Issue 18.3: Food

Washington University

Political Review 18.3 | May 2013 | wupr.org

THE

FO O D ISSUE

Source: OECD Health Data 2011; national sources for non-OECD countries.

6%

.8%

19%

1.5%

5%

1.4%

2.7%

1.5%

1.1%

1.3% 2.2%

USA China Mexico Russia Brazil India Germany Turkey

4.3%

United Kingdom Spain Chile South Africa Italy Poland Australia France

Nations Depicted:

2.1%

.9%

.9%

7%

5.4%

Content by: Seth Einbinder Layout by: Matt Callahan

.9%

below is a world map where national borders have been warped to closer reect the proportion of obese citizens per nation:

15 countries account for 65% of all obesity in the world.

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Editors’ Notes WUPRites, As a planet, we face more issues than we care to admit. There are some, like the need to reduce our carbon footprint, that are finally gaining international traction. Dealing with our growing food insecurity, however, is not one of them. This is especially problematic, given that the world’s global food output is tied to so many other measures of human wellbeing.

Everything from the nutrition we can provide children, to the amount of clean water we produce, to our economic paradigm is tied intricately to the way we produce and consume food.

The debate isn’t simply an economic or political one. As we trend towards larger farms owned by larger corporations, fewer farmers determine a country’s food output and the dynamics of cost and affordability change. We can see these in rising obesity rates, which present one of the larger public health problems of our time. The debate is not confined to the United States either; many parts of the developing world have become a battleground between large-scale agricultural firms and subsistence farmers. In countries where the majority of the population farms, this can have especially severe economic consequences.

Tragedies like the recent farmer suicides in India are an expression of this change. In this issue of WUPR, we hope to explore some of these questions. As always, this is only a starting point, and we hope the debate continues beyond these pages.

On a different note, as we wind down this academic year, it is time for a change in WUPR’s leadership. We are grateful to have led an organization of amazingly talented individuals who make everything we do possible. We are thrilled for our new Editors-in-Chief, Moira Moynihan and Will Dobbs-Allsopp, and our new Executive Director, Nick Hinsch, to take over. We wish them every success and are confident that they will lead the organization in exciting new directions.

Sincerely, Siddharth Krishnan Anna Applebaum Editors-in-Chief

Peter Birke Executive Director

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Table of Contents

4

The Sexism of Art Anna Applebaum

13 Politics and Food Prices: The Power of Food Insecurity Molly McGregor

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Washington University Goes to Prison Gabe Rubin

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Let’s Talk About Class Sonya Schoenberger

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Equality? I “Like” It Serena Lekawa

Shira Weissman

14 Hotdogs, Cold Nights Steven Perlberg

16 Feeding Frenzy Andrew Luskin

18 Urban Agriculture: Back to Basics Henry Osman

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Ignorance is Not Bliss Molly Prothero

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Fishing for Trouble Alex Tolkin

12 Examining the Underlying Structural Problems of Food Deserts Alex Bluestone

23 New Orleans Food Desert: How Whole Foods Will Alter the Lower Ninth Ward

19 Colonel Sanders Charge: The Rise of Fast Food Diplomacy Nishanth Uli

20 Food is a Weapon Taka Yamaguchi

22 (Genetically) Modifying the Law Trevor Leuzinger

24 An Ethical Case for Vegetarianism Kelsey Garnett

26 How do You Solve a Problem Like North Korea Siddharth Krishnan

28 The Coming Collapse of China Fahim Masoud

29 Qatar 2022 Nahuel Fefer

30 Fear and Loathing in Communist China Kevin Deutsch

32 Science Column Fanghui Zhao

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Staff List Editors-in-Chief: Anna Applebaum Siddharth Krishnan

Alex Bluestone Maureen Saylor Rohan Samarth

Executive Director: Peter Birke

Director of New Media: Taka Yamaguchi Steven Perlberg

Programming Director: Molly McGregor Staff Editors: Will Dobbs-Allsopp Nick Hinsch Raja Krishna Gabe Rubin Features Editor: Nahuel Fefer Director of Design: Max Temescu Layout Team: Mitch Atkin Ismael Fofana Beenish Qayam Emily Santos Fanghui Zhao Charlotte Jeffries Henry Osman Art Coordinator: Max Temescu Managing Copy Editor: Stephen Rubino Kelsey Garnett Copy Editors: Sonya Schoenberger Celia Rozanski Abby Kerfoot Miriam Thorne Molly Prothero Katie Stillman Krupa Desai Henry Osman Curan Hennessey Jon Luskin Michael Greenberg Trevor Leuzinger

Web Editor: Alex Tolkin Jay Evans Sonya Schoenberger Treasurer: Gavin Frisch Staff Writers: Jessie Bluedorn Dan Bram Kevin Deutsch Seth Einbinder Arian Jadbabaie Josh Jacobs Kevin Kieselbach Bart Kudrzycki Ben Lash Serena Lekewa Andrew Luskin Fahim Masoud Aryeh Mellman Razi Safi Rory Scothorne Ruthie Shaffer Kaity Shea Cullen Nick Siow Lisa Soumekh Ari Spitzer Jared Turkus Nishanth Uli Hannah Waldman Shira Weissman Els Woudstra Fanghui Zhao Front Cover Illustration: Susie Kim Back Cover Illustration: Chris Hohl

Editorial Illustrators: Mitch Atkin Andrew Catanese Alex Chiu Carmi Cioni Alexis Copithorne Danielle Clemons Margaret Flatley Kimberly Gagnon Esther Hamburger Chris Hohl Dara Katzenstein Sydney Meyers Michelle Nahmad Carly Nelson Katie Olson Grace Preston Jacklyn Reich Jen Siegel Nicholas Siow Board of Advisors: Robin Hattori Gephardt Institute for Public Service Professor Bill Lowry Political Science Department The Washington University Political Review is a studentled organization committed to encouraging and fostering awareness of political issues on the campus of Washington University in St. Louis. To do this, we shall remain dedicated to providing friendly and open avenues of discussion and debate both written and oral on the campus for any and all political ideas, regardless of the leanings of those ideas.

Submissions: editor@wupr.org

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National National The Sexism of Art Anna Applebaum

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n Friday, February 22nd, the Sam Fox School of Design and Visual Arts held a panel presentation in Wilson 214.

In the lecture hall sat students enrolled in a required freshman course: “Practices in Architecture + Art + Design”.

The day’s lecture contributed to the course’s overall theme – examining modern intersections among art, design, architecture and urban studies – by showcasing the work of one student from each Fine Art major. Yet in this presentation of the fine art disciplines (Photography, Printmaking, Sculpture and Painting) for freshmen soon choosing their majors, every student presenter but one was male.

On a panel of five students, four were men. A gender ratio like this feels odd at Washington University, when U.S. News & World Report reports the school-wide ratio of men to women as 48% to 52%.

In Sam Fox, however, the disparity between the students on the panel and those who make up the student body is even more immediately apparent. Inside the school, there is a general appreciation (and joking recognition) of a student gender ratio that skews heavily female.

Indeed, out of the 36 seniors graduating with a fine art major in 2013, only seven are male.

How could a panel of mainly male students come about in the first place? Was there some virulently misogynistic dean who intentionally chose four men to represent the school, cackling about women all the while? Not exactly. After being approached by administrative staff organizing the freshman curriculum, faculty in each department individually chose students as representatives. It was a decision entirely left up to professors in the majors – those who theoretically know students best. Each set of professors chose a student they thought would represent the department well – who presumably had a strong portfolio, was intelligent and was articulate – and they were nearly all men.

That is part of what makes this case so complicated. Professors chose students separately, and they happened to be male. It is unhelpful and frankly irrelevant to question the capabilities of the men chosen. Yet it also seems highly unlikely that in an environment that is statistically dominated by women, all the best candidates would be men. Matt Callahan, the senior Sculpture major who spoke on the panel, noted this contradiction several weeks after the presentation to the freshmen: “It’s impossible to make a panel of students that is representative of the school as a whole, but it was very obvious that this one was not.” Reflecting on the event, he continued, “The school is filled with eloquent, hard-working artists capable of representing their departments. You have to question what other sort of qualities are being prized.”

Sam Fox is filled not only with female artists, but also strong women leaders. Kelsey Brod, a senior printmaking major, has served as Art School Senator in the Student Union Senate for the past four years.

Brod and Kelsey Eng co-founded RARA, a well-known campus group dedicated to increasing the visibility of art on campus, now run by Morgan Dowty and Hannah Waldman. Indeed, the gender make-up of the panel seems especially unusual not only because Sam Fox has so many women leaders, but also because the school’s culture focuses so overtly on promoting awareness of the diversity of creative expression. So does Sam Fox get a free pass on a male-heavy panel?

Was it merely an unfortunate mistake?

Perhaps it was. Yet structural inequality runs deep, and sexism is not always intentional. Brod, a senior Printmaking major, remarked on the historical tensions of gender and art: “There’s a big difference between the presence of so many women [in the art school] and the history of art, where there were so few women.” Sam Fox does well admitting women through its doors, but administrative staff neglected to actively curate this panel as it would for any official gallery exhibit. Sam Fox failed in a key responsibility of its mission as an educational institution – to combat the ugly realities of art’s sexist past with intentional, instructive messages to freshmen about the values it upholds today.

In light of the Fine Art major presentation, students Kelsey Brod, Vanessa Gravenor, Caitlin Lee, and Shannon Slade are working with the Sam Fox administration to change art and architecture history education. A resolution recently passed in SU Senate reflecting changes students wish to see in their curriculum, such as seamlessly integrating women and LGBTQ artists and architects and artists and architects of color, rather than as separate chapters of a curriculum.

out of the 36 seniors graduating with a fine art major in 2013, only seven are male.

These changes are important. Yet it is easy to instruct about appreciating diversity, harder to act. The make-up of this panel should have set off alarm bells, but it did not. As a cultural and educational institution, Sam Fox must seriously reconsider how it wants to be represented as well as what values and aesthetics it cherishes. The school has a responsibility to its many strong female leaders, established and aspiring, for support and recognition. It has a responsibility to all students for an increased critical awareness in administrative and curatorial decisions.

Anna Applebaum is a senior in the College of Arts & Sciences. She can be reached at a.applebaum@wustl.edu.

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Washington University Goes to Prison Gabe Rubin | Illustration by Margaret Flatley

G

ood news: after you graduate, odds are you won’t be going to prison. For all the self-deprecating jokes you’ll make about getting a liberal arts education, it’s worth noting that, statistically speaking, your degree is the most powerful thing standing between you and a life behind bars.

In fact, go further back and thank your high school teachers, because a majority of incarcerated people in the United States lack a high school diploma or its equivalent. The first time in prison usually isn’t a person’s last. U.S. recidivism rates, or the percentage of those incarcerated more than once, are 52%. Unless, of course, incarcerated people have access to higher education in prison, which has proven definitively to slash recidivism rates and to transform the incarcerated into productive citizens with bright futures.

The purpose of prison, we’re told, has two major components: punishment and rehabilitation.

Unfortunately, in the United States punishment takes nearly all the resources and, perversely, does nothing to prevent individuals from returning to illegal activities after their release. When inmates are released from prison, they are given the clothes they were wearing when they entered and a bus ticket— what Daniel Karpowitz, Director of Policy and Academics for the Bard Prison Initiative, calls “a bus ticket to recidivism.”

Felons find it nearly impossible to find steady work after their release, and often return to illegal activity because it is the only way to support themselves. They have served their time on the inside, but society has set the rules so that felons continue to pay for their deeds even after their release. Communities with high crime levels find themselves stuck in the criminal justice system’s vicious cycle.

In 1995, legislation signed by President Bill Clinton stripped incarcerated people of Pell Grant eligibility, making federally funded college-in-prison programs illegal. What “tough on crime” legislators failed to realize

was how tough on crime those education programs truly were. The Clinton crime bill ignored the causes of crime itself. Congress apparently did not know that among inmates who have significant educational opportunities in prison, recidivism rates fall to 22% from over 50%.

The Bard Prison Initiative, founded by Bard College undergraduate Max Kenner (who now serves as its executive director) in 1999, teaches a full course load to incarcerated men and women in prisons in upstate

New York and since 2005 has granted full college degrees to qualifying students. The courses are identical to those taught at Bard, one of the nation’s most prestigious liberal arts colleges. The vast majority of incarcerated people initially fail to gain admission to the program. Yet instead of discouraging applicants, the competitive nature of the program has actually proven to motivate many to complete GEDs and reapply again and again. As of 2011 Bard had granted 157 degrees to students enrolled in BPI. Only 2%

of the incarcerated people who have been enrolled in the program have returned to prison. That’s tough on crime.

