank. In 1946 – Albert wrote[8] - “I started working […] for the Federal Reserve Board in Washington, where it was my initial task to follow economic and financial events in France and Italy. I soon became responsible for Western Europe as a whole, and to the extent the Federal Reserve had a role in U.S. foreign economic policy, The Marshall Plan became my area of competence. In particular I became interested in the plans for Intra-European Payments and in the various attempts to move away from the strict bilateral channels to which trades and payments in Europe were then still confined”. Hirschman contributions on this subject are, indeed, a significant section of the papers he crafted for the Board[9]. At the same time, they represent, as it were, a logical background of “Proposal”. Albert was involved in the negotiations and in the positive outcome of the European Payment Union (EPU)[10]. And, as a young analyst, he also developed further, far-sighted ideas on the subject, that he condensed in “Proposal”[11]. Undoubtedly, the actual reading of it suggests a number of observations. E.g.: spontaneously, as we go through that compact text, we compare Albert’s proposal to the current setting of the Ue, and rejoice of the fact that an important section of the journey finally elapsed; even if a significant part of what the young Hirschman envisaged – as on fiscal policy – did not materialize yet.

“PROPOSAL - A NOTE”, by L.M.

Moreover: the reading of “Proposal” bears out the understanding of those who look for further advancement from within the existing European institutions – while it admonishes, at the same time, that positive results are needed for everybody, and that a certain sliding equilibrium (or perhaps an unbalanced growth path) between compliance and services should be cleverly looked for. Of course, “Proposal” reflects post-war political conditions, far away from the one we have now. Inevitably, Albert was cultivating the idea that the extraordinary dominant position of Us in that period might be put to favor the vernissage of a European Monetary Authority, so that the Western European countries, rebuilt through the Marshall Plan, would develop from inside the new system. Conversely, as it is well known, the Euro came into being to re-equilibrate the unification of Germany. Indeed, after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the feeling of the European federalists was – as Hirschman put it[12] – that Germany should be kept “addossée” to Europe. And, as we all know, economic and power relationships in the Western countries evolved in time in such a way that they created eventually the need for new “building Ue impulses” to be unleashed. From this point of view, the reading of “Proposal” shows that the idea that economic advances would trigger off political improvements already existed in the Marshall Plan period, long before becoming a favored “mantra” of an entire epoch. Albert qualified, criticized and corrected that proposition in many directions[13]. But that frame of mind remained, and still is a sort of knee-jerk effect of economic specialists all over Europe. So, at the end of the day, one wonders whether, by now, it does not embody an historical anachronism. “A cultural sentiment sufficiently strong among European citizens did not develop” – Hirschman unhappily ob-

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served in 1995[14]. The Geertz-Hirschman School of Social Science may be observed from this point of view: as well.

Key resources Bissell R. (1996) Reflections of a Cold Warrior, New Heaven (Conn.), Yale University Press. Hirschman A. O. (1971) A Bias for Hope. Essays on Development and Latin America, New Haven (Conn.), Yale University Press. Hirschman A. O. (1979) “Three Uses of Political Economy in Analyzing European Integration” mimeo; now in Essays in Trespassing: Economics to Politics and Beyond, Cambridge U.K., Cambridge Univ. Press, 1981. Hirschman A. O. (1990) Tre continenti. Economia politica e sviluppo della democrazia in Europa, Stati Uniti e America Latina (a cura di L. Meldolesi), Torino, Einaudi. Hirschman A.O. (1998) Crossing Boundaries. Selected Writings, New York, Zone Books. Marjolin R. (1986) Le Travail d’une vie, Paris, Laffont. Meldolesi L. (1994), Alla scoperta del possibile. Il mondo sorprendente di Albert Hirschman, Bologna, Il Mulino; English tr.: Notre Dame (In.), Univ. of Notre Dame Press 1995; Hispanic tr.: México, Fondo de Cultura Econòmica, 1997. Meldolesi L. (2014) L’ultimo Hirschman e l’Europa, Soveria Mannelli, Rubbettino.

Notes [1]

Published in Italian (Hirschman 1990, p. 7-18), but not in English. Ref. the English summary that follows.

[2]

That is (in a typewritten form) inside the competent group of ECA, within the Marshall Plan.

[3]

Hirschman wrote in that period 48 papers, 39 of which appeared in the “Review of Foreign Developments” (ref. Meldolesi 1994; English tr. 1995, p. 294-6).

[4]

Chp. 2 of Albert Hirschman’s last book (1998). The full title of the chapter is “Fifty Years After the Marshall Plan: Two Posthumous Memoires and Some Personal Recollections”. (Ref. Meldolesi 2014, Chp. 2).

[5]

Marjolin 1986; Bissell 1996.

[6]

Ibid., p. 38-43.

[7]

Published in Italian (Hirschman 1990, p. 19-34), but not in English. “This lecture – one reeds in the original text - is an edited transcript of a lecture given at the Department of State on March 30, 1950. It is reproduced [in a typewritten form] for use in classroom discussions at the Foreign Service Institute”, Department of State, Washington D.C., 1950,“Restricted”.

[8]

Hirschman 1998, p. 38.

[9]

Ref. n. 3 above.

[10]

According to Bissell (1996, p. 64; ref. Hirschman 1998, p. 41) “EPU was in some ways the supreme organizational achievement of the Marshall Plan”.

[11]

Indeed, ways out and proposals are the two main outcomes of Hirschman’s theory of “possibilism” – 1971, Introduction.

[12]

“Evenement de jeudi”, May 25th 1995.

[13]

Hirschman A. O. 1979.

[14]

“Evenement de jeudi”, May 25th 1995.

“PROPOSAL - A NOTE”, by L.M.

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ALBERT O. HIRSCHMAN - “PROPOSAL FOR A EUROPEAN MONETARY AUTHORITY” summary by L.M. [1]

“There have been many governments without a central bank, but the experience here proposed of a central monetary authority without a central government remains to be made”. Albert O. Hirschman, “Proposal” – 1949. In a recent session , the financial sub-committee of the European Assembly included, as a specific subject for further study, a Reserve Bank for Europe. “The present paper is a first exploration of the issues raised by this proposal”. [2]

It is a subject generally dismissed because, as The Economist pointed out, “a common currency requires among other things, the abandonment of fiscal sovereignty and is therefore inconceivable in the absence of political federation[3]. The question cannot dispose of in this summary fashion, however” - Albert observed. “While it may be impossible to tear down the economic and fiscal attributes of national sovereignty by direct assault, it may be possible to coordinate these attributes and to build […] new institutions in the ‘interstices’ of the national prerogatives”[4]. Actually, this is the audacious aim of the paper, seen as a possible evolution of a tendency to economic coordination that already existed within the Marshall Plan: on financial and monetary stability, on monetary and fiscal policy, on the administration of foreign exchange reserves and of exchange control. The question which Hirschman was answering is “whether it is possible to think of forms of monetary and financial organizations for Europe that do not ask for the impossible, yet which would result in a closely knit European monetary and financial structure”. The internal and external functions of a “hypothetical European Monetary Authority” are therefore examined: monetary and credit policy, and fiscal policy on the one hand; foreign exchange earnings and reserves, exchange rates, and exchange controls on the other.

As far as the internal functions are concerned, the paper “attempts to sketch here a maximum solution [relatively to a wide range of graduated possibilities] subject to the constraints of the existing political structure”[5]. “Monetary and Credit Policy. There is to be established a European Monetary Authority which must be consulted on all questions concerning the cost, the availability, and the volume of credit. It has veto power over all decisions taken in this field by national monetary authorities. The whole monetary and credit policy of each country must be reviewed by it once a year and more often if necessary. Under certain safeguards it also has the power to order action by national monetary authority”. The application of these general principles to the current instruments of monetary policy of the time – such as Discount Rate Policy, Reserve requirements, Open market policy, Qualitative credit controls, and Capital issue control – follows. “The powers here proposed for the EMA – Hirschman explained - are wide; but they do not require any change of present institutions. EMA would simply be grafted on to the present national banking and monetary structures[6]. Some standardization of controls, procedure, and statistics may be desirable […]; but the present lack of uniformity renders EMA’s task merely somewhat more difficult […]. The achievement of greater comparability of the national structures can confidently be left to time once the new agency is established”[7]. “Our basic assumption – Albert continued – is that EMA will have to operate within the present political framework, in which national governments draw up national budgets and rely occasionally on national central banks for help in deficit financing[8]”. Within this framework there would be place “only for a close coordination of national monetary policies”[9].

ALBERT O. HIRSCHMAN - “PROPOSAL FOR A EUROPEAN MONETARY AUTHORITY” summary by LM

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“ Fiscal Policy. Supra-national control of national fiscal policies presents a far more difficult problem […] since fiscal policy is a governmental function subject to the vote of national legislatures. By its active power in the monetary field, EMA will make it difficult for the national governments to pursue irresponsible fiscal policies. But this indirect restraint […] is operative primarily in the event of an inflation brought about by improper budgetary policies. It would, therefore, be desirable to give EMA at least a direct investigative and advisory function along the following lines.

exchange control authorities, subjects, however, to such supervision of exchange rates and exchange controls by EMA as to prevent dissipation of scarce foreign exchange resources. EMA’s task in this field is […] to guide the member countries […] toward a situation in which administrative import controls and compulsory surrender of foreign exchange earnings can be dispensed with. Once import licensing has been abolished, EMA could more easily be empowered to appropriate from the national central banks the usual central banks functions with respect to foreign exchange operations.

