Lecture - Form and structure in the Gulf Cities 2

ARCHITECTURE DEPARTMENT Course Name: Livable Cities Course Code: ARCH4304 / Section: 1 Semester: Spring 19-20

Lecture: Form and structure in the Middle East and Gulf 2

Kuwait

The First Master Plan in 1952 After the discovery of oil with economic quantities during the thirties and its exportation during the forties and the immediate wealth generated by its sales, the rulers of the country appointed the British firm Monprio, Spencly and Macfarlen to propose a “Plan� for the development of the city of Kuwait.

The First Master Plan in 1952 The main objective of the master plan was to transform the vernacular settlement of Kuwait into a modern town according to the standards of modern town planning at that time.

The First Master Plan in 1952 As stated by the planners, “Our main objectives are to illustrate and describe the improvements which we consider necessary for the development of Kuwait in accordance with the highest standards of modern town planning.�

The First Master Plan in 1952 The matters which Monprio et al regarded as being of “primary importance� in the replanning of the town were as follows: (a) the provision of a modern road system appropriate to the traffic conditions in Kuwait, (b) the location of suitable zones for public buildings, industry, commerce, schools, and other purposes, (c) the choice of zones for new houses and other buildings needed in residential areas, both inside and outside the town wall, (d) the selection of sites for parks, sports ground, school playing fields and other open spaces, (c) the creation of a beautiful and dignified town centre, (f) the planting of trees and shrubs along the principal roads and at other important points in the town, and (g) the provision of improved main roads linking Kuwait with the adjoining towns and villages.

The First Master Plan in 1952 The “Plan� led to the demolition of the walled city and its traditional houses to provide land for economic and public facilities and the establishment of western style neighborhoods surrounded by modern highways for cars and vehicles.

The First Master Plan in 1952 This sudden change from a vernacular settlement to a modern urban environment had a dramatic impact on the quality of urban life.

As proclaimed by the late Kuwaiti architect Huda AlBahr in 1985, “The changes in architecture experienced by Kuwait over the last thirty years or so, are almost beyond imagination.�

The subsequent master plans The late fifties and early sixties witnessed the implementation of the first master plan by the Ministry of Public Works under the supervision of the Kuwait Development Board established in 1950.

The subsequent master plans The demolition of the wall and old houses in residential areas inside it to clear land for the construction of new public buildings paralleled the construction of new roads and residential neighborhoods south of it in the desert.

The subsequent master plans • The neighborhoods were self sufficient entities with schools, shops, mosques and other services.

The subsequent master plans • As Gardiner put, “there was no need to come into the city except for work because every thing was there (in the neighborhood)” (Gardiner, 1983).

The subsequent master plans • As part of the government’s policy for the distribution of wealth, low income families were given public houses built by the government while rich families were compensated with plots of land and money for their demolished houses and acquired land.

The subsequent master plans • Building regulations proposed by the Plan allowed for the construction of individual “villas” on these plots of land illustrates buildings and houses erected during the 50’s and 60’s reflecting the modern style of architecture that dominated this era.

The subsequent master plans • The modern urbanization in Kuwait has passed through significant stages. • During each a Master Plan or a review of the master plan was produced, which contributed to the development of modern Kuwait (Kuwait Municipality, 1980).

Kuwait Master Plans

Several master plans were developed to guide the rapid urbanization of Kuwait. They included: 1.The First Master Plan by Monoprio, Spencely and Macfarlane in 1952.

2.The Second Master Plan by Colin Buchanan and Partners in 1968.

3.First Review of the 2nd Master Plan

by Shankland Cox Partnership in 1977 4.Re-examination of Master Plan by Colin Buchanan and Partners in 1983 5.A proposed Third Master Plan by Kuwait Municipality in 1997.

6.Kuwait Engineering Group in collaboration with Colin Buchanan developed a new master plan review in 2003.

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The subsequent master plans • In 1968 a Second Master Plan was developed by Colin Buchanan and Partners that stretched the city north and south along the Gulf shores.

• It also called for the dissemination of the city centre by creating new centres to overcome the growing traffic congestion problems.