For the last several months a group of Washington University faculty have been working to create the Washington University Prison Education Program and I am writing this article as the group’s undergraduate representative. The students I have talked to greet news of the program with enthusiasm, yet have been curious as to how it will work.

In its initial stages, faculty affiliated with the Prison Education Program will teach a handful of non-credit granting courses in a Missouri prison.

Over time, faculty hope to expand the variety of courses offered and eventually grant degrees to incarcerated students. Traditional undergraduates will have plenty of opportunities to be involved, with possibilities ranging from tutoring to taking classes sideby-side with incarcerated students in a model known as “Inside-Out,” variations of which are used at Indiana University, Harvard, and Wesleyan.

The price tag for the program is relatively minimal; the main costs are books and school supplies for the incarcerated and transportation stipends for professors. The benefits, however, are tremendous.

As an anchor institution in the St. Louis area, Washington University would give back to the community in a way that only a top university can: by giving the gift of education. Traditional students would have the chance to affect social change in an academic context, eschewing the ivory tower for hands-on learning and activism. Washington University proclaims in its mission statement “To be an institution that excels by its accomplishments in our home community, St. Louis, as well as in the nation and the world.” By supporting the Prison Education Program, the university would prove its devotion to excelling through the successes of the broader community.

Gabe Rubin is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at grubin@wustl.edu.

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Let’s Talk About Class Sonya Schoenberger

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n early April, prospective students and their families descend upon Washington University’s campus. Frost melts, skies clear, and tour guides wax enthusiastic about the Wash. U.-funded Canada Appreciation Club and butter churning society. Parents ogle at red granite buildings, palatial dorms, and exotic dining options, and teenagers in J. Crew and Vineyard Vines gossip about

Greek life and Tempur-Pedic mattresses.

Washington University’s undergraduate experience is rich, rigorous, and incredibly cushy. Over the past decade, the University has stepped up and expanded its academic programs and risen dramatically in national rankings. Today, Washington University holds its own against schools like Vanderbilt, Georgetown, and, some would argue, the Ivy

Student Priorities Broken Down by Self-Identified Class 9 30 ACCOMPLISHED FACULTY AND ACADEMIC PROGRAMS

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STRONG SCHOOL RANKING AND REPUTATION

Lower Class NEED BLIND ADMISSIONS AND STUDENT FINANCIAL SERVICES

22

A WIDE RANGE OF STUDENT ACTIVITIES

57

16

RESIDENTIAL COMFORT AND DINING VARIETY

Middle Class

STATE OF THE ART FACILITIES

24

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60

Upper Class

Leagues. But the University still lags behind its peer institutions in at least one respect: according to US News and World Report, Washington University ranks last in the top 25 schools in terms of socioeconomic diversity. This March, College Magazine named Wash. U. as one of the Top 10 Universities to Find a Husband, based on a CBS report that cited Wash. U. students as the richest in the nation. “Not only do many of these students come from rich families, they are total geniuses as well,” the report said.

This atmosphere of financial and intellectual privilege is palpable on Wash. U.’s campus, and is viewed by many as an inevitable product of a top-quality private education. This January, I helped to put out a survey to gauge levels and perceptions of diversity on campus as part of Washington University for Socioeconomic Diversity (Undergraduate WU/FUSED), a group dedicated to engaging students and administrators in conversations about class issues on campus.

The survey, which received 275 undergraduate responses, asked students to answer a series of questions about their socioeconomic background and to rank their priorities in regards to endowment allocation.

In response to this last question, 57% chose “accomplished faculty and programs” as most important, followed by 24% who prioritized “strong school ranking and reputation,” and 14% who felt need-blind admissions as were most important. We then broke these numbers down by class. Only 7% of students who self-identified as upper or upper middle class ranked “Need blind admissions” as a top priority, in contrast to 16% of middle class students and 61% of students from working and lower middle class backgrounds. These results are hardly surprising, but they are revealing of a divide in perspective between Wash U’s median student—who is upper middle class—and the minority who come from lower income backgrounds.

At the end of the survey, WU/FUSED asked students to share their ideas for increasing campus diversity. The most common response was a call for need-blind admissions, but not all students agreed that a Wash. U. education should be made accessible to students from lower-income backgrounds. One student questioned the value of socioeconomic diversity altogether, and expressed concern that those students whose

National families pay full tuition would have to “pick up the slack” for students of less privileged backgrounds. “This is the antithesis of fairness,” he or she wrote. Another student’s response was more apathetic: “It’s an expensive school…I don’t know how much diversity is possible.”

This month, I sat down with Vice Chancellor for Admissions John Berg and Student Financial Services Director Mike Runiewicz to better understand how much diversity really is possible.

While Wash. U.’s endowment ranks as one of the largest in the nation, the vast majority of this money is restricted, and most scholarship and financial aid funds come out of Wash. U.’s donation-fed operating budget. Berg and Runiewicz described the University’s admissions policy as tied to a tight budget: tentative admissions decisions are made and then sent to Student Financial services, which will report back with an assessment of whether the full financial need of the incoming class can be supported. If not, decisions are reevalu-

When students were asked if Wash-U attracts a socioeconomically diverse student body,

0% 78% strongly agreed

moderately or

strongly disagreed

ated, and the spots of some of those with greatest need are given to students whose parents can pay full freight.

While such a policy is hardly ideal, Berg argues that it is not unique to Wash.

U. and openly need-aware schools. He described the category of “need-blind” as “a bit artificial,” as even those institutions that purport to be need-blind actually discriminate against applicants based on indicators of class like last name, parents’ education, and zip code. “We want to be up front with families,” he said.

Runiewicz spoke about the ways in which Student Financial Services and Admissions reach out to local public schools, as well as schools throughout the country, in the hopes of recruiting a more diverse pool of applicants and providing these students with the resources for a strong application. Both Stu-

charitable institution, and those who are privileged to attend benefit immensely from the University’s tremendous resources and opportunities. But it is important to understand, and acknowledge, that the ways in which the endowment is allocated and various aspects of the undergraduate experience

Self identified socioeconomic class WORKING CLASS 3% LOWER MIDDLE CLASS 6% MIDDLE CLASS 25% UPPER MIDDLE CLASS 51% UPPER CLASS 13%

dent Financial Services and Admissions do their best to support students from lower income backgrounds within a limited budget.

“This is something we thinking about all the time. We work on it all the time. We are constantly trying to improve,” Runiewicz said.

“Everyone in admissions and in financial aid has a heart,” Berg added.

Ultimately, Berg and Runiewicz are tied to the scholarship and financial aid funds, which are determined in the context of the allocation of the University’s endowment and operating budget. The adoption of a need-blind admissions policy would be a positive symbol of the administration’s commitment to tackling class issues, but would constitute a cosmetic fix to a structural problem. The greatest potential for improving undergraduate socioeconomic diversity lies in reevaluating the aspects of the undergraduate experience that drive up tuition and divert University funds away from scholarships and financial aid.

Socioeconomic diversity is hardly a sexy topic. Few people get truly energized about being middle, or lower middle, or upper middle class. But socioeconomic diversity should not be viewed as a peripheral issue. The character of Washington University’s undergraduate experience is ultimately defined by the students who comprise it.

When admissions decisions are made with regard to applicant’s ability to pay, the character of the University at large is altered.

Washington University does not exist as a

are prioritized compromise the accessibility of a Wash. U. education.

At the end of my discussion with Vice Chancellor Berg, I asked if there was anything he wished students better understood.

“Students have more input into this than they sometimes think they do,” he replied.

The WU/FUSED survey results reflect the backgrounds and opinions of a few hundred anonymous students. While this sample can serve as a gauge of undergraduate diversity and sentiment, students with faces have more power than those without. If you have an opinion about the choices and trade-offs that shape the undergraduate experience, speak up. Until they hear otherwise, University administrators will continue to assume that students value modern living spaces, big-name professors, and beautiful landscaping over the accessibility, and meritocratic integrity, of their education.

To see full survey results, see the WUPR website.

Sonya Schoenberger is a sophomore in the School of Arts & Sciences. She can be reached at sonyaschoenberger@wustl.edu.

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Equality?

I “Like” it Serena Lekawa

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acebook has been looking a little geometric lately. Scrolling down my newsfeed, it was impossible not to notice the pinkand-red equal sign appearing again and again: a small icon next to a friend’s name, or a large, bold upload.

I was into it. What an exciting day in the history of human rights, with the case for marriage equality before the Supreme Court! Everyone should know about it. My immediate reaction was gratification—I was proud of this forward-thinking generation that Facebook tells me I’m a part of. I made a mental note to update my own profile picture. This is, after all, a modern world, and the internet is the fabric of the future. Besides, poster paint and picket signs are not nearly as eco-friendly.

However, as well-intentioned as online movements like this might be, their net significance is debatable. In fact, it could be said that they fit the criteria for ‘slacktivism.’ Essentially, ‘slacktivism’ refers to activism—typically conducted through social media—that may offer individual gratification, but does little for any actual cause. Seeing all those equal signs made me feel warm and fuzzy, and I figured jumping on the rectangular trend would make me feel even warmer and fuzzier. But, oddly enough, it came with a certain feeling of anxiety: if I don’t do this, will people get the wrong idea about me? About my views? Something about this didn’t sit well with me; a cause I believe in shouldn’t be reduced to a tool of my image control. More important than my moment of Internet narcissism, however, is a troubling possibility: the real problem with supporting a cause by feel-good uploading occurs when the click of the mouse replaces real activism instead of supplementing it. The internet can be an invaluable mobilization tool. Social media is ideal

It would be unreasonable to suggest that social media has no impact on the important happenings of our time. Online activism shows solidarity, which fosters hope. It can also act as decent barometer to gauge the national or even global mood on a specific issue in way typical electoral maps cannot. In fact, data analysts at Facebook produced a political map of the US by measuring the numbers of people that changed their profile picture for marriage equality across the country. Access to information like this could have a real influence on politicians in terms of their platforms and legislative decisions.

But this can only take us so far. Symbols, pictures, hashtags— they can all be useful mechanisms to bolster a movement. They have the power to take proponents of a common cause from across the

…the real problem with supporting a cause by feel-good uploading occurs when the click of the mouse replaces real activism instead of supplementing it. for organization—a Facebook ‘event’ is the perfect save-the-date for this generation of activists. While this may be an effective place to start a movement, it must manifest itself into something greater to make a difference. The cause of marriage equality is much bigger than the scope of my cover photo.

Furthermore, what implications does this have for the cause itself?

Think back to Kony 2012. The video that launched the campaign to bring down the African warlord went viral, and anyone remotely in touch with the digital world heard of it. The campaign raised $17.7 million and influenced the House of Representatives to pass a bill meant to develop ways to bring down “the world’s worst.” The problem with Kony 2012, according to Washington and Lee law professor Mark Drumbl, was that it oversimplified the issue of child soldiers, and omitted important facts about the Ugandan government that seriously complicated the problem.

The internet is fast and our attention spans are short. When a cause is oversimplified, so is the solution.

globe, and give them a community network that transcends oceans and borders; they unite different people from different places, united under a slogan, an image. The problem arises when the icons themselves become the movement. They can’t replace the manpower necessary to bring a cause to its full potential.

At the dawn of a technological revolution, we find that revolution itself is evolving—social media is not to be discounted when it comes to contemporary widespread debate. But it is crucial to remember that it doesn’t work alone or replace tangible action. When integrated into meaningful activism the internet has great potential.

Why not #writetoyourcongressman? It can help accomplish amazing things and overpower great evils. Let’s just make sure it doesn’t overpower us first.

Serena Lekawa is a freshman in the College of Arts & Sciences. She can be reached at slekawa@wustl.edu.

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Ignorance is Not Bliss Molly Prothero

M

y seventh grade health class included a one-day activity discussing when sex is okay. We were given a sheet with various scenarios, and were asked to talk about each one. Each contained various degrees of mutual consent, and the one I remember most clearly went something like this: A teenage couple has been dating for a long time, and they decide they want to have sex. They’ve bought protection and are finally ready. They’re very romantic about it, putting candles out, turning on music, and getting dressed up for a nice dinner beforehand.

As they start having sex, the girl panics. She starts to cry and begs her boyfriend to stop, but he keeps going until he finishes. How do you think he should have acted?

Our general class consensus was that she’d already given consent. I mean, they were already having sex when she changed her mind. Ideally it would have been good for him to stop. But he’s a guy; he’s been waiting for a while. It’s not his fault.

And as far as I remember, my teacher moved on, doing little to dispel this consensus.

For me, it was not until watching the performance of The Date during orientation week

at Washington University that the topics of sexual assault and rape resurfaced. For many students, that may be the first time that these issues are opened up at all. Reacting to the play, many people expressed frustration at the discussion leaders’ insistence that the woman from the main story line was a victim of rape.