The cooperating European nations are to enter a convention in which the aims of their fiscal policies are spelled out in some details; this convention will also set up EMA as its guardian […] to conduct investigations and to present findings. But in general, EMA will only be called upon to pass a general judgment on the budget […]. It would be quite impossible for a super-national body to ‘meddle’ in national affairs to the point of objecting to (or of promoting) a particular expenditure” or tax; or of taking “control of a particular segment of the public finances such as, e.g., the counterpart of ECA aid”; or of the direct advances to the national treasuries. “Further, both types of control (over counterpart and over central bank advances) would be likely to impart to EMA’s policies a deflationary bias”[10].

The case is somewhat different with respect to reserves.[…] The current move towards greater liberalization of trade and payments presupposes free access of the national governments to their reserves. [….] Nevertheless some pooling […] under present dollar shortage conditions […] would be the most striking expression of the will to cooperate on the part of the member countries. Even though pooling could only be partial at present, it ought to be established from the outset as one of the prime functions and objectives of AMA”. Taking into account “the initial level of reserves (in relation to the needs of the individual countries) and their increase or decrease during the current year” a formula might be established “calling for surrenders of reserves once every year”.

Moreover, as external functions, Hirschman discussed, first of all, “Centralizations of foreign exchange earnings and reserves”.

“Reserve pooling – Hirschman added – would improve the prospects for obtaining Congressional authorization for making stabilization loans and grants”. The latter “would then appear as a counterpart for a tangible effort at European cooperation – the United States would, as it were, match the hard currency funds contributed to EMA by its own members”. Stabilization loans and grants would provide further backing for, and induce greater confidence in European currencies. “They are not intended to be spent and should be utilized only in exceptional circumstances. For that reason it would be reasonable to let them be admini-

“The allocation of current foreign exchange receipts – he suggested – is one of the most powerful determinants of standard of living and of investment activity. The best way to doom any move toward European unity is to conjure up the vision of an equalization of the Swedish and the Italian standard of living[11]. It may therefore be best to leave the disposition of current foreign exchange earnings in the hands of the national

stered by EMA […]. EMA would thus hold a secondary reserve for the cooperating countries as a group. Its purpose would be: 1) to support members countries in case of need; 2) to provide financing for net balances in inter-European trade; 3) in general to enhance EMA’s authority in its dealings with the member countries”[12]. Exchange Rates. “The main emphasis – Albert argued is currently to be placed on the creation of a European area within which trade and payments are freed from restrictions. This freeing can only be a gradual process and at each new step unforeseen reactions of the flow of trade (and capital) may make some exchange rate adjustment within the group of European countries necessary or advisable. As the monetary arrangements approximate the common currency stage, exchange rate movements of individual currencies within the European area ought to become less and less frequent”[13]. On the other hand, the adjustments “of the whole group together vis-à-vis the dollar […] may continue to be necessary even after there is no more need for exchange rate adjustments within the group. For both types of adjustment EMA should be given full responsibility”[14]. Exchange control. Finally, “EMA should be given certain functions” on this matter – as its approval is needed “a) whenever a member country wishes to enact new or strengthen existing exchange restrictions vis-à-vis other members; b) whenever a member country wishes to strengthen or relax exchange restrictions visà-vis non-member countries. In addition, EMA should have wide powers of inspection of national exchange control administration”. The final part of this highly condensed paper is devoted to three short sections: Service functions; Note on Administration; and The Problem of Stages. “For the success of EMA – Albert observed – it would be extremely important to endow it with a number of

service functions that would make it an agency that can be useful to its members, in tangible ways, besides continually interfering in their affaires[15]. For this reason and to avoid further duplication of international agencies, it would appear appropriate to let the Bank for International Settlements be absorbed by the European Monetary Authority[16]. […] In addition EMA should immediately undertake intensive research into the banking and money market structures of its member countries so as to be able to suggest measures that will ensure greater freedom and rationality in the movements of funds within the European area. It is extremely important that EMA displays considerable initiative in this field; for its ultimate fate will depend on the question whether the goodwill created by the services rendered by EMA to the European community and to the individual member countries will appear to outweigh the illwill that is bound to be generated by EMA’s necessary interferences with individual countries’ affairs”[17]. “The European Monetary Authority should have a Board of Governors constituted by the national Finance Ministers and the national Central Bank Governors. In addition the European Assembly should nominate a number of outstanding Europeans with knowledge on financial and economic affairs to serve as Governors of the institution. These persons would not represent any one country but the interests of the European area as a whole. The Board would vote by majority rule” “It is clear that the structure here described will not become reality overnight. […]. The proposal derives precisely from the fact that it seems easier in the present situation to secure some surrender of sovereignty in the economic than in the purely political field[18]. Within the economic sphere in turn, the surrender appears easier to obtain with respect to monetary than with respect to fiscal policies. Nevertheless, even this par-

ALBERT O. HIRSCHMAN - “PROPOSAL FOR A EUROPEAN MONETARY AUTHORITY” summary by LM

tial surrender of economic sovereignty will probably have to come in stages some of which are implicit in the preceding discussion[19]. Thus a pooling of reserves should be timed so as to coincide with the request for stabilization funds. The control of EMA over internal monetary policies of its members need to be less strict as long as the exchange rates of the members are not stabilized via-à-vis each other. Also departure from the majority voting rule could be permitted during an initial period”.

Notes [1]

For research purposes, the original text is provided at request. Personal observations on various aspects of the paper are included in the notes only.

[2]

Held in Strasbourg the 10th of August 1949.

[3]

Note how, inevitably, American political federation - and therefore European federalism - is a (negative or positive) point of reference of this discussion on a European monetary authority: see n. 9 and 16 below .

[4]

[5]

Retrospectively, this typical turn of the mind of Albert reminds us of later essays: as, e. g., “Obstacles to Development” – 1965 (now in A Bias for Hope, New Haven (Conn.), Yale University Press, 1971). While this solution – Albert added - “is itself a half-way house in many respects, it probably can be reached only in successive stages”. Therefore, to have the argument properly unfolded, Hirschman looks for “a maximum” (within the existing political structure); but, on the other hand, in his final section (see below), he hints at its practical implementation in stages. His well

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known theory of possibilism will later develop both aspects. [6]

True. But undoubtedly the new institution built “in the ‘interstices’ of the national prerogatives” would have a strong power, superimposed on them.

[7]

“In short, […] EMA is to have all powers of a central bank save that to issue money”.

[8]

A well-known function that later on was abolished.

[9]

And, after a short digression on a few cases that perhaps would need an autonomous lending power to be held by EMA, he concluded: “ the creation of a European bank of issue would be called for only if and when a regular Federal European Government comes into being. Even then it would not be essential if EMA’s powers over the national central banks are extended so as to approximate those held by the Board of Governors over the Federal Reserve Banks”. These observations confirm the American federalist horizon within which Hirschman’s analysis in situated (ref. n. 3 above).

[10]

That is, something that should not occur. Isn’t it?

[11]

A propensity that, by all means, is not characteristic of the immediate post-second-world-war period…

[12]

“Clearly – Albert added – drawings on EMA’s gold and dollar holdings would have to be coordinated with drawings on the International Monetary Fund. One obvious step would be for the European countries to request drawings on the Fund only after this has been approved by EMA; a much further-going measure would be for the European countries to pool their quotas in the Fund and to let EMA do the drawing from them”. Obviously, coordination of the powers of the Fund and of those to be given to EMA is also important in the case of exchange rates.

At this point, to-day readers cannot but think of the long and fluctuating process of controlling the exchange rate span of some European currencies that developed before the establishment of the Euro.

[13]

[14]

That is, it may propose and, in any event, should be called upon to approve any change in individual countries exchange rates. Moreover “the initiative for the second kind of exchange rate adjustment should rest exclusively with EMA”.

[15]

Where, undoubtedly, federalist ability lies on cleverly manning that interaction.

[16]

“At present, - Hirschman explained (drawing from his direct experience on the elaboration and implementation of some European payment schemes within the Marshall Plan) – the BIS performs a number of functions which are useful to the European countries. The most conspicuous service rendered being the technical administration of the Intra-European Payment Scheme. Transfers of these functions to EMA […] would be of particular significance if steps in the direction of true multilateral clearing can soon be made. A European Clearing Union operated by the EMA would be close parallel to the Interdistrict Settlement Fund operated for the Federal Reserve Banks by the Federal Reserve Board” (ref. n. 3 and 9, above).

[17]

A problem that (mutatis mutandis) is still very much with us - unfortunately.

[18]

Notoriously, this point of view became somehow a “point of reference” in the building of Europe that followed: ref. “‘Proposal’ – a note”.

[19]

Typically, those examples show a “possibilist” ingenuity: in each case the step forward should come about when and how it is most likely to be accepted.