• In 1977 the British planning firm Shakland and Cox proposed the establishment of two new cities.

The subsequent master plans • During the eighties several remarkable buildings, designed by internationally recognised architects, were constructed in Kuwait.

The subsequent master plans • They included: – The National Airport by Kenzo Tange, – The National Assembly by Jorn Utzon, – The Ministry of Foreign Affairs by Reima Pietila, – The Central Bank by Arne Jacobsen, and – The Kuwait Water Towers by Lindstorm, Egnell and Bjorn.

‫إيران‬

‫محاور للتنمية‬ ‫مصادر‬ ‫طبيعية‬

‫تجارة عالمية‬

‫العراق‬ ‫مصادر‬ ‫طبيعية‬

‫تنمية سياحية‬ ‫سياحة عالمية‬

‫مدينة‬ ‫الكويت‬

‫مركز مالي عالمي‬ ‫الخليج العربي‬ ‫مركز صناعي‬

‫طرق إقليمية ودولية مقترحة‬ ‫مصادر‬ ‫طبيعية‬ ‫تنمية سياحية‬

‫محاور رئيسية قائمة من وإلى المنطقة الحضرية‬ ‫طرق ربط بحرية‬

‫نقاط تقاطع رئيسية‬ ‫لمحاور التنمية‬ ‫موانئ بحرية جديدة‬

‫إستراتيجية الخطة القومية الطبيعية‬

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 1. The problems of planning for the car • The automobile dependent planning created an automobile dependent society where almost each private car is occupied by only one person.

• This resulted urban environment encourages the use of the car as primary means of transportation.

• Public transportation is used by poor expatriate workers.

• This dependency on cars raises the levels of air pollution and result an increasing traffic problems.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 1. The problems of planning for the car • The rising number of cars, coupled with lack of adequate parking places inside houses, resulted in occupation of sidewalks by sheds for cars, creating visual pollution and socially hostile neighborhoods.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 1. The problems of planning for the car • The compact traditional design of the old city was replaced by a spread modern planning. • Attached courtyard houses were replaced by detached villas, narrow shaded alleys for pedestrians were replaced by wide streets for cars.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 1. The problems of planning for the car • They prevented people from using the sidewalks for walking. • The spread planning does not encourage people to walk to their close by destinations.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 2. Demolition of historical buildings • Destruction of the majority traditional architecture buildings occurred during the implementation of the “Plan” in the 1960’s. The deteriorating condition of the handful remaining buildings is raising a concern of their complete absence in the near future.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 3. Neighborhood planning • The modern “villas” lack any common style or character.

• The collection of styles and characters found in residential neighborhoods is comparable.

• As Al-Bahr put it, “to visiting a Disneyland of residential manifestations.” (Al-Bahr, 1985)

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 3. Neighborhood planning • Qabazard argues that “as personal wealth increased, Kuwaiti citizens began experimenting with new styles of buildings.

• Architects from locations as varied as America, Belgium, India and Iran descended on the country – earning huge commissions and designing whatever their clients demanded. (Qabazard, 1999)

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 3. Neighborhood planning • The distance between the outward looking villas is not appropriate to maintain acceptable levels of privacy required by people of a culture that value privacy highly.

• Windows of different buildings face each other allowing visual intrusion into neighboring houses.

• The windows are never opened and balconies and seldom utilized due to dependency on air-conditioning and privacy requirements.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 3. Neighborhood planning • The windows and balconies of the private villas are rarely used. Modifications of building bylaws added to the problem by reducing the distance between houses and reducing the level of attained privacy. Many of the new houses are utilizing the traditional concept of the courtyard to create a private space within the house.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 4. Downtown problems • Discontinued streets are created by separate individual buildings without any tie or common style.

• Attached buildings became detached buildings.

• While each building is designed and constructed according to a specific view and solution, collections of buildings do not form a coherent character or identity.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 4. Downtown problems • Large, vacant, and undeveloped plots of lands are common inside and outside the downtown area are contributing to the visual discontinuity of the urban landscape.

