MArch Year 1 Specialist Study

A study of Liverpool’s Housing Tenure typologies over the past 150 years Which tenure provides the best manifesto for the future generations from an architectural and political perspective?

Xorlanyo Avevor

Key Word & Abbreviations CLT

- Community Land Trust

CBHA

- Community Based Housing Association

GRA

- Granby Residents Association

SNAP

- Shelter Neighbourhood Action Project

Corpy

- Liverpool Corperation

Municipal

- Governement

Tenure

- the conditions under which land or buildings are held or occupied

Neoliberalism

- a political approach that favours freemarketcapitalism, deregulation, and reduction in government spending

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Contents Timeline

4-5

Introduction

6-8

Granby Four Streets Part I - Victorian Origins

8 - 11

Part II - The Rise of Alternatives

12 - 13

Part III - The Effects of Decline & Discrimination

14 - 15

Part IV - The Community Land Trust

16 - 17

St Andrew’s Gardens Part I - The Municipal Dream?

18 - 19

Part II - A modernist approach

20 - 21

Part III - The Effects of Changes in Tenure

22 - 23

The Eldonian Way Part I - Unfortunate Events

24 - 25

Part II - A co-operative approach

26 - 29

Brunswick Way - Capitalist motives?

30 - 35

Conclusion

36 - 37

Bibliography

38 - 39

List of Figures

40 - 41 3

Introduction Thirty years ago, the average price of a house in the United Kingdom was approximately three times the average household income. Currently the average price for a house is almost six times the average income (fig.1). This gap between salary and price of housing is growing wider year by year and the thought of home ownership has become a distant dream for a large portion of the population.

This continuous increase in house prices and the lack of affordable housing, raises a lot of questions as to the cause of these issues.

In the book ‘Freedom to Build’, (1972), architect John F.C. Turner proposed that the status of a dwelling should be perceived as both a noun and a verb; as an active lived process of doing, as well as a static material object in which to invest and trade. This ideology is profound with regards to the housing dilemma, as it helps to inform a proposed cause for the issue. We live in a capitalist society whereby there is an inherent thirst for profit. Given this landscape it makes sense for housing to be perceived as a ‘noun’ due to the financial benefits that are associated with home ownership. The neoliberalist incentive is to ensure that the price of housing continues to increase in order to make sure that people investments are worthwhile. This narrative of housing being perceived as a noun is rather dangerous from an ethical point of view as main the motivator behind new developments is profit.

Therefore, the thought process for the lived experience of the home occupier is often subdued.

Combined with the concurrent demise of municipal housing, there is a quest for alternative solutions to housing which offer a different approach to creating homes that place more focus on the ‘lived process’.

Liverpool has a rich history of housing typologies and good examples of housing alternatives which differ from the typical private and public sector, as illustrated in the historical timeline on page 4.

Starting in the 19th century, due to industrial capitalism, many people who worked near the city were employed on a casual basis, so they did not have a fixed salary or income (Lane, 1997). This exploitation of workers coupled with the absolute bare minimum spent on the construction and maintenance, led to some of the worst housing conditions seen in the United Kingdom (fig.2). According to Jose Ospina in his book ‘Housing Ourselves’, “in 1841, 34 per cent of Liverpool’s population were living in filthy overcrowded cellars without light, ventilation or fresh water; 25 per cent living in backto-back tenement housing” (Ospina, 1987). In addition, in 1845-47 due to the Irish potato famine, there was a large influx of Irish immigrants that migrated to Liverpool which added to the issues regarding overcrowding in the traditional terraced houses and the back-to-back tenement courthouses.

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Figure 1 - Diagram indicating changes in house price and income over time

Figure 2 - Image of the Victorian slum conditions

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This negative stigma associated with the city led to Liverpool becoming the first city in Britain to legislate against the horrible urban conditions created by capitalism. The Liverpool Building Act was introduced in 1842, which challenged the laid-back approach of landlords and developers, enforcing minimum space and hygiene standards for newly constructed rented courts across Liverpool (Thompson, 2020, p. 30). Also, from 1861, Liverpool banned the construction of back-back court houses which also started to help the city atone for the dire conditions that many of its residents had to endure.

In 1869, the Liverpool City Council, known by the tenants as the “Corpy”, built Europe’s first municipal housing scheme. It was called St Martin’s Cottages and was built in order to replace the back-to-back slums (fig.3)(Thompson, 2020, p. 31). The construction of this municipal housing block was the beginning of new housing tenure. The working class in particular could escape the poorly maintained privately rented slum housing and move into new state procured tenement blocks which were affordable and highly maintained. This rise of municipal housing combined with extensive slum clearance programmes continued for another hundred years post the construction of St Martins cottages. However, changes in public perception and the introduction of Margret Thatcher’s Right to Buy policy in 1980, led to the demise of municipal procurement and privatisation became rife. This private monopoly of the housing market coupled with a rise in neoliberalism, has led to the current issues we have today regarding unaffordable housing and accelerating rent prices.

In this specialist study I will dissect four case studies of housing schemes in Liverpool which have similar densities but differ in their tenure. By using a range of criteria, such as design approach and procurement, I will compare and contrast the case studies in order to assess which typology provides the better housing philosophy for future generations from an architectural and political perspective.

Granby Four Streets Part I - Victorian Origins The Granby Four Streets is an area in Toxteth, Liverpool made up of four streets at the tip of a triangle in close proximity to Princes Park (fig.4). The four streets area are named – Beaconsfield Street, Cairns Street, Jermyn Street and Dulcie Street. The area was built in the 1870’s by Welsh Architect Richard Owens, an important figure during Liverpool’s Victorian housing era (Morrison & Waterson, 2019).

A decade before the construction of the four streets, in the 1860’s, there were over 20,000 Welsh builders working in Liverpool who required housing. Around this time, land in Toxteth was leased for housing development. Richard Owens capitalised and teamed up with David Robert’s, a land surveyor, and facilitated the construction of over 10,000 terraced houses around Liverpool (Toner, 2018).