ALBERT O. HIRSCHMAN - “PROPOSAL FOR A EUROPEAN MONETARY AUTHORITY” summary by LM

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THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE by Nicoletta Stame

The School of Social Science at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton When in the early 1970s, Albert Hirschman began his association with the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton—first as Visiting Professor in 1972 and then as Faculty Member from 1974—he initiated a collaboration with Clifford Geertz that would characterize the School of Social Science (a newly-established department of the Institute), especially in terms of the specific approach to social science that would be progressively developed and tested. Hirschman and Geertz shared a deep mutual respect and affection. However, their intellectual collaboration beyond the constitution of the School of Social Science (the choice of subjects, admission of annual members and organization of seminars) can be traced mostly indirectly, through the consonance of their themes and methods and for the intellectual liberty they employed; because they each maintained their specific method of working without citing each other. These two principal protagonists soon gathered around themselves a group of research assistants (William Sewell, a historian from Chicago; Quentin Skinner, an English political scientist; Wolf Lepenies, a sociologist from Berlin), certain close collaborators (such as Robert Darnton, a historian from Princeton University) and subsequently, other professors (political scientist Michael Walzer; historian Joan Scott). Further, around 25 annual visiting members from diverse disciplines and geographical areas also began to associate with the School (to date, they have been succeeded by around 500 other visiting members and by a number of professors who have had brief tenures). With the passing of its founders, the legacy of the School of Social Science may risk being dispersed. It is also for this reason that our Institute aims to revisit this experience.

The School of Social Science was nourished by ideas springing from shared foundations, but each developed in their own right through a dialogue between colleagues engaged in diverse sectors. It is possible to trace cross-references between the work of individuals, both overt (as between Geertz and Skinner or Geertz and Darnton) and implicit (as between Hirschman and Geertz). In addition, the work of some of them (such as the works of Lepenies or Hirschman’s “Shifting Involvements”) is not entirely comprehensible unless the collective experience is taken into account. In this regard however, there exist only a few texts of a general nature. Perhaps only the chapter written by Clifford Geertz to mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the School—“Schools of thought. A retrospective preface”—can be considered as such. Another document that deserves special mention is “Our idea of social science,” which was prepared in 1979 by Sewell and Skinner under the supervision of Hirschman and Geertz as a funding request for the School, and was never published. For all these reasons, it seems relevant that we attempt to gradually re-orient ourselves in another direction. That is, towards a parallel reading of the major protagonists and a step-by-step study of their coexistence and, perhaps, compatibility. AC-HII intends to develop such a programme, while also soliciting the interest of young scholars. Interpretive Social Science The School of Social Science has been characterized by the practice of interpretive social science, which overcame the afflictions plaguing American social science at that time (which was anchored to positivist and empiricist tenets that had already demonstrated their limits); this was undoubtedly the distinguishing feature of the School. But there was clearly no intention to establish an “interpretive school.” The text of “Our

THE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE, by Nicoletta Stame

idea” affirms that interpretive social science aims to “criticize and refine the prevailing theories and methodologies of the human sciences” (p. 7), characterized by “overspecialization, present-mindedness, and unwarranted scientism without much compensating capacity to provide satisfactory solutions to the pressing social and economic problems of the day” (p. 7). It claims that on the basis of statistical categories and nomological explanations, too much emphasis was being placed on social causation, thereby giving excessive importance to externalities of behavior, its etiology and regularity. Instead, “At least as much attention should be paid to the linguistic, conventional, ritual and other symbolic systems in terms of which the agents and groups we study in the human sciences describe, theorize and appraise their own conduct” (p.8). As Geertz would state in “Retrospective preface”: “the aim was and (reworked, revised, reconsidered, reasserted) still is, not just to measure, correlate, systematize and settle, but to formulate, clarify, appraise and understand. A small off-line enterprise in a glamorous up-market place, the loosening up of things, not their solidification seemed the way to go” (p. 4). Thus, they did not envision a school that would contradict other schools, but one that would promote the development of already existing trends in various disciplines and in the dialogue between them. In “Retrospective preface,” Geertz specifies the approach of openness with which interpretive social science should be understood: “as ‘interpretativists’, self-declared and self–understood, we were interested in work that reached beyond the narrow confines of a fixed and schematic ‘scientific method’, one that connected up with moral, political and spiritual concerns” (p. 8). Such a programme, therefore, required searching for conditions that would favor debate, calling on the right people (who could identify with the interpretivist concept, almost as an elective affinity), and engaging each

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of them in the development of their own work in their own areas of expertise, so as to consequently be able to identify the insights that could be derived from each other. It implied fostering a certain attitude: (“what was needed was an attitude, not a program – another program – and certainly not a paradigm”), characterized by: 1. “interest in empirical work, conceptually informed, not in methodology and system building” 2. “interest in careful, at least reasonably dispassionate argument, not in ax grinding” 3. trespassing, that is, using multiple disciples to approach a subject (as in Hirschman, Darnton, Geertz), and addressing the relationship between disciplines (as in Sewell, Lepenies) 4. a moral and political thrust in research. On the other hand, there was no expectation of a uniformity of subjects (although there could be convergence, as in matters concerning the economic development of so-called “Third World” countries, or French history), but there was certainly an inclination towards “confused, incomplete, contradictory objects of study” (Geertz, “Retrospective preface”). Significant contributions The work we intend to promote could be executed as follows: 1. Exploring the ways in which each protagonist developed their own interpretive social science—beginning of course with Clifford Geertz and Albert Hirschman. Identifying, for each of the protagonists of this story (the two founders and the four research assistants), parts of their work (texts, themes) that exhibit elements that can be related to the attitudes listed above.

For example, Rainbow and Sullivan’s anthology Interpretive Social Science includes an essay by Geertz (“Deep Play: notes on Balinese cockfight”) and another by Hirschman (“The search for paradigms as a hindrance to understanding”). These, in the study of a specific issue, reveal their method of conducting research, which can be attributed to the concept of interpretive social science. It is possible to identify other documents, even written by the research assistants, in which this vein can be traced. 2. Exploring the ways in which the protagonists influenced each other. Identifying transverse elements in which each, while engaged in his own sphere, references the work of another. For example, Geertz refers to the way in which Skinner addresses the formation of political ideas within specific historical contexts; Darnton and Geertz mirror each other in their ways of working as historian and anthropologist, etc.

GEERTZ AND DARNTON COLLABORATING IN AN UNDERGRADUATE COURSE ON HISTORY AND ANTHROPOLOGY by N.S.

Starting from 1974, and for around 20 years, Clifford Geertz, anthropologist, and Robert Darnton, historian, held an undergraduate seminar at Princeton University called “History 406, the History of mentalities”. Darnton has recalled this experience in an article on the NYRB of January 11, 2007. The presentation of the course of 1974 ran as follows: “This seminar will examine varieties in world view and cultural experience from the perspective of history and anthropology. It will not deal with formal thought but rather with attitudes, assumptions, implicit ideologies, and ‘mental sets’. It will attempt to relate man’s intellectual to his social experience and will therefore concentrate on groups instead of individual philosophers and on the mental world of humble persons as well as on that of the elite. The first sessions will concern early modern European history; the last will be devoted to the anthropological approach to culture. Each student will be expected to do a heavy load of reading, to participate actively in a weekly seminar, and to write two papers. There will be no examinations”. When Cliff told Robert that the history of mentalities sounded “like anthropology”, the scene was set for an encounter based on a common topic, culture, examined from different viewpoints: “what historians studied at a far removed in time, anthropologists examined far away in space”. They used to compare an historical and an anthropological monograph on the same subject, and the aim was “to make the distant [in time or in space] look familiar, and the familiar look foreign”. Robert refers to Cliff’s style of teaching. He was “always seizing on points that ran counter to our intuition. This was his genius as a teacher: to help us think against the grain of our own culture and to enter imaginatively into

mental territory that lies beyond it”. For this reason, he liked teaching undergraduates who “took risks and did not suffer from the anxieties attached to the process of professionalization”, that perhaps would have hampered them from assuming unconventional thinking. Cliff and Robert were busy looking for new materials for discussion in the classroom, which reinforced their interdisciplinary work and their friendship alike. This may be witnessed by browsing across the syllabuses that were proposed in subsequent years, of which we offer some examples, and from the letter that Cliff wrote to Robert on April 1977 (thanks to Robert for sharing it). Annex 1: Syllabus of History 406, The History of Mentalities, Fall Term 1974 Annex 2: Syllabus of History 406, Fall Term, 1992 Annex 3: Clifford Geertz to Robert Darnton, April 15, 1977

ANNEX 1

syllabus of History 406 (Fall term 1974)

Annex 1: syllabus of History 406 (Fall term 1974)

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ANNEX 2

syllabus of History 406 (Fall term 1992)

Annex 2: syllabus of History 406 (Fall term 1992)

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Annex 2: syllabus of History 406 (Fall term 1992)

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ANNEX 3

letter of Geertz to Darnton (1977)

Annex 3: letter of Geertz to Darnton (Fall term 1977)

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IN MEMORY OF SARAH HIRSCHMAN by N.S.