Impact on Socio-cultural Sustainability 4. Downtown problems • The planning of Kuwait city did not provide adequate housing for Kuwaitis in the downtown area. Only one, unsuccessful housing project for the Kuwaitis called AlSawaber is located within the old city. Living away from the down town contributed to the absence of Kuwaitis from the downtown area. There are efforts to bring the Kuwaitis back to the downtown, but without adequate housing that satisfies their new needs, the downtown will continue to be occupied by expatriates.

Conclusions • Urgent measures that should be taken include: – the renovation and reconstruction of badly damaged traditional buildings, – the development of mixed use downtown development strategy, – the provision of appropriate housing units to encourage of Kuwaitis to live in the downtown, – the integration of housing and commercial activities, and – implementation of revitalization projects for the downtown area.

Conclusions •

The above measures are expected to be faced by obstacles that the policymakers and urban planners in Kuwait should try to overcome. These include: 1. Building bylaws and regulations: Conflicting and contentiously changing building bylaws and regulations are major contributor to the deteriorating urban environment. Modifications of building regulations were mainly concerned with increasing the building volume and floor area through the increase of floor area ratio and the reduction of setbacks on the expense of quality of the environment and community comfort. (Mahgoub, 2002)

Conclusions 2. Neighborhood design: The “outdated� approach to neighborhood design practiced by the Public Authority for Housing Welfare since its foundation as in 1954 should be modified to improve the quality and design of future neighborhoods. New neighborhood design guidelines should be implemented to achieve a sustainable neighborhood design. See Fig. 6)

Conclusions 3. The car: Jefferson argues that, “there are no indications that the car will be abandoned in the near future. Its presence therefore has to be acknowledged and regarded as a challenge in the planning of the urban environment.� (Jefferson et al., 2001. p. 23) The car is a commodity that should be accommodated in the planning and design of urban environments. Parking for private cars should not occupy the sidewalks provided mainly for pedestrians.

Conclusions 4. Zoning Regulations: Mixed use planning should be encouraged to improve the livability and excitement of the urban environment. Segregation between functions and peoples proved to be disadvantageous. It only succeeded in creating hostile and unfriendly environment.

Conclusions 5. The building industry: Encouraging the building industry to be sustainable in the use of material and construction methods could be achieved through economic incentives. It will also require the development of consensus on the adoption of green and sustainable building activities. This is where leadership support from officials and leading figures in the society is essential to encourage the adoption of these strategies. Inadequate knowledge and publications regarding the concept and methods of sustainable development in Arabic is hindering the development of public awareness and participation.

Doha

INTRODUCTION • • • • •

Qatar Qatar Demographics Profile 2019 Total Area: 11,586 sq km Population: 2,363,569 (July 2018 est.)

Urban population: 99.2% Doha population: 637,000 DOHA (capital) (2019) • Ethnic groups: Arab 40%, Indian 18%, Pakistani 18%, Iranian 10%, other 14%

Qatar

INTRODUCTION • Qatar transformed itself from a poor British protectorate noted mainly for pearling into an independent state with significant oil and natural gas revenues.

Qatar

INTRODUCTION • During the late 1980s and early 1990s, the economy was crippled by a continuous siphoning off of petroleum revenues. • As of 2007, oil and natural gas revenues had enabled Qatar to attain the secondhighest per capita income in the world.

Qatar

INTRODUCTION • Doha, Historical Context – 3 Scenes: 1.

2.

3.

Decline of pearl industry in 1930 and its impact to urbanization and development.

Discovery of oil between mid-1950s and mid-1980s Late 1990s Economic upsurge. The sea was not only a source for natural energy but also a commodity-space to occupied by growing global real-estate market.

SCENE I. COLONIALISM AND URBANITY OF THE PEARL INDUSTRY • The muffling of discourse was part of the connection between the two empires; “Waning British and the Waxing American”, aiming for the acquisition of oil concessions in Qatar and the Gulf region.

• Dislodging Qatar from the British ambit, having it’s independency 1971.

SCENE I. COLONIALISM AND URBANITY OF THE PEARL INDUSTRY ►

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: Events involved in shaping Qatar End of 19th Century before the oil discovery: I. Pearling.