The man had no intention of hurting her; he thought she wanted it as much as he did. He never meant to rape her. But according to legal definition, his actions did constitute rape.

The recent case in Steubenville, Ohio, reflects this misconception in many ways.

Two boys, ages 16 and 17, were convicted of raping a 16-year-old girl. The rape gained attention after evidence was posted on the Internet, including a photograph of the two boys carrying the passed-out girl by her ankles and wrists. A video also surfaced in which another boy is laughing and making jokes about the assault. And throughout the trial, the two defendants gave off the impression that they did not think they had committed rape at the time. If they had known, if they had understood the impacts of their actions, they never would have done it. At the time, however, it was just a funny, stupid joke. No one involved ever thought that such actions could result in not only psychological implications for the survivor (survivors of rape and sexual assault have one of the highest rates of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder for any group, with estimates ranging up to 66%), but also legal and psychological implications for the perpetrators.

News channels repeatedly played the emotional video of the perpetrators’ apologies, in which Ma’lik Richmond breaks down as he speaks to the survivor and her family, saying, “I had no intentions to do anything like that.”

CNN received a lot of criticism for portraying the perpetrators in a sympathetic light without focusing on the survivor. Though a large portion of media coverage of the case was very problematic, it is hard not to feel a certain degree of sympathy for the perpetrators.

In our society, it is painfully easy to believe that young men (and women) could actually not know when or if they commit rape.

It is hard for it to be otherwise when consent, much less rape, is so rarely talked about. Many Washington University students do not remember any talk of consent in their health classes, and it was not until after hearing about the Steubenville case that I recalled my education in consent and recognized its dangerous implications. In such a society, ignorance, unfortunately, is considered a legitimate defense. And until more effective and wide-spread rape and consent education is implemented, continuing to have the conversations that began during orientation week of freshman year may be the best way to raise awareness and protect others from confusion and ignorance when it comes to sexual assault and rape.

Molly Prothero is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. She can be contacted at mollyprothero@wustl.edu.

A screenshot from CNN’s coverage of the Stuebenville rape case

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FOOD

Carmi Cioni

Food

Fishing for Trouble Alex Tolkin

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he idea of fishing conjures images of grandfather and grand- Regulating overfishing is also difficult because offshore fishing can son whiling time away on a lake and hoping for the occasional be challenging to monitor and sometimes takes place in contested catch. Yet fishing is now overwhelmingly a commercial enter- waters. From 2000 to 2011, China underreported the amount of fish prise. Because of this commercialization, world fishing stocks are in its fleets caught by a factor of twelve. Despite such wild inaccuracy, jeopardy, posing a major challenge for regulators hoping to ensure this deception was difficult to notice because much of the overfishing that the world’s oceans do not become a fish graveyard. occurred off the coast of West Africa, where many governments fail Overfishing occurs when an ocean ecosystem becomes destabi- to report fishing totals or have minimal or zero fishing regulations. lized by the removal of too many fish. Once an ecosystem is damaged, Regulations are also often not ambitious enough to cause significant it can take decades for it to recover. In the 1970s, anchovy fishing was change. Many overfishing regulations aim merely to ensure that fisha core part of the Peruvian economy. Unfortunately, years of huge ing stocks do not deteriorate further. More ambitious plans aim to catches destroyed the anchovy population and then fishermen’s liveli- restore stocks to their levels a decade earlier. However, the sea has hoods. Their catches decreased from 15 million tons of fish in 1971 undergone such dramatic transformation over the past century that to only three million in 1973 because the anchovy population was so even the amount of fish present a decade ago is pitiful compared to devastated. By the 1980s, when the Peruvian government banned all the amount in 1900. Restoring the oceans to anything resembling anchovy fishing, less than two million tons of anchovies remained off their natural state would take a massive, concerted, and likely multithe coast, and 50,000 people had lost their jobs. While the Peruvian fishing industry has returned, though never to its former peak, overfishing has permanently destroyed some fisheries. And Peru is not a unique case. In the 1940s, North Sea herring were caught far faster than the fish reproduced, and neither the population nor the European fishing industry has ever recovered.

Governments have recognized the dangers of overfishing and have sometimes made progress protecting fish stocks. In 2006, President Bush enjoyed bipartisan support when he strengthened the 1976 Magnuson-Stevens Act regulating U.S. fisheries. The combination of strict catch limits and tradable credits appears to have helped fish populations recover. While almost half of U.S. fisheries were overfished in 2000, that percentage dwindled to 22% in 2010. However, other nations have struggled to impose effective Fishing boats in Ancon, Peru regulations. For example, for over a decade New Zealand fisherman caught fish in regulated waters despite decade effort that would effectively halt most fishing for years. Getfines that were supposed to prevent the practice. Between 1995 and ting support for such a policy appears very unlikely, and effectively 2007, fisherman paid seven million dollars worth of fines for 16 mil- enforcing it would be even harder. lion dollars worth of fish. Fishermen simply factored the fines into the To help combat the dismal state of the oceans, consumers can cost of the fish. Fine-based systems for rare fish have to incorporate keep track of which fish are overfished and which are at sustainvery harsh or variable fines. As rarer fish become increasingly scarce, able levels. A variety of aquariums offer wallet-sized cards that list they also become increasingly valuable. If fines do not keep pace common fish on menus and their current status in the wild. When with rising fish prices, fishermen will simply ignore them. Indeed, ordering unmarked fish, one can ask a waiter or grocery worker as fish become more and more scarce, fishermen have to try harder where the fish is from. These consumer choices only put a band-aid and harder to get a sufficient catch, meaning that legislation needs on a gaping wound, however. In the long run, international regulato have very strict penalties to be effective. It also means that fisher- tion is required slowly repair the damage humans have inflicted on men are in a constant arms race over steadily dwindling resources, the ocean. using more and more boats to catch less and less. According to a 2008 U.N. report, half of the world’s fishing fleet could be scrapped with no Alex Tolkin is a senior in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at atolkin@wustl.edu. change in overall catch.

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12

Food

Examining the Underlying Structural Problems of Food Deserts Alex Bluestone

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or most, the term conjures up notions of an urban, post-industrialized city in which a poor—and often marginalized—neighborhood whose residents are limited in their ability to procure healthy food. The result is that, as some research has shown, in neighborhoods and areas with the worst access to food, residents die from cardiovascular-related illnesses at nearly double the rate of those

with poor access to food. For instance, it affects crucial components to a neighborhood’s stability, especially in areas that are already highly marginalized—this includes stable housing, successful students and local schools, and even the potential for job creation.

In St. Louis, the most obvious examples of such economically-challenged and food barren neighborhoods can be found in the city’s north side (see map).

[and] urban farming can solve some of the current problems…[by] generating jobs and redeveloping plots.”

By repurposing existing sites, St. Louis could greatly improve its ability to feed its most marginalized residents. Similar efforts have already been successfully undertaken in Chicago, where an estimated 400,000 of the city’s 3 million residents live in food deserts.

Map generated by the USDA online mapping feature. Purple and Green both represent composites of low income/low food access areas

in areas with proper access to markets and healthy food options.

But a food desert can be further understood as not only a social detriment to health and general well being, but also as a roadblock to social mobility.

Food-insecure areas are typically unable to attract the economic investments necessary to promote a sustainable and prosperous model on which neighborhood rehabilitation relies. Perhaps this is the reason that some lament the name “food desert.”

In some activists’ view, this moniker masks the underlying social problems inherent

A creative solution to the problem could be to use the large swaths of vacant land that blanket the north side. One idea that came out of a recent design competition to repurpose the former site of the Pruitt-Igoe housing complex was to turn the 33-acre site into a large-scale urban farm.

According to the project proposal entitled “Farmscaping Pruitt-Igoe,” which was a finalist in the competition, “Modern architecture [is] seen as the urban design catalyst for the recovery of spatial and social problems…urban farming is an important part of the solution for current problems in Northside St. Louis…

If St. Louis is serious about addressing the city’s social mobility issues and spurring its transition to a 21st century city, its future must be grounded in the source and security of its food.

Ramping up food production within the city may well prove to be a viable strategy in this effort given its economic and social benefits.

Visit the USDA mapping feature: www.ers. usda.gov/data-products/food-access-researchatlas/go-to-the-atlas.aspx#.UWefzqvwIt1 Alex Bluestone is a junior in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at abluestone@wustl.edu.

Food

Politics and Food Prices: The Power of Food Insecurity Molly McGregor

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hen the Arab Spring movements in the Middle East began suddenly in late 2010, observers pointed to a myriad of influential factors. These ranged from dictatorial rule to human rights violations, unemployment, and economic decline.

Increasingly, however, observers are emphasizing the role of skyrocketing food prices as a major catalyst preceding the political protests.

Mohamed Bouazizi, the man whose self-immolation in 2011 catalyzed the Tunisian revolution, was a food vendor. The price of wheat may have been as much of a factor in the toppling of then President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt as the political corruption and oppression of his regime. In the Middle East, future food prices and related issues of food security are destined to play a crucial role in politics.

The term “food security” is dually defined by the availability and access to food. More specifically, according to Oxford Bibliographies, the term refers to “a state in which adequate amounts of nutritious, safe, and culturally appropriate food to support a healthful diet are available, accessible in a socially acceptable manner, and expected to remain accessible.” Currently, the world is on a dangerous path towards increasing food insecurity. This trend is spreading across the entire globe, but not surprisingly, the developing world is feeling the effects of food insecurity most acutely. Many factors contribute to this problem, but rising costs of food (“agflation”) are the major force behind food insecurity.

Food prices have been on the rise for decades, but in 2007 and 2008, the world saw a massive spike in commodity food prices. Basic staples such as corn and wheat saw as much as 40% increases.

Though the global recession slowed the rise in food prices temporarily, by 2011, the elevated trend returned. In developing countries, where citizens are already spending over 25% of their total income to purchase food, this global food crisis has been devastating on personal as well as societal levels. In contrast, citizens in developed nations

The price of wheat may have been as much of a factor in the toppling of then President Hosni Mubarak in Egypt as the political corruption and oppression of his regime. typically spend less than 10% of their income on food consumption.

Globally, Oxfam estimates that a 1% increase in food prices could lead to as many as 16 million people falling below the poverty line.

The immediate causes of this recent global food crisis included a combination of droughts and crop failures in grain-exporting countries, a rise in oil prices, and increased production of biofuels in developing nations. In 2006, Australia, the world’s second largest wheat exporter after the United States, dropped its wheat exports from 25 to 10 million tons in the wake of a severe drought. Additionally, the rise in oil prices in the mid-2000s affected food production by increas-

ing the cost of transportation, industrial agriculture, and petroleum products like fertilizer.

In the face of rising oil prices, many nations in Europe and the United States increased their production of biofuels. In doing so, however, these countries reduced the food available for consumption

Moving forward, food security and political stability are still problematically intertwined. or export on the global market, and contributed to price increases.

Not only do these market pressures disproportionately affect poorer nations, but the “food for fuel” policies themselves also reflect a more significant disparity between developed and developing nations: the amount of biofuel it takes to fill an average car’s tank amounts to as much maize (a key food staple in Africa) as the average African consumes in an entire year.

While the Middle East is not necessarily the most food insecure region of the world, this region is severely affected by multiple dimensions of food insecurity. The top nine importers of wheat are all Middle Eastern countries, and these nations are less insulated from increases in food prices and inflation because of their dependence on these imports. Because many Middle Eastern nations rely heavily on oil exports for state income, the prospect of reducing oil costs is difficult. According to the International Monetary Fund, as much as one fifth of some Arab state budgets go to subsidizing gasoline and cooking fuel—amounting to more than $200 billion a year overall. This staggering figure, which represents money that could otherwise be used to invest in much needed health, education, and public infrastructure, does not include additional subsidies on food staples themselves.

These dimensions of food security are not new, but they have been worsening, putting significant pressure on societies and their governments. In the Middle East, a prime region for the convergence of food insecurity and political instability, these factors acted as stressors on already strained and politically oppressed populations. The Arab Spring protests unleashed decades-long frustration and anger at ineffective and corrupt regimes; but moving forward, food security and political stability are still problematically intertwined. Variously reformed but weak governments such as those in Libya or Egypt do not have the capacity to address the issues of food security sufficiently. Even as political reforms take place, the food security issue is not going to go away. The political pressure of food will continue.

Molly McGregor is a senior in the College of Arts & Sciences. She can be reached at mgmcgreg@wustl.edu.

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14

Food

Hotdogs, Cold Nights Steven Perlberg

I

t’s 10:30 p.m., the cart is out, grill fired up, but Adam Stoker forgot the tongs. Which is a problem.

It’s the one thing he really can’t forget —“other than the hotdogs.”