Sarah Hirschman passed away on 15th January 2012, aged 90. She was born in Lithuania in 1921, spent her formative high school years in Paris, and completed her university studies in philosophy and French literature in the United States (Columbia and Berkeley). In 1941, she married Albert Hirschman. Her collaboration with him (their Colombian interlude, learning Spanish, studying anthropology) introduced her to a world of openness to social problems, which she would later address using her knowledge and passions with great originality. In 1991 Albert dedicated to her his extraordinarily imaginative book—The Rhetoric of Reaction— with the words ‘To Sarah, my first reader and critic for fifty years’. Sarah’s name is inextricably tied to the programme ‘Gente y Cuentos/People and Stories’, which aims at bringing the best literature to people who have been deprived of it due to social or environmental constraints. Over time, she developed the programme starting from her own discovery that ‘literature, which is usually seen as reserved for the few, can become the arena where unusual connections are established among people who ordinarily have no access to it. People find their own voice and a new self-assurance as the fictional text helps develop a surprising ability to manipulate ideas as well as share with each other personal feelings’. This project springs from two different sources. Firstly, it draws on research carried out in the 1960s and 1970s among Latino immigrants in New York and Massachusetts, which experimented with advanced forms of community work. Secondly, it is influenced by Sarah’s familiarity with the work of Paulo Freire, through her participation in seminars he conducted at Harvard at the beginning of the 1970s. Here, Sarah found her calling. Freire maintained that people can acquire knowledge only if they are able to meaningfully relate it to their own lives. With his own students, he engaged in

dialogues on ‘generative themes’ that were relevant to them: starting from a projected image of a wall, they were able to arrive at discussions about the use of water and land ownership. This is what Freire called ‘conscientization’, as opposed to the ‘banking’ concept of education. According to Sarah, even literary works that are not directly related to immediate concerns can serve as a source of generative themes, and people without formal education can be ‘sensitive to the images, metaphors and rhythms of the poetic texture’ and capable of critical reflection on themselves and their relation to society. In 1974, when Albert moved to Princeton, Sarah launched the Spanish programme ‘Gente y Cuentos’ with a group of Latinos in various localities of New Jersey. The experiences emerging from it were deepened and diffused in terms of geography (first in other states of America and finally in France and Argentina), language (starting with the first English sessions conducted in Trenton in 1986) as well as the topics covered. The programme is founded on three pillars: stories, coordinators and groups. The choice of stories was the crucial starting point— they had to be brief, in the language of the participant group, and capable of stimulating ideas. Sarah invested much enthusiasm in the selection of stories. She drew on her wealth of literary knowledge, which she kept updated through her interest in the works of great contemporary Latin American writers (she had ‘discovered’ Gabriel Garcia Marquez before he became famous) and anthropologists (such as Ruth Correira Cardoso); she maintained a special focus on those authors who were influenced by common speech and had transformed it in their literary works. Coordinators are those who, like Sarah, organize a session (having identified a place and a homogenous group), animate the meeting, read texts aloud, stimula-

IN MEMORY OF SARAH HIRSCHMAN, by N.S.

te the discussion such that everyone participates, and elicit impressions, buried memories, rationales and intentions. Over time, Sarahâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s work came to focus on the training of coordinators, who have to be able to combine a literary sensibility with the capacity to interact with a very particular set of participants. The groups are tied to the places in which the sessions are held, such as public libraries, schools, areas of the neighbourhood, and even prisons. The book (People and Stories / gente y cuentos. Who owns literature? Communities find their voice through short stories, iUniverse, New York, 2009) in which Sarah explained her reasoning and described her methodology is full of examples of stories that have evoked reactions, emotions, new relationships between people, and the deepening of experiences. The processes triggered during the course of the sessions include the overthrowing of barriers between generations, communities and ethnicities. The impression created is that of a humanity shaken from its sleep, enlivened, rising and gaining confidence, and perhaps even changing its life, but without the presumption that immediate results are at hand. Sarah had to overcome numerous obstacles to gain acceptance for a programme that later won many accoladesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;first among intellectuals who did not believe that this section of the public could appreciate literature, then among those who assumed that a project based on literary works was not militant enough, and finally among funding organisations, who needed outputs to justify their investment and who tried to slot the programme into a predefined classification (an educational programme, a work placement or welfare project) in order to evaluate it using simple indicators. Sarah endeavoured to explain to each of them that literature is not a luxury but an intense experience of self-reflection, and that evaluations must take this into account.

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Published in Allarme Milano, Speranza Milano, February 2012

PART 2 - TO SAY AND TO DO

THE IMPROBABLES Angela Arbitrio Sector manager, Sviluppo Basilicata, Potenza Aniello Ascolese Private teacher, Pagani (NA) Valeria Aniello Senior manager, Nucleo valutazione Regione Campania, Napoli Liliana Baculo University professor, Napoli Vito Belladonna – Training and evaluation consultant, Bari

Nicola Corrado Department Start-up and Innovation, Regione Campania, Stabia (NA) Giusi Crimi Manager, Lamezia Terme (CZ) Marika de Rosa Communication expert, Stabia (NA) Massimo d’Esposito Entrepreneur, Napoli Enzo de Bernardo Director, Federsolidarietà, Roma

Renato Bruno Entrepreneur, Grottaminarda (AV) and Piacenza

Anna De Caro Consultant, European Commission, Cetraro (CS)

Daniela Caianiello Public Finance general manager, Comune di Pozzuoli (NA)

Giovanna del Gaudio Researcher and entrepreneur, Stabia (NA)

Nicola Campoli Public official, Unione Industriali, Napoli

Mariabrigida Del Monaco Sector manager, Sviluppo Campania, Maddaloni (CA)

Antimo Caputo Entrepreneur, President Confidi, Napoli

Gennaro di Cello Manager and social entrepreneur, Lamezia Terme (CZ)

Nicola Caputo Entrepreneur and member of European Parliament, Teverola (CE) and Brussels

Amedeo Di Marco Industrial consultant, Cava dei Tirreni (SA)

Paolo Caputo Entrepreneur and business consultant, Napoli Alberto Carzaniga Manager and Undersecretary of State, Milano Roberto Celentano Researcher, Napoli Marco Chiauzzi Public Finance general manager, Comune di Afragola (NA) Antonella Ciaramella Member of Regional Council, Regione Campania Dario Ciccarelli Director territorial State general accounting department, Avellino

Leonida Di Salvo Recent graduate, Giugliano in Campania (NA) Tommaso di Nardo Business consultant, director Research department Fondazione nazionale dei commercialisti, Villaricca (NA) and Roma Paolo Di Nola Director Invitalia, Gragnano (NA) and Roma Caterina Farao Network coordinator, doctoral student, Giussago (PV) Tania Fedeli Student and activist, Stabia (NA) Alan Ferrari Member of Italian Parliament, Giussago (PV)

Francesco Cicione Entrepreneur, Lamezia Terme (CZ)

Rosalba Filosa University professor, Napoli

Franco Saverio Cioffi Temporary manager and business consultant, Pozzuoli (NA)

Elena Girasella Director Liaison office University, Messina

THE IMPROBABLES

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Alessandro La Grassa Director CRESM, third sector, Partanna (TP)

Laura Tagle Policy and programme evaluator, Roma

Nicola Lamberti Entrepreneur and mayor, Borgarello (PV)

Agatina Verruso Cultural organizer, Montesarchio (BN)

Vincenzo Lorenzini Consultant, Health sector, Montevarchi (AR)

Maria Viscuso Student and business consultant, Catania

Massimo Lucidi Journalist, Napoli and Brescia

Fabio Zilberstein Civil servant, European Commission, Brussels

Domenico Marino University professor, Reggio Calabria

Giacomo Zuppolini Student and entrepreneur, Mugnano del Cardinale (AV)

Vinni Marino Director, Conf-cooperative, Roma Onofrio MaragĂ˛ Director Field Foundation, Santâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;Onofrio (VV) Mita Marra University professor, Salerno and Napoli Francesco Messina Entrepreneur and business consultant, Catania Gianni Molinari Journalist, Potenza and Napoli Vincenzo Morello Student and business consultant, Lamezia Terme (CZ) Anna Morrone School director Ministry of Education, Ravenna and Roma Francesco Passanti Business consultant, Lamezia Terme (CZ) Sebastiano Patti University teacher, Catania Luisa Pezone General secretary Mezzogiorno Europa Foundation, Napoli Claudio Sardoni University professor, Roma Adriano Scaletta Evaluator, Anvur, Roma Francesco Sodano Entrepreneur, Avella (AV)

