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Tokyo Public Toilet: Changing the value of urban publicness through its spatial quality

Lim Boon Hau

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Tokyo Public Toilet

Tokyo Public Toilet: Changing the value of urban publicness through its spatial quality

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Obuchi Laboratory Advanced Design Studio Department of Architecture Graduate Schoold of Engineering The University of Tokyo Lim Boon Hau Primary Advisor Professor Yusuke Obuchi Collaborative Advisor Professor Akiko Okabe Professor Kawazoe Yoshiyuki Course Assistant Yusuke Komata

Tokyo Public Toilet

Abstract

The use of toilets go beyond our imagination other than a place for secretion due to the privacy it provides. The same goes as a public toilet, with a lock and door a private space is formed and many things can happen inside. Public toilets can provide more than just voiding needs and contain spatial qualities. But there is a lack of exploration on these aspects. Public toilets are a place for socializing during defecation during the Roman world and in modern society, it acts as a place for mental management in outdoor space. Public space and toilets which are private in nature are in contrast to each other. Yet, public toilets play an important role in the public space of a city. This complex duality that inhibits inside public toilets is worth investigating because dialecticism is where new possibilities and overlooked gems can be discovered. Publicness of Tokyo is examined through the lens of public toilets in this paper via the spatial qualities of public toilets. Through chronological study, the relationship between public toilets and publicness in Japan from the Edo period until present time is established. The transformation of publicness in the city is found parallel with the evolution of public toilets in Japan. By means of revealing the spatial characteristics of Tokyoâ€™s public toilets, it unpacks the potential of public toilets in a city. At the same time, it changes the perspective towards urban publicness of Tokyo.

Acknowledgement

Tokyo Public Toilet

I would like to take this opportunity to personally thank the

people who support , contribute and inspire during the journey

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of creating this thesis book. I would like to thank my project advisor, Professor Yusuke Obuchi for giving me the chance to explore this topic, his critical advice and proper guidance enable me to go through stages of obstacles. Also, thanks for my scholarship sponsors, Nihon Chouzai from reducing my burden so that I can focus on the research. Lastly, thanks for the support from my beloved family and friends. Without these people, this book could not have been written. Lim Boon Hau

Chapter Name Here

Contents

Introduction: The Other Faces

PART I: Public Toilet with Publicness and Spatiality Chapter 1: Public Toilet & Publicness

16 16

Toilet in Public

Publicness of Public Toilet

Dialectical Theory

Dialectical Architectural Approach Chapter 2: Public Toilet & Spatiality

24 24

Towards Spatiality

Spatial Publicness

Theoretical Framework

Research Objectives PART II: Tokyo Public Toilet Chapter 3: The Parallel Relationship

32 32

Sharing as Origin

Foreign Influence

Reconstruction

Capitalism Chapter 4: Spatial Value

PART III: Spatial Discovery of Publicness Chapter 5: Discovery Method

46 46

Google Map

Google Street View

Strolling

Categorizing

Guidebook Chapter 6: Spatial Discovery

48 48

01_Logistical (Expressway _ Taxis _ Informal Station)

02_Urban Scenic (Borrowing Scene _ Urban Views _ Junction Okuness)

Tokyo Public Toilet

03_Secretive (Outdoor Domestic Living _ Commercialized Publicness _ Public Privateness)

04_Silentness (Amae Noise _ Two Worlds _ Amae Soudscape)

05_Appropriation (Human Touch_ Community _ Municipality)

06_Urban Behavior (Commonalities_ Consumerism Publicness_ In Between) 07_Network

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(Dynamic Space_ Microscopic Network _

Urban Strolling) 64

Conclusion

Catalogue

References

Appendix

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Tokyo Public Toilet

The Other Face of Public Toilets

Visiting a toilet is a basic action of human lifestyle. Study showed that people will spend an average of 6 to 7 times per day using a toilet and it counts to around 180 times per month. This quantitative data showed how often people relate themselves with the space created through toilets. Nevertheless, what makes a toilet an interesting subject is that it functions out its intended purpose as a place for personal bodily business. Houses provide domestic privacy for a person or family to keep them away from other people in the public space. Inside this private space, toilets constitute another layer of privacy within the family member. House is a bounded space, if a number of family members are living at the same place in a small house then not much time for alone (Peter, 1999 p.3). So toilets become a place to secure personnel space even in a house. As it is a highly private space, what happened inside always goes beyond one's imagination. Toilets generate culture, examples like toilet reading. Toilets have been a place for reading throughout history and getting common within the younger generation with the advance of smartphones because it is a place without interruption (Heather, 2011). The same thing goes when it comes to toilets in the public. Public toilets allow people to feel relaxed, fearful, free from judgement, it is a place of comfort and unese (Beck, 2014). Public toilets are used as a place to manage mental conditions in a public space, especially important events (Miho, 2017). In Roman world, 10

public latrines are a place to socialize while defecating other

Tokyo Public Toilet

Fig. 1

Reading of book inside

toilet: the toilet reading culture. (Simic, 2012) Fig. 2

One of sleeping tech-

nique of salary man in Japan while taking nap. (JapanToday, 2012)

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Fig. 3

Using of phone in-

side toilet, a common practice in contemporary society. (TheStar, 2019)

Fig. 4

People are socializing

while defecating in public toilets during in the Roman world. (Odyssey, 2017)

Fig. 5

Toilet as archeology

site for tracing human history. (Kanehara et al, 2003)

Tokyo Public Toilet

public toilets are part of the heritage industry, it acts as an important architectural artefacts and also an archeological site to discover the traits of humans (Greed, 2003, pg.31). By just looking through the toilet, we can discover different human activities in respect to a situation of a society. While there exist many other possible ways to explore human activities, I argue that by studying the space with this piece of infrastructure, it is possible to explore more overlooked social conditions with the spatiality it poses. Public toilets are usually a place where one aims to get out of it as soon as possible (Braverman, 2009). The literature above suggests that it is not really the case. Public toilets contain spatial quality that allow it to behave beyond a space for public convenience. However, the spatial quality of public toilets are rarely being explored and most of the research regarding public toilets focused on practical issues (Banks, 2019; Greed, 2003,2004; Molotch and Noren, 2010; Nirta, 2014; Penner, 2005; Afacan and Gurel, 2015). So, the main objective of this paper will address the research gap through spatial discovery of public toilets. Public toilets are important and necessary for contemporary social life. However, its position on public space is extremely blurred. Public toilets are considered public as it is shared by the society yet the activities performed inside are highly private (Blumenthal, 2004). This is the unique characteristic posed by public toilets as a public space. So, rather than trying to make a clear stand on the distinction between private and public, this duality can be explored as the dialectical properties of public toilets. Dialectic is where new possibilities and discoveries can be found (Ball, 1979; Reuten, 1998). It unified two opposing logical concepts as a way to synthesize an output. Meaning it is possible for a public toilet to act as a discovery device. Many researchers have highlighted the relationship between public toilets and publicness of an urban space (Anthony and Dyfresne, 2007; Blumenthal, 2004; Greed, 2003,2004; Jack Sim, 2002; Knight and Bichard, 2011; Scoular, 2019;). The idea of publicness is said suitable to represent the contemporary public space as it is flexible to deal with phenomena of privatization that lead to an ambiguous situation in public space. Publicness comes with privateness, their meaning lost if one is not in opposition to another. Similar situations can be noticed in public toilets. The concept of publicness is applied to public

toilets (Blumenthal, 2014; Kira, 1976). So, if to say publicness

is where contemporary public space belongs to. To study public toilets means studying the publicness of contemporary public spaces.

Tokyo Public Toilet

defines the contemporary public space then public toilets

So the objective of spatial discovery will be used as a medium to study the publicness of a city. Through the mutual relationship established between public toilets, publicness and spatial quality, a theoretical framework is proposed. This framework will apply in the context of Tokyo for this research. This paper will conclude by showing that a new perspective towards the publicness of a city can be discovered through the lens of public toilets from its spatial values.

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Tokyo Public Toilet

PART I:

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Public Toilet with Publicness & Spatiality

Tokyo Public Toilet

Public Toilet & Publicness

Which aspect of public toilets we should study is the next question for this paper. Public toilets is a highly stigmatized subject of general discourse as Greed (2003) labelled it. So, he highlighted that public toilets should be inclusive in character rather than been treated as an unpleasant low status functional object. Yet, when it comes to the topic of public toilets, the focus of study is mainly dealing with the provision, planning and management of technical aspects (Greed, 2003:2004; Molotch and Noren. 2010; Penner, 2005). There is more research on public toilets in recent years conducted around the subject of provision, governmental policies and management, professional, organization and cultural contexts (Yasemin and Meltem, 2015). Nirta (2014) and Banks (2019) have claimed that sex-segregation and accessibility are the recent focused of scholars on public toilets. Toilet in Public Public toilets sit in an awkward position in the public realms. Public toilets are public yet private, both of them are in contrast. Toilet and public do not fit well with each other and this conflict cannot simply explain through words (Molotch and Noren, 2010). That is why things are complicated when a discussion revolves around public toilets. It is a public space that is shared by many people, yet involves intensively private acts in using the facility. Public toilets are said to be always 16

conflicting in sense regardless of any aspects. An arguable

Tokyo Public Toilet

list of opposite elements surrounding the public toilet is created by Clara Greed, a prominent scholar in toilet space, to structure the condition. Private and public is one of the elements in the list in which the term dualism is suggested to represent them as a whole (Greed,2003). People are attracted to public toilets to fulfill voiding needs but repelled as well due to stigmatization. The function of public toilets are by means for the society but they are designed based on a private ritual done by an individual (Blumenthal, 2014). Instead of trying to encourage social interaction like that of plaza it aims to avoid that as much as possible. The best use of public toilets is that people should ignore each other in the place (Emily, 2019). Braverman (2009) stated that privacy comes to onesâ€™ mind when thinking about toilets even if it is situated in a public space and shared by a society. Judging from this statement, it means that people tend to refer to public toilets as a private place even though it is a public space.