But Adam sets up anyway. Apron on, he lines up the buns, stirs the cheese, and marshals the mustards. He also sends a few frantic texts.

Because in this line of work, the tongs are essential.

For Washington University students who have frequented the Loop this winter, Adam’s bearded visage huddled over a hotdog cart is a familiar one. Every Friday and Saturday night, he sets up shop outside the old Delmar Lounge, luring drunken passersby as they make the midnight trek across Skinker Boulevard toward greener pastures—bars that are still open.

On a good night, Adam takes home 70 bucks hawking dogs. On an arctic night like this, he’s lucky to make $40.

But it pays a bill a week. Tonight, Adam rolled up with $1 in his savings account, $8 in checking, and $4 in his pocket. He’s got enough gas to haul the clunky cart back to its home in a South City garage.

For warmth—other than his chestlength bushy beard—Adam’s got gloves, a black jacket too thin for a mid-February night, and the occasional Edgefield cigarette.

He hoists the jumbo jar of hot peppers and pours the juice into a simmering batch of his special onions. “If you’re going to do it, do it right,” Adam mutters.

What kind of night will it be?

Adam doesn’t know where the name originated, but “Loop Dogs” have been a Del-

mar fixture for eight years—although he has been making his cut selling dogs only for a few weekends.

He’s a friend of Joe Bullock’s, owner and proprietor. Joe, who used to do Adam’s job, bought the cart last year from its prior CEO. Those were the glory days, before a city ordinance and a new construction project moved the venture from its original location outside the Pageant.

Joe says the Loop has gotten less popular in the last few years – the outdoor hotdog business isn’t what it used to be. But, for tonight, at least the tongs are here.

Right on time for the first customers.

Adam gives them the rundown: For $4 “plus a tip if it’s worth it,” he’ll craft you an all-beef dog. Jalapeños, relish, ketchup, spicy

Food or regular mustard, KC Masterpiece BBQ sauce, hot chili—cheese and celery salt, all included if you want.

And then, of course, the spiced onions, Adam’s own recipe. When travelers walk by he always makes sure to crack the tin lid.

“That’s the smell that gets people buying.”

Adam recommends getting “the works.”

It’s best to just trust his toppings judgment, and these customers do.

“This guy is the Zen master,” a graying hipster tells his sweetheart wearing thickrimmed square glasses.

Adam just smiles. “All the best.”

If you spend enough time with Adam you’ll hear that phrase a lot. It’s one of his personal mottos, not to mention the title of a book he’s writing for his 10-year-old son Tyler.

Adam fell in love with South City five years ago, but he’s lived in the St. Louis area since he was a baby. He’s 31 now. His dad used to be a Navy fighter pilot “kind of like in Top Gun.” They had a place out in Ballwin, and Adam went to Catholic school. National Honors Society, Advanced Placement physics, he’s an Eagle Scout.

But by senior year, Adam started dropping balls. He failed honors calculus and didn’t graduate.

“I experienced a whole bunch of life,” Adam says. “I ended up taking the road less traveled.”

The road has been bumpy, especially on that day three and a half years ago when Adam got fired from a job and found out Tyler had ADHD. Adam couldn’t sleep for days.

“It’s hereditary. I felt a fatherly responsibility.” Adam was diagnosed with the disorder himself in second grade.

Then he found a new sense of spiritual-

talk is to hear just how important “3½ years ago” is. “’To decide’ in its Latin root means to cut off from, to put all else to an end. There’s a finality to it. Whatever it takes,” he chokes up, but it’s not like Adam is afraid of the softer stuff.

He writes poetry.

He focuses on personal growth now,

dresses his dog up with the works and chomps it down.

“I’m going to miss these.”

Adam says this is his last weekend selling hotdogs.

He launched a new real estate wholesaling business called INRG and closed his first deal today. He stands to make $5,000. Meet-

On a good night, Adam takes home 70 bucks hawking dogs. On an arctic night like this, he’s lucky to make $40.

But it pays a bill a week. finding his ADHD diagnosis ironic considering he’s a philosophy nerd who reads four books at a time. He likes to give recommendations, like the one he’s working through now, Deepak Chopra’s Super Brain.

And he’s quick to share a fact or two.

All-beef dogs are a great source of protein.

Did you know a potato has more potassium than a banana?

Hustling dogs isn’t so bad. It allows him to share a laugh with the people of St. Louis, who Adam says show a level of goodwill uncommon in the rest of the country.

“There’s a lot of joy you can get out of it.”

But Adam mainly freezes out in the cold for his son. “He’s the love of my life, why I do this,” he says. “He has a beautiful heart.”

Plus the gig has given Adam plenty of stories – like the time a woman tried to make out with him for a free hotdog.

Or even earlier tonight, when a tipsy blonde in bright pink pants only made it ten feet past his cart before spewing her dinner – not his dogs – on Delmar’s sidewalk. Without missing a beat, Adam strolled over to the

ings are in the morning.

But for now, he takes inventory. Only nine dogs sold by 1 a.m. “You do the math.”

That’s how it goes. Adam says you can spend an hour twiddling your thumbs before it comes like a wave. Either way, he likes to set up early enough so Loop-goers know he’s there when they stumble out of the bar.

Sure enough, by 1:15 a baker’s dozen worth of wanderers headed to Moonrise make a welcomed pit stop. A blustering Chicagoan doesn’t believe Loop Dogs could possibly be as good as his hometown benchmark. To his chagrin, they are. A gutsy customer in an orange puffy coat buys two.

The horde meanders, devouring dogs before skipping past Skinker, shouting a boozy, somewhat collective “thank-you Loop Dog guy” toward Adam.

“All the best.”

Hustling dogs isn’t so bad. It allows him to share a laugh with the people of St. Louis, who Adam says show a level of goodwill uncommon in the rest of the country. ity. God, he says, told him to grow a beard.

When he went to shave at the end of that week, his “very dependable beard trimmer quit working.”

“At that point the message was clear.”

So the beard, and his current moniker “Jesus,” remain.

He just had to do something different, make a different decision. To hear Adam

group of twentysomethings with a bottle of water.

By 12:15 a.m., Adam throws on a few hopeful hotdogs in anticipation of the latenight rush. One of them is for him.

“I’ve been looking forward to this spicy mustard all night.”

That was his latest suggested ingredient and Joe’s most recent purchase. Adam

Steven Perlberg is a senior in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at sperlberg@wustl.edu.

15

Feeding Frenzy Andrew Luskin

A new app allows farmers to track when a cow is in heat. Snapchat wasn’t enough?

The U.S. Navy is deploying a laser death ray to the Persian Gulf capable of shooting down drones. The weapon should intimidate Iran until they discover mirrors.

Congress is expected to reform America’s immigration laws, which are currently the most widely broken rules outside of “employees must wash hands.” Many large organizations, including Facebook, are lobbying to shape the bill. Like most changes Facebook proposes, it might face opposition at first, but in the end, you’ll like it. Just be thankful that they’re only lobbying—in a few years, they’ll be able to blackmail any lawmaker they want.

The human brain is remarkable, but it has a key weakness: the off switch in the pants. A 59-year-old Army contractor gave nuclear secrets to a 27-yearold Chinese honey pot. Here’s some advice: if you seem to attract beautiful foreign girls half your age who know kung fu and get turned on by top-secret information, chances are that they don’t actually think that you’re kawaii.

Instead of awaiting the British Royal Family’s upcoming baby, the press should focus on North Korea’s next dictator-in-waiting. Not only will he have real power, but since the Kims look the same after they grow up, it’s easy to imagine him crushing the people under his chubby little fist.

How many dead children does it take to pass gun control? Guess we’ll have to keep counting. The Senate rejected bans on assault weapons and highcapacity magazines, and even laws for universal background checks and against straw purchasing.

The assault weapons ban never stood much of a

chance—after all, if God didn’t want us to have machine guns, he wouldn’t have put it into the Constitution. But universal background checks are supported by 90% of the public, an absurd level of agreement: 60% is a landslide, and you couldn’t get 80% of Americans to approve of puppies.

Appropriately, the only issue that compares is public disapproval of Congress, and that maxed out at 86%.

In this crazy world, it’s nice to have a little bit of stability: haters gonna hate, lovers gonna love, and North Korea gonna threaten thermonuclear war.

North Korea is blustering again, but this time, they may have developed a nuclear warhead capable of fitting on a long-range missile. If they launch it at the United States, it might make it all the way to Tokyo.In response, the United States deployed missile defense systems to Guam and twotime N.B.A. Defensive Player of the Year Dennis Rodman to the low post. One or the other seems to have rattled China, which is pressuring North Korea to come out with their demands. Chances are, they just want food aid: when North Korea says they’ll kill us all, they’re really saying, “Are you going to finish that?”

As long as we’re on the topic of infallible world leaders, the world welcomes Pope Francis. Spry and youthful at 76 years of age, Francis is wellprepared to deal with the challenges of the modern world. He has been known to ride the public bus, which is like when Jesus touched a leper, except Jesus wasn’t on a bus. Francis will try to engage the youth with campaigns like “C’mon, baby, then I can’t feel anything,” while addressing deeper theological issues like: are gay people wicked or just doomed? Why aren’t the JP Morgan execs covered in boils? And why the hell is Kim Kardashian famous?

The Syrian Civil War has killed over 70,000 people and Bashar al-Assad’s regime has started to deploy chemical weapons. Thankfully, no oil has been harmed.

Margaret Thatcher, former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, died at 87. In the American press, Thatcher was treated with reverence, but in Britain, they’ll have to post guards to keep people from dancing on her grave. Thatcher was memorialized in the 2011 Oscar-bait The Iron Lady, which, though rated PG-13, may be offensive to miners.

You may have thought your great-aunt Carol was being racist when she called your other-skinned classmate a drug dealer, but maybe she was just cooler than you: marijuana use may be up among the elderly. The news may surprise nursing home staff, who have been trained by the harsh hand of experience to ignore all smells. Perhaps the best way forward is to legalize all drugs after the age of 70: not only should people be free to make their own decisions, but we could also lower Medicare costs through self-service. Let them loose in Walgreens; give it by the scoop. As a side effect, it would also save Obamacare the trouble of death panels.

It’s time for me to face the real world, so this is the last edition of Feeding Frenzy to ever sully the fine pages of WUPR. When I first proposed a column of scattershot attention-deficient commentary, my editor called me a lunatic. But after four years, 100,000 words, and one-and-a-half death threats, now who’s laughing maniacally?

Thanks for reading, because as much fun as it is to shout into the void, it’s nice to know that someone’s listening. After all, if I wanted to be ignored, I would have joined the campus libertarians.

P.S. If you want one final joke, I can send you my resume.

Andrew Luskin is a senior in the College of Arts and Sciences. If you can’t tell what’s real from what’s a joke, neither can he. His email is at.luskin@gmail. com

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Food

Urban Agriculture: Back to Basics Henry Osman | photo by Julia Ho

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or the last few years, urban agriculture has been touted as an “innovative solution,” one that will radically change the fabric of our cities by ending food deserts and filling in abandoned neighborhoods. But urban farming is not a new movement; our grandparents had victory gardens to supplement wartime rations and historic parks like the Boston Common were used to graze sheep.

Urban agriculture is, and has always been, an integral part of the urban fabric. The question should not be about finding an innovative or novel solution, but rather about finding one that works, is sustainable, and helps communities stay together and fight malnutrition.

But what defines an urban farm? It is not easy to find a definition because urban farms take so many different shapes. The only uniting factor is that they grow plants and may raise livestock in a city. Besides that, they can be small community gardens, larger 16 bed farms, or even a farm that lets refugees grow traditional foods to preserve their culture.

Rooftop farms may be necessary in the future if there is a food crisis, and should be praised for their sustainability and ingenuity, but it is important to keep in mind that they are for-profit ventures that sell their produce to the highest bidders, generally restaurants. While governments should fund small farms that interact with their communities and produce positive externalities, the expansion of roof top farms should be left to the free market. It is not that urban farming cannot be profitable, but profits should not be the metric by which a farm measures its success. If a farm devotes itself to maximizing profits with no regard for the community, it deserves little public support.

Because many small farms are not as profit motivated, they rely on a supportive community to get going. The process is extremely laborious, and it is difficult to do with just one or two people because the land is often unwelcoming. Years of lead paint and industrial development have poisoned the ground, and produce grown from that soil can be contami-

Urban farming won’t cure all of our city’s ills, but it is one of the best solutions we have.

Trying to define them misses the elusive benefits that the farms create: they keep communities together, decrease crime and fill in the vacant land that so many cities suffer from after decades of government neglect and racial division.