THE TABLES OF THE LAW (1994) Naples, May 1994 A Proposal for a Committee The Tables of the Law 1. In Monte S. Angelo (Naples) is founded the Constituent Committee (hereinafter referred to as the CC) of a free association characterized by four dimensions: the political (democratic), the cultural (resistant to any predetermined boundaries), the professional (social science aimed at individual and collective improvement), and finally, that of convivial solidarity. 2. The Committee (in the widest sense of the word) comprises: ordinary members, both young and old (with general responsibilities), additional members (with only specific responsibilities), associate members, candidate members and sympathizers. The various roles within the CC are assumed upon request and from personal initiative. Provisions have been made for the upward and downward reassignment of roles and also for temporary suspension due to personal reasons. The CC promotes fraternal relationships with teachers and students of Hirschmanian thought in Italy and abroad, and with all those who support its initiative, however indirectly. It intends to create, over time, a group of sympathetic young entrepreneurs. 3. The CC is largely inspired by the teachings of Eugenio Colorni, Giovanni Falcone and Albert Hirschman, and additionally by those of Paolo Borsellino, Fernand Braudel, Gilberto Freire, Clifford Geertz, Louis Hartz, Sarah Hirschman, Carlos Lleras Restepo, Ignazio Silone, etc. It is founded on the work done by its founding members and sympathizers in the past and aims to vigorously develop it, with the final goal of creating an association with dozens, if not hundreds, of members. 4. The work of the members emphasizes quality rather than quantity. It is based on the principle of one-third (wherein the members spend one-third

of their time on collective work and two-thirds on individual work) and on that of supervision. All members, sympathizers and students will be invited to choose a supervisor (Italian or foreign); they may additionally be assigned a second supervisor. The cycle of supervision will be for a period of approximately one month. Every month, all supervised members will update the Committee Secretary on the progress of their work. The purpose of such supervision is to continuously raise the standards of research. The development of the work depends primarily on the initiative of the youngest members. Consequently, this is ensured by assigning them a field of study (such as the industry of the South, the public administration, the development of the South, the regional policy of the EEC, industrial policy, etc.), paying close attention to their supervision, and putting them in contact with alumni, friends and other acquaintances who can help them in their work. Constantly monitoring the progress of young members in the development of their creativity and maturity becomes, especially at the beginning, a priority. The CC uses a series of stratagems to guide and develop the work, such as those defined with the following terms: grading, using remote control, unveiling peopleâ&#x20AC;&#x2122;s secrets, towing and easing, quarantine, etc. It counters intransigence with doubt and constantly seeks possibilist proposals and exit routes. It makes no secret of its political and cultural leanings, it addresses the general public, it appeals to common senseâ&#x20AC;Ś The CC collaborates with the work of sympathizers and scholars who request it. It opposes all territorial hegemonies: starting from Monte S. Angelo and its surrounding context (and perhaps Bari), it aims to extend its work to Rome as well to certain realities in the North. The CC organizes lecture series by international te-

THE TABLES OF THE LAW (1994)

achers of Hirschamanian thought at the Institute for Philosophical Studies, and ensures that they have a wide appeal. It promotes frequent contacts and sharing of experiences with external collaborators. Its objective is to gradually foster these activities in six countries: Italy, USA, France, Germany, Brazil and Mexico. 9. The CC is sustained by small research grants, by contributions from Luca and Nicoletta’s private Foundation, and by contributions from individual members. In accordance with its scope, it addresses, as far as possible, the personal and professional needs of its members. 10. The CC will initiate its activities as soon as possible. By its very nature, it will have to maintain a constant state of heightened “creative tension” among its components; therefore, it will have to equip itself with all the necessary instruments (notes, newsletters, etc.) and develop a continuous process of self-evaluation in itinere and ex post. The latter should take place (at least) every six months through a dedicated and serious meeting that will refer to the arguments contained in the drafts of the “Statutes” described here.

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SEMINARS AT THE ISTITUTO DI STUDI FILOSOFICI (1994)

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SEMINARS AT THE ISTITUTO DI STUDI FILOSOFICI (1994)

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SEMINARS AT THE ISTITUTO DI STUDI FILOSOFICI (1994)

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CASAL DI PRINCIPE by Franco Cioffi (2014)

Election manifesto of a mayoral candidate from a civic society list (supported by the center-left and by social cooperatives engaged in the struggle against the Camorra) in Casal di Principe—a place of symbolic importance in the Caserta area of the Terra dei Fuochi (Land of Fires). “The development (and also the redemption) of a region depends of several variables, all of which are, nevertheless, oriented towards a single goal: to foster the economy in order to ensure civility and (individual and collective) well-being. This social and economic framework can be easily identified in communities that ‘work,’ but is obviously difficult to establish in the absence of basic assumptions: a functional public sector and crafty, farsighted private enterprise. What should be the role of politics in the cultivation of this framework of political economy in the region?

the workings of the municipality. Some of the immediately attainable and demonstrable outcomes (internally and externally) are: improvement of the ‘internal work environment’ through the introduction of a participative management style aimed at creating autonomous centers of responsibility at every clerical level; improvement of the physical aspects and equipment of the work environment; review of the organogram and general organization through a quality assessment; analysis of the training requirements of employees and consequent corrective actions; optimization of public works (cleanliness, road maintenance, public fixtures, safety, etc.); conformity with project SIOPE (Information System on the Operations of Public Bodies) for transparent and efficient internal accounting; improvement of public services.

Reorganizing the municipal machinery

All these operations, I might point out, have high impact and almost zero cost!

First, it is crucial to undertake an organizational review of the Municipality using a managerial/entrepreneurial approach (while adhering to public regulations).

Creating an environment that supports local entrepreneurship in a process of consolidation and growth, and attracts investment capital from outside the region.

Achieving this requires a high level of ethical and technical professionalism which, if not available internally within the municipal machinery, should be externally procured (consistent with available financial resources). Further, the discretion (on the part of the mayor) to appoint the General Secretary and the members of the Independent Evaluation Body is a useful and relevant opportunity in this regard.

Entrepreneurship is the outcome of motivating processes that are stimulated, supported and oriented towards best practices (naturally taking into account regional vocations and traits). Here, the role of the public administration must necessarily be executed on two levels:

Having created the task force (naturally with the contributions of internal executives), it is necessary to begin working towards priorities and objectives with the awareness that we are ‘obligated’ to achieve them (at least in part) without delay: to send a loud and clear message to detractors and to those ‘uninterested’ in

1. macro policies for regional development 2. actions targeted at and directed towards individual entrepreneurs (existing and potential) With regard to the first point, much depends on the political orientation that one intends to attribute to these macro policies. I will restrict myself to observing that it would be wise to affirm and improve existing sec-

CASAL DI PRINCIPE, by Franco Cioffi (2014)

tors (construction, agriculture, confectionery, the third sector, etc.) while simultaneously directing the region towards modern sectors and advanced technologies (web), so as to spur the rise of a new and larger entrepreneurial class. This would be the appropriate way to provide an effective and immediate response to the growing need for employment, especially among the youth. From this perspective, the role of the Sportello Unico AttivitĂ Produttive (SUAP) is of strategic importance. In fact, in addition to dealing with licenses and authorizations in general, it is also warranted to play an active part in regional development policies. In this regard, one could imagine the creation of a business helpdesk (under the aegis of SUAP) entrusted (free of cost) to a chosen group of professionals capable of supporting entrepreneurs not only in the consolidation but also in the internationalization of their businesses. Finally, having created the regional prerequisites (security being naturally a priority), attracting the investment of external capital would be feasible. With reference to the second point, it would be interesting and innovative to aspire to a much higher level of detail than in the past through the creation of a permanent school of business management (perhaps in a location of symbolic importance, such as on a property confiscated from the Camorra). The courses could target entrepreneurs, aspiring entrepreneurs, managers (and aspiring managers) of small-medium enterprises (SMEs), and business mentors. An especially innovative figure (one not provided for by any existing law) is that of the business mentor, which would indicate a significant improvement in the quality of the public-private relationship; this would no longer promote financial flooding (deductions, subsidies, capital grants, etc.) as such, but would entail facilitating the adoption of best business practices. The costs of training the tutors could be covered by the public administration, and likewise (wholly or partly) those

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of engaging their professional services (perhaps for a specific period of time). In any event, this would create in SMEs a new managerial class at the highest market levels, in contrast to the current situation of a substantial shortage in this regard.â&#x20AC;?

AN UNCOMMON EXPERIENCE by Daniela Caianiello (2014)

I began my professional life working with my father in his accounting firm, where we applied ourselves to finding “legal strategies” (which some might call evasions) to allow successful enterprises to limit the proportion of profits they would have to share with an extremely demanding but unproductive partner—the State. After 5 years of this respectable work, I left my elegant office in the heart of Vomero to exercise my skills in two rather ill-famed districts of Napoli: the Spanish Quarter (known for its alleys of picturesque hanging laundry) and La Sanità (the birthplace of Totò). I was selected by Prof. Meldolesi to participate in project URBAN, implemented by the Municipality of Naples with the aim of promoting artisanal trades, including through the drafting of a proposal to extend small loans to businesses (up to a maximum of 60 million lira). Our ambitious, some would say dangerous, goal was to convince semi-underground enterprises to move towards regularization. Prof. Meldolesi dubbed us “street accountants” in order to highlight our proximity to the needs of small-scale artisans, who were often eager to regularize themselves for the sake of their own professional advancement but were intimidated by the innumerable bureaucratic requirements (paradoxically, several artisans had been subject to disproportionate penalties while their activities were regular, incurring unnecessarily heavy fines for every small infraction; instead, they had never been penalized while functioning irregularly, conveniently hidden from prying eyes). Within a few months, our squad of 5 team members working in pairs contacted almost 500 small shops (all those existing in these neighborhoods), having developed particular skills that enabled us to identify even the most concealed activities. Relating with these small entrepreneurs (actually more artisans than entrepreneurs) was easier than we expected, backed by these strict guidelines:

1. Introducing ourselves as young graduates interested only in the development of those disadvantaged areas. We made it clear from the very beginning that we were not salespersons (sellers of vacuum cleaners and encyclopedias were the most unwelcome), we did not want money, we were not Jehovah’s Witnesses, but most important, we had no inspection-related motives (we were not from the Financial Police or Department of Labor). Initially, our arrival triggered strange currents: people would suddenly abandon their workstations and greet us as if they were merely passers-by. On one occasion, when we explained the possible benefits of regularization to a business owner and his three colleagues (running their business entirely in black), he interrupted us claiming that the activity (they were producing about 100 bags) was only a hobby, because he was a public employee and so was obviously not interested in regularization. 2. Always accepting the coffees that we were generously invited to share (which always seemed to be freshly brewed); this served as a sort of peace pipe. These we drank without exception even if we had already drunk a dozen that very same day, despite the strain on our stomachs. Refusing would have been seen as an attempt to “keep our distance.” 3. We established a fair relationship with these people, in that we initially offered our services for free. In reality, we had an advantage because the consultants they engaged were not particularly knowledgeable. They were usually bookkeepers recommended by friends and relatives, who charged little but whose services were worth even less (a certain craftsman specializing in formal wear, to whom I explained the benefits and convenience of offering apprenticeship contracts to his young embroiderers and thereby regularizing them at little cost, was so happy with the service that he offered to sew my wedding dress: pity that I was already married!). We went on to support them in all the

AN UNCOMMON EXPERIENCE, by Daniela Caianiello (2014)

stages of financing, from completing the grant application to the final verification of how they had spent the money. Apart from some minor attempts to cheat, which were immediately foiled, they all behaved very correctly. This time, the State was no longer a distant entity to be “cheated” but was made up of real people, fresh-faced but intelligent youth who had tried every possible means to help them, above all for free (our meagre pay came directly from the Municipality of Naples, the executor of the project). I still recall the general amazement when word spread that we would accept no gifts, purely to avoid distortions in our rapport. At first there was disappointment on the part of those whose presents were not accepted—we refused literally everything, from bags to fresh pasta, from Christmas sweets to handmade umbrellas, and many other unknown gifts that were never opened. But later, this approach came to be respected and we gained more trust. Had we to accept gifts in any form, our availability could have been construed to be influenced by this; instead, our assistance had be perceived as entirely disinterested, an embodiment of the Friendly State. After this exhausting but highly satisfying apprenticeship which was consolidated by the launch of Project CUORE (Centri Urbani Operativi di Riqualificazione Economica), inspired by the example of other colleagues and enticed by the possibility of a steady income (since I now had a family to look after), I decided to attempt the public competitive exams. I enrolled in the 5th edition of Project RIPAM (Riqualificare la Pubblica Amministrazione) and began my studies (700 hours of coursework) to prepare myself to work in a public body. Thus, I went from being a “Street Accountant” to the “Chief Accountant” of the Municipality of Cardito—a major step forward for some, but a leap in the dark for me.

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As strange as it may seem, I encountered many more problems in the comfortable office of a public body than I did in three years of working in two ill-famed neighborhoods. The necessity of my appointment in the Municipality sprang from the need to replace the previous accountant, who had been caught red-handed several times but whom nobody had ever dared to denounce owing to his connections to influential local politicians. To render this substitution less humiliating, it was justified by the appointment of an up-to-date and qualified young person. Sadly, from among their specifications, the authorities were unable to dictate the sex of their ideal candidate; the incumbent Mayor wanted a man at all costs, and was deeply disappointed when he learned that a woman had been assigned to the role. I had to put up a considerable fight to be assigned to the Financial Services, since the Mayor was convinced that I would be a perfect candidate for the Social Services… My first year of work was notable for my being boycotted by “some funny prankster” who, to demonstrate my absolute incompetence, tried every day to lay traps and pitfalls for me (disappearing files, sabotaged accounts, incorrect information) and so take my place. In reality, I was able almost immediately to rely on the support of my colleagues, who were very happy to work in a more transparent fashion without the risk of being blamed for concealing the misdeeds of the previous Chief Accountant who, if the need arose, would have deflected all responsibility on to them. In any case, within a few years I created a close-knit and efficient team, to the exclusion of all slackers. Now, in fact, there exist tools to compel personnel to work and I use them all: when an employee is entrusted with a specific and measurable workload and does not complete it, processes to curb poor performance are activated, and they control employees’ clocking in and out to identify those who arbitrarily leave their workstations. For the administrator who has no wish to terminate an

employee—who in this case is also a voter—it is more convenient to transfer him to a less “rigorous” department (the previous Mayor used to call me “the Spartan” or even “the Islamic fundamentalist,” accusing me of being too uncompromising, but he essentially said this admiringly), thereby winning the gratitude of the offender who, after years of inertia, has had to endure the disgrace of having his hitherto incontestable productivity equated to zero. At present, we are four team members in the Financial Service. I have three colleagues, one of whom is an accountant, another a kindergarten teacher, and the other an electrician. I would vouch for their honesty and willingness; as for skills, mine will have to suffice. I have a special relationship with them: they trust me, my honesty, my professionalism, and they are ready to work hard to achieve set targets (the balance sheet documentation was prepared in record time, with the issue of more than 2000 invoices in one month for the audit of the funds received under D.L. 35/2013). They tell me, “We do it for you; the Municipality does not deserve anything, but you do.” They come even in the afternoons so that I do not have to work by myself, and try in every way to make their contributions. For my part I always defend them, taking responsibility for any mistakes in my department and giving them gifts on every occasion to make them feel part of a team, with rights and responsibilities. The only drawback is that they appreciate me so much they do not want me to ever leave the Municipality, and so, whenever I participate in a selection, they hope that I do not win. Nevertheless, I don’t think it’s their fault if I am eternally the “first among the unfavored” and therefore always rank second. In the employee selections conducted by Municipalities, in sectors that are particularly strategic for the Administration such as Social Services, the Department of Private Housing and the Human Resource Department,

being able to rely on a yes-man is more fundamental than solid skills. In these cases, the search for the ideal candidate (whether internal or external) is anchored to the essential requirement of agreeing to the Mayor’s every demand, whether legitimate or not. Fortunately the Financial Service, my area of expertise, requires solid competencies in order to avoid serious and irreparable consequences such as the collapse of the institution, which would have grave implications for the political careers of its administrators (if they are held responsible for the crisis, they suffer a sort of “exit” and cannot be re-elected for 10 years, in addition to being prosecutable by the Court of Auditors). Therefore, the Mayor is more inclined to tolerate my “fixations,” which are actually just transparent working methods. One of the greatest sources of friction with the political machinery stems from its claim to deciding whom to pay and when. In times when resources are scarce and payments can be delayed for up to 20 months, this discretion imputes an enormous power. For this reason, I maintain in my office a chronological register of payments wherein EVERYONE can verify his dues and NOBODY can bypass anyone else (apart from very few exceptions governed by accounting regulations). The law is useful in this regard, because even the Constitutional Court in ruling n. 211/2003 has declared that the immunity of public bodies vis-à-vis its creditors can be invoked only if payments have been made in strict chronological order. It is vital NEVER to deviate from this because once an exception is made, everyone will feel entitled to demand similar consideration. Eventually the Mayor conceded, because it is clear that I will bend the rules neither for HIM nor for ME, and much less for his opponents; this assurance is very important. Further, I have the advantage of being able to invoke the punitive intervention of the Court of Auditors, which is much more effective than even the bogeyman is for children. For example, I was recently able

AN UNCOMMON EXPERIENCE, by Daniela Caianiello (2014)

to convince the Mayor to exchange his official car (an Alfa Romeo 156), which exceeded the maximum permissible power, for a humble Fiat Punto.

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PRINCIPLES OF “GOOD MANAGEMENT” IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR by Paolo Di Nola

Paolo di Nola is an executive in a public firm, an enterprise organized in the manner of a commercial company. His ten principles of good management are the product of his professional experience and his approach to conceiving of and experiencing public administration with a passion for change. Each of these principles is articulated with a “for” and an “against,” and teaches us how to combat the corporatism that manifests itself in specific situations, countering it with innovative solutions. This text was prepared for the “Dossier on Public Administration” (MEGLIO, May 2014, www.effeddi.it ). In a subsequent interview (September 2015), Paolo di Nola illustrated some of the ten principles with examples and further reflections ( www.effeddi.it ). The improvement of the status quo of the public administration (PA) can be achieved by applying the principles of “good management.” These are “private sector rules” that are relevant also in the public sector: the two spheres must undoubtedly learn from each other. Listed below are a series of these principles as they have been experienced in a professional capacity, within a public organization that strives to practice (though not always successfully and with much remaining to be done) the simple rules of proper administration. Return on costs: against inefficiency A cost must generate revenue: this is the basic principle for any organization engaged in economic activity. This revenue generates either strictly economic profits or improved well-being for the community. Understanding the returns on costs is an essential method of improving management. It exposes the weaknesses of the organization and its activities. This is not merely an accounting concern but a cultural approach to work. Defining the cost of one hour of work motivates everyone to reflect on the value produced in this hour of work. The understanding of cost structure emerges from an analysis of the returns generated by a cost in the form of results/revenues: specifying the relationship between direct costs (incurred in the production of a goods/ser-

vices) and indirect costs (those necessary for the maintenance and functioning of the organization, regardless of production) facilitates major organizational changes. Organization of Production: against overstaffing The PA, in the imagination of Italians, is a sort of large “body of staff” of the country. Namely, an organization that does not produce but assists others engaged in production. In companies, especially during difficult periods, staff personnel are seen as energy-consuming entities that are failing to contribute (except very indirectly) to the profits and health of the organization. If they are also perceived to be too numerous, their reputation and justifiability collapses. Their cost is considered to be entirely unproductive and supported by the work of production personnel. It is common knowledge that the unproductivity of the PA is sustained by the rest of the country and by the very few within the administration who also do the work of their colleagues. Knowing the ratio between “staff” (indispensable functions that cannot be eliminated but must be rationalized) and “line workers” is an analytical exercise essential for reorganizing the general structure of the organization along productive lines: the maximum ratio between the two components must be 20:80. Resource saturation: against underutilization This does not mean “exploitation,” but rather enabling workers to achieve much more. Work schedules are not sufficient and are often not reliable. With all due respect to the rights of workers, a schedule indicating a full workload does not rule out the availability of time and energy to devote to other tasks. Often, this schedule has been drawn up with excessive caution and there is generally room to do more. It is possible to easily find reservoirs of “energy” that are at least 30%–40% unused. While it may be difficult to capitalize on these “treasure troves,” it is necessary to at least attempt this and insist on it.