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Private

Public Toilet

Public or Private ???

Public Toilet Fig. 6 Toilet when placed in public space become awkard in nature. It is public yet private.

House

Public Space

Dogs are free to pee; people risk legal sanction for the same behavior. Is the problem the pee or the people? (Molotch and Noren, 2010 p.93) Nevertheless, this contrast does not appear out of sudden without any reasons. The concern of privacy does not exist in public toilets from the start. It is pure public or to better explain it, there is no public toilet but only the action on toileting outside of home. Before the fifteenth century, the performance of bodily functions in the public was said as a form of social activity without a fear of taboo where people expressed it comfortably without much consideration (Blumenthal, 2014). Toilets in the public space during that period exist in a free form, it is public without any consideration of private issues until the modern excretory shift where shame and embarrassment become a general concern in public space. The idea of shame and secrecy makes toileting an 17

act of embarrassment and humiliation that should be done

Tokyo Public Toilet

behind closed doors (Haslam, 2012). Civilization with new social practice transforms toileting in public into the current form. The more vague and articulate the boundary, “the more civilized a place appears to be” (Madanipour, 2003, p. 66). With the rise of privacy concern in the public spaces of a city, it put public toilets in an even awkward situation.

OK~

OK~ OK~

AH !

! !

OK~

///

OK~

OK~ !

OK~

///

Fig. 7 Civilization with shame and embrassment transformed open toileting in public space.

Public Toileting

Shame & Embarassment

Covered Toilet

Publicness of Public Toilets Public toilets are about the sharing of space that none of us want to share (Kira, 1976). The distinction between private and public becomes complicated in the space of the washroom (Law, 2009, p.55). This ambiguity as Barcan (2014) pointed out is difficult to accommodate in a single site to meet the conflicting needs of different social groups thus always a dilemma for designers. Yet, Barcan (2010) argued that this is where the idea of the public is continually reproduced as interaction of daily basics between different entities are unavoidable through the sharing of similar necessities provided in the space. Nevertheless, the concept of publicness is said to be suitable to describe the ambiguous condition of public toilet space because it comes with the factor of degree between privateness and publicness which center around its development (Blumenthal, 2014). Alexander Kira (1976) defined the publicness of public toilets based on two aspects, first is through the strangeness of a place and second refers to the cleanliness of space. Both informed the level of usage and activity of public toilets thus its publicness at the same time remind people that they are not in a private space. The ideal of truly ‘public’ in public space is difficult to achieve in post industrial cities with an absolute public and private condition (Akkar, 2005). It is suitable to define the current public spaces in a city through the degree of publicness by accepting that the relation between public space and private space is a continuum. Publicness is a more flexible term where it can endure the constantly formulated and reformulated 18

situation of public space through time (Németh, 2009). With

Tokyo Public Toilet

the existence of privately owned public space, the boundary of public and private is getting blurred. In order to define the situation, many researchers had applied the connotation of publicness as an instrument of study (Benn and Gaus, 1983; Francis, 1989; de Magalhães, 2010; Németh & Schmidt, 2011; Langstraat and Vab Melik, 2013 ). Rather than trying to make a clear stand between private and public, hybridization of both becomes an option. Public space is produced through a dialectic of inclusion and exclusion, order and disorder, rationality and irrationality, violence and peaceful dissent (Mitchell, 2003, p. 51). So, we can wind up that a space that can describe the idea of publicness is where the contemporary urban public space belongs and in this case, the public toilets. Moreover, notions of “public” and “private” cannot exist without an opposite comparison of both (Kumar, 1997). Even the term ‘public’ can be simplified as the opposition of private, yet both of them are undeniably interconnected in which they

meaning only make sense when related to each other (Lopes,

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2015).So, it signifies if there is no privateness then there will be no publicness. If the current nature of public toilets is to exist in such contrast conditions with privateness and publicness, then we can say that public toilets are the place where real publicness exists. Therefore, the study of public toilets can lead us to find the truth of public space. Contemporary Urban Public Space

Best define through

Public Toilet

Publicness

Publicness Can define through

Public Toilet

Representation

Contemporary Urban Public Space

Fig. 8 Public toilets represent the contemporary public space through its publicness.

Study Device The restroom thus becomes a tool for figuring out just how a society functions-what it values, how it separates people from one another, and the kinds of trade-offs that come to be made”

(Molotch and Noren, 2010, page 8).

The role of public toilets as a study device of a city is widely acknowledged. Greed (2003) mentioned that public toilets have been a device to study and discover the unknown history of humans. It is because traces are leaving these places as there were no sewerage systems. Civilization of a place can 19

reflect through the public toilet as Lewis Mumford said, ”you

Tokyo Public Toilet

can judge the quality of a civilization by the way it disposes of its waste” . Namely, it reflects the degree in which a society placed their concern on the relationship between the environment and their body. Also, according to Harvey Molotch, a public toilet is a better discovery tool for social betterment because of its conflict nature that involves the consideration of both public and private factors. This is especially so for the public toilets in the contemporary city. This contraction can be defined as the dialectical nature of public toilets in a city which make it a suitable study device. Dialectic Theory The meaning of dialectic as defined by Cambridge Dictionary as a way of discovering what is true by considering opposite theories. It exists in a form of theory that centres around the use of contradiction of two opposite elements or logical concepts as a way to understand a situation through the unification of both rather than taking the opposition as an issue to deal with. Dialectical theory is a sort of philosophical argument method that involves the process of contradiction between two opposite identities (Maybee, 2019). Everyday life can be simply explained through this theory ( Hirokawa, 2013). Dialectical methods break the often logical and causal analysis on an identification of equilibrium with negative feedback models (Ball, 1979). One of the prominent theories in this field is The Hegel’s Dialectical Theory, in which rationalism and empiricism is critically synthesized (Reuten, 1998). The simplification of Hegel’s Dialectical Theory can be described through the equation of Thesis plus Antithesis equal to Synthesis. Dialectical solution can resolve two competing viewpoints through synthesis which is different from an analytic solution that is in favor of one over another (Psychology, n.d.).

Public + Private Fig. 9 The condition of public yet private of public toilets can be anaylsed as dialectic.

Dialectic

Public Toilet (Thesis)

(Antithesis)

3.3 Dialectical Architectural Approach Dialectical approach in architecture has been obvious in 20

Japan as we can see through the Metabolist movement. It

the idea of dialectic to Japanese architects that influenced the Metabolishâ€™s design methods (Lin, 2010). Kenzo Tange, whose reconciliation of traditional Japa-

Tokyo Public Toilet

was Mitsuo Taketani, an atomic physicist who introduced

nese architecture with modernity shaped Japanâ€™s rise from the ashes of World War II (Wallace, 2005). Tange pursued architecture through synthesizing the contraction between the West and Japan (Aberdrois, 2016). Dialectical theory formed the basis of architecture design by Kenzo Tange in an effort to recover Japan in the Postwar period. The country was severely damaged due to nationalist indulgences. But instead of rejecting any sources of relation from the West that might be unacceptable by the society, he daringly combined both the local traditional knowledge and wastern technology together as a way to break through a new progress. In the Hiroshima Peace Park , the memorial's concrete form evoked an uneasy feeling to the public as an element from the western that caused the calamity but it was eased by

the blending of traditional elements into it ( Wallace, 2005).

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Another example is the Yoyogi 1st Gymnasium, where the synthesis of structural techniques from both traditional and modern aspects forms an outstanding modern architecture that helps to bring the image of Japan to the international stage. In the book Made in Tokyo by Kajima, Kuroda and Tsukamoto (2007), a new typology of architecture called Da-me Architecture is introduced. Da-me in Japanese means not good. If applied to buildings, it literally refers to buildings that are not aesthetically appealing by the professionals as compared to those standards shown in architectural magazines. Almost all buildings in Tokyo that were built with contemporary technologies appeared with shameless spatial composition that is unthinkable in the traditional European city (Kajima, Kuroda and Tsukamoto, 2007). Yet instead of turning away from those architectures, they assimilated them as a part of the important identity of Tokyo through a dialectical analysis. Subsequently, it opens up a new understanding towards the so-called not good architecture and their existence becomes reasonably attractive in the city. The average lifespan of buildings in Japan is short with a cycle of 26 years as compared to the 100 years cycle in the UK (Kitayama, Tsukamoto and Nishizawa, 2010). This statement showed that the development of Tokyo as a city 21

is dialectical in process. As Lin (2010) pointed out that it is

Tokyo Public Toilet

a city in process with constant growth and regeneration like a living organism that is opposite the modern paradigm of city design. Due to the speed of inner metamorphosis, Tokyo distinguishes itself clearly from the majority of other countries (8 VranovskĂ˝, 2016).Both construction and deconstruction were treated as a unify process in the forming of an ideal city rather than a sequential flow that one should come after next. As a result of synthesis of both processes, Tokyo stands out as a unique city in the world. In short, dialectical situations provide chances for new vision and understanding. So, public toilets with the quality of dialectic make it possible as a medium for new discovery.