Some of the most important benefits of urban agriculture are that the movement, unlike the local or organic food movements, is economically and racially diverse. Knowledge about food production and nutrition, just like healthy, fresh, and cheap food itself, is not equally distributed, and food justice is an integral part of urban farming. This connects to its grassroots history and foundation in social justice; farms are tied to their communities and actively give back to them by providing low-cost or free food, exercise through farming, and green and communal spaces.

Too often these farms get overshadowed by state-of-the-art rooftop farms that can grow tens of thousands of dollars of produce, housing developments that integrate vertical farms, or permacultures that integrate fish farming and chicken coops. High-tech developments produce food more efficiently and use less land, but, as they are not engaged in the surrounding communities, they fail to provide the communal benefits

nated. St. Louis, with its history of large factories, has extremely polluted soil, and farms need to cap it off with clay, cover it in tarps, and truck in soil. The City gives free mulch and water to farms, but even getting to that is not enough. Moreover, funding can be difficult to obtain. There are many great organizations, but it is still difficult for communities to not only learn about what funding is offered, but also how to write grants and take advantage of the available resources.

Urban farming won’t cure all of our cities ills, but it is one of the best solutions we have. Our municipal governments need to rezone for urban agriculture so that farms can be started on any vacant lot, reduce zoning and registration fees, and allow them special exemptions to have chickens. The many benefits these farms provide, like fresh produce, education about the food system, and the social network created by farming, have lifelong effects. Everyone should have access to fresh food, know where their food comes from, who grows it, and the ethics behind it.

Henry Osman is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at hosman@wustl.edu.

Food

Colonel Sanders’ Charge: The Rise of Fast Food Diplomacy Nishanth Uli | Illustration by Dara Katzenstein

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f you haven’t heard already, Mom, baseball and apple pie are no longer the emblems of America. Their replacements? McDonald’s, Burger King, Pizza Hut, and Taco Bell. To the outside world, the golden arches have slowly come to represent these United States and all of their capitalist glory, one hamburger at a time. Although a quintessentially American invention, fast food has adapted to new

their differing prices for the iconic hamburger. New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman, author of The World is Flat, coined the notion of “Golden Arches of Conflict Prevention,” which posits that no two countries that have their own McDonald’s would go to war with one another. Although presented in a tongue-in-cheek manner, these theories reveal the profound influence that the restaurant chain

The emergence of a “fast food diplomacy” has engendered a strange interplay of culture and cuisine across the globe cultures as it has expanded throughout the world. The emergence of a “fast food diplomacy” has engendered a strange interplay of culture and cuisine across the globe that has forced established brands to rethink the way they look at their products.

Fast food moguls like Yum! Brands (operator of Taco Bell and KFC among others), Subway, and McDonald’s have been undertaking aggressive expansion efforts across the globe for decades.

While these efforts started as smart responses to demand in emerging markets, they have evolved into something much larger. These restaurants provide a mix between good, old-fashioned Americana and the unique local culture. At Chinese KFCs, you can buy Colonel Sanders’ patented fried chicken smothered in Peking duck sauce. In India and looking for some Indo-Italian fusion? Just order the Paneer Makhani pie at Pizza Hut. And let’s not forget France, where you can find the proud tradition of Gallic cuisine distilled to its purest form in Le Petit McBaguette.

This process of cultural diffusion and culinary diplomacy reveals the deep effect that fast food has had on bridging the gaps between different cultures.

While its expansion has resulted in increased culinary fusion, fast food has also become an intensely powerful economic and social force. No fast food establishment is more recognizable than McDonald’s, the largest chain of restaurants in the world. Founded as a small barbeque joint in 1940, the golden arches can now be found in over 34,000 locations in 122 countries on every continent except Antarctica (although this author firmly believes we’ll be eating Chicken McNuggets at the South Pole by 2020). The cultural impact of McDonald’s extends far beyond its cuisine. The brand has become an economic and cultural phenomenon in and of itself. The Economist regularly publishes a Big Mac index to measure purchasing power parity between nations based on

has had; since its expansion, McDonald’s has become a benchmark for globalization and cultural diffusion.

As fast food’s global influence has grown, it has increasingly become the focus of intense criticism and scrutiny. As more and more American fast food franchises open across the world, many see a growing “McDonaldization” of society. This is linked to an idea of American cultural imperialism hell-bent on eradicating the unique cultures and cuisines of the globe. These views have led to a variety of measures against the growing influence of fast food, including, among others, the Italian-based slow food movement, focused on preserving traditional cuisine and promoting environmentally friendly farming. These new initiatives have provided an interesting counterpoint to fast food’s rise; as more fast food infiltrates a culture, there seems to be an increasing amount of effort devoted to maintaining that culture’s traditional cuisine.

Fast food’s meteoric rise over the past few decades has reflected the realities of an increasingly globalized world where cultural diffusion and syncretism are the norm. While McDonald’s and Burger King have come to represent America’s growing cultural hegemony, the truth is that these brands are less American than ever. They have been forced to adapt to the unique cultures that have taken them in, forcing a radical shift in the way they do business. The problems associated with fast food are undeniable. Increasing obesity, environmental concerns, and limited food supplies are just some of the negative consequences of an increasingly McDonaldized world. However, fast food diplomacy has led to a complex intermingling of culture and cuisine that wouldn’t have happened without Ronald McDonald and Colonel Sanders’ worldwide advance.

Nishanth Uli is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at n.uli@wustl.edu.

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20

Food is Taka Yamaguchi | Illustration by Alex Chiu

I

n 976, then-U.S. Secretary of Agriculture Earl Butz coined the now infamous phrase, “food is a weapon.” At height of the socalled Green Revolution and firmly in the Cold War mindset, he was referring to the American policy of fighting famine worldwide to defend against political unrest and the spread of communism. The idea of food as another tool in the American political arsenal, however, remains just as relevant today.

The United States spends $1.5 billion annually on international food aid, shipping thousands of tons of American wheat, soybeans, corn, sorghum, oils, and a myriad of other staples to countries around the world. Genuine sentiments of charity are surely a motivating factor for the program, but under the surface and away from the discerning public, there are hidden forces at play. This is why the Obama administration has recently proposed overhauling the antiquated U.S. food aid law, only to be met by a barrage of lobbyists and special interest groups.

President Eisenhower started the Food for Peace program, which forms the basis of US food aid to this day, in 1954. With the rapid industrialization and commercialization of agriculture in the preceding 20 years, the United States had a significant food surplus for the first time in its history. Exporting excess food to needy countries while currying diplomatic favor with them seemed to be the best solution. As the decades rolled by and agricultural subsidies grew ever larger, food overproduction in the United States only grew more severe.

Recent data indicate that 75 to 90% of wheat production worldwide is accounted for by just four U.S.-based multinationals: ADM, Bunge, Cargill, and Dreyfuss, collectively known as ABCD. Wheat is one of the principal crops shipped by the United States as food aid. So it comes as no surprise that $1.2 billion of the $1.5 billion U.S. food aid budget went to the first three of those corporations; ADM alone was paid $300 million dollars in 2011 to provide almost half of the total tonnage of U.S. food aid. Because the 1954 law states that U.S. food aid must be in the form of crops grown in the United States, markets abroad are flooded by free American food and local agriculture is actively prevented from developing.

Moreover, by law at least 75% of that U.S. food must be transported overseas by American mercantile corporations. This brings us to the second major point of contention. You might think that Amazon overcharges you on shipping and handling, but official records indicate that a whopping 53% of the entire U.S. food aid budget is spent on shipping fees, tariffs, and the like. Think about that for a second. $1.5 billion of American taxpayers’ money is allocated to a supposedly humanitarian cause, but the majority is squandered due to a 50-year old protectionist law. The remainder is funneled into the coffers of corporate agribusiness. This seems very far from the United States’ incessant calls for free markets in developing countries.

A major campaign by the humanitarian organization Oxfam is

Food

a Weapon calling for these and other restrictions in US food aid law to be reformed, a cause that the Obama administration has thrown its weight behind. A study estimates that if the same $1.5 billion was spent buying food from local farmers for the local poor instead of shipping American products around the world, humanitarian agencies could respond to the acute food crises an average of 14 weeks faster and reach 17.1 million more hungry people. 50 years of corporate favoritism and special interests do not simply concede their benefits, however.

Backed by mercantile shipping companies, lobbyists for American agricultural multinationals are assembling powerful forces against food aid reform, stating that American jobs would be lost if the food aid was sourced locally (within local markets).

However, due to the extensive industrialization and mechanization

their Western benefactors, without the power to seriously question their sponsors for fear of losing vital aid. This dependency also acts at the local level—recall an image you have doubtlessly seen of desperate famished masses fighting over food aid at distribution sites. If this is not disconcerting enough, a recent study suggests that countries receiving American food aid tend to have longer periods of civil unrest and war due to warlords stealing and then lucratively selling food aid to fund their insurrections.

If humanitarian aid is going to be truly humanitarian, resources must be allocated to local capacity building. American food aid is no exception; in fact, it may be the prime example. Almost all other countries with food aid programs do not ship food abroad, but use their national budget to purchase food in local markets for the most needy. If the United States were to adopt this model, it would allow

Sending resources to the developing world while ignoring the need to build indigenous capacity has created a deep dependency on the West’s goodwill. of American agriculture by agribusiness, farmers in the United States are spread remarkably thin both in terms of jobs per crop yield and jobs per farm. This is particularly true for staple crops like wheat and corn. Meanwhile, small farms, unable to compete, have already lost both jobs and markets. The U.S. food aid program was first conceived of as a diplomatically advantageous way to maintain American food surpluses at a manageable level. Yet the reverse has occurred, with entire crops being grown in the United States for overseas aid markets. This has caused staple crop prices to fall worldwide, benefitting American agribusinesses trying to move as much tonnage as possible while hurting small farmers in the United States. These small farmers, already the victims of a systematic assault by agribusiness, are further hurt by food aid’s severe distortions of the American agricultural market. Reforming food aid to allow locally-sourced foods would help restore a competitive advantage to small American farmers, allowing them to expand their businesses and create a greater number of jobs than any that agribusiness might lose.

The current food aid debate is symptomatic of a problem with aid more generally. Providing for the needy around the world is a commendable effort by those with the means to do so: individuals, organizations, and wealthy countries. However, simply sending resources to the developing world while ignoring the need to build indigenous capacity has created a deep dependency on the West’s goodwill. This has opened dependent countries to manipulation; many developing countries are effectively diplomatic captives of

aid money to build markets for local farmers and provide for their populations, and would ultimately extend every aid dollar spent.

Poor countries would become gradually less dependent on wealthy countries, or at least in a less subordinate and vulnerable manner.

Yet vested interests are making every effort against the interests of the needy, adopting a manipulative and profitable agenda encased in a veneer of humanitarian sentiment. Food is indeed a weapon. To reform the cynical status quo, the United States must overhaul its aid programs to make them work for the poor, not against them. It seems President Obama knows that food aid is a good place to start.

Taka Yamaguchi is a senior in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at tyamaguchi@wustl.edu.

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(Genetically) Modifying the Law Trevor Leuzinger | Illustration by Andrew Cantanese

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or people who think that the government makes too many concessions to help out large corporations, the most recent evidence in their favor is the “Monsanto Protection Act.” This March, President Obama signed into law H.R. 933: the Consolidated and Further Continuing Appropriations Act – an annual agricultural spending bill that included the divisive Section 735, O or as it has come to be known, NT A S the “Monsanto Protection Act.” N MO Diverse groups ranging from the Tea Party to environmentalists started protesting soon after about the language of the section, how the section was added to the bill, and an alleged lack of oversight by Congress.

The legislation moved through Congress quickly because it included budgetary provisions for the rest of the 2013 fiscal year and so was deemed necessary to avoid a government shutdown. If you wonder if members of Congress reads every- modified crops even if U.S. courts try to stop thing that passes their desks, the response to them. The act was a stopgap measure needed this legislation should give you an answer. for the government to continue functionAfter the bill passed, many members said ing, so this portion of the bill only remains they did not even realize legislation con- in effect for six months. Agricultural testing cerning genetically modified organisms was and the courts move at such a slow pace that part of the act, buried 78 pages deep. Even this “protection” will most likely not even if members of Congress did know about it, come into play. The passionate blog posts exthe looming need to prevent a government pounding upon the danger of this law genershutdown kept anyone from debating it. ally show a lack of knowledge of how long As the backlash against the bill began, research takes for these products. The six Chairwoman Senator Barbara Mikulski (D- months this provision will be in effect is not MD) was singled out for allowing the rider to actually enough time for anything to hapmake its way through the Senate Appropria- pen. The timelines at play with genetically tions Committee. However, her recent ascen- modified organisms (which are almost all sion to chairwoman quickly made clear who crops) are years if not decades. If the proviwas actually responsible for the bill. Sena- sion is extended it may have some effect, but tor Roy Blunt (R-MO) admitted to meeting Senator Mikulski has said she will not let a with Monsanto before writing the legislation. similar rider through in future bills.