PRINCIPLES OF “GOOD MANAGEMENT” IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR, by Paolo Di Nola

Performance management and evaluation: against a lack of self-knowledge The three issues described above (return on costs, organization of production and resource saturation) can be addressed by understanding initial conditions and the effects they generate. The adoption of credible performance management systems (especially in the PA, where “economic intangibility” becomes a screen that hinders a real understanding of outcomes) and the evaluation of results, effects and impacts are the basic instruments for concretely undertaking restructuring and reorganization. However, it is necessary to prioritize the identification and definition of simple, easily measurable parameters that are not so sophisticated as to heavily burden structures that are already weak. Limiting outsourcing to consultants: against the loss of self-esteem There are various ways to undertake the difficult process of reform. One of the most convenient is outsourcing the function of “diagnosis and treatment.” The engagement of consulting firms is a practice adopted by all governments occupied with the reform of the PA. Without dismissing their value, it is nevertheless true that their usefulness depends directly on the nature of the problem and therefore on the technical expertise needed to resolve it. The general analyses and its consequent solutions have to be implemented by the very same structure in need of reform. It is unlikely that given the objectives and methodology, there is no internal capacity to carry out analyses. Entrusting this to third parties which, to economize operations, tend not to identify with the structure almost always creates products that are unusable because they are insipid and exogenous. The structure rejects them even if they are founded on valid technical principles. Continuous change: against the blockage of energy

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Creating an efficient structure does not mean that the task of reform has been accomplished. Organizations must be reshuffled to keep them dynamic. This invests individuals with a sense of autonomy and independence in the development of their careers. Individuals who are continually associated with new colleagues and new organizations must frequently evaluate and demonstrate their skills in new environments. Organizational stagnation induces operational lethargy and facilitates the underutilization of resources. Frequent organizational change can, despite operational disturbances, generate revitalizing effects by: 1. breaking down internal hierarchies and lobbies 2. discouraging negative external relationships (individuals who do not remain too long in the same post will not be able to “favor” friends and acquaintances) 3. re-establishing professional standards (as in the case of flight crews that are replaced for every flight) While it is not necessary to always change the cards (although extreme situations obviously require it), it is certainly essential to shuffle the deck. Aiming higher: against a poverty of ambition The weak condition of the PA perpetuates a phenomenon of deteriorating performance and “production” wherein the less one does, the less one is required to do, because: 1. technical abilities are weakened 2. the wealth of experience that can be drawn on for growth is reduced 3. the administration limits itself, in the best scenario, to goals that are within its reach and does not harbor ambitious aspirations.

The inability to spend EU funds, as evident from the results of recent programming cycles, is also the outcome of a chronic deficit in ambition: mundane tasks substitute structural interventions (which would also enable expenditure), thereby aggravating the general state of affairs. If certain issues are not addressed through structural measures, they are exacerbated over time and become so intense that all solutions appear trivial and insufficient (in cases such as that of Pompeii, of the restoration of certain polluted sites, in disaster prevention, or in hospital management). It is necessary to nurture courage of ambition in the PA, supporting it even on a legislative level. Affirming team reputations: against the denial of distinctions and the suffocation of pride This means encouraging offices and administrations to compete with each other to achieve results, with a concrete system for recognizing accomplishments. Creating distinctive identities for teams and offices is extremely useful. The feeling of being part of an inefficient body does not always defeat the goal of becoming more capable, more efficient and higher-performing. Yet, the fear of being “equated with the worst” inhibits progress; the conviction that “my ministry is a disaster” thwarts the possibility of proving that, on the contrary, it is possible to perform better even within it and while being part of it. The recognition (even without rewards) of the abilities of a particular team, an office, a department, etc. can spread fairly quickly. It becomes evident that certain individuals are better than others and can be relied on to achieve objectives, even ones that are out of the ordinary! External reputation generates concrete effects if it translates into the rise of team spirit, of a strong identity and self-confidence. Belief in one’s own abilities can overcome even the general despondency created by difficult administrative situations. But at a certain point, tangible rewards must be offered: the delay or absence of

concrete rewards neutralizes the reformative power of the enthusiasm and pride that still exist within the PA. Knowing how to buy, negotiate and manage purchases: against the aversion to the market The administration’s capacity to accurately identify its operative limits (where high-level technical expertise is not internally available) aids in understanding the need for integration through a rational recourse to the market. If it is truly necessary, those skills which the administration lacks can be acquired through the market. Procurement (comprising the entire purchasing cycle, including identification of needs, formulation of a market demand, use of correct tendering procedures, selection of suppliers, drafting of contracts, quality control of the acquired products, etc.) is one of the essential functions of the administration and ought to be significantly strengthened. Lack of competence in this regard leads to wastages (when procurement is abused, sloppy or incorrect), while purchasing ability dictates the effective composition of technical expertise needed to prepare for and execute the tasks of the PA. Knowing how to purchase well also implies reducing the “fear” of the market and accords importance to the internal work of the PA. This requires a radical transformation of traditional purchasing methods (through the introduction of e-procurement platforms, central procurement bodies, quality assessment of the products received, contractual modifications to safeguard the PA, etc.) Result-based remuneration: against automatism In addition to previous discussions regarding the cap on public sector salaries, it is essential to emphasize performance-based remuneration—in its genuine form, not one that is constructed using excessively easy or already-achieved objectives. A variable component of salary must be offered even to non-managerial staff; this can be constituted from funds saved by eliminating unnecessary expenses. This bonus will be available only to

PRINCIPLES OF â&#x20AC;&#x153;GOOD MANAGEMENTâ&#x20AC;? IN THE PUBLIC SECTOR, by Paolo Di Nola

those who intend to assume specific responsibilities (coherent with the duties associated with their particular level). This mechanism triggers a doubly advantageous process. On one hand, it promotes the rationalization of expenditure, and on the other, it incentivizes productivity and anchors it to simple, clear, measureable targets that are always raised, according to the abovementioned principle of continuous ambition. Every year, while defining the objectives for this variable component, this ambition ought to grow. This process must never cease.

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CIVILIZING PRACTICES by Francesco Cioffi (Oct 2015)

It is often assumed that entrepreneurship is a “self-inducing” phenomenon that automatically grows and expands, and that the public administration, in contrast, is destined never to work, almost as if it were condemned to this fate by a “divine curse.” The truth is more mundane and predictable: every organization is under the sway of those who plan for and direct it. It is a sobering thought that the present public and private ruling class is the logical product of two decades of cultural impoverishment in the country, but this is no reason to despair. It only calls for intelligence, managerial skills and, naturally, time. The political class does not seem ready for or inclined towards a dialogue with those who could guide it towards a higher plane, not only for the sake of the country but for also its own … electoral advantage. This does not imply that one should interrupt or stop seeking avenues for engagement, but simply that it is necessary to pursue alternative strategies: direct and indirect civilizing actions targeted at those who select the political class and may perhaps later evaluate it. As the levels of freedom and civility among a people increase, so does their indignation and consequently, the incentive to change (or risk decadence) vis-à-vis the political class which, if it does not adapt, could appear inadequate. The more the evolution, the lower is the probability of reverting to previous civic standards, simply because they are no longer tolerated. After all, a participative democracy functions better when cultural asymmetries among its components are minimized. Fundamentally, this entails grassroots actions aimed at restoring the normal functioning of a participative democracy which, in recent years, has been deliberately “diluted,” even by the media. After basic training as a development economist, rooted to these axioms and with the idea of practically testing new policies, I embarked upon a management career

specializing in the development and reorganization of SMEs and (more recently) the public administration. I spent 15 years travelling the length and breadth of Italy striving to revive or launch enterprises, as well as training entrepreneurs, managers and employees using an entrepreneurial as well as an economic approach. I experimented with a training model incorporating economic, commercial and social elements, following the logic of balanced personal/professional development aimed primarily at nurturing ideas/talents and forging civic consciousness. This is an approach that relies on a largely participative management style directed towards raising civic standards and increasing individual liberties, so as to preclude a return to previous levels. This has entailed infusing culture but also promoting a different mentality—oriented more towards entrepreneurship than towards employment/dependence. These initiatives were useful in carrying out, among other things, field trials of certain theoretical concepts proposed by A. O. Hirschman and Eugenio Colorni, imbued with theoretical and practical interpretations by Prof. Meldolesi (self-subversion, cognitive dissonance, the hiding hand, the process of stumbling, etc.). Thus, these practices have engendered a constant evolution in my thought by way of practical evidence from the field. In fact, apart from the influence of the illustrious social economists mentioned above, these ideas originated from field research conducted as part of my thesis “Big business and the direct and indirect spread of skills, as a driver of the local economy. The case of Texas Instruments, Aversa (CE).” This study demonstrates how a cultural/organizational model that was intended to secure a competitive advantage generated, over time and unconsciously, an extraordinary wave of civic and economic development in the region. Thus emerged the idea of implementing indirect civilizing practices through the reorganization and develop-