Fig. 10 (Next page) Entrance to a public toilet in Tokyo. It is public but give a sense of 22

privateness.

Tokyo Public Toilet

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Tokyo Public Toilet

Public Toilet & Spatiality

Which aspect of public toilets we should study is the next question for this paper. Public toilets is a highly stigmatized subject of general discourse as Greed(2003) labelled it. So, he highlighted that public toilets should be inclusive in character rather than been treated as an unpleasant low status functional object. Yet, when it comes to the topic of public toilets, the focus of study is mainly dealing with the provision, planning and management of technical aspects (Greed, 2003:2004; Molotch and Noren. 2010; Penner, 2005). There is more research on public toilets in recent years conducted around the subject of provision, governmental policies and management, professional, organization and cultural contexts (Afacan and Gurel 2015). Nirta (2014) and Banks (2019) have claimed that sex-segregation and accessibility are the recent focused of scholars on public toilets. Towards Spatiality Principally, those research on public toilets are necessary and some things we cannot overlook. Yet, those are practical based studies, the spatial quality of public toilets are not really being investigated. For public toilets, it is more about working out the software rather and just the hardware (Rose George). Though, some research had studied certain spatial conditions of toilets but usually related to the relationship between the human body and the space itself 24

(Blumenthal, 2014; Maragkou, 2020). The contribution of

Tokyo Public Toilet

public toilets through its spatial qualities to publicness of a city are seldom being explored. There is a need to look through the public toilet from a different angle. So this paper will fill in the research gap by shifting the focus of study to the spatial aspects of public toilets rather than its practical use. It is about studying the spatial of public toilets rather than the space itself. Spatial Publicness

Spatial New understanding

Spatial Inhibit yet lack of study

Public Toilet

New discovery

Better quality of space

Public Space

Fig. 11 Spatial relationship with public toilets and public spaces.

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Architecture and sociology agree that spatial impact influences society which is determined by the interaction of customs, values and norms and its architectural form of expression. To fully understand this impact might be difficult or even impossible. But to understand that it exists gives the opportunity to use design to change behavior. (Public Sanitation Design Guideline, 2009, p.2) Daiz (2013) defined spatial into the arena of spatial practices and spatial form through the research on philosopher Michel de Certeau’s book “ The Practice of Everyday Life” The former defined that a space can go beyond its function and use when it is analysed in an abstract manner. For example, if a party happened in a kitchen then we can no longer define it as a place only for cooking .Whereas the latter defined a subject as a continuous link between physical and space. Namely, an object should be treated as a whole with its environments. It hints that if a study subject is looked at from a spatial perspective, it can contribute to a different insight. Thus, the study of spatial quality of public toilets can potentially direct towards a new perception. The quality of a public space can be determined through multidimensional analysis of its spatial order (Pietrzyk and Szczepańska, 2019). Spatial publicness is a useful concept that better captures the complexities of spaces accessible to

the public as it goes beyond the distinction between public

Tokyo Public Toilet

and private spheres of society (Han, Kim and Kwon, 2019). The study of spatial qualities in urban space enables to discover the overlooked potentials in a social space, in which (Yang,2017) used the concept of spatial publicness as a new strategy to investigate contemporary urban phenomenon. These literature showed that spatial analysis is necessary and important also in the aspect of publicness. The conceptualization of existing studies on publicness lacks in depth research on subjective perception in which it can be overcomed with the study of spatial publicness (Han, Kim and Kwon, 2019). Meaning, through the study of spatial value in public toilets it is possible to lead to a clearer understanding of urban publicness. Theoritical Framework A Public Toilet

Public Toilet

(Current research) Afacan & Gurel , 2015 Banks, 2019 Greed, 2003,2004 Molotch & Noren, 2010 Nirta, 2014 Penner, 2005

Study device [Molotch & Noren,2010]

Research Gap

Fig. 12 Situation A: Unrelated relationship

Publicness

between Public toilets with publicness (left)

Practical

Spatial

and Public toilets with its spatiality (right).

(Better discovery and understanding ) Daiz, 2013 Yang, 2017

B Public Toilet More than public convenience

Dialectical condition New Discovery Fig. 13 Situation B: Theoritical Framework forming the mutal relationship between public toilets, publicness and spatial value.

Spatial

Publicness Concept of spatial publicness

With a hypothesis that public toilets can provide other social benefits rather than just providing convenience for voiding needs, this paper aims to discover the spatial quality 26

of public toilets rather than focusing on its practicality like

better discovery and it is the same when applied to analysed publicness. Public toilets with publicness and public toilets with spatiality, two seemingly unconnected topics are now

Tokyo Public Toilet

accessibility, sanitation and circulation. Spatial study allows

interweaving with each other. Through the mutual relationship formed between the aspects of public toilets, publicness and spatial character, a theoretical framework is proposed. This framework will be used to analyse the publicness of a city through the discovery of spatial quality poses in public toilets. Research Objectives The primary objective of the research focuses on revealing the spatial characteristic formed between public toilets and its environment. By means of revealing, it tries to establish a hybridized relationship between public toilets and the spatial findings as a way to change the publicness of urban public space. In this paper, the theoretical framework will apply to

the context of Tokyo to analyze the city publicness.

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PART II:

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Tokyoâ€™s Public Toilet

Tokyo Public Toilet

CHRONOLOGICAL STUDY

1869-1911 Meiji Restoration (Western influence) Publicness: Public space developed with specific functions according to western policy. Public Toilet : Introduction of western style flush toilet.

Sharing as Origin

Reconstruction

Foreign Influence

1946 Postwar (Houswification)

1600-1868 Edo Period (Concept of sharing)

1859 Yokohama Open Port (Mixing of culture)

1923 Kanta Earthquake (Rationalize with practicalism)

Publicness: Japan has no concept of private and public but the idea of sharing. Example: close intimacy between street and house and rice agriculture

Publicness: Mixing of different cultural actions in the public space

Publicness: Publicness: Formation of modern family Public spaces are provided mainly for disaster mitigation. with full-time housewife. Women become the domain of Public Toilet : public spaces. Introduction of plumbing sysPublic Toilet : tem for disease prevention. Women oriented developement of toilet equipment.

Public Toilet : Exist in the form of communal toilet shared by common people living in nagaya.

Public Toilet : Introduction of first public toilet for all people in the public space to cure the issue of public urnination

Tokyo Public Toilet

1956 Urban Parks Act (Urban Network)

1964 Tokyo Olympic (Modernised with technology)

Publicness: Systematic distribution of small parks forming a network of public spaces.

Publicness: Public lifestyle with mega infrastructure as an indication of modernity.

Public Toilet : Distribution of public toilets along with parks creating a similar condition.

Public Toilet : Emergence of warm water bidet. Toilet as a high-tech space.

BASIC NEED

WANT T

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Capitalism

10 Future?

Reconstruction

(Disneylandization)

Post Economic Bubbles

1990s Privatization (Hybridization)

Publicness: Theme park idea become the center approach forthe developement of public spaces.

Publicness: Emergence of privately owned public space & privatization of public space.

Public Toilet : Appearance of wacky public toilets in the cityscape.

Public Toilet : Starting point of multifunctional public toilets.

Tokyo Public Toilet

The Parallel Relationship

In order to establish the relationship between public toilets and publicness in Tokyo, chronological study is done from the Edo period until the present time. “Urban space in Japan has held its own connotations and particularities that make its perception of space different from that of other cultures” (Caldieron, 2014 p.188). As Tokyo has always referred to a city where its urban conditions can hardly be defined based on western knowledge it is important to understand the context relationship between the study subjects before further analysis. The transformation of public toilets together with publicness can be summarised into four main stages: Sharing as Origin; Foreign Influence; Reconstruction and Capitalism. Sharing as Origin The western concept of “public” and “private” did not exist in Japanese culture until late in this century. As a result,”public space” has been a flexible notion in Japan. (Hidaka & Tanaka, 2001) During the Edo period(1600-1868), traditional japanese city was in the form where the dwelling such as a machiya(house) and a nagaya (apartment) lay close to the street and separated by a thin layer wall with shoji paper (Hidaka & Tanaka, 2001). The street is a public space where others' activities in a house can vaguely observe through the silhouette reflected 32

on the shoji and sound emitted from inside. There was no

Tokyo Public Toilet

clear separation between private and public but a mixed of both. Generally, the word privacy is an imported idea for Japanese as we can see through from the word puraibashi in katakana script (Nakada & Tamura, 2015). Hayashi (1984) has claimed that Japanese society place more concerned on group mentality and cooperation rather than individual effort due to the effect of rice agriculture which required decision making from a group(3).Therefore, the Japanese society's publicness during this period is considered value around the idea of sharing without the concept of private and public. During this period, the term public toilet did not exist. However there was a communal toilet that was shared by different families living in a nagaya(Japan This!, 2012 4).

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Fig. 14 Machiya during the Edo period that the building are built of thin materials and in close relationship with street. (Invitation to Historical Map of World History, n.d.)

Fig. 15 Nayaga during the Edo period with communal toilet sharing by different family. (Invitation to Historical Map of World History, n.d.)