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Figure 3 - St Martin’s Cottages photographed in 1944

Figure 4 - Location plan of the Granby Four Streets

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A large portion of the terraced housing designed by Owens was intended to house Welsh families among others seeking work in the growing economy of Liverpool; and is why many streets were given Welsh names such as the Welsh streets which are close to the Granby Streets (Fox, 2014).

Bringing the focus back to the Granby Four Streets, there was clear level of architectural care given to the streets with each street featuring its own unique architectural design and a range of housing typologies (Morrison & Waterson, 2019). For example, when looking at the front elevations of the Ducie Street terraces (fig.5) we can see how they consisted of two bay windows, three windows and an arched doorway. However, when looking at the housing elevations on Jermyn Street (fig.6), they mainly consisted of single fronted bay windows, two first floor windows, a pointed door archway and a dormer window. Also, on closer observation, you can see how the ground floor level is raised slightly from the pavement level allowing the opportunity for light to enter the lower ground level as exemplified by housing number 38. These two examples of different housing typologies give a small indication as to the care and attention that was given by Richard Owens to the area.

Another point to consider is the variation in housing sizes. In Ian Morrison’s book ‘Rescue and Reuse’, it explains how the sizes of the houses on four street varied from two-up-two down houses to double fronted homes with between six and eight bedrooms (Morrison & Waterson, 2019). Given that capitalism was still at a high during this era, we can infer that the smaller two-up two downs would have been inhabited by the working-class population, whereas the larger double fronted homes would have belonged to the middle or upper class. This combination of classes living on the same street, went against the principles of the capitalist society of the time and may have helped to create a community with more socioeconomic diversity.

The work done at Granby Four Streets by Owens in 1870, coupled with the introduction of new municipal housing standards a few decades earlier, was testament as to how the narrative of the city was turning from the home of squalor to a new sympathetic future where there was some consideration for the residents living conditions.

Referencing John F.C Turner’s ideology, this is an example of how housing in Liverpool was beginning to shift from being solely seen as an asset to now being understood as verb, given the new consideration for the inhabitants lived process. There were still issues given the housing market was still privatised and private landlords could still charge rents at their discretion. However, these terrace typologies were carefully designed and provided better living conditions, especially for the working class, which probably plays a factor as to why some of them still stand to this day.

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Figure 5 - Photograph of Ducie Street’s front elevations

Figure 6 - Photograph of Jermyn Street’s front elevations

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Part II - The Rise of Alternatives Almost a century later, the Victorian terraces of Granby Four Street were still well occupied. After World War II, Toxteth became a popular location for commonwealth immigrants and the Granby Streets became one of England’s earliest multicultural neighbourhoods (Chakrabortty, 2018). In the 1950’s the area was perceived as the utopian example of Liverpool’s post war cosmopolitan ideals.

It was described as a “buzzing place” and featured almost 100 retail outlets (Chesters, 2017) which included many culturally diverse shops (fig.7) and even a cinema (Granby4Streets CLT, 2020). The diversity of the area combined with the provision of amenities for the residents, was an example of the community spirit within the area and how there was an emphasis on how the residents experienced their environment even beyond housing.

In the 1960’s, Granby was labelled as a “twilight area” and many residents who could afford to leave the area did so. Vacant properties were purchased by dishonest landlord’s keen to make quick rental profit (Chesters, 2017). Therefore, there was an increase in the number of properties with substandard living conditions, as depicted by the unsettling image to the right (fig.8). In response to these conditions, a collective called Shelter Neighbourhood Action Project (SNAP) became involved from 1969 until 1972, acquiring many of the poor-quality properties and renovating them.

Shelter received approval from local government to acquire 600 properties and secured a £100,000 grant (equivalent to £1,658,010 in 2019) to invest over three years in the Granby area (Commons and Lords Hansard, 1968). After two years, almost half of the houses had been successfully restored. However the challenges with securing improvement grants and convincing absentee landlords to improve their properties remained (Towers, 2000, p. 78) In the book ‘Reconstructing Public Housing’, Matthew Thompson explains how, - “SNAP was to provide the vital link with residents, articulate their needs to the council and offer free advice on health, welfare and housing issues.”

(Thompson, 2020, p.67). This intervention from Shelter could be considered as one origins of alternatives to public and privately owned housing, since it allowed the residents in the area to have a voice about the enviroment they were living in.

Going back to Turner’s ideas, the work in Granby undertaken by SNAP is a clear example of housing being depicted as a verb, a lived process. They understood that members of society are the lifeblood of housing, therefore they should have some level of input as to the enviroment is shaped and looked after. This intervention also amplifies the problems that can occur when housing is left to the private market. Without the intervention from SNAP the community spirit that was synonymous with the area would have been lost due to the neglect of private landlords.

This intervention also triggers the question regarding maintenance. When Granby Four Streets was designed by Richard Owens, it would not have been anticipated that his carefully deigned terraced typologies would have been neglected in the manner that they were. Therefore, it is okay to construct housing that is well designed and caters for the residents needs, however if the houses are not maintained and treated with care, then these efforts become vain.

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Figure 7 - Photograph of the corner of Northbrook Street, Granby circa 1950

Figure 8 - Photograph of Mr Owen and his family, 1969

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Part III - The Effects of Decline & Discrimination Despite all the work done by SNAP in rehabilitating Granby’s terraces and providing new routes toward socioeconomic regeneration, the neighbourhood soon moved from its ‘twilight’ phase into it eventual fate. Due to the economic decline of Britain through the 1970’s, working class and ethnic communities were hit with steep unemployment. Also, during this time there was a lot of racial tensions unique to the Toxteth region. These factors initiated the steady decline of Granby’s commercial activity, with the neighbourhood’s Victorian terraces declining into disrepair (Granby4Streets CLT, 2020). According to census data from 1981, “a shocking 39.6 per cent of men in Granby were jobless, a figure reaching as high as 90 per cent for black teenagers” (Merrifield, 2002, p. 59). These shocking statistics compounded by racial discrimination against the local black community lead to the fatal ‘Toxteth Riots’ in 1981 in reaction to police brutality. The riots created a cycle of mistrust between the locals and city authorities and tarnished the area with a negative stigma which added more fuel to the fire in its decline (Thompson, 2020, p. 201).