CIVILIZING PRACTICES, by Francesco Cioffi (Oct 2015)

ment of local SMEs. It implied “killing two birds with one stone”: increasing the competitiveness of enterprises and generating civic economy in the region. And so it was! Fifteen years of work, more than 30 enterprises/public bodies engaged with as a manager or consultant, and a mobile business school created (with Tommaso Di Nardo) have entirely validated what I had intuited at that time. The results include: 1. Enterprises rendered competitive through reorganization and repositioning in target markets 2. Entrepreneurs and employees professionally trained 3. Widespread regularization of irregular forms of work owing to an improved capacity to manage business affairs Important professional, cultural and civic repercussions within the regions in question All this confirms the pedagogical value of the entrepreneurial system! However, it is clear that if this type of approach is practiced in a scattered and disjointed manner, its effects are limited to individual instances, in contrast to the outcomes if it were to be adopted as a regional social and economic policy. The active involvement of parties officially entrusted with this role (states, regions, provinces, municipalities, local media, etc.) could also contribute to the development of the region through legislation inclined more towards “supporting” (mentorship or direct training) than towards “financing” (tax breaks and financial subsidies) the development and consolidation of enterprises. Hence springs the proposal for the creation of a managerial class specifically for SMEs, embodied by the mentor: a professional figure who is an amalgamation of entrepreneur, economist and local development agent.

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In conclusion, there exists enormous untapped potential in the form of people, enterprises and public bodies that need only guidance and support to express their full energy and vitality; conversely, there is also a structural lack of managerial personnel (entrepreneurs, public and private managers, members of cooperatives, etc.) capable of executing this. Initiating, implementing and supervising these processes is something that only a few can do. It is more convenient (and popular) to believe that ideas and finance (subsidized if possible) will suffice!

A FAMILY ENTERPRISE CASE HISTORY by Francesco Messina (2015)

Employees: 12 - Turnover: 6 million - Sector: Sales At the beginning of the consulting engagement, the enterprise exhibits the following characteristics: • • •

the owner’s children have been working in the firm for 10 years without being regularized; the employees work an average of 11 hours a day and are not paid for overtime; the employees are granted one week of leave a year.

We observe that • productivity is low; • the enterprise is unable to assess the profit per client. After one year of consultation: • the owner’s children have been regularly employed; • two new employees have been hired; • the employees work an average of 8 hours a day; • the employees are granted two weeks of leave a year; • the inventory is computerized; • the clientele has been categorized according to turnover and promptness in payment, and annual incentives for model clients have been introduced; • wastages due to reordering and due to the average inventory period have been resolved; • damage to the stock has been drastically reduced; • the average number of client orders per month has increased; • interest costs have been reduced; • the inventory has been enlarged and picking has been optimized with an increase of about 80% in hourly productivity and a 10% increase in turnover. All these innovations have generated a surplus, part of which has been distributed among the employees. How this was possible The second generation wanted to find ways to push the company out of old inherited operating methods, but did not possess the tools to do so. The father was inclined to acquiesce only if he could understand the advantages of the alternative methods. This was not merely a monetary cost-benefit calculation, because the decision not made on a purely rational level but hinged on the need for establishing a single accounting sy-

stem aimed at performance management and the liberation of mental resources that had been distracted from strategic planning. Conclusions The case study presented here is a fairly common example that, to various extents, we have encountered at dozens of companies. Businesses are often unable to pinpoint solutions that can ensure greater productivity, eliminate internal inefficiencies and generate greater value by identifying new market niches. Their difficulty is reinforced by certain elements: •

• • •

the absence of reliable data, since the management of two parallel accounting systems makes it impossible to generate analytical accounts in order to understand profit margins: the absence of internal managerial skills; the engagement of external professionals who promote or suggest unsuitable practices or behaviors; the strong internal culture of and deftness in adopting evasive and elusive practices and paths, endorsed by feedback and by the local culture;

With regard to this last point, it must be noted that in certain sectors, the local B2B market requires these practices and favors suppliers who can deliver goods without producing the necessary invoice, or who indicate lower quantities and prices different from the real ones. Therefore, businesses that want to determine their average selling price, the quantity sold to a single client or the profit margin of a product or business unit have to resort to complicated calculations in Excel, which are often incorrect. Even when the local market wishes to perpetuate such behaviors, the above points remain valid. In particular, the absence of managerial skills in the identification of new distribution channels and in supply chain management can oblige an enterprise to remain irregular. In fact, we have observed that enterprises which have opened their business to international markets opt for regularization and draw from it significant informational advantages. Entrepreneurs perceive that the status quo constrains development because it drains mental energy that could be used to refine strategy and the understanding of the internal and external environment.

A FAMILY ENTERPRISE CASE HISTORY, by Francesco Messina (2015)

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PART 3 - PUBLICATIONS ON OUR CLASSICS

REFERENCE BOOKS Books by Albert Hirschman National Power and the Structure of Foreign Trade (1945), Berkeley Cal., University of California Press; third ed., with a new introduction, 1980. The Strategy of Economic Development (1958), New Heaven Conn., Yale University Press. Journeys toward Progress. Studies of Economic Policy-Making in Latin America (1963), New York, Twentieth Century Fund. Development Projects Observed (1967), Washington D.C., Brookings. Exit, Voice, and Loyalty: Responses to Decline in Firms, Organizations and States (1970), Cambridge (Mass.), Harvard University Press. A Bias for Hope. Essays on Development and Latin America (1971), New Haven (Conn.), Yale University Press. The Passions and the Interests. Political Arguments for Capitalism before its Triumph (1977), Princeton, NJ, Princeton University Press. Essays in Trespassing: Economics to Politics and Beyond (1981), Cambridge U.K., Cambridge University Press. Shifting Involvements. Private Interest and Public Action (1982), Princeton N.J., Princeton University Press. Getting Ahead Collectively: Grassroots Experiences in Latin America (1984), New York, Pergamon. Rival Views of Market Societies and Other Recent Essays (1986), New York, Viking. Rhetoric of Reaction. Perversity, Futility, Jeopardy (1991), Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press. A Propensity to Self-Subversion (1995), Cambridge Mass., Harvard University Press. Crossing Boundaries. Selected Writings (1998), New York, Zone. Books by Clifford Geertz Religion of Java (1960), Glencoe, Ill., The Free Press. Peddlers and Princes (1963), Chicago, Chicago University Press. Islam Observed, Religious Development in Morocco and indonesia (1968), New Haven, Yale University Press.

Geertz e Lawrence Rosen) , New York, Cambridge University Press. Negara, the Theater State in Nineteenth Century Bali (1981), Princeton, Princeton University Press. Local Knowledge, Further Essays in Interpretative Anthropology (1983), New York, Basic Books. Available Light , Anthropological Reflections on Philosophical Topics (2000), Princeton, Princeton University Press. Related books Adelman, Jeremy (2013), Wordly Philosopher. The Odissey of Albert O. Hirschman, Princeton, Princeton University Press. Darnton, Robert (1984) The Great Cat Massacre, and Other Episodes in French Cultural History, New York, Basic Books. Darnton, Robert (1990) The Kiss of Lamourette. Reflections in Cultural History, New York, Norton. Ellerman, David (2006), Helping People Help Themselves, Ann Arbor (MI), University of Michigan Press. Fry, Varian (1992), Assignment Rescue, New York, Scholastic Inc. Hirschman, Sarah (2009), People and Stories, New York, IUniverse Inc. Hirschmann, Ursula (2009), Nous Sans Patrie, Paris, Les Belles Lettres. Institute for Advanced Study (2013), A Bias for Hope. Commemorating the life of Albert Hirschman, Princeton. Lepenies, Wolf (1988), Between Literature and Science: the Rise of Sociology (ideas in Context), Cambridge UK, Cambridge University Press. Lepenies, Wolf (2006), The Seduction of Culture in German History, Princeton NJ, Princeton University Press. Meldolesi, Luca (1995), Discovering the Possible. The Surprising World of Albert Hirschman, Notre Dame IN, Notre Dame University Press. Scott Joan and Keats Debra (2001), Schools of thought: twenty five years of interpretive social science, Princeton, Princeton University Press. Sewell, William H. (2005), Logics of History: Social Theory and Social transformation, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

The Interpretation of Cultures (1973), New York, Basic Books.

Tendler, Judith (1984), Electric Power in Brazil: Entrepreneurship in the Public Sector, Cambridge Mass, Harvard University Press.

Kinship in Bali (1975, con Hildred Geertz), Chicago, University of Chicago Press.

The Tocqueville Review (2010), Between Worlds: the Life and Work of Albert O. Hirschman, vol. XXXI, n. 2

Meaning and Order in Moroccan Society (1978, con Hildred

LONG IS THE JOURNEY ISSUE N.1