Concept of share happened in both public space and toilets until 1859 where different cultural living started to flow into the public space of Japan when Yokohama opened its ports to the world. Since there was no public toilet in the public space, the Japanese custom of public urination on the roadside pots shocked the foreigners (Szcygiel, 2016). As more foreigners enter into the city, the issue of public urination is getting severe as the action was treated as uncivilized in Western eyes. Then until 1871 during the Meiji period, the Kanagawa government reinforced a new law against public 33

urination as an offensive crime, it was then the first public

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toilet with wooden boards surrounding a bowl in the ground appeared in Yokohama(5 Partner, 1983). If looking from a different angle, we can say that the appearance of public toilets hint there is a mix of cultural living in that public space. Foreign Influence New government system founded in Japan with the end of the traditional Shogunate system at the Meiji Era (1868-1911) in which the city name, Edo, was renamed to Tokyo. With the Meiji Restoration, the once close-off society opened up and it started the influence of westernization on Japanese society. In the 1870s, Japanese lifestyles revolutionized and new habits formed including the hygiene aspect taking root in the Tokyo-Yokohama area (Partner, 1983). This is the time where European toilet styles (flush toilets) emerge in Japan's toilet industry and become part of the feature of public toilets (Toilet Navigation, n.d.). Through the adaptation of squat toilets to flush toilets, it symbolizes the change in public behaviors. A number of â€œlifestyle improvement exhibitionsâ€? (seikatsu kaizen) were held in order for the people to be familiar with the use of Western toilets (Szcygiel, 2016). Meiji Restoration was formally the time where European concept of urban public space imported into Japan (Jinnai 1995).There are no public space with specific function and location during the start of this era, the Meiji Government deemed this phenomenon as morally danger to the new society without control of public activities thus introduced modern public space in order to establish new public attitude associate with function and meaning like Ueno Park as such the formal westernized norms become the foundation of new urban space in Tokyo (Traganou,1997). While western influence is set as a basis for how public activities transform in urban space, the knowledge and skills on western toilet industry also become the pillar of development of current public toilets.

Fig. 16 Squat style toilet in Japan (left) and western style toilet (right). (Japan Toilet 34

Association, 2015)

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Reconstruction Rapid reconstruction of Tokyo occurred in 1923 after half of the city was destroyed by the fire during the Kanto Earthquake. European rationalism of urban planning became a guide for the reconstruction process where the practical concerns like fire and hygiene became the focus (Miodrag, 2002). The first disaster prevention park system was established which refuge park located inside the neighborhood districts interconnected with streets (Lo, 2017).Public parks in this sense gear towards the intention for future disasters prevention rather than a public space to enhance daily outdoor activities. The impact of this earthquake brings awareness on sanitation issues with the spread of disease (Hays, 2011). It was then the plumbing system was introduced into the city toilet system. The Japanese family structure transformed in 1946

during the Postwar period. These changes come with the

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phenomenon of houswification where clear separation of role between husband and wife becomes the society norm, a modern family system where wife becomes the full-time employee of households (Retherford,1998). Subsequently, more women spent their time outside the house for domestic chores and public space became a domain for women thus there was a need to fulfill their emergency needs. She is urinating standing up. This kind of scene could be witnessed often until recently. [Women] roll the bottom and underskirt of their kimono up, stick out their bottoms a little, spread their legs and urinate. When they are done, they just shake their bottoms and do not use any paper. They have done it since they were little, so they do not miss the hole. (Suto,1988, p.61) Women in Japan during that time were standing like men while urinating hence standing urinals for women was

Fig. 17 A Japanese women standing while urinating with her kimono rolling up. (Kazuo, 1978)

developed by the current toilet company,TOTO, in 1951 (Erika,2018). This toilet module does not last for a long time with the proliferation of western toilets (Washiki-style). Consistently, it comes with cultural changes of attire from the wearing of traditional Kimono to western costume in the public sphere also for the reason that the previous was inconvenient when using the western style public toilets. 35

Tokyo Public Toilet

Many urban parks were destroyed during World War II, another reconstruction of urban space happened but came with chaos under the issue of growing urban population thus Tokyoâ€™s 1956 Urban Parks Act was then enacted (Xu, 2013). This act proposes a systematic distribution of urban parks with minimum supply of open space that mainly function as evacuation space as disaster mitigation which follows a standard regulation so that for every one square meter, there will be one medium sized park and four small parks provided (Jonas & Rahman, 2014). Resultantly, a network of small parks slowly sewed into the city and formed the daily landscape of Tokyo. Following the benchmark set by Park and Open Space Association of Japan, every park will need to provide a public toilet thereby a network of public toilets is also formed in the urban fabric. In 1964, Japan became the host of the Olympic event. This was a big event that transformed Tokyo with mega infrastructure running around the city and caught the attention of the world through its modernity. Murakami Wood and Abe (2011) claimed that Olympic 1964 was seized by planners as a chance to convince the people for expressways to develop on top of existing rivers, letting concrete aesthetics take over the public spaces. Though, technology has become part of the public lifestyle of Tokyo. It was the same for toilet space as a techno oriented toilet hardware with warm water bidet was first introduced (Toilet Navigation, n.d.).Both elements symbolised the merging of technology into the urban citizen in Tokyo. They provided a modern impression to foreigners and later became the representation of the country. Capitalism After the economic bubble burst, the city was driven towards capitalism in order to reboot the country's economy. Disneylandization has happened in Tokyo urban spaces as a mode of economic regeneration through recreational activities. Theme park idea on public space became popular among the city dwellers since the opening of Tokyo Disneyland in the city of Urayasu in 1983 (Bharne, 2013). Hence, the city publicness centred around on fantasy and dreamy desire. The syndrome of disneylandization also landed on public amenities. Since the mid-1980s, telephone booths in cello shape, public toilets looking like tangerines, or koban (police boxes)

with the appearance of a kappa goblin's head have sprung

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up all over Japan (Brumann, 2008, p.224). After the bubble burst, architects turned away from the public realms and public agencies were required to design every public facility (Cooper, 2009). Therefore, the public agencies turn to the theme park design approach with the idea in mind that it is more approachable to the public with the cute value it poses (Brumann, 2008). Subsequently, it comes with the formation of wacky public toilets in the urban space of Tokyo.

both public space and public toilets which overturned their

Fig. 18 Wacky shape public toilets in Tokyo. (CNN Travel, 2017)

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From the 1990s onwards, hybridization took place in formal perception from the publics. New mode of publicness with new public space was created through the appearance of privately owned public facilities (Miodrag,2002). They are accessible by the general public but owned and managed by the private sector. Involvement of the private sector in promoting public activities was the propellant for the development of multifunction public toilets in Tokyo. It was initiated by Ginza Matsuya and INAX, currently named LIXIL, with the act of hybridizing make up room into the public toilets of a supermarket (Japan Toilet Association, 2015). Toilet is not a profitable space (Swallow Architect, 2018). Yet, in this situation, effort and creativity was claimed in the toilet which aims to attract people through experience thus a new possibility was opened up.The definition of both spaces are transforming and getting blurred which is hard to explain with unipolar characteristic. To simply explain this condition, it extends beyond the basic needs to the desire of want. The meaning and usage of both publicness and public toilets change accordingly to each other from a shared amenity to a space of cultural influence to a consumerism based medium. There is a parallel relationship between public toilets and publicness in Tokyo.

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Spatial Value

“ The novelist Natsume Soseki counted his morning trips to the toilet a great pleasure. “ a physiological delight” he called it. And surely there could be no better place to savor this pleasure than a Japanese toilet where. Surrounded by tranquil walls and finely grained wood, one looks out upon blue skies and green leaves.” (Junichiro Tanaizaki, 1977, p.4) Fig. 19 Night soil collection during the Edo period where human excretion was treated as an valuable fertilizer. (National Diet Library Digital Collections n.d.)

Tanizaka asserted that toilets in a Japanese house are more than just a place for voiding needs but a place for spiritual repose. It secures a place where Japanese can enjoy nature while being alone. Even Though it is located at the far end of the house this is what makes it a spatial space and the turning the journey to a toilet becomes an interesting one. “Anyone with a taste for traditional architecture must agree that the Japanese toilet is perfection” (Junichiro Tanaizaki, 1977, p.5). Culturally, as we can argue from here, the toilet posed the most spatial architecture value in a Japanese house. Let’s take a step back again to the Edo period when primitive flushing toilets only appeared on those settlements situated along the running stream in which the waste is flush away naturally with water flow. For people living in the city center, loos will be collected at the hole dug right below the communal toilets. It is important to look at this situation as night soil collection for agricultural use prompted the value of toilets into another level. Human excrement was commod-

ified incredibly as a crucial source of fertiliser for farmers.

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are difficult in getting the sufficient fertiliser and thefting of night soil appears in the records (Hanley, 1987). Night soil is ranked according to status as there is a difference in diet thus different quality of fertilisers. Hence, the waste from Edo was at a different level as many upper class people living there (Szcygiel, 2016). With different perceptions on the value of waste based on the context situation, a toilet is more than just a simple room but a source of income and a clear representation of status in the society. according to status as there is a difference in diet thus different quality of fertilisers. Hence, the waste from Edo was at a different level as many upper class people living there ( Szcygiel, 2016). With different perceptions on the value of waste based on the context situation, a toilet is more than just a simple room but a source of income and a clear representation of status in the society.