Monsanto also gave Senator Blunt’s camInstead of focusing on this bill, conpaign $64,250 for the 2012 election. It is wor- cerned consumers should turn to elsewhere risome that Monsanto seems to be writing in Washington, where the FDA is likely to aplaws for its own benefit. prove a genetically engineered salmon soon.

So what does the “Monsanto Protection While the fishing industry hasn’t been quite Act” actually do? Essentially, it allows farm- as directly involved as Monsanto was with ers and industry to plant and sell genetically H.R. 933, this has not stopped people from

l

Bil

protesting against this move. If the FDA does approve the salmon, there would not be regulation and it would not require a label indicating it is genetically engineered. Consumer groups are worried about the safety of the product, while proponents point out that fish has been in development for 17 years.

So what are people to do if they feel the government is not protecting them in this matter? Consumers and their interest groups are taking a number of actions on behalf of those concerned about the health risks associated with genetically modified organisms. A coalition of groups have gotten over 2,000 stores, including Trader Joe’s, to sign a pledge against knowingly carrying genetically-engineered seafood.

At the same time, some twenty states are debating requirements on the labeling of products containing genetically modified organisms – something not currently required anywhere in the country. Proposition 37 in California would have required labeling in the state but was defeated by vote last year, thanks in part to $40 million spent by major corporations. However, some corporations now support labeling, including giants like PepsiCo and Wal-Mart. The possibility of a genetically engineered fish entering the market has accelerated the debate and willingness on the part of corporations to enter this issue.

For over a decade genetically engineered crops have been present in processed foods in the United States. As other modified organisms like salmon begin to approach the market, consumers have become increasingly concerned. Indeed, we are only starting to see the beginning of action against genetically engineered organisms. In these cases, citizens hold the power to do much more.

Trevor Leuzinger is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at t.leuzinger@wustl.edu.

Food

New Orleans Food Desert: How Whole Foods Will Alter the Lower Ninth Ward Shira Weissmann

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ourists flock to New Orleans for its unique Cajun and Creole cuisine, pay hundreds of dollars for meals, and yet leave unaware of the city’s widespread problems with food. New Orleans is a food desert. As defined by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, a “food desert” is a “part of the country vapid of fresh fruit, vegetables, and other healthful foods, usually found in impoverished areas.” These areas usually lack grocery stores, farmers’ markets, and healthy food providers. Many people living in New Orleans, especially in the Ninth Ward, are forced to rely on overpriced convenience stores or pre-packaged produce from dollar stores. This issue has worsened since Hurricane Katrina. According to the National Council of Jewish Women, there were 12,000 people per grocery store in New Orleans before Katrina hit; today, there are 16,000 people per grocery store. Nationally, the average is 8,800 people per grocery store.

After Katrina, New Orleans had little funds for fresh food, which forced its residents to turn to local farming. Yet these farmers found poisoned land, and had to rid the ground of noxious chemicals, rusted metal, and shards of beer bottles before they could start farming.

Since these individual efforts were not enough, farmers turned to grassroots politics to incentivize fresh food access. These efforts have led to the creation of New Orleans’ Fresh Food Retailers Initiative (FFRI) in 2011, with aims to “increase access to fresh foods in traditionally underserved neighborhoods in the City in addition to providing quality employment opportunities and serving as a catalyst for neighborhood revitalization.” To do this, it provides fresh food retailers who have been accepted into the FFRI program with forgivable and/or low-interest loans.

On February 14, 2013, Mayor Mitch Landrieu of New Orleans announced that FFRI had accepted Whole Food’s application to redevelop an old grocery store at Broad and Bienville streets in the Lower Ninth Ward. Whole Foods expects to hire 80-100 people, add healthy food to the neighborhood, and aid in the economic development of the area. However, unless Whole Foods alters is target market, price range, and typical employee, this loan will lead to lackluster results in helping the surrounding neighborhood’s food desert problems.

According to the Yale School of Management, Whole Foods markets itself toward healthful, environmentally conscious and wealthy individuals who shop for an experience rather than as a ne-

cessity and are willing to pay a higher price for better quality foods.

This demographic is not that of the Lower Ninth Ward. The Lower Ninth Ward was drowned in Hurricane Katrina and then again one month later in Hurricane Rita. Far from recovered, the Lower Ninth Ward hosts expansive abandoned lots and consists of mostly lower-income families. This is not Whole Foods’ target customer base. For those in surrounding neighborhoods of the new Whole Foods, shopping is a necessity, and many do not have the luxury of choosing to be environmentally friendly or health-conscious when it comes to their groceries.

Considering this divide, it seems unlikely that a Whole Foods in this area will benefit the local Lower Ninth Ward residents. The 80-100 expected employees for this new Whole Foods are not necessarily coming from the immediate surroundings. The typical Whole Foods employee is one who fits the brand-image of the retailer— health-conscious, young, upper-middle class individuals. Again, this is not the typical native Lower Ninth Ward resident. Indeed, unless Whole Foods is intentionally expanding its previously targeted cus-

For those in surrounding neighborhoods of the new Whole Foods, shopping is a necessity, and many do not have the luxury of choosing to be environmentally friendly or health-conscious when it comes to their groceries. tomer base by altering its high prices, it is unlikely that the average Lower Ninth Ward resident will be able to pay for its products. The value of this new economic development, rather than going to this area directly, will likely bypass the Lower Ninth Ward and benefit the wealthier neighborhoods a few miles out whose residents will be shopping and working at Whole Foods, further dividing the neighborhoods between privileged and underprivileged.

As New Orleans farming intern Faryn Hart states, the development of Whole Foods will “either be a breath of fresh air into the neighborhood providing much needed opportunity for healthy food access or it will cause a further economic divide by kick starting a gentrification.” As they received this grant, revitalizing and employing the Lower Ninth Ward is obviously Whole Foods’s “de facto” intention. But if unable to employ the local residents or provide them with healthy produce, Whole Foods will fail in this mission.

Shira Weissmann is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences.

She can be reached at shira.weissmann@wustl.edu.

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An Ethical Case for Vegetarianism Kelsey Garnett | Illustration by Katie Olson

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o be honest, I have no clue why most other vegetarians are vegetarians. I suppose some choose not to eat meat because of religions (e.g. Judaism, Hinduism, Buddhism) that preach the uncleanliness of certain creatures, the sanctity of life, or total non-violence. Others adopt vegetarianism to lose weight or pursue a healthier lifestyle. Most of the vegetarians I know simply find eating animal flesh “yucky.”

I would like to offer you a moral justification against the consumption of nonhuman animals. Before we launch into this discussion, I should also mention that most of my thinking on the issue was inspired by Peter Singer, professor of bioethics at Princeton University, whose 1975 book Animal Liberation is widely considered the genesis of the animal rights movement. If I manage to pique your interest in this issue, and you desire further explication of the ethics of eating meat, I strongly encourage you to explore any piece of Singer’s work, the popular documentary Food, Inc., or any PETA video narrated by Alec Baldwin (e.g. “Meet Your Meat”) or Sir Paul McCartney.

Principle of Equality I would like to begin this discussion with two assumptions. First, every person has a preference to experience pleasure and happiness and to avoid pain and suffering. Second, we should try to promote the most possible happiness and the least possible suffering overall. I think most people would agree with these two statements. People could disagree on the meanings of the above words or how best to achieve these ends. For brevity’s sake, if you think happiness is intrinsically good and suffering intrinsically bad, I would encourage you to keep reading.

My next point is this: the best way to promote happiness is to equally consider the interests of all beings involved. Let’s look at an example Singer gives in Practical Ethics: “If only X and Y would be affected by a possible act, and if X stands to lose more than Y stands

to gain, it is better not to do the act.” In other words, the best way to promote happiness is to evaluate all individuals’ interests, and promote the interest that yields the most happiness.

This principle of “equal consideration of interests” can be viewed as a fundamental part of human moral progress in the last 200 years.

The institutions of racism and sexism were based on different attitude of justice: the preference for the interests of the stronger. For instance, the white European, putatively superior in race and intelligence, was justified in manipulating the dumber and racially inferior black African. An equal consideration of interests abandons nonmoral distinctions like race, sex, and intelligence, and impartially selects between conflicting interests the one that promotes happiness. In this manner, forms of discrimination like racism, sexism, and homophobia continue to be replaced with our ultimate goal: happiness.

Suffering and Speciesism The principle of equality is easy to extend beyond our species. Nonhuman animals have a preference to not suffer, and there is no good reason why we shouldn’t equally consider that interest.

Unlike race, sex, or intelligence, a being’s ability to suffer is the essential criterion to determine if an object has interests at all.

As Singer writes, “It would be nonsense to say that it was not in the interests of a stone to be kicked along the road by a child. A stone does not have interests because it cannot suffer.” Unlike stones, the nonhuman animals we eat – cows, pigs, chickens, turkeys – do have a preference to not be tortured because they will suffer from physical pain and anguish. The principle of equal consideration of interests demands that we weigh humans’ preference to eat cows’ flesh against cows’ desire to not suffer. As the consumption of animal flesh is an unnecessary luxury in the modern Western world, we should prefer the interest of the cow and condemn pointless pain and suffering.

Race in America This conclusion is radically different from society’s conventional attitude towards nonhuman animals. A commonly-held belief is that human suffering is fundamentally different from nonhuman suffering.

To a certain extent, this is true. The evolution of higher intelligence has allowed humans to develop language, perceive time, and sense the self. These abilities allow us to verbally express our interests, develop preferences for the future, pursue our own projects, and have a distinct sense of anguish. For most, these differences justify the divide between humans and animals. But do these differences truly separate our species? Human infants and people with severe mental disabilities – especially children with anencephaly, a neural tube defect that leaves infants without a brain – are incapable of any of these higher

duction. Considering that over 98% of animals are raised on factory farms, there is a good chance that the next piece of chicken or steak on your fork is the result of at least some suffering.

The Individual Leap You may have noticed an incongruity between the title of this article and the preceding ethical arguments. The principle of equality leads us to a moral position beyond vegetarianism; animal product consumption like eggs and milk, animal experimentation, and other animal products likely result in nonhuman animal suffering. Crowded

Speciesism is a prejudice no more defensible than racism or sexism. functions. In contrast, Natasha the chimpanzee has scored 106 on an IQ test and many great apes have proven a sophisticated comprehension of language. The use of tools by primates, elephants, and birds shows a non-instinctual capacity to plan for the future. At the very least, you should compare a pig, the source of our pork and bacon, with the capacity of dogs and newborn human babies. Pigs regularly outperform three-year-old human children on cognition tests, love to chase each other and play-fight, and have even been trained to play computer games. Their intelligence is well beyond that of any domestic animal and certainly beyond that of a newborn human, but would you be ok with treating dogs or babies how we treat pigs?

I would argue that we have created an indefensible dichotomy between human and animal, termed speciesism, that is a prejudice no more defensible than racism or sexism. Only by equally considering the interests of humans and nonhuman animals can we minimize the suffering in this world.

Our Food The life of an animal raised for human consumption is largely a tale of suffering. Competition in the food industry incentivizes producers to raise animals at the least possible cost, and thus incentivizes suffering. Cows reared in factory farms are raised in crowded feedlots.

Hens are kept in small wire cages often too small to allow them to move or stretch their wings. Chickens are often debeaked – the tips of their beaks trimmed to prevent cannibalism in crowded, stressful cages – which can cause acute and chronic pain. Dairy cows are confined to barns, unable to roam and pasture. Furthermore, to ensure a constant supply of milk, cows are made pregnant every year and their calves are separated from birth, causing distress to both cow and calf; the resulting, often week-long, mooing lamentation is an unmistakable indication of sentience. Singer writes that, “Castration, the separation of mother and young, the breaking up of herds, branding, transporting, slaughterhouse handling and finally the moment of slaughter itself ” are all likely causes of suffering, torment that does not evaluate the interests of the tortured.

Organizations like People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals are fighting to reduce this suffering, and have achieved some good results. Animal products labeled ‘cage-free’ or ‘free range’ or ‘organic’ are most likely created without most of the suffering described above.

(You should consider, however, if killing a being before the end of its natural lifespan is another form of suffering.) These products, however, comprise only a miniscule portion of overall U.S. meat pro-

cages, debeaking, constantly impregnating cows, and estranging calf from mother all condemn the process that yields animal products like milk and eggs. Similarly, animal experimentation for non-medicinal ends and the killing of nonhuman animals for their skin, fur, or ivory cause unjustifiable suffering. In general, any animal suffering that that undeniably outweighs the resultant human happiness is ethically indefensible. We, as species capable of moral reasoning, should strive to limit all unnecessary suffering in the world, human or nonhuman.