The resentment for the area still lingers to this day, according to Matthew Thompson when he spoke to some of the neighbours. In an interview of a former housing association offer conducted by Thompson the interviewee stated how “…the decline really began after the 1981 Riots. There was a general feeling in Liverpool that Granby itself ended up getting blamed for the riots and the best thing to do was to clear it; so, most of the streets were gone by the end of the 1980’s and replaced by new neighbourhoods, the typical low-level, low density, low quality housing” (Thompson, 2020, p.

202). This account typifies the disconnect that occurred between residents and municipal powers.

The residents had a clear grasp of the community spirit in the area, however the violent outbreak of 1981 gave the Liverpool council the perfect excuse to try and eradicate the neighbourhood with cheap solutions. Again, this is an example of the state viewing housing a merely a product, therefore the consideration for the future occupiers lived experience was just an afterthought.

For the next few decades, the Granby area in Toxteth became subject to more neglect and many of the Victorian terraces were either demolished or left to rot as illustrated in figure 9. The Four Streets area became very vulnerable during the first decade of the 21st Century especially in 2002 when the housing market renewal was set up. This initiative was put in place to try and gentrify the Granby area and bring the “middle class into areas of low market demand”. Fortunately, in 1993 the Granby Residents Association (GRA) was established and the fought against this initiative and helped to save the Granby Four Streets (Granby4Streets CLT, 2020).

History repeated itself in the area and in 2010 the GRA was disbanded which left the Four Streets vulnerable again to initiatives such as the housing market renewal. However, as history showed in the past, this area was keen to ensure that it was not going down without a fight and the local residents took the initiative to reinvigorate the area by gardening shared spaces, painting derelict houses and even creating a community market (fig.10) (Granby4Streets CLT, 2020).

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Figure 9 - Elevation drawing of a neglected building in the Granby Four Streets area

Figure 10 - Photograph of Granby Street Market

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Part IV - The Community Land Trust By the end of the 2011, a new community group was formed which is now known as the ‘Granby Four Street Community Land Trust.’ The intention of this trust was to create a form of community land ownership with the goal of bring empty houses back into use as truly affordable housing. One of the main aims of a CLT is to ‘freeze’ the land value of an area to ensure that any profit made by increased land value goes back into the community instead of going to the occupiers, therefore keeping the housing in the area truly affordable. (Community Wealth, 2021).

A multi-disciplinary practice called Assemble worked with the Granby Four Streets CLT to present an incremental and sustainable manifesto for the area that builds on the hard work already done by the community and translates this into the refurbishment of housing, public space and the provision of new employment opportunities (Assemble, 2021). This proposal by Assemble and the Granby Four Streets CLT, materialised into a plethora of projects such as the refurbishment of ten houses on Cairns Street, the Granby Winter Garden and the Granby Workshop. The image to the right of one of the refurbishments on Cairns Street (fig.11), shows the level of care and consideration Assemble put into the refurbishments. For example, the gaps in the new partition walls allow natural light to flood the space which in a way celebrates the original bay windows proposed by Richard Owens in the Victorian era. In addition, the extensive use of timber for the flooring, skirtings and staircase, pays homage to the history of buildings masonry and timber origins. Whilst there is a large respect for the context, the refurbishment still appears modern especially with the use of colourful paints which are simple move but give the home a breath of fresh air.

The respect for the vernacular and freeze on land value really help to portray the work done by the Granby Four Streets CLT in a positive light. However, aside from housing design and politics, the way in which the CLT invest in their local community is what makes it very special. For example, for the refurbishment of the ten homes, it could have been very easy to go to an established home base store to buy bathroom tiles or door handles. However, the Granby ceramics workshop were entrusted to manufacture these features, which not only gives the homes a bespoke feeling (fig.12) but also help to boost the opportunities and business in the local community. Assemble also encourage local training and employment opportunities as the Four Streets manifesto continues and in 2019, they converted two terraces on Cairns Street into Winter Gardens (fig.13) which are freely accessible to the locals and the wider community (Assemble, 2021).

Looking at the work done by Shelter and then by the Granby Four Streets CLT, they proved how alternatives can encourage a higher quality of design. I think the key word is community. These community focused organisations have vested interests in the residents ‘lived process’ and when there is this level of care, this will always result in a higher quality of design. Also, by transcending just housing design and dealing with wider issues such as procurement and employment, the CLT model is one of purest modern examples of housing being seen as a verb. There is no focus on personal profits and the experience of the residents takes centre stage.

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Figure 11 - Photograph of interior space of a Cains Street refurbishment

Figure 12 - Photograph of bathroom refurbishment

Figure 13 - Photograph of Granby Winter Garden

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St Andrew’s Gardens Part I - The Municipal Dream?

St Andrew’s Gardens, also referred to as the Copperas Hill “bullring”, was a large-scale municipal housing scheme built in the 1930’s under the Director of Housing in Liverpool, Lancelot Keay. The site is located just off Copperas Hill and is in close proximity to London Road and the city centre (fig.14). Designed by architect John Hughes, the estate was one of the first projects to introduce modern flats into the lexicon of council housing. Even though the tenure of the estate is different today, St Andrew’s Gardens is still the most important surviving examples of Liverpool’s extensive programme of interwar flats (Wilson, 2011). The estate for a long period of time was a shining example of the “municipal dream” in that the council could provide good quality housing for all.

Going back in time before the construction of St Andrew’s Gardens, even though government policies were put in place to stop the construction of slum housing and new municipal tenement blocks were built, many of the cities slum conditions were still present and still housed a large portion of the working and lower class population. In response to this the Liverpool council introduced several slum clearance programmes to revive the damaged reputation of the city. The first major programme occurred between 1895-1918, where it was said that Liverpool constructed more homes than any authority outside of London (Pooley, 2006).