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Fig. 20 Different usages of public toilets by Japanese in the contemporary city. (Miho, 2017)

While Tanizaka mentioned how wonderful a traditional toilet can be at the same time he also hints that modernization has taken away this essence, turning it back to a mere necessity. Yet, a recent research on how people use public toilets in Tokyo provides a new insight on the spatial quality of toilets in Japan. As public toilets provide privacy outside of home, it becomes a secret garden to be alone, a place for short time entertainment like reading email, reading, 39

napping, crying, eating ( Miho, 2017). Another phenomenon

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is the introduction of sleeping culture among salarymen in Tokyo where the people practice toilet napping with different techniques in order to avoid them from dozing during working hours ( JapanToday, 2012). As we can see from these cases, public toilets accommodate activities of different types, users of the space are taking advantage of its speciality of being private. So as context changes with time, how people utilizing a place is also changing in which it happened extensively in public toilets. Toilets have been a representation of Japan's modernity and civilization. Foreigns ranked high-tech toilets above Japanese hospitality as the second coolest thing in Japan (Szcygiel, 2016). With the global attention it drew, many local architects had started to contribute their creativity on designing public toilets. The exploration of public toilets is more than just form and functions. Wider scope was taken into consideration including how it can change people's perception on public toilets and how the space itself can transform into another level. Architect Sou Fujimoto challenges the notion of a public toilet being a confined space in the public due to the privacy it needs to provide for the users. His design of a public toilet in Ichihara, Chiba consists of a transparent cubicle inside a fenced garden. Instead of being closed to the surrounding, the public toilets are now open up to nature. It can be imagined as an effort to recreate the spatiality of Japanese toilets as lauded by Tanizaki in a modern way where a toilet is a place to enjoy nature and bring a person closer back to its surroundings. Yet, this project comes with some limitations if to apply the same measure into a dense and compact city situation. Furthermore, Sou Fujimoto at a lecture in Singapore had

Fig. 21 Garden toilet by Sou Fujimoto in which a transparent public toilet is installed 40

in a covered garden. (Chin, 2013)

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claimed that due to tourism issues, this public toilet had turned into a mere museum where the original intention was defected. He indirectly pointed out the sensitivity of public toilets in terms of exploration. Nevertheless, the interest of public toilets in Japanese society is shown in this case. Public toilets spread around the city in Japan but usually they stand alone as themselves serving the nearby users. If to look from a city scale, what do they serve as a network other than public convenience? In Hiroshima, the Japanese architects Future Studio had transformed the public toilets into a guiding medium of the island. 17 public toilets are placed around the parks in the city where each of them are pointing towards a similar axis in the city with a triangular roof.

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Fig. 22 Public toilets with triangular roof pointing towards the same direction in the city a guiding medium. (Frearson, 2011)

First of all, I considered that what should embed in “city”.I was aware of designing “multitude” strongly, which is not “a restroom in the park. And they should be given a meaning as whole of the infrastructure in the city. (Ogawa, 2011). In this sense, public toilets are more than just an infrastructure but a place with a sense of direction. They become a reference of movement in the city like the ancient time where people looked for sun in determining direction. Public toilets are not just an experimental space for architects. In Oita prefecture, local governments with artists had used public toilets as a city museum to promote the city. The city council planned to let the visitors view the city through a public toilet. Meaning public toilets have the potential for people to understand a place. This event was named Toilennale as following after the glory of art exhibition through the 41

conventional biennials and triennials. Arts with public toilets

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help to reimagine the bathroom as a sterile space (Voon, 2015). For artists, it becomes a place where art can be enjoyed in a different way for the general public in an informal manner which is different from those experiences in museums or art centers. So, public toilets when fallen to the region of different fields it was able to create another unexpected yet interesting result. As we can conclude from this chapter, public toilets in Japan contain spatial characteristics that allow it to function more than what it means to be. Thus, if we try to study public toilets from a different perspective on a subject matter, we might be able to discover somethings hidden or overlooked.

Fig. 23 Public toilet transformed into a cake like castle as an art meseum. (Voon, 2015)

Fig. 24 (Next page) Why there is a hole on the wall? There is a public toilet! 42

Tokyo Public Toilet

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Tokyo Public Toilet

PART III:

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Spatial Discovery of Publicness 01_Logistical 02_Scretive 03_Appropriation 04_Urban Scenic 05_Silentness 06_Urban Behavior 07_Network

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Discovery Method

Google maps Tokyo is a vast metropolitan to travel and observe if without a specific or prepared methodology. Data collection through Google maps becomes the first logical step to look at the whole city in order to form the groundwork of information gathering. It informs not only the location of public toilets but also its distribution patterns. Logistically, it is efficient yet complex enough for one to get confused with all the information that comes at once. Google street view It is a source of visual data at the human point of view with panoramic coverage. It allows instant image and expression of relationship between public toilets and its surrounding to be observed. If the spatial can be found through several instant views that are captured in such service then its existence was in high possibility. However, it comes short with updating limits where it is impossible to keep data up to date in a short time even on a monthly basis. Thus it affects the accuracy of data. This service can be the starting point of analysis and its accuracy can be supported through site visit. Strolling 46

Another alternative of exploration is through strolling activity

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in the city. This method had been applied to discover the overlooked element in Tokyo since the mid-1980s with a street observation group called Architecture Detective Unit (kenchiku tanteidan) (Angelidou, 2012). Data collection through this method comes with spatial experience of surprise. These encounters often come with personnel interest. But through the incorporation of critical analysis, different points of view can be produced. Categorizing Categorizing help to organize information, ease of analysis and better presentation. Publicness in Tokyo is first categorized and then analysed through public toilets. Theoretical approach of categorizing based on analysis of literature review enables the data to sort through its spatiality. This allows for subjective analysis of data rather than grouping them through

direct observation that might limit other potential finding.

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Guidebook Data collected will be presented in the form of a guidebook. Guidebooks are a common travelling medium in Japan and are needed because the random order of the city sewing together with an enormous set of information. Since the Edo period, guidebooks have been a popular travelling medium. It can be seen through the creation of Edo meisho zhu, as a guide to places of scenic beauty (Maki, 2018). Furthermore, a guidebook does not come with a fixed format and it has no opening and ending. So, it is suitable for future extension and editing.

Fig. 25 Google maps with different category of public toilets (Google, n.d.)

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Spatial Discovery

01 Refer to catalogue:

LOGISTICAL Expressways

Public toilet 01 Public toilet 02 Public toilet 03

Driving along the expressways allows one to experience the real Tokyo as they are built over the park and river side due to the rapid development during the Olympic 1964 (Kajima, Kuroda andTsukamoto, 2007). This megastructure was laid on top of an existing river and waterways as a symbolic image of modernization of Japan (Abe and Wood, 2011). They replaced the image of Tokyo as a water city as mentioned by Jinnai (1995), where the water elements are now covered under the modern infrastructure. Those are places where public activities are once gathered and happen. Meaning a place with public value. Naomi (2018) described Tokyo as the city that turns away from shorelines and riversides with webs of elevated expressways casts unrelenting shadow on many of the cityâ€™s major thoroughfares. So, the suggestion of using expressways as a way of experiencing Tokyo can be described as taking advantage of the situation rather than trying to condemn them. If we accept this notion, then we can say the expressway is where modern publicness is located in Tokyo.The image of the city to the rainbow bridge in Odaiba is common even personal present on the site is not required but through the internet. But how about looking from the

bridge? Google street features night do us a favour but the

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e experience is different because the factor of time is freezed. Movement in space-time is a basic for an architectural system to be really experienced with (Ching, F.D.K., 2015). Taxis To own a car and drive along the city required the person to be financially affordable (Nagata, 2014). Besides, one needs to own a parking lot in order to own a car. With the convenient bring by train services that mostly operated underground, the experience mentioned above is limited to those affordable. Consequently, the idea of publicness on the expressway was in doubt. While other public transport like buses might be an alternative but the routes are limited. Another mode of public transport in mind is the taxi system which will be able to work well together with the idea of publicness through expressway with the flexibility it posed. Taxi driver fees are

generally expensive compared with other public transpor-

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tations (Kobayshi, 2019.). Yet, it can be argued as due to its normal usage for personal, emergency conditions and less about sharing. Taxis are being used as a sight seeing medium especially for elderly (Japan Visitor, n.d.). If we look from this perspective, the need of taxi drivers is more than just a means of transportation. Finding a taxi means finding a chance to access the city publicness in a different manner. Informal Station A taxi moves all day, and exchanges passengers constantly. It stops, it starts, people enter, people exit, luggage comes in, luggage goes out. Through it all, the driver remains at the wheel, like a worker tethered to his desk. (Goldberger, 2005, p.6) With the vast number of taxis littering around Tokyo, catching them is easy anywhere (Japan Visitor, n.d). However, there is a special phenomenon of taxi drivers gathering around places where public toilets exist in Tokyo. Finding a proper parking

Fig. 26 Illustation diagram from expressway to taxis to informal station.

lot to access toilet service in convenient stores or shopping malls is not an option considering from the economic point of views. This form a frequent view where taxi drivers stopped by along the street with a double signal on giving a message they are away from car. Public toilets fulfill the needs of driv49

ers who spend their day along the street transporting people

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around the city. Without public toilets, it will affect the driver’s voiding need then the taxi system and so the publicness through the expressway. Thus, a spatial condition is formed in which public toilets can perform like an informal station. It is a station that supports the system which allows the public to access the mega infrastructure of the city and different perspectives of Tokyo. It allows experience a journey where it is unique. One of the key operations of Tokyo is based on efficiency achieved through strict adherence to set rules and protocol. The Train system is an obvious representation of this. It is an important element on how such a megapolis city functions properly but public transportation should be able to function to accommodate the uncertainty together with the evolving needs of the public (Baca et al., 2013).This informal station provides a publicness that is flexible in terms of routine, destination and time scale as taxi drivers provide 24 hours service. It gives a sense of freedom in terms of time management. By taking into account publicness in the relationship between taxi and public toilet, a logistical publicness is revealed here. According to Le Corbusier, ‘ the house is a machine for living in’ for domestic space, in this case, the expressway is a machine for publicness for public space.