There is, however, a substantive difference between the mass slaughter of animals and the individual’s choice to order a steak at a restaurant. In 2009, within an essay praising Jonathon Safran Foer’s Eating Animals, Natalie Portman likened eating meat to a guest condoning rape at their host’s supper table: “I don’t believe in rape, but if it’s what it takes to please my dinner hosts, then so be it.” I must disagree with Portman; rape is incomparable with eating meat. My argument is not that rape is more significant because human suffering is a priori evaluated above nonhuman suffering. Rather, the difference is that, unlike the pain inflicted by a rapist, the individual consumer rarely causes direct suffering. In most cases, all of the anguish and pain caused to animals happens before one drives to the restaurant or supermarket. In this way, eating animals should rather be compared with purchasing cotton picked by slaves, or purchasing technology assembled in a sweatshop. And in a world where most of us own at least one item produced by workers in labor conditions that we would probably condemn, the individual choice to eat meat is complicated.

I have chosen to abstain from animal flesh for two reasons: a personal form of protest and to promote awareness of nonhuman animal suffering. Choosing tofu over chicken, or a black bean burger over beef, is not only healthier, but tends to provoke the inquisitive “Are you a vegetarian?” from friends and family.

After I politely answer affirmative, tablemates also tend to ask “Why?” and I’ll provide an attenuated version of what you’ve just read. Even if I’m wrong about everything above, discussion on the welfare of nonhuman animals can only enlighten. I of course encourage you to reduce or eliminate your meat consumption, or at least think hard about the creatures you eat each day. But more importantly, I urge you to contemplate the axioms from which we started, and how to live a life that promotes happiness for all.

Kelsey Garnett is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at kgarnett@wustl.edu.

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Race in America

International How do you Solve a Problem like North Korea?

Siddharth Krishnan

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t’s easy to be scared of North Korea.

They’ve got the world’s fifth largest active army, a manhattanesque 1.1 million people. Take into account their reserve personnel and they’re at a whopping 8 million.

They invest a quarter of their GDP on keeping their military armed and trained. And now, they’re bent on becoming a nuclear state, lending some weight to their periodic promises to wipe out South Korea and all its allies (including the United States). And as the world is well aware, when North Korea is involved, the usual rules of diplomacy are suspended; the country has no formal diplomatic relations with the United States, or indeed with any Western country save for Switzerland. In short, it’s armed and unpredictable, but fortunately for everyone, dangerous it is not.

Put simply, North Korea is too poor to be a credible threat in any kind of extended military operation. Consider this: their GDP is around 12 billion dollars, and 40 billion adjusted for Purchasing Power Parity (as you might expect, the country isn’t one to broadcast its finances). In contrast, the South has an economic output of $1.6 trillion, making it the world’s twelfth largest economy and about 400 times the size of its northern neighbor. For an area that was the same country sixty-five years ago, that is a staggering disparity. Per capita, the North’s GDP is $1800, while the South is at around $32,000.

Relative to its GDP, its military spending is easily the highest in the world, but despite the vast amounts it spends on its army, it still relies heavily on help from China.

Don’t Panic!

It seems impossible, then, that the country can carry out any kind of protracted war by itself. It does, however, have nuclear capa-

bilities. Most U.S. Intelligence agencies, including the State Department, agree that the North has detonated at least one 6-kiloton bomb. The agreement ends there. In order for the country’s nuclear weapons program to truly be a threat, it needs to be able to fit a bomb atop a nuclear warhead. In order to do so, the fissionable material that it uses has to be enriched to the extent that it can actually do damage. Moreover, even if it could fit its bomb on a missile, the North has still not demonstrated that it has overcome the design challenges associated with sending a missile

speculation and unreliable intelligence. In both cases, the Pentagon was hawkish while the State Department and the Central Intelligence Agency were less convinced. Then, it led to a nine-year war. Now, the consequences would be the world’s first all-out nuclear conflict. Instead of the United States taking any concrete steps based on unreliable information, the best strategy for it, and the world, is to wait and watch.

Similarities to Iraq aside, the United States and its allies in the region have the ability to thwart a North Korean nuclear

There are differences between North Korea today and Iraq in 2003, but the similarities are scary. out of the earth’s atmosphere and having it survive the enormous heat and force associated with re-entry. These are hardly trivial issues, and as the country showed with its failed rocket launch last year, it is not renowned for its infallible engineering.

The progress of North Korea’s nuclear program, in short, is up for debate. U.S. intelligence agencies cannot currently reach a consensus about how developed the North’s enrichment process is, and consequently how much of a danger it poses. On one end of the spectrum, the Pentagon is on a high alert level, while on the other the State Department dismisses the credibility of any real threat. At the time of writing, President Obama openly doubted the development of North’s nuclear program. In the absence of any real intelligence, both agencies are operating overwhelmingly on speculation.

If this doesn’t sound familiar, it should.

There are differences between North Korea today and Iraq in 2003, but the similarities are scary. In both cases, the United States had

threat in its current, unreliable, form. All in all, the country’s nuclear program presents little more than a headache, and not a terribly immediate one.

It isn’t me, it’s you The BBC has recently been prone to wild speculation. Aside from its relatively humdrum doomsday scenarios about global virus pandemics that may destroy humanity, it recently wondered whether the world was headed towards another global war. On the one side, it said, there was the United States and its economic and military allies. On the other, there was Iran, Syria and North Korea, a slight modification to George W. Bush’s original “axis of evil” (not to be confused with the Michigan-based ska band of the same name). Most worryingly, the BBC said, China is a staunch North Korean ally, and with its enormous military and economic might, it gave the United States something

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to think about. In concludand most repressive in the ing, the BBC wondered if world. Between 1994 and an outbreak of war between 1998, the country’s inept North and South Korea economic policies resulted would have far-reaching in a famine that amountimplications. ed to genocide. Any kind The short answer is no. of external intervention The relationship between will result in the kind of China and North Korea military quagmire that the is very different now than United States is uncomfortit was even two years ago. ably familiar with.

Both countries have seen Change in North Kochanges in their leadership, rea, in the form of demowith Xi Jinping succeeding cratic reforms, needs to Hu Jintao as the President come from within, and of China, and Kim Jong-Un there is hope. 37% of the succeeding his father Kim country is below 24, and Jong-Il as the North Korethe median age is 31. This an Premier in 2012. While is one of the youngest both predecessors were countries in the world, and reputed to be close, the with youth comes vibrancy. age discrepancy between With China distancing itthe successors has lead to self, North Korea will soon some uncomfortable situhave to either open up its ations. In November 2012, borders to trade or starve Xi reportedly sent a simple its people and face an intercommuniqué to Kim Jong- Xi Jinping, President of China, whose relationship with North Korea has soured nal revolution. The Kaesong Un, instructing him not to industrial complex, which it launch a ballistic missile. Kim went ahead North may be unpredictable, but the eco- opened in 2004 (but recently shut down as an and did precisely that, souring a new and nomic catastrophe that would result from a act of defiance) as a symbol of trade with the important relationship. Xi, a 59-year old vet- Chinese trade sanction would be too much South was a step in the right direction. eran of the Communist Party, simply could even for it. The North’s leadership is hardly North Korean leaders are well aware of not level with the brash and inexperienced in a position to test how far it can push its this. The most conceivable scenario is a slow North Korean leader. powerful neighbor. loosening of its trade restrictions, not unlike Kim Jong-Un has also met with a chilly what China has done. Already, its trade with reception from the Chinese media. State the South accounts for about 19% of its overrun news media are openly critical of him, all economic activity. If it opens up its borand poke fun at everything from his age to ders, this will only go up, and with increased his rotund figure. Chinese newspaper edi- Given, then, that the North does not pose an trade usually comes a warming in relations. tors have also criticized the North Korean actual threat, the United States and its newest For a country whose belligerence has traregime for flouting United Nations resolu- chief diplomat are in the process of figuring ditionally been its calling card, it is only a tions prohibiting them from carrying on out how to deal with the rogue country. So matter of time till it puts aside its posturing. with their nuclear testing. North Korea’s far, they have done pretty well. John Kerry, There is too much at stake for it not to brashness and unpredictability have alien- on a recent trip to China, urged its leaders to ated even its most powerful ally. In the event use stronger sticks and fewer carrots, and his of a war, China has a lot more to lose from message was simple: the United States would its relationship with the United States than not engage with bellicose threats in kind. Its its impoverished neighbor. policy, crudely put, is to ignore North Korea, China also accounts for 67% of North but it needs to stop there.

Korean exports and 61% of their imports.

Crippling economic sanctions and ex- Siddharth Krishnan is a senior in the School If it were to impose sanctions, it would ternal pressure to reform will only go so far. of Engineering. He can be reached at cripple an already ailing economy. The The country is one of the least democratic siddharth.krishnan@wustl.edu.

Change from Within

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International

The Coming Collapse of China?

Fahim Masoud

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n a remarkably short time, China has become a world-class manufacturing powerhouse. Not surprisingly, China’s impressive economic growth of 9.5% annually, its widespread economic investments around the world, and its rapid ascent to global power, have caused concern in the Western world, especially in the United States.

China’s growing appetite for non-renewable resources, and its efforts to achieve global hegemony has added to this anxiety. History demonstrates that when a new great power emerges, uncertainty and conflict follow, because the rise of this new player challenges the status quo. China’s recent successes and its entry onto the global stage have convinced many historians and scholars of international relations – Martin Jacques and Niall Ferguson to name two – that China will inevitably become a global hegemon. I believe it is naive to think that there will be such a thing as a global hegemon. No country or great power can completely dominate the world today. However, the closest a country can come to global hegemony is through regional hegemony. The United States is supposed to be the world’s superpower not because it is dominating the entire world, but because

faced with is Uyghur nationalism and their independence movement.

China’s ability to maintain its economic growth is also in question, and the failure of China’s government to do so would be colossal. Social unrest and political chaos are already looming over China. Even a small political crisis will do serious damage to

It is not success in the next election that keeps Chinese leaders awake at night but anxieties about social unrest that could potentially bring down the Communist regime.

China’s economic growth. In a recent op-ed article in National Interest, Jonathan Levine raises a critical topic: “Why Reform Eludes China.” Levine’s response is revealing: “The importance of mature institutions in ensuring stable growth is nowhere more visibly on display now than in China, where their failings arguably pose the single greatest challenge for the ruling Communist Party.” China is a fragile power because it has challenges the communist leadership cannot overcome.

No country can assert the status of the great power in the world, unless it has dominated its own continent first. of its complete domination of the western hemisphere. As of now, it has no political, military, and economic rival in its region.

Contrary to conventional wisdom, I argue that China will not dominate the twenty first century nor will it become the hegemon – the political, military, and economic leader – of its region. I maintain that China, after the slow-down of its economic growth, will began to recede and thus play a much more diminished role on the global scene. China’s history demonstrates that the country is a regional hegemon when it is internally stable. When internally unstable, the country is in no position to project its power effectively abroad. One of the major problems the country is currently

has dominated its own continent first.

Mearsheimer’s theory of international relations, termed “offensive realism,” is based on the inherent fears for survival that arise in the anarchic international system. “Survival is a state’s most important goal, because a state cannot pursue any other goals if it does not survive.” The basic structure of the

Unlike Western democracies, it is not success in the next election that keeps Chinese leaders awake at night but anxieties about social unrest that could potentially bring down the communist regime.

In addition, China is located on a continent with many regional economic powerhouses – India, Japan, Indonesia, Vietnam and South Korea. These countries, as Fareed Zakaria points out, harbor deep historical mistrust and suspicion towards one another.

As China attempts to become the dominant power, these countries will unite in response to China’s growing influence in their backyards.

As John Mearsheimer argues in the Tragedy of Great Power Politics, no country can assert the status of the great power in the world, unless it

international system forces states concerned about their security to compete with each other for power. The ultimate goal of every great power is to maximize its share of world power and eventually dominate the system.

However, Mearsheimer writes, “Great powers behave aggressively not because they want to or because they possess some inner drive to dominate, but because they have to seek more power if they want to maximize their odds of survival.” It is only through expansion and accumulation of power that a great power can assure its survival.

Can China become the hegemon in its region in the face of these major problems?

It will be very trying for the Chinese government to sustain its economic growth and project its power in an effective way in its region. China is plagued with colossal problems ranging from regional power play to a growing middle class who demand political participation. Tackling these issues will be a major challenge for the Chinese Communist Party and there is no reason to worry that China will dominate the world any time soon.

For upon closer examination the prospects of the Middle Kingdom achieving global hegemony are not as high as it is thought.