However, even though new council housing had been built, little had been done to deal with the problems of the inner-city slums. These slums were still some of the most densely populated in Britain and were a public health risk as well as a housing issue. In the book ‘The Development of corporation housing in Liverpool, 1869-1945’, it explains how the “slum clearance policies were a form of environmental management…to remove the seats from which infectious disease might spread to the middle class” (Pooley, 1984, p. 196). In 1930, the ministry of health, in Ramsey McDonald’s Labour government, instituted a five-year slum clearance plan (fig.15). Government subsidies were made available for building on site where slums had been demolished which paved the way for estates like St Andrew’s Gardens to be constructed (Wilson, 2011).

The introduction of these new municipal housing estates in the inner-city area was vital for Liverpool due to the circumstances at the time. During this period in Liverpool’s history there was a dockside economy which was casually based. Therefore, the working class needed to be close to the docks in order to get work (Whitfield, 2011). Thus, having municipal housing on the outskirts of the city would not have been effective in a city like Liverpool. Also, an important question to ask is what was the motivation factor behind the slum clearances? Many saw the municipal powers as a group that changed from their ignorance and began to care for the poor conditions that the working and lower class had been left with. However, the research, especially from Pooley’s 1984 book, indicates that the real motivating factors were to prevent any disease spreading to the middle and upper class and to defend the city’s reputation.

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Figure 14 - Location plan of St Andrew’s Gardens

Figure 15 - Photograph showing a slum clearance, Liverpool

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Part II - A modernist approach St Andrew’s Gardens was a forward-thinking modernist approach to municipal housing at the time, and it is said to have borrowed ideas from the Hufeisensiedlung housing estate in Berlin which was constructed in 1925 (fig.16). You can see the similarities in the form of the two buildings (fig.14 and 16) and how they both pushed forward the idea utilising a central void space on the site to create a generous communal space for all the residents to share. This is in is stark contrast to what is often seen in 21st century profit driven apartment blocks whereby the residents often sacrifice having small individual amenity spaces, such as balconies, in order to live in desired locations where the land value is high.

Even though architect John Hughes borrowed these modern ideas from the Europeans, the English housing standards of the interwar period were much higher than those seen in other countries. The 1918 Tudor Walters report clearly set out rules of minimum space standards and minimum standards of amenities for council houses (Whitfield, 2011). In turn St Andrew’s Gardens was extremely modern for its time whilst also being very healthy to live in.

Focusing more on the details about the design, there was the notion that any internal corridors were dark and unhealthy. Therefore, outdoor access balconies were integrated into the scheme that were open to the air which became the means of access to all the flats along with the stairwells (Whitfield, 2011). The access balconies most probably contributed to the social interactions that occurred in the estate, whereby the likelihood that neighbours would cross each other on these walkways would be much higher than if internal corridors where used.

In addition, at the time there were playground areas in the central communal spaces that children would often play in. Therefore, the access balconies also added a sense of security, in that the parents could easily watch what their children where up to without having to strain their necks through windows.

In the account of ex-resident Paul Sudbury, he stated how, “we all felt as though as though we belonged somewhere...” (Wilson, 2011). This statement stuck out to me because it illustrated the strength of community spirit in the area (fig.17) and also the pride that the residents had of their environment. St Andrew’s Gardens and the other municipal housing projects at the time, were not seen by the occupiers as flats provided by the state, they were seen as their own homes.

St Andrew’s Gardens was a clear example of what municipal housing could achieve. The apartments were modern, well designed and there was a clear consideration for the community that would be inhabiting the estate. Going back to Turner’s idea that housing can be perceived as a verb or a noun, when initially constructed, St Andrew’s pushed the narrative toward housing being a verb. The consideration from Hughes to introduce large communal spaces and social balconies indicated that there was a consideration for the occupiers and how they would experience living in their environment.

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Figure 16 - Photograph of the Hufeisensiedlung, Berlin

Figure 17 - Photograph of the St Andrew’s Gardens community circa 1980

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Part III - The Effects of Changes in Tenure Municipal housing in the UK thrived from the interwar period toward the end of the 20th century, however some changes in public perception and government policy led to its eventual demise. It is commonly perceived that Margret Thatcher’s conservative government killed council housing however the problems began with the former Labour government. In 1977 James Callaghan’s Labour government reversed the clause that made council housing available to all and made the homeless a priority. This change in the dialogue, that housing was based on need, really effected how council housing was perceived and used. This prioritisation for the poor led to lots of issues with subletting and itinerant tenants which led to issues such as vandalism and neglect (fig.18) (Wilson, 2011).

Then the well-known Right to Buy policy was introduced by Thatcher in 1980 whereby council housing tenants could buy their properties at a large discount and acquire full ownership. This led to the privatisation of many council estate which became subject to the capitalist ladder of the housing market. This privatisation also left the state with little to no funds to create more affordable council housing, therefore putting nails in the coffin of the municipal dream.

Bringing the focus back to the St Andrew’s Gardens estate, even though most of the council housing in Liverpool had been knocked down for redevelopment, this particular estate survived. However, due to fall of council housing it succumbed to private ownership and was redeveloped and used for student accommodation which is still well used to this day. It is fortunate that this ‘hidden gem’ of Liverpool’s interwar council housing has been preserved however it is a shame that its tenure has been altered.

Again, referencing Turner’s argument of housing being a verb and a noun, the privatisation of St Andrew’s Gardens swayed the argument towards housing being perceived as a noun. Even though some of the social aspects of the architecture remain, such as the outdoor access balconies, the student occupiers are subject to pay continuously increasing rents due to inflation. Also, St Andrew’s Gardens was once an estate filled with multi-generational families who stayed for long periods of time. However, the majority of students only stay in the same accommodation for a few short years , therefore the community spirit that was once synonymous with the estate has been lost.

I believe that this is the main issue when it comes to municipal housing. It is government led, therefore all it takes is one policy change for the tenure and the attention given to change.