02 Refer to catalogue:

URBAN SCENIC Borrowing Scene

Public toilet 04 Public toilet 05 Public toilet 06

Tokyo has been structured through the idea of borrowing scenes from distant objects like Mt.Fuji since the Edo period which performed as an shared element of public place (Jinnai, 1995). Similarly, according to Shinjiro Kirishiki, there is not proper planning of the street in Edo but rather a threedimensional point of view was adopted to provide a view of heights from low lying areas (Maki, 2018). Maki also stressed that important shrines and temples in the town are located at bluff so that it can be viewed from the areas below as a powerful focusing point. The idea of borrowed scenery or shakkei is a landscaping technique applied in the Japanese garden by incorporating distant vista as part of the composition of the garden and by this means the garden can be in the state of neutral and empty (Shinji, 1986). So when the

concept is applied to the city to assimilate a distant vista, a

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region that it can associate with becomes neutral and thus public in character. In the case of Mt.Fuji, different places are directly connected as a whole through a common labelled as Fujimicho or literally Fuji-viewing area (Jinnai, 1995; Maki, 2018).Thus views are always part of the public lifestyle of the city. It is a formed publicness through distant scenery. Urban Views To analyse contemporary views on urban spaces, it is important to identify it at different scales and to consider them ‘looking in’ towards and ‘looking out’ from the cityscape (Hosagrahar, 2015). Meaning, the culture of view borrowing from distance vista as publicness is not complete enough in the modern city. Distant views from public space are important for people to understand a city and get a bigger picture of the space surrounding their daily life (Heathcote, 2011). Where-

as a close view can be described through the Visual drama

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phrased by Gordon Cullen, where a view formed through the weaving of street’s buildings and all other elements like cars, humans, advertisement boards etc.(Carmona, et al., 2003). As one factor for people to enjoy public space is about watching how the world goes by and observing other people (Shaftoe, 2008). In Tokyo, it left few examples of urban streets where the view ended on distant mountains but on man-made objects (Shelton,1999). To achieve the existence of both might seem difficult in this sense. If we look at it from a different angle, it hints that distant views do still exist in the city, it is changing to man-made scenery but they function the same as a modern representation of distant view. So, is the condition of both distant and close view exist simultaneously in Tokyo? Junction Okuness Through public toilets, an urban scenic view is revealed through the idea of oku. The term Oku is proposed by Maki to better explain the condition of Omote(front) and Ura(back)

Fig. 27 Illustation diagram from borrowing scene to urban views to junction okuness.

forming manifold layers of space in Japan with the sense of depth (Maki, 2018). Oku shows the distinctive Japanese sense of place (Belfiore, 2012). Bringing it to the perspective of view, it will consist of distant and close scenes. Hence through okuness, a view that consists of front and back, 51

which have different degrees of activeness can be formed

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here. Oku is a dynamic space with subjective depth that is materialized by distance objects that are shared by all (Okabe, 2017). Meaning in order to experience this sensation, it is required a distance that produces a sense of depth. As such, we can say a junction that acts as the starting point of a street is a suitable place to experience it. Public Toilets fulfill this requirement as it can be easily located at the corner of streets in Tokyo. Moreover, to appreciate a view there needs to have a place for people to stay (Carmona, et al., 2003). It is usually a place where people stop by or hesitate while making decisions at the junctions. Thus, its location became an advantage. Furthermore, street junctions in Tokyo allow views to different streetscapes easily as it can be proved by the existance of police boxes on these locations to facilitate public observation. So, these junctions become a perfect place of observation for urban activities. Meaning public toilets secures a place for public’s observation and are the place where publicness of contemporary urban scenery can be appreciated in the form of okuness.

Secretive

Refer to catalogue:

Outdoor Domestic Living

Public toilet 07 Public toilet 08 Public toilet 09 Public toilet 10

Dependency on outdoor space is high in Japanese living. Toyo Ito through the project ‘Pao: Dwellings For Nomad Women’ made a statement that Tokyo is a city with a nomadic environment that mixes with most domestic functions of urban dwellers (Fabrizi, 2016). Lifestyle in Tokyo’s apartment is described as living outside where the house provides minimum living conditions in a form of room and storage while other domestic functions are achieved through facilities in the public space like vending machines, convenience stores, public bath and so on (Hageneder, 2000). Outdoor space as living, this means public spaces will be flushed with people and usually unavoidable as part of daily life. People living in Tokyo are constantly seeking territories for their own (Maki, 2008), the issue of territoriality in public space thus becomes obvious here. As theoretically, public space belongs to everyone and no one, but it is human nature in the need of territory for personal space (Shaftoe, 2008). This is especially

so in Tokyo where the city is very dense and compact with

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6158 people per square kilometer (TMG, n.d.) and consists of people with different backgrounds within the country and from outside. Commercialized Publicness In general, privacy issues are getting more and more important in urban public space as the chance to encounter strangers in public space is getting higher(Mitchell, 1995). Personal space in public space is reducing in modern society due to the phenomenon of diverse people continuing to gather and live in the same place (Chajoong., Kwangmin, 2017). Research found that a temporary need for privacy in public space is needed for mental health, rather than regard it as an anti-social action, it improves social participation in return (Higgs, 2019). So, it saw the need to incorporate elements of privateness into the public space. Jorge and

Tsukamoto(2006) had established the idea of individual

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space in Tokyo through the study of commercial space that serves as the extension of private houses like manga kissa, internet cafe and karaoke box. The research showed individuals urgently need personal space outside their house in this city and its public urban life can no longer describe simply using the term private or public. Accordingly, the commercial sector had taken the role of modern publicness with the need of privacy outside of a house. It hints that there is insufficient or no public space in the city that can provide privacy for the urban dwellers. Public Privateness Yet, those spaces are believed to have existed in the city public realm through the discovery of hidden public toilets. Public toilets should be included as a valued component of modern townscape, rather than being hidden behind (Greed, 2003). It is crucial to fulfill emergency needs. However, these hidden public toilets found go against this principle and are hardly noticeable. In the context where domestic life happens

Fig. 28 Illustation diagram from outdoor domestic living to commercialized publicness to public privateness.

frequently in public space, their contrast becomes acceptable through their hidden character. Privacy is a fundamental element in daily domestic living (Ward, 1999). Outside of home, public toilets are the only space that can provide personal privacy (Tominaga, 2017). This can refer to all public toilets. 53

Adding up to that, these hidden public toilets contain the pri-

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vate quality which made them become a public space that is highly private in sense. Private not in terms of ownership but the secretive it posed. Therefore, private publicness in the urban public space is found here. In Tokyo, the development of land is constantly divided into smaller pieces and sometimes irregular in shape with a Jintori-style approach, a form of children game, upon the land structure formed during the Edo period, creating layers of space in the city (Maki, 2018). Many hidden public spaces have possibly existed in current urban fabric but stay unnoticed. It serves as an alternative for the needs of diverse people for outdoor privacy. Those spaces contain publicness that allows for individual characteristics, the value of the found space is determined by the people who found it. They perform like an ‘Urban Ninja’. Ninja need to conceal their identity to continue to be useful in the future operations (Cartwright, 2019). Its existence is only known by fews. These hidden spaces are full of potential to be discovered and informally become a personal secret base. Only those who are aware of their existence gain their advantages.

Silentness

Refer to catalogue:

Amae of Noise

Public toilet 11

Study showed Japanese society value the right of expression in the public space over personal privacy leading to the amplification of sounds which subsequently become a source of noise (Dolan, 2008). This phenomenon can be explained through the idea of ‘amae’ that was first proposed by Doi (1973) that describe the dependency and attachment in Japanese culture in which later further illustrated by Behrens (2004) as a multifaceted concept in relation to different contexts. Amae formed a negotiating culture in the Japanese society (Berton, 1996) in which noise is taking advantage of it. Tokyo is spoken as a “sound saturated society'' (oto zuke shakai) ( Yoshimichi, 1992). It composes sounds from loudspeaker or video recording of commercial promotion to political protest, subway melody and announcement automated crosswalk jingles and frequent buzzling of ambulances. They are regarded as noise if quantitatively analysed with their 54

audio frequency. However, these sounds are part of the daily

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life of urban dwellers as it is needed for the city to function accordingly thus being compromised in this perspective. In this case, noise is amae to the urban public space for its existence. Background music and ambient sounds are produced and circulated throughout Japan’s urban spaces to a heightened degree. (Plourde, 2019, p.5). Consequently, noise becomes a culture in the urban space in the form of BGM(Background Music) as part of the public elements of Tokyo . Two Worlds In contrast to above mentioned, Japan is often said to possess “cultural inclination” to accept noise in public space (Dolan, 2008, 663). Even though noise in certain senses is necessary for the progression of the city through industrialization, the issue of noise pollution cannot be underestimated. Maki said

that living in Tokyo means living in two worlds, among busy

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streets and high rises and in quiet, low-rise residential neighborhoods (Logan, 2018). So, the level of noise in Tokyo can be simply defined in a form of graduation through the layering of buildings from main street to the neighborhood district. However, quiet is said to be expensive in Tokyo, living in the neighborhood district with a house built of thick walls with good acoustic features is difficult for most (Hoofman, 2014). Residents in Tokyo have little control over being subjected to the aural landscapes that are interpreted by them as chaotic (Plourde, 2019). It suggests the difficulty in search of silence even in the residential neighborhoods. Silence in Tokyo is as scarce a commodity as the limited space in the city (Smith, 2020). Silence is said to be a major value for japanese living and it is needed in a city because noise pollution will threaten people’s health (Villar, 2015). Amae Soundscape As mentioned by Behrens(2004) that idea of amae can be analysed in a different level based on context relevance, so

Fig. 29 Illustation diagram from amae of noise to two worlds to amae soundscape.

whether noise is being in an opposite position is in question. Public toilets attract silence to its surrounding as it involves the etiquette of quiet in general (Gruber, 2020). As a public space itself, it is rather quiet as making sound within the compound usually related to shame. Also, it also goes in op55

posite to Dolan’s(2008) statement of freedom of expression

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over privacy in Japanese public space where privacy here was being respected over expression. So, we can say public toilets as a public space in this case amae towards noise. Thus silentness does exist in urban public space in Tokyo which is situated around public toilets. Looking from the issue of noise in Tokyo, spaces close to public toilets are then spatial with its quality of silence. To better position the role of public toilets here, it can be regarded as an urban soundscape which is different from those white noise simulated through natural sounds but in the form of psychological manner that goes against cultural attitude.