II. Territorial disputes.

III. Al-Thani Family.

IV. British geopolitics.

1868 an agreement between Bahrain and Qatar was assigned yet in this treaty conceded to desist from the maritime warfare and regulate the tribute to be paid for Bahrain.

SCENE I. COLONIALISM AND URBANITY OF THE PEARL INDUSTRY • The name Doha • It is derived from the Arabic “Dawh” or “Tadweeh” which means circle-ness or to circle referring to shoreline of the city.

SCENE I. COLONIALISM AND URBANITY OF THE PEARL INDUSTRY • 19th Century: • The urban conditions of Doha were much influenced by two interrelated socio-economic forces: – tribal affiliations and – pearling.

• Pearling industry was the principle axis around which the economic and social structure in the city revolved.

SCENE I. COLONIALISM AND URBANITY OF THE PEARL INDUSTRY At the beginning of the 20th century, eight distinct ferejan, or districts each occupied with a certain tribe or large family as an expanding of inhabitants.

SCENE I. COLONIALISM AND URBANITY OF THE PEARL INDUSTRY ►

Early 1930s: 1. The world wide economic depression.

2. The Japanese discovery of cultural pearl.

Poverty forcing people to leave the peninsula or living in dismal condition. ► Dropping of the population for the first time. ► The 2nd world war. ► Independent of India and the new measures of it’s new government banning all imports of luxury items, including pearls. ► The decline of the pearl industry. ►

SCENE II. Modernization, and the urbanity of Petrodollars.

Rise of American Interest in the Gulf. ► Oil was discovered in Qatar in 1939. ► Population and construction boom began in the 1950s. ► Sheikh Khalifa bin Hamad al-Thani took power in 1972. ►

SCENE II. Modernization, and the urbanity of Petrodollars. ►

Sub-scenes of Doha urban transformations corresponding to political, economic, international and local changes: I. Urbanity of transition (1949 – 1955).

II. Urbanity of necessity (1956 – 1971).

III.Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

IV. Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Urbanity of transition (1949 – 1955).

Urbanity of necessity (1956 – 1971).

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

SCENE II. Modernization, and the urbanity of Petrodollars. ►

These changes went very slow at the beginning: I. Rulers were very conservative and took time to exploit the country resources fully. Developments have grown in respond to the oil revenue and amount of oil exploited.

II. It is also a transition in the relation of production (labor division, and new wealth distribution methods).

III. Government has no apparatus system for physical planning.

Urbanity of transition (1949 – 1955).

Urbanity of necessity (1956 – 1971).

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Urbanity of transition (1949 – 1955).

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Urbanity of necessity (1956 – 1971).

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

1955, true sense of development began:  Asphalt roads were lit and extended.  New desalination plant was constructed with pipes connecting it to many houses.  Electric plants, new hospitals, and schools were built. (Competition sponsored by RIBA)  Construction activities as well as the expansion of governmental services necessitated the use of foreign skilled and unskilled labor.  Rapid increase of population during this time specially the foreigners.

Urbanity of necessity (1956 – 1971).

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Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

In 1960s, Urban character of the city began to take shape, with the development along the Gulf shore, new routes through the city, new hotels, and apartment buildings.

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Urbanity of necessity (1956 – 1971).

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Later in 1970, population 85,000 with 67% foreigners. ► Population increase of nearly 600% and an increase in foreigners of more than 1000%. ► Increase in immigration patterns from abroad and flight of many Qataris toward Doha ► The city was divided into Four districts: I. Qataris in the North, East and central districts of Doha.

II.Expatriates in the South, West and central zones of the city. ►

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

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Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

1972 Government contracted the British-based Llewelyn – Davies to be the first foreign planning consultant, to supply a master plan for Doha extending to 1990.

They recommended that the government “acquire old buildings from residents and clear them for redesign and development.”

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

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Their recommendations for the central area were:

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Acquire number of older neighborhoods from their residents to be clear for redesigns and developments.

Increase the commercial, governmental, and high rise residential buildings.

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Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Increase the population density by expanding vertically. ► Using the extra land acquired either to expand the public ownership ratio or to add new land uses. ► Removing the industrial warehouses and increase upscale shopping. ►

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

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Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Acquiring these lands for development by the “new Ministry of Municipal Affairs” cased an immediate inflation real-estate speculation.