There is also an argument that it is often felt that there is a lack of empathy between government party leaders and the lower and working class population. As discussed in part I of this case study, even before St Andrew’s Gardens was created one of the main motivating factors was to stop the risk of the middle class and upper class getting infected. This often lack of consideration when it comes people desires regarding housing and procurement again shifts the scale towards housing being perceived as a noun because the occupiers living process is not a priority. This differs from the philosophy of the Granby Community Land Trust mentioned in the first case study because with that example the tenure and design ideologies lie with the community directly instead of the state.

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Figure 18 - Photograph of the Heygate Estate, London

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The Eldonian Way Part I - Unfortunate Events The Eldonian Village is a housing estate in Vauxhall, Liverpool (fig.19) close to the docks and about a quarter mile north of the city centre. The neighbourhood has won several prestigious community-based awards such as the Times/RIBA award for the most outstanding example of community enterprise in 1987, and a world habitat award in 2004 for from the United Nations (McBane, 2008).

This world-renowned neighbourhood is one of Liverpool’s finest example of co-operative housing and in this chapter, I will discuss its relevance as an alternative to the traditional norms of public and private sector housing.

The story of the Eldonian’s begins in the mid-19th century. As touched on in the introduction, a large number of Irish people migrated to Liverpool to escape the effects of the potato famine in 1845. A large percentage of these migrants moved to Vauxhall, as it was close to the docks and was where the majority of the work lied (Eldonians, 2021). Even though the Eldonian’s were seeking refuge from the poverty and starvation caused by the famine, due to high levels of capitalism these migrants were privy to the same levels of exploitation and poor living conditions (fig.20) experienced by the working class locals of the time.

Given the attempts made to rectify these issues, such as the 1869 St Martin’s cottages built in Vauxhall and the slum clearance schemes in the early 20th century, the inaccuracy of many World War II bomb raids in the 1940’s resulted in large parts of Vauxhall being left in complete ruin (Eldonians, 2021). There were attempts to rebuild the area after the war in the 50’s and 60’s however, in the 1970’s the dock complex of Vauxhall began to decline as changes in the global economy meant that less material and good where being exchanged to or from the western side of the United Kingdom.

This led to factories being forced into closure and a large percentage of people in the area becoming unemployed. As a result of this the area started to lose its population as people looked for work elsewhere which led to the area unfortunately becoming neglected (Eldonians, 2021).

The unfortune events that I have explained above help raise the issue regarding the fragility and unpredictability of housing. The renowned architect Rem Koolhaas quotes how he believes, “a building has a least two lives – the one imagined by its maker and the life it lives afterward and they are never the same” (Koolhaas, 2012). Often as architectural students and practitioners we forget about the life after a buildings original purpose has been fulfilled. These events, even though they are extreme in their nature, help as a reminder to start thinking about flexible solutions to housing that can adapt to a variety of external factors.

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Figure 19 - Location Plan of the Eldonian Village

Figure 20 - Photograph of the old courts that preceded the tenements in the 1930s

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Part II - A co-operative movement Moving back to the timeline of the Eldonian’s, due to Vauxhall becoming derelict, in 1977 it faced the prospect of another slum clearance and the existing community would have been lost. However, rather than accepting this fate, the individuals and families who made up the old neighbourhood rallied together and decided to create a new neighbourhood that would outshine the former (McBane, 2008).

A local resident at the time, named Tony McGann, managed to secure new tenancy in the Eldon Street area and became the community contact for housing issues. Given his new leadership role, he managed to rally up the local tenants to oppose the government’s 1978 plan to demolish the tenement blocks around Eldon and Burlington Streets (McBane, 2008). There was a meeting called by the council planners where 250 residents were present. As a result, one of the local councillors, Paul Orr, suggested that a survey of the resident’s views should be conducted. The results showed that 90 per cent of residents did not want to leave, however they still wanted demolition or improvement.

This led to the formation of the Eldonian Community-based Housing Association (CBHA) which provided a community directive for an alternative to council re-housing (Thompson, 2020, p. 141).

The formation of this group was an achievement within itself as it showed the power that people can possess. In past times in Liverpool, it seemed as though the city council were unchallengeable and there seemed to be a culture of ‘you get what you are given’. However, the work done by McGann and the Vauxhall resident is a shining example of how the population can and should be involved in housing decisions, whether it be tenure or even design.

The first phase of the Eldonian Village housing project was completed in 1989, whereby 145 houses and bungalows were constructed which included specific designs for older people with disabilities.

The community approached the government for support and managed to gain a £6.6 million grant to purchase part of site where the Tate & Lyle sugar refinery used to be housed for reclamation and new housing. Remarkably each house and garden were designed to the requirements of the initial occupants which led to a neighbourhood with over 28 different house types (McBane, 2008, p. 8).

This first phase of the Eldonian housing project indicates how architecture should not just be for architects. When the future residents are heavily involved in the design process, the results can be rather surprising. For example, the image to the right (fig.21) shows the contrast between the compressed municipal tower housing and the new scheme that replaced it, courtesy of the Eldonian’s efforts. The image shows how the new proposal is more spacious and there is a higher level of care to the design, such as the details on the building’s façades and the consideration for personal garden space opposed to identical small balconies. These details and the personal input from the existing residents gave the occupiers a sense of pride and belonging to their environment which would not have been achieved if the “Corpy” just relocated them into new dystopian council tenement blocks.

Moving onto the second phase of the project, by 1994 the Eldonian community had built another 150 homes around the Leeds-Liverpool canal. With the help of British Waterways, the canal was refurb26

Figure 21 - Photographs of housing before and after the Eldonian’s intervention

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ished (fig.22) and brought back into use after years of industrial use and pollution (McBane, 2008, p.

11). This refurbishment of canal shows the utopian vision the Eldonians had. They did not just want to create high quality housing, they also wanted to improve the local environment around the new developments. The housing consisted of a range of different designs types, however the focus changed from previously producing housing for the older generation to housing younger families. This development was made possible by the Eldonian’s by acquiring the rest of the former Tate & Lyle site in 1991, followed by a £5.5 million grant from the Housing Corporation and a £1.5 million loan from the Co-operative bank (McBane, 2008, p. 11). The new focus on younger families help to provide a future direction for the area and also helped to promote intergenerational living conditions; in a way killing two birds with one stone.