05 Refer to catalogue:

Appropriation Human Touch

Public toilet 05 Public toilet 12 Public toilet 13 Public toilet 14 Public toilet 15 Public toilet 16

It is urgent today to reconsider the logic of urban planning. A glance at the history of modern Japan makes it obvious that transplanting the European notions of artfully arranged squares and tree-lined streets directly into Japanese soil has failed to create a space that is both interesting and full of energy. Rather, it is only in disorderly, thriving, and appropriately small spaces, where human feeling and not an expanding vista take charge, that one can find a properly Japanese urban life. The best way of making our cities attractive again, I think, is to restore such spaces-which have been either lost to modern urban reconstructions or gradually driven underground-to life on the surface. It is, after all, such humanly scaled spaces that make the city familiar and appealing for those who live in it.

(Jinnai, 1995: 83)

Respectively, a successful urban space in Tokyo is better off through a self growth system rather than a well planned design. Bernard Rudofsky ‘Architecture without Architects’ and Christopher Alexander ‘The Timeless Way of Building, A Pattern Language’ suggests that a good place is better off growing rather than trying to build them through a blueprint. Tokyo has been described as a metabolizing city with its buildings rebuilt in a short cycle of around 26years (Kitayama, Tsukamoto and Nishizawa, 2010). The city is changing constantly in an unplanned manner. It leads to a 56

chaotic cityscape but it can be described as growing with the

Tokyo Public Toilet

need to urban dwellers. While, this phenomenon cannot truly reflect the ideal of self growth system by urban dwellers itself. However, it hints that the Japanese society is associated with the action of appropriation in urban space. Community Appropriation of space is said to enable a ‘space’ to become a ‘place’ where it provides spatial experience to the users (Grobler and Roux, 2006). In Tokyo, appropriation of public space can be found in the boundary between private and public space. The study of hybrid landscape through street’s planted boxes by (Jonas, 2007) showing the creation of extraordinary green space along the street through locals' improvised garden. This private use of public space is deemed as illegal but tolerated due to its pleasant contribution to the public space. Another act of appropriation happened

at Roji, an alleyway where housing and public space meet

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and are transformed by different fields and re-interpreted by individuals to fit multiple concepts of living (Imai, 2016). Appropriation of public space has always been referred to as the act of community to enhance the capabilities of their environment in a positive manner through informalization of a space (Iveson, 2013). As we can see from the studies mentioned above. It induces a sense of belonging. Thus the city publicness is created through the appropriation of urban space. Municipality Analysing the similar action through public toilets, an extension of appropriation is discovered in the public space further away from the close proximity of houses. The act of appropriation found here happened through the municipality. Firstly, the wacky public toilets proposed by the municipality can be treated as urban delight of urban space. Their appearance continues to exist today as part of the cityscape. As compared with its surrounding architectures they might

Fig. 30 Illustation diagram from human touch to community to municipality.

look like an alien feature. But if to evaluate them as small scale mimetic architecture then they start to perform like landmarks in the city with fun. One of the characteristics that differentiates successful from avoided public space is the range of opportunities they provide for the experience 57

of joy or delight (Shaftoe, 2008). Hence, it is appropriated

Tokyo Public Toilet

as an element that adds value to the city. Secondly is the action of beautifying the public toilets through layering of green buffers. It seems to be a common practice that happens along the city street. Yet, in the case of public toilets, a secret garden is created that resembles the vision of visiting a Japanese toilet mentioned by Junichiro Tanizaki but on a city scale. Public toilet buffering thus created a street garden. As public urban space like parks is a foreign concept in Japan and Japanese people do not have an inherent desire to use public spaces or do not understand how to use them because of historical and cultural aspects leading them to be conceived as amenities provided by the government rather than space for liberation (Jonas and Rahmann, 2014). The role of municipality in changing the understanding towards public amenities is stressed here. Hence, the publicness through the appropriation of municipality is necessary in this context.

Urban Behavior

Refer to catalogue:

Commonalities

Public toilet 17 Public toilet 18 Public toilet 19 Public toilet 20

Clear boundary between private & public is formed in Japan after industrialization to develop the city and its economy through rapid housing construction. This provides a chance for people to have their own house with strong individuality that contributed to the current cityscape yet they become disconnected from the public space. The idea of commonalities is hence suggested by the Atelier Bow-Wow as a possible alternative to substitute the contrast between private and public in the search of publicness. This idea revolves around the term common, where sharing of identical elements in a space becomes the connection between people. Publicness is different from family or community crucially because it is the matter of connection with strangers (Calhoun, 2017). Behaviors of people in the public space are believed to converge upon a set of behaviors as time passes thus contribute to a sharing of action between strangers and this is where the publicness will emerge. However, the public sphere is broad with a large amount of unplanned encounters (Scruton,1987, p.17). With the diversity of people living in Tokyo there will

be a vast set of different behaviors in the public space. It

Tokyo Public Toilet

signifies the difficulty in achieving a convergence of behavior naturally between strangers. Even Though, convergence of behavior is still possible as time passes (Atelier Bow-Wow, 2004). However as time flows a new set of behavior may join or the previous might go. Publicness from this common will be uneasy in the current world that immigration occurs frequently. Consumerism Publicness Convergence of behaviors in the public spheres is challenging but this phenomenon appears in the commercial circle as we can see through the suggestion of consumerism as publicness in Tokyo by Bharne (2013). Consumerism is seen as a form of publicness in Japan that emerged out of democracy but with their rhetoric of neon and electro-signage making a vibrant street phenomenon like Akihabara, Shinjuku and

Ginza. The existence of a visual common makes a space

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transcend over different ownerships as a whole rather than a compound of disconnected entities. But the main contribution for the formation of this publicness can be best described as through the sharing of similar action between strangers in the act of consumerism. Temporary bonds between strangers are formed when they respond to the same setting in a similar way (Jalaladdini and Oktay, 2012). Consequently, urban behavior with a sense of publicness is developed. Convergence of behavior based on a private service can be achieved easily. Yet if too specific, it only targets a set of behaviors from a certain group of people which make it like a territory rather than commonalities for the public. In Between An in between condition is discovered from the public toilet that itself set as a common for behaviors convergence. Those are shared public toilets by several individual shops because their sizes are too small to own a toilet or the way it operates. Small scale retailers in Japan are particularly

Fig. 31 Illustation diagram from commonalities to consumerism publicness to in between.

common in which they are constructed around cultural rather than economic basis (Flath, 1990). Meaning the behaviors that happened around this region are culturally inclined, thus convergence is easy because cultural practice induced similar behaviors between people (Berger, Heath, & Ho, 2005). 59

Public toilets become an agent that combines the space as a

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collective whole and become a common space that is shared by all. Behaviors to be converged on this common is not totally random and single targeted, variations are included. On the boundary between the ideas of commonalities and consumerism in such a way forge a suitable condition for publicness of Tokyo based on the convergence of urban behaviors. This situation happened on closely to the commercial sphere which challenged the idea of being public. Yet. spaces do not become public merely by ceasing to be private, it is about the public activities it can produce (Scruton,1987). In this case, the urban behaviors it attracts formed a publicness within the society.

Network Dynamic Space Itoh Teiji claimed that the public space in Japan had no border, they did not exist in a fixed location. He coined the term ‘kaiwai’ as a spatial theory to explain the publicness of the city based on activity. Ito described kaiwai was constituted by “the set of individual activities of people, or the accumulation of devices [shisetsu] that trigger a set of activities (Sand, 2013, p.48). Kaiwai lack visual definition of space and take its forms in the pattern of processes (Thompson, 1998). So this publicness is spontaneous and irregular depending on different conditions without a physically planned form. The core of Japanese community is not a special fixed space in the center of the village like the pasture or open space (‘common’) of the West but was linear, and, moreover, seasonally and temporarily mobile (Yuichiro, 1975, p.9). Yuichiro relates this situation to matsuri, a cultural festival in Japan that happened in a certain time and dynamically spread along the street with mikoshi, parading with portable shrines. It portrays the cultural tendency of the society in favour towards a dynamic urban space. As a result, the publicness of the city is parallel to temporary event space. Microscopic Network Alternatively, no boundary and center in urban space leading