Qataris begun selling their homes for prices much higher than those of the market to relocate in other newer parts around the city peripheries.

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

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Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

The consequences of the renewal policy recommended

by Llewelyn –Davies : 1. Demographic mix in the city center.

2. Influx of expatriate Asian workers into the central districts.

3. Buildings that survived the bulldozing and clearance were usually divided internally and rented to low-income groups.

4. The spread of apartment buildings along newly opened arteries.

5. Sharp contrast between the relatively high apartment buildings 3 to 5 story and the older low rise, dense area striking.

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Doha Sheraton

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Qatar University

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

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Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

American office, William Periera Associates was hired to develop the concept plan for Doha bay and the emergence of the long crescent-shaped Cornice.

By major earth moving and land felling.

1. Opening new areas for developments to be used by the residents during their leisure time.

2. A symbol of the new city as most iconic and emblematic governmental and commercial buildings were lined up along it’s length.

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

WLPA’s strategic plan for the NDOD.

Up to 1972, the Cornice turning away from the sea and moving up the hill towards al-Markhiya, and then to the north road.

The outline of the reclaimed area is shown as the New District of Doha, with the extended road system taken into it.

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

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Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Corniche acquired a central character -defining position in the structural plan for Doha.

The city was laid out in a semicircular pattern radiating outward from the Corniche.

A system of ring roads intercepted by radial ones enclosing urban areas, separating and marking different zones.

Urbanity of modernization (1972 – 1984).

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Urbanity of stagnation (mid-1980s to early 1990s).

Housing: The government’s policy was to supply every Qatari with a plot of land and an interest free loan for building a house.

Expatriate workers usually receive free housing as part of their work contracts.

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle. ►

The impact of globalization on Qatar is enhanced with series of interconnected international, regional and local changes in the political and economic spheres:  Iraq‟s invasion of Kuwait  Second Gulf War  Change of the Emir in 1995  9/11 terrorist attacks  Occupation of Iraq  Oil and Gas prices upsurge  The emergence of Dubai

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle. ►

Since the late 1990s, rapid urbanization and building frenzy in Doha that has been characterized by explosive expansion of the existing city in all most all spatial coordinates:  Building skyscrapers  Constructing malls  Gated residential communities  Iconic museums  Libraries  New stadia & Sport facilities  Importing water in land  Artificial lakes & islands

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SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle.

These represent the largest urban real-estate explosion Doha has ever seen.

Five interrelated theoretical observations or discourses.

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2.

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Capitalism system since the 1980s and 1990s Branding (symbols and icons) The Dubai Effect: Dbaification, Dubaization, …

People’s Identity and lifestyles Diversification of the Economy

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 1st discourse ► ►

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THE NEW MUSEUM OF ISLAMIC ARTS - BY I.M. PEI. Draws much influence from ancient Sumerian, Babylonian, and Assyrian architecture.

Built on an off-shore artificial island at the end of Corniche.

Meant to join forces with Four other national museums that will be in Doha bay area forming a centerpieces in it’s strategy to become tourist destination

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 1st discourse â–º

THE NEW MUSEUM OF ISLAMIC ARTS - BY I.M. PEI.

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 1st discourse ► ►

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DISPLAY STRATEGIES Display strategy is not limited to iconic museum buildings, but expanded to include displaying the city‟s history by framing certain sections of the old city.

Souk Waqif, Friday market placed for Bedouins to trade their wool and meat in exchange of staple goods.

Showcase for Doha past.

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 2nd discourse ► ► ► ►

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THE PEARL-QATAR

BY SEATTLE-BASED CALISON ARCHITECTURE INC $2.5B, 400 hectare reclaimed land To be distinguished from any other island in the Gulf and to create an iconic brand image for the country.

Links between the cultural identity and historical legacies of skills, stories, music, art and poetry of the past time with the old pearlfishing site.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lncvKncB7s0&fe ature=player_embedded#at=45

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 1st discourse ►

Heritage Village, hosts variety of events which are meant to showcase traditional Qatari dance, music, and hand crafts. The annual “Doha Cultural Festival”.