The Eldonian’s also developed care homes such as the Eldonian House (a care home for the elderly built in 1991) and the Robert Lynch house completed in 2006 (an extra-care scheme with 36 flats for older residents) (McBane, 2008, p. 11). Community facilities were also introduced such as a village hall, nursery and sports centre just to name a few. This positive vision from the Eldonian’s to invest in their environment was admirable and it helped to make the statement how people should have a vested interest in the environments they inhabit and how it should not be left to the discretion of unscrupulous developers or the state. Yet again referring to Turner’s argument about the duality of housing, the Eldonian’s resilience helped to change the narrative of area from being perceived as product to being perceived as a lived environment whereby the residents living experience was a main priority.

With all the positives that were achieved by the Eldonian village project, given today’s circumstances, there is the issue of density. When I visited the site myself, many buildings consisted of semi-detached homes with generous gardens to both the front and the rear (fig.23 & 24). Coupled with the cul-de-sacs and front porches, the area feels quite suburban on observation. Given the overcrowded conditions of pre and interwar period it is understandable that the Eldonian’s wanted to create new housing that was a far cry from these conditions. However, in today’s world, where populations are growing exponentially, creating housing density is important in dealing with this issue. Nonetheless, there is a clear difference between density and overcrowding. For example, the work done by the Granby Four Streets CLT is a good example as to how to improve the quality of housing and amenities provided without necessarily reducing the overall density of an area.

The Eldonian village, is quite beautiful with the generous curtilage and carefully designed dwellings.

However, it does seem to have suburban characteristics which ultimately contribute is the housing crisis given the finite nature of land. Even though the Eldonian Village is only a drop in the ocean when you look at the United Kingdom as a whole, the impacts do still add up. I do believe what the Eldonian’s have achieved is truly remarkable and is a great example of community resilience however the issues regarding density will pertain in the future and will definitely be scrutinised by future municipal powers and maybe even future residents.

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Figure 22 - Photograph of the Leeds-Liverpool Canal, Vauxhall

Figure 23 - Photograph of a semi-detached property on Eldonian Way

Figure 24 - Photograph of a semi-detached property on Eldonian Way

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Brunswick Way Capitalist motives?

The final case study I will be analysing is Brunswick Way proposal designed by Falconer Chester Hall Architects. It is a proposed residential building to be located between Summers Road and Tower Street next to the Brunswick Dock (fig.25). Falconer Chester Hall received conditional planning approval in summer 2018 from the Liverpool City Council and the project is still ongoing. The development proposes to demolish the existing car park and construct an apartment building that is part 10 storey and part 12 storey. This apartment building is a mixed-use scheme which will comprise of 240 apartments, 2 commercial units and 200 cycle spaces (FCH Architects, 2018).

The developers behind this project are North West Industrial Estates, a private limited company who were established in 1995 (Companies House, 1995). Privately limited companies are mainly profit orientated, so when it comes to investing monetary funds into new developments the main concern is if what they are proposing will turnover a good profit.

Looking at the proposal for the Brunswick Way scheme, the site location is by the docks and close to the city centre, therefore the land value is very high compared to a site located in Toxteth for example. One of the methods developers tend to use, is to maximise the number of units they can fit on the site area and either rent or sell them off. This usually results in the creation of vertical tower blocks with apartments which are built to the minimum space requirements in order to maximise the profits obtained from the land value. The renowned Architect Richard Rogers sums up this subject in a simple fashion with the quote, “form follows profit is the aesthetic principle of our times” (Rogers, 1991). From my own experience working in architectural practice on profit driven apartment buildings, there is often an equilibrium between designing with a focus on the lived experience of the future resident, whilst also ensuring that the client is convinced that their proposal will give them satisfactory returns.

However, when looking at the planning application for Brunswick Way, it is clear that Falconer Chester Hall have tried to create a balance between the capitalist realities of generating profit and the sympathetic approach of respecting the context and the people using the building. For example, a number of the dockside developments in Liverpool are extremely tall to maximise the profit the developers can extract from the land value. However, for the Brunswick Way proposal, since the site area is relatively generous in footprint, FCH Architects proposed creating two adjoining building forms to reduce the vertical impact that a singular building would have (fig.26). By this design choice they were able to provide enough floor space to satisfy the developers whilst also creating a building which has a more subtle impact on its context compared to creating a single 22-storey ‘skyscraper’.

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Figure 25 - Location plan indicating the Brunswick Way proposal

Figure 26 - Conceptual Sketch of Brunswick Way proposal

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In addition, as shown in the image to the right, (fig.27) it is clear that the architects and the developers thought about the future residents lived experience via the provision of communal roof gardens and other communal amenities such as a gym and lounge. The way in which the apartments overlook the greenspaces is similar to the social courtyard style of housing design produced in the interwar period such as St Andrew’s gardens. However, with the Brunswick Way proposal the circulation is internal instead of external, so some of the social benefits of external circulation are lost.

When looking at the design of the apartment units, this is where the issues regarding profit orientated design are most detrimental. By looking at the diagram of a typical one-bedroom apartment (fig.28), you can see how the plan is working hard to give the illusion of a more spacious dwelling.

For example, the kitchen / living area is all open plan because if there was a partition wall the kitchen would feel very claustrophobic and would receive no natural light. Also, the en-suite bathroom is rather tight in its dimensions which again indicates the need to minimise any wasted space in order to maximise returns for the developer.