Tokyo into a situation of chaotic and without order. There

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is no structure of meaning in the relationship between city building and landmarks for tokyotis to perceive compared with Western cities (Raza, 2009). Ones can get lost easily in this concrete forest if not familiar with the place of visit. Arata Isozaki narrates that there are no cities in Japan that are like European cities that reflect strong contrast with nature but instead cities in Japan like a village that grow naturally thus no urban structure exists. This situation is confusing for the West, but Japanese society perceives the urban public space differently through the sense of time and memory of space (Thompson, 1998). With relatively few of Tokyo's streets having names, microscopic landmarks like convenience stores and stoplights are key to travel from one stop to another (Pollock, 2018). Consequently, different urban settings are created in the city through the distribution of identical elements throughout the city. They had formed a big urban network of reference points. Its evidence can

be seen through the distribution of vending machines and

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convenience stores. Urban Strolling Similar network is formed through public toilets in the city. Via the spatial values revealed in the previous sections, public toilets pose different characteristics as a public space. Going around the network is similar to venturing into different public spaces. This network serves no boundary and instead of being temporary like that mentioned by Itoh, it serves more like a flexible chain of activity space that is readily to be explored by the public. It is about getting from one node to another rather than heading towards a final destination. It can be defined as a dynamic public space formed through a collective of spaces depending on choice or discovery. The experience of an urban environment is a dynamic action that involves time and movement (Carmona, et al., 2003). Moving around these public toilets thus become a spatial sequence of experience. It also suggests a way to enjoy urban public space through strolling. Strolling as an activity had started since the Edo

Fig. 32 Illustation diagram from dynamic space to microscopic network to urban strolling.

period for the daimyo to entertain guests in gardens but to extend its scale to city level it is difficult because of a lack of prescribed way to move through (Raza, 2009). The appearance of microscopic network systems in the current city fill in the gap. Furthermore, urban wandering was a common 61

practice during the 1920s to study human behaviors in the

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streets then in the mid-1980s, the Architecture Detective Unit (kenchiku tanteidan) also formed to further engage in street observation(Angelidou, 2012). Roaming around Tokyo is a good way for professionals to study the city, if done by the public, it will be a good way to explore publicness. By means of public toilets, a network of publicness for urban strolling experience is discovered.

STROLLING

Sudden encounter

Preferences

Fig. 33 Strolling of urban space through public toilet's network. 62

Tokyo Public Toilet

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Alternative Route

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Conclusion

The discoveries from this paper prove that public toilets in the urban city pose spatial quality. Public toilets contain the potential in better understanding of publicness of a city through the spatial quality. Similar subject when looking through the lens of public toilets, a new perspective is found. It opens up the possibility of public toilets as a study device in contemporary urban space. Similar theoretical frameworks if applied to other cities, new publicness are believed can be discovered. The research gap on the topic of public toilets thus shortened. Two fields of discussion are arised from this research. First is about the ambiguity of urban space and second regarding the taboo of space discussion. Inside and outside, private and public, should it be blurred or distinct clearly. In a congested city like Tokyo with such a large population, privacy is important so the clear distinction from public is literally necessary yet are spaces are also small in the city, so the boundary between inside and outside is better blurred to provide a breathable space. Both aspects are in contrast to each other. Dialectical situations are somehow common in urban spaces just like public toilets. Nonetheless what makes public toilets different in terms of dialectical situation is the choice of selection which involves publics thus unable to escape from this condition. It exists in the contrast between public and private as a strange piece of infrastructure that is needed but unwanted. The collision of these two opposite forces yet can be treated as a crucial 64

dialectical nature of public toilets for critical analyses and

place has the potential to become the center of the world. Through this research, dialectical property of public toilets hints its ability to be the main actor in the public space.

Tokyo Public Toilet

new positions in urban space. Hiroshi Naito said that any

One of the viable contributions of this research is that public toilets can be approached from a different perspective in architectural research. It is less how to design good public toilets rather more on how we can think differently about it in general. Talking about toilets is usually a taboo in the public. Public toilets in Japan are lauded for their advanced technology and cleanliness. Sanitation is not a big issue in Tokyo. The multitasking hi-tech equipment come with various buttons with different functions might even confuse foreigners on how to use a toilet space. Technology transforms the space but it does not change the general idea that the toilet is still a place for personal acts. It is treated as a highly stigmatized subject in general even in the architectural design (Greed, 2003). This intangible layer of challenge cover upon public toilets is

complex. Penner (2013) in his book ‘Bathroom’ once asked

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a question, how can we redesign a taboo? But before that, it is necessary to bring out the topic as an interesting subject of conversation among people. The exploration from this research might provide new insight towards public toilets as a space thus encouraging discussion from a different angle. Through the famous metaphorical phrase “don’t judge a book by its cover”, we realized prejudge comes with blindspot. Therefore, let's not judge a public toilet through stigmatization. Let’s talk about it, if uncomfortable, it can be discussed from a different viewpoint.

Tokyo Public Toilet

CATALOGUE

Tokyo Public Toilet

ADS

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 2 Chome-4-10 Roppongi, Minato City, Tokyo 106-0032

Taxi Public toilet American embassy of residence

- Frequent appearance of taxis - Close to urban expressway shibuya line No.3 - Situated beside the highly guarded American Embassy of Residence

Gas station

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 2 Chome-4-25 Ikenohata, Taito City, Tokyo 110-0008

Public toilet

Phone booth

Taxi Taxi

T ADS

- Frequent appearance of taxis - In between residential neigborhood and University of Tokyo

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-3-18 Shibakoen, Minato City, Tokyo 105-0011

Public toilet

Taxi

Shibakoen park

- Gathering of taxis

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 2 Chome-13-8 Minowa, Taito City, Tokyo

04 Car parking lot Public toilet

Oku view

T ADS

- Located at junction - Secure view to Skytree with sense of depth

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 2 Chome-13-8 Minowa, Taito City, Tokyo

05 Koban Public toilet

Sumida river

Oku view

- Provide view to Sumida river with cityscape panaromic view - Faces of 4 people, mimetic landmark

Tokyo Public Toilet

Location:

P.T

3 chome-9-11 Higashiazabu, Minato City, Tokyo

Koban

Public toilet

Station entrance

Oku view

T ADS

- Located at junction - Secure okuness view of modern city

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 6 chome-10-18 Akasaka 10, Minato City, Tokyo 107-0052

07 Public toilet

Retaining wall

- Hiding inside the retaining wall

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-7-13 Shibakoen, Minato City, Tokyo 105-0011

Underground Public toilet

T ADS

- Located at junction with many people pass by - Hiding underground

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-4 Yushima, Bunkyo City, Tokyo 113-0034

Public toilet

Wall of shrine

- Hiding inside the retaining wall

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-2-4 Ginza, Chuo City, Tokyo 104-0061

10 Koban Public toilet

T ADS

- Hiding behind Koban

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 4 chome-2-27 Roppongi Minato City, Tokyo 106-0032

11 Public toilet

Community park

- Located at the corner and lower area of the park - No much people around

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 chome-27-22 Higashi, Shibuya City, Tokyo 150-0011

12 Public toilet

T ADS

- In the form of 4 pencils attached together - Alien to its surrouding but fun in sense

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-2-17 Showamachi, Kita City, Tokyo 114-0011

13 Public toilet

Oku station

Convenience store

- Located outside Oku Station - Literally taking the shape of the word 'OKU' - Through community agreement

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 2 Tomihisacho Shinjuku City, Tokyo 162-0067

14 Public Toilet

Community park

T ADS

- Wacky shape like religious building - With stricking green color

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 3 chome-11-1 Motoazabu Minato City, Tokyo 106-0046

15 Public toilet

Green buffer

- Enclosed with medium high trees - Greenery corner

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-6-8 Tsukiji, Chuo City, Tokyo 104-0045

Public toilet Trees

Elevated from street

T ADS

- Surrounded with tress - Installed with skylight roof - Amazing space created through light filter from trees

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-2-6 Asakusa, Taito City, Tokyo 111-0032

17 Public toilet Small retails

- Located at Asakusa dori with many small retails - Shared by different owners and the public

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 chome−25−9 Shibuya, Shibuya City, Tokyo 150-0002

Public toilet

Small retails

Stone wall

T ADS

- In a compact alley with small retails - Share by different shopowners for their customers

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-37-1 Asakusa, Taito City, Tokyo 111-0032

Public toilet

Small retails

- Located at Asakusa dori with many small retails - Shared by different owners and the public

Tokyo Public Toilet

P.T

Location: 1 Chome-32-7 Asakusa, Taito City, Tokyo 111-0032

Public toilet

Small retails

T ADS

- Located at Asakusa dori with many small retails - Shared by different owners and the public

Tokyo Public Toilet

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Appendix

Series of public toilets in Tokyo that are possible to fit into the categorized publicness are collected. All of them are discovered through Google maps at the first step of finding. However, not all of them are suitable to fall into the category provided during the process of analysis thus left un presented. But it is believed that they contain spatial quality and might fit into another category if further research is carried out. So, it is important to record them as a source of future analysis. Other phenomenon that can be noticed from this series of photos including: •

Gathering of smokers around public toilets.

•

The frequent appearance of mamachari (mon’s bike)

stopping by. •

Taking advantage of unused or small space under the

bridge. They are potential spatial qualities that might be posed by public toilets.but not critically being analysed. I would like to bring it out in this section so that it serves as a hint in the future. They might be invalid or disappear with time as culture changed and society changed. Or in the opposite, the situation getting obvious and prevalent. No one will know. Hence, it is worth noting here.

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Fig. 34 (Page 97,98,99) Street views with public toilets (Google, n.d.) 101

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Department of Architecture Graduate Schoold of Engineering The University of Tokyo Eng. Bldg. 1, Room 415 7

Bunkyō

1 Hongō ku

Tokyo 〒 113

8656

Japan www.t-ads.org Printed in Tokyo 2020

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