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 1st discourse ► ►

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Sporting Events Dazzling number of high-level sports events organized in the city like: MotoGP, ATP tennis, gymnastics, volleyball, basket ball, handball, football, Master’s golf, Grand Prix fencing, Class One formula 3000 power boating .. etc The focal point used in boosting the cultural capitalism tier was the spectacular 2006 Doha Asian Games.

Sport city.. is the centerpiece of the sport facilities , lies south west Corniche covering an area of 130 hectares.  

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International Stadium.

Aspire Sports Dome.

Hamad Aquatic Center Orthopedic Sports Medicine Hospital.

Energy Center.

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 1st discourse ► ► ►

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Higher Education 1995 established Qatar Foundation Education City: creating knowledge, from early childhood education to postgraduate studies and applied research.

Qatar Science and Technology Park: a free trade zone to attract companies to develop their technology and launch new technology businesses.

In the future it will be joined by housing, shopping, sports and recreational facilities.

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 1st discourse ►

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Arata Isozaka, who designed the National Libarary, National bank, has also designed the Foundation’s Auditorium/Convention and Exhibition Center, Headquarrters.

Legorreta & Legoratta designed academic buildings.

Doha is enthusiastic to establish itself as education hub for the gulf region and South East Asia with an American-style education system by opening branches of American universities attracting students from other Gulf countries who want to receive American education without living in the US. (9/11 impact)

Master Plan for Qatarâ€&#x;s Education City

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 2nd discourse ► ► ►

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Branding Adding sign values to the products in addition to their use value. “Sign-Wars” “Today architecture has become one of the primary

instruments of brand communication, of lending tangible forms to corporate brands.”

Instead making a brand into a place, the place or the city is made into brand.

Cities have always been stereotyped or branded because they always reflect a rational or an emotional attachment:  Cairo  History  Paris  Romance  London  Business

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 2nd discourse ► ►

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Branding Cities compete with every other city for the share of the world’s to attract investments consumers, businesses, capital and tourists.

Doha 1980s Dullest place on earth (Lonely Planet guidebook)!

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 3rd discourse ► ►

„DUBITATION‟, „DUBAIFICATION‟, „DUBAI FACTOR‟ Doha is influenced by Dubai as many other Gulf countries I. II. III. IV. V.

Emirates and Qatar Airways The pearl-Qatar  Palm Jumairah.

Financial center of Doha  Dubai International Financial center.

Dubai Towers Doha DAMAC  The Piazza (Lusail City)

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 4th discourse ► ► ► ►

IDENTITY AND LIFESTYLES BRANDS Lifestyles are becoming increasingly intrinsic markers of who one is and as a means to connect to others.

Adoption of a certain brand or lifestyle marks and conveys to his or her peer group meanings, status, and prestige.

Max Weber:  The cultural or symbolic aspects of society define people’s behaviour as much as economic needs.  The importance of symbolic or sign values in the realization of self and the exercise of identity through lifestyles.

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“Signs and images play an increasingly important role in identity formation, including the identity of buildings and cities” – Goldman and Papson, 1996

SCENE III. Globalization and the Urbanity of the Spectacle - The 5th discourse ► ► ► ► ►

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Diversify Economy The Recycling of the petrodollars earned by the government.

How the wealth is accumulated and this money is invested?

“The value of projects planned or underdevelopment in the Gulf exceeds on trillion US dollars”, Gulf News 2006.

A large portion of the petrodollars is invested in stock markets around the Gulf, financing large real-estate developments.

Since 9/11, many Middle Eastern investors pulled up stakes in the West. The Saudis alone repatriated 1/3 of their trillion-dollar overseas portfolio.

CONCLUDING REMARKS Doha as a global city. ► Hyperlinked to other cities and other spaces. ► The global city emerges as a new concept for the postcolonial, one-super-power era, non-liberal politicaleconomic paradigm. ► Global  Not-global ► “Presence and/or absence of specific concentrated transnational activities within them as well as entertainment and lifestyle venues.” ►

End