There is an argument that good design should ensure that there is a lack of any vacuous space without a function which I believe is a good point. Famous architects such as Le Corbusier with his “Unite d’ Habitation” projects typify the notion of modularity and human scale. However, the predominant issue with private apartment projects such as Brunswick Way is the demographic these schemes tend to focus on. The one and two bedroom apartments are usually targeted towards young professionals who want to live near the city but are unable to get a foot on the property ladder due to exponential rises in house prices. Therefore, they are in a way shoehorned into moving into these ‘luxury’ apartment building with extremely high rental prices in order to experience living in these sought after urban environments. This does not help resolve the issues with affordable housing in the United Kingdom as this just adds to the number of young people who accept they will be renting for the majority of their lives due to salaries staying rather constant and rents increasing.

Brunswick Way is clear example of housing being perceived as a noun. The apartments are essentially rental products for the residents and the more profit that can be extracted the better. This capitalist obsession with profit affects architects as well. Whether the architect is working on a family house extension, or a multi-million-pound skyscraper, the common motivation for a private client to build is add a value to their land or property. In order to win work, the architect needs to fulfil the client’s needs. Therefore, even if a given architect has utopian ideals such as creating well designed affordable housing, in reality these projects are hard to come by due to the capitalist society we live in. As put in the words of developer Tim in the BBC documentary Manctopia, “nobody wants to build affordable housing because it is too hard and there is no profit in it” (Mattingly, 2020).

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Figure 27 - Landscaping Plan for roof terrace

Figure 28 - Plan of typical one bedroom apartment

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On the subject of affordability, there are initiatives that strive to go against the grain of our capitalist society, such as the work done by the Granby Four Streets CLT. As mentioned in the first case study, the Community Land Trust are only interested in the maintenance and growth of their community therefore maximising personal profits in not on their agenda. As illustrated in figure 29, the introduction of a freeze on land value ensures that any profits gained from increased land value would be invested back in the Community Trust to ensure that the housing remains truly affordable thus removing the risk of the neighbourhood becoming gentrified as has been the case for many English neighbourhoods.

So, in review of the Brunswick Way proposal, I believe from a design perspective the scheme does create a balance between creating an enjoyable lived experience for the residents and providing financial gain for the developers. However, as stated earlier, the main issue resides with the demographic these apartments are targeted towards and how there is a lack of any sense of individual ownership. Also, with rented apartments such as Brunswick Way, they are not very family and community focused. This can create a tendency for residents to come and go as they age and look elsewhere for housing which suites their changing needs. The results of this can lead to a lack of intergenerational living and community identity which was not a major concern for the other case studies I have explored.

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Figure 29 - Diagram comparing Community Land Trust to Privately owned housing

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Conclusion When reflecting on the plethora of case studies I have explored, the main point that stands out is how architecture alone cannot solve the issues regarding housing in Liverpool and elsewhere.

There is often the notion within our profession that good design and new built form can help to make the world a better place, which I do partially agree with. However, this study has shown that this alone is not the sole answer.

Looking back at the interwar municipal housing of St Andrew’s Gardens, at the time, the design was forward thinking and impressed the tenants that lived there. The design helped to foster a community spirit in the area and gave the residents a sense of belonging. However, due to alterations in government policy (Thatcher’s Right to Buy policy) the estate became privatised and is now rented by students. The temporary nature of student’s occupancy resulted in a loss of the intergenerational community togetherness that was once synonymous with the area. This example shows how even if the design has a meticulous focus on residents lived experience, if the ownership lies with the state, frequent changes in policy can leave housing vulnerable to changes which are out of the residents’ control.

Moving away from state ownership, there is a question as whether alternatives can provide better solutions with regards to housing provision and empathetic design. Looking at the third case study, regarding the co-operative movement led by the Eldonian’s, overall, the manifesto they produced was almost flawless from a utopian perspective. However, when looking at the movement from a pragmatic viewpoint there are issues. Due to the poverty experienced by the Eldonian’s they ensured that the new housing they were proposing had no similarities to the slum conditions they had experienced previously. This led to housing with front porches and generous front and back gardens, which was great for the residents, however detrimental regarding the current issues with population growth. With the acceleration of people living in urban environments, suburban-esque housing typologies like this are damaging from a density perspective which needs to be considered when thinking about future generations.

Therefore, when I look back at the case studies, the tenure which demonstrates the smartest policy for future generations, is the work that was carried and is being carried out by the Community Land Trust in Granby. What makes this manifesto so special is the range of societal issues it manages to address even if it is on a micro-scale.

The main idea which really helps to sell the plan, is the separation between land value and the property value. This addresses the issues regarding affordable housing and the notion of putting any additional profits from land value inflation back into the community makes this model sustainable.

Also, the refurbishment of the existing Victorian terraces, opposed to their demolition, has helped to address a number of issues. Environmentally this is beneficial due to embedded carbon within these 36

properties; and from a density point of view, these terraces provide streets which are dense enough to not be problematic for population growth, whilst also not being overcrowded. Even when achieving all this, there is still a careful consideration for the community and a clear vision of creating more than just providing affordable housing. The reintroduction of local workshops and businesses has helped to heal the scars of vast unemployment that once plagued the area. Also the provision of shared community spaces, such as the Granby Winter Gardens, help to build on the area’s principles of community spirit.

Looking at Turner’s ideology about the duality of housing, I believe the Granby Four Streets manifesto is the clearest example of housing being seen as a verb. There was no extravagant manifesto to sell the scheme, no fancy ornamental architectural features. Just a group of people with a sympathetic approach to revitalising a once prominent community in Liverpool without a thirst to generate personal profit which is often the case today.

Looking towards the future we should be looking to reproduce schemes in likeness to the Granby Four Streets manifesto in order to provide future generations with affordable housing whilst also dealing with other societal and social issues. However, there is a reality as to the real-world feasibility of producing these schemes due to the private dominance of the housing market. According to the National CLT Network Report there are only 300 CLT’s in England and Wales with 935 homes built to date (Thompson, 2020, p. 9). Looking at relatively recent figures for co-operative housing, by 2012 there was 600 co-ops in England alone with 45,000 dwellings in the United Kingdom (Housing Europe, 2012). These figures may seem promising but they only account of 0.2 per cent of total housing stock. These figures indicate just how much work needs to be done. However, looking optimistically, the Community Land Trust alternative is a relatively new idea. As more people begin to think outside the norms of public and private tenure, this will provide the avenues for young and upcoming architects, like myself, to begin working with communities to make this type of tenure more prevalent.

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Community Wealth. (2021, January 12). Community Land Trusts (CLTs). Retrieved from Community Wealth. org: https://community-wealth.org/strategies/panel/clts/index.html Companies House. (1995, December 7). North West Industrial Estates Limited. Retrieved from service. go.uk: https://find-and-update.company-information.service.gov.uk/company/03135216/filing-history?page=9 Eldonians . (2021, January 20). Our History . Retrieved from Eldonians.org.uk : https://www.eldonians.org. uk/our-history/ Fichter, R. (1972 ). Freedom to Build - Dweller Control of the Housing Process . New York : Macmillan .

Fox, M. (2014, June ). The Welsh Streets Public Inquiry. Retrieved from Save Britian’s Hertitage : https:// www.savebritainsheritage.org/news/item/332/welsh-streets-public-inquiry-report Growing Granby from the Grassroots. (2020). In M. Thompson, Reconstructing Public Housing - Liverpool’s hidden history of collective alternatives (pp. 201-202). Liverpool: Liverpool Univeristy Press.

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List of Figures Front Cover - Designed by author (Mixed Media) Liverpool Housing Timeline diagram - Designed by author (Adobe CC) Figure 1 - Diagram indicating changes in house price and income over time. [online image] Available at: https://twitter.com/marty/status/1318568435555684353/photo/1. [Accessed: 30 January 2021] Figure 2 - Image of the Victorian slum conditions. [online image] Available at: https://waywardwomen. files.wordpress.com/2016/03/slum-liverpool.jpg. [Accessed: 30 January 2021] Figure 3 - St Martin’s Cottages photographed in 1944. [online image] Available at: https://municipaldreams.wordpress.com/2013/10/08/liverpool-first-council-houses-in-europe/. [Accessed: 31 January 2021] Figure 4 - Location plan of the Granby Four Streets - Drawn by author (Edina digimap & Adobe CC) Figure 5 - Photograph of Ducie Street’s front elevations. [online image] Google Street view [Accessed: 1 February 2021] Figure 6 - Photograph of Jermyn Street’s front elevations. [online image] Google Street view [Accessed: 1 February 2021] Figure 7 - Photograph of the corner of Northbrook Street. [online image] Available at: https://asenseofplace.com/2016/03/05/its-liverpool-1969-in-granby/70-49-59-ganby-st-2/ [Accessed: 2 February 2021] Figure 8 - Photograph of Mr Owen and his family. [online image] Available at: https://asenseofplace. com/2016/03/05/its-liverpool-1969-in-granby/mr-owen-and-his-family/ [Accessed: 2 February 2021] Figure 9 - Elevation drawing of a neglected building - Drawn by author (AutoCad & Adobe CC) Figure 10 - Photograph of Granby Street Market. [online image] Available at: https://assemblestudio. co.uk/projects/granby-four-streets-2 [Accessed: 2 February 2021] Figure 11 - Photograph of interior space of a Cains Street refurbishment. [online image] Available at: https://assemblestudio.co.uk/projects/10-houses [Accessed: 2 February 2021] Figure 12 - Photograph of bathroom refurbishment. [online image] Available at: https://assemblestudio. co.uk/projects/10-houses [Accessed: 2 February 2021] Figure 13 - Photograph of Granby Winter Garden. [online image] Available at: https://assemblestudio. co.uk/projects/10-houses [Accessed: 3 February 2021] Figure 14 - Location plan of St Andrew’s Gardens - Drawn by author (Edina Digimap & Adobe CC) Figure 15 - Photograph showing a slum clearance, Liverpool. [online image] Available at: http://philmaxwell.org/wp-content/uploads/2013/03/L554.jpg. [Accessed: 5 February 2021] Figure 16 - Photograph of the Hufeisensiedlung, Berlin [online image] Available at: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hufeisensiedlung#/media/File:Berlin_Hufeisensiedlung_UAV_04-2017.jpg [Accessed: 5 February 2021]

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Figure 17 - Photograph of the St Andrew’s Gardens community circa 1980 [online image] Available at: https://municipaldreams.files.wordpress.com/2015/02/gerard-gardens-1986-liverpool-echo.jpg [Accessed: 5 February 2021] Figure 18 - Photograph of the Heygate Estate, London. [online image] Available at: http://shadowsteve. blogspot.com/2013/03/the-heygate-estate.html [Accessed: 6 February 2021] Figure 19 - Location Plan of the Eldonian Village - Drawn by author (Edina Digimap & Adobe CC) Figure 20 - Photograph of the old courts that preceded the tenements in the 1930s. Taken from McBane, J (2006) The Rebirth of Liverpool - the eldonian way, p. 47.

Figure 21 - Photograph’s of housing before and after the Eldonian’s intervention. Taken from McBane, J (2006) The Rebirth of Liverpool - the eldonian way, p. 9.

Figure 22 - Photograph of the Leeds-Liverpool Canal, Vauxhall - Taken by author (camera) Figure 23 - Photograph of a semi-detached property on Eldonian Way - Taken by author (camera) Figure 24 - Photograph of a semi-detached property on Eldonian Way - Taken by author (camera) Figure 25 - Location plan of Brunswick Way proposal - Drawn by author (Edina Digimap & Adobe CC) Figure 26 - Conceptual Sketch of Brunswick Way proposal. [online image] Available at: http://northgate.

liverpool.gov.uk/PlanningExplorer17/ApplicationSearch.aspx [Accessed: 6 February 2021] Figure 27 - Landscaping Plan for roof terrace. [online image] Available at: http://northgate.liverpool.gov.

uk/PlanningExplorer17/ApplicationSearch.aspx [Accessed: 6 February 2021] Figure 28 - Plan of typical one bedroom apartment - Drawn by author (AutoCad & Adobe CC) Figure 29 - Diagram of Community Land Trust & Privately housing - Drawn by author (Adobe CC)

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