Fahim Masoud is a senior in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at fmasoud@wustl.edu.

International

QATAR 2022 Nahuel Fefer

I

n 2005, in the throes of a five-year civil war, the Ivory Coast qualified for the World Cup. On national television the team fell to its knees and pleaded with their nation to lay down its arms.

The peace that resulted has not been permanent, but the situation has improved. The nation’s most famous player, Didier Drogba, has emerged as a powerful voice for the common people, somehow above politics, and capable of uniting a fractured country.

The ability of soccer to bring people together was on display during the South African World Cup in 2010. The World Cup was a source of pride for Africa, a cathartic experience for South Africa in particular, and brought cultures together. It did not hurt that the tournament was also well run, exhilarating, and averaged over 1 billion viewers a day over the course of the month.

A couple of months after the South African World Cup, FIFA selected Qatar to host the World Cup in 2022. The Qatari bid argued that the first Arab World Cup would both unify the Arab people, and bring the Arab and Western worlds together.

The FIFA committee had significant practical apprehensions, chief among them the temperature, which averages 110 degrees in June. But the committee argued that these issues could be resolved over the next 12 years, either through air conditioned stadiums, by playing the games at night, or holding the tournament in the winter.

In retrospect these options seem unrealistic: air conditioned stadiums appear unfeasible, playing the games at night would impair the players’ circadian rhythms, and thus, performance, and holding the tournament in winter would interfere with national league schedules, although none of these issues are immutable. The 2022 World Cup is nine years away, and Qatar may yet find a way to hold an athletically optimal World Cup. Unfortunately Qatar will not be able to hold an Arabic World Cup, or for that matter a Qatari one.

Barring a significant deviation from the historical norm, Qatar can expect around half a million visitors in 2022. While most countries can absorb the influx, Qatar has a population of only 1.7 million. Worse, 1.2 million of these are migrant laborers who live in poor conditions, have few rights, and will have minimal interaction with visitors. Ultimately, visitors will outnumber the 225,000 full Qatari citizens 2:1, making it difficult for the country to put its unique stamp on the Cup. Clearly, however, this is not the country’s aim. Lusail Stadium, the venue at which the opening and final games of the 2022 World Cup will be played, has not been built. Scratch that, Lusail, the city in which Lusail Stadium will be housed, does not exist...yet. As the creation of an entirely new city with no history or unique culture demonstrates, Qatar does not seem to be preparing a celebration of its national or Arab identity. Instead it seems intent on creating a blank slate: a venue in which it can house the World Cup. An Arab World Cup might have been a revelation, and if it was truly FIFA’s goal it could have turned to Egypt in 2014, after assessing its long term stability, or alternately to Turkey for a more generally Muslim World Cup. Instead it has chosen Qatar. Although the FIFA executive committee’s rash neglect of heat concerns could be considered a calculated risk, and its belief that Qatar could host an Arab World Cup could be put down to naive incompetence, this, unfortunately does not appear to be the case. Instead, there is mounting evidence of bribery in the bidding process. International soccer is no

stranger to corruption: two members of FIFA’s executive committee were caught attempting to sell their votes to undercover reporters and were suspended only a few months before the vote. Ultimately the 22 remaining members selected Qatar to host the 2022 World Cup over the United States by 14 votes to 8, and of these 22, the BBC claims to have evidence that 3 were successfully bribed. In a leaked e-mail, the General Secretary of FIFA himself states the following regarding Mohammed bin Hammam, the man who put together Qatar’s world cup bid: “He thought you can buy FIFA as they bought the World Cup.” In the face of popular pressure, FIFA has indicated that if Qatar asks to hold the World Cup in the winter they may have to resubmit their bid, but there is little hope for an unprecedented change of heart. Most likely, the world will simply have to live with a disappointing World Cup in 2022, and show Qatar that while it may buy its governing body, it cannot buy the allegiance of an entire sport.

Nahuel Fefer is a sophomore in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at nahuelfefer@wustl.edu.

Proposed Al Shamal (top), Lusail, and Doha Port (bottom) Stadiums

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International

Fear and Loathing in Communist Cuba Kevin Deutsch | Illustration by Michelle Nahmad

F

or spring break this year, I took a trip to one of the last remaining communist countries on earth: Cuba. This was the culmination of Washington University’s FOCUS: Cuba program, which is taught by Professors Joe “Pepe” Schraibman and Elzbieta Sklodowska. For this edition of WUPR, I’ve written a truncated account of the trip, focusing on the economic, social, and political impact that the Cuban Revolution has had on our Caribbean neighbor.

Scarcity Standing in line at Tampa International’s Cuba Charter desk, I witnessed a strange phenomenon: all the Cuban-Americans in line had about half a dozen duffle bags with them, most of which were wrapped in Saran Wrap so the Cuban immigration officers wouldn’t search or steal from them. The bags, loaded high onto airport rent-a-carts, were filled with consumer goods. One in each pile was marked with someone’s name—this was the duffle for a family member of the CubanAmerican traveler. The other bags were to sell on the black market.

I also had a bag loaded with batteries, candy bars, vitamins, and ibuprofen, but it was all to give away. There were additionally three Time magazines, including one with Sen. Marco Rubio (R-FL) on the cover, which ended up in the hands of our tour guide, Abel.

The first chance we got, three friends and I walked around to orient ourselves, and someone we met on the street ushered us into a bar. He asked me something in Spanish, and trying to be polite, I answered “Sí.” As it turns out, he was asking me to buy him a drink. He was a jinetero, which means, “jockey” in Spanish, a term used to describe Cubans who hustle tourists. There is another word, Jineteras, which refers to prostitutes that prey on tourists. There were plenty of both jineteros and jineteras on the streets; I’d say I was propositioned about a dozen times with one of their whistles, hisses, kissing sounds, or gropes, and had someone try to scam me over fifteen times per day.

Prostitution is a major industry in Cuba. While the government has prohibited it, the laws are seldom enforced. Many are drawn into selling themselves because it is extremely lucrative. Jineteras can make $80 off a single session with a customer (usually a Canadian or European tourist); the average Cuban makes $20 per month.

Tourism is another large industry. At least a dozen historic bars, restaurants, and hotels promote themselves as “Ernest Hemingway’s favorite,” referencing the famous writer who lived on the island for over twenty years. Overcharging is common practice in Cuba. For instance, the waiter at a nightclub once tried to make us pay 50% over the listed price for our drinks. Although people dealing with tourists—even the waiters—are relatively better off than most Cu-

bans, the opportunity to make much-needed extra money is too enticing to ignore.

The economic repercussions of the revolution have even influenced the world of art. We visited Fusterworld, a neighborhood covered in colorful ceramic tiles, each painted by local artist José Fuster. A small sketch of his went for 100 Cuban convertible pesos (CUCs). This is equivalent to a whopping $120 (six months salary for many Cubans), due to the retaliatory exchange rate implemented in response to the US embargo. I opted to buy some postcards instead of artwork.

At the Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, we saw artwork from the 1990’s that used scraps of various materials. Undoubtedly, this occurred because of the Special Period, a dire economic depression in Cuba that occurred after the collapse of the Soviet Union.

During this time, Cubans could afford very little, and often needed to improvise repairs and even common household appliances.

For many reasons, ranging from persistent poverty to bureaucratic nightmares, not all Cubans favor socialism. In fact, many have embraced the market reforms that were undertaken in the Special Period and expanded under Raúl Castro. Many small private businesses have sprung up—notably palodares, private restaurants that cater to tourists. Yet, owning a private business is still extremely expensive for Cubans because of high taxes and the difficulty of obtaining permits.

International

Socialismo o Muerte Wherever we went, there was propaganda promoting the nationalist and socialist ideas of the Cuban Revolution. In contrast to how people commonly perceive the Revolution, it was initially a movement to end the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, as well as half a century of domination and exploitation by the United States. Only after a skeptical Dwight Eisenhower imposed economic sanctions on Cuba once Fidel Castro took over did Cuba cozy up to the Soviet Union. But even the relationship between Cuba and the U.S.S.R. is often misunderstood. Throughout the Cold War, Cuba, uninterested in more foreign domination, often acted independently of the USSR (which still financially supported Cuba tremendously). Still, Castro had to turn to socialism to obtain Soviet backing. Hence a billboard that proclaimed “socialismo o muerte”: socialism or death.

In Santa Clara we saw the Ché Guevara memorial. Around Cuba, and especially at the memorial, we noticed quotes from Fidel Castro memorializing Ché. This is funny, considering the two had a falling out, which ultimately led to Ché leaving Cuba. Nevertheless, Fidel portrays his former comrade as a martyr, and commercializes the man just as heavily as the West has. Perhaps this is some post-mortem revenge on Fidel’s part, because Ché would likely be appalled at how his image is used today.

Following dinner one evening, Abel and I sat talking politics. Abel, as I already knew, was a good revolutionary—educated, patriotic, and proud. He was also well-traveled, unlike most Cubans. He told me he is

the shrinking middle class. He mostly just listened, amused, as I debated with three other group members. When he would express his opinion, he advocated “working together” and “everyone giving their share” rather than outright promoting socialism. Specifically, he thought our healthcare system was ridiculous, and cited the ease with which his Canadian friends can get medical care.

One memorable stop was at the Museo de la Revolución, once the presidential palace. Outside in a small park was an engine from the U2 plane shot down during the Cuban Missile Crisis, and a model of the

The Takeaway Granma (the yacht that brought Castro and his guerillas to Cuba in 1956). On the ground floor of the museum were large caricatures that depicted deposed dictator Fulgencio Batista as a big-lipped fool, Ronald Reagan as a senile cowboy, George H.W Bush as a Roman emperor, and George W. Bush as a Nazi.

I asked Abel why they left out Bill Clinton,

In contrast to how people commonly perceive the Revolution, it was initially a movement to end the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista, as well as half a century of domination and exploitation by the United States. an Afro-Cuban, the descendant of African slaves brought to the island to cultivate sugar.

For being black, his father, like many other Afro-Cubans, was sent to fight in Angolan Civil War on the side of the communist MPLA (Afro-Cubans could more easily pass as native Angolans). It was obvious where he stood on most Cuban issues, so the conversation was mostly about American politics and

to us about Cuban politics. She seemed befuddled by the uncompromising positions of American politicians like Sen. Rubio on the embargo.

Ms. Alarcón, who works at the Kuwaiti embassy in Havana, also dismissed the importance of free speech, saying, “Kuwait has free speech and only nineteen women who are Doctors of Philosophy. My mother has a Doctor of Philosophy.” She also speculated that the Cubans who leave to live abroad eventually come back to Cuba. This didn’t take into account the 20,000 Cubans who emigrate to the United States every year or the long waiting list to leave for the US. Most likely, she was speculating based on the (probably privileged) people she knew who went abroad. One thing she emphasized was how Cuba was at a “turning point.” The death of Hugo Chavez was “a huge blow” to Cuba.

Cuba relies on Venezuela for oil and other forms of aid, she said, and if a conservative government cuts that off it would have a severe impact on the Cuban economy. Overall, she was incredibly bright, well spoken, and highly educated. However, she was out of touch like so many other Communist Party elite, despite her admirable qualities.

who signed legislation that codified the US embargo into law. “They’re all Republicans,” he mumbled.

Communist Party members deeply resent the Republicans. They see them and the Miami Cubans as the roadblock to ending the US embargo. One evening, Maggie Alarcón, the daughter of the former third-ranking political figure in Cuba, came to speak

Cubans are fiercely independent. Perhaps this was one of the causes of the Cuban Revolution. Regardless, this attitude has been strengthened since 1959. Fidel Castro turned the Revolution socialist and created a class of socialist faithful. Granted, many Cubans enjoy the benefits of the market reforms, but very few strongly oppose the government.

Now, most living Cubans have grown up entirely under the rule of the Castro brothers.

The Miami Cubans may make a lot of noise, but in Cuba, there is a prevailing acceptance of the government’s policies. Viva Fidel.

Kevin Deutsch is a freshman in the College of Arts & Sciences. He can be reached at kcdeutsch@wutsl.edu.

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Science The Inconvenient Science Fanghui Zhao Stephen Colbert once told George W. Bush: “reality has well-known liberal bias”. Indeed, for the past few decades, emerging facts from the natural and social sciences have revealed a reality that seems to be overwhelmingly in support of the political agendas of American liberals. The present alliance of science and America’s political left however, is not an inherent product of a liberal predisposition towards science. This marriage has more elements of convenience than ideological compatibility.

Unlike the absolute convictions displayed in political and ideological duels, the scientific method is built on uncertainty and fallibility. New discoveries and technologies` tend to upset the status quo. Hence, laws and political convictions that are supported by current scientific evidence could one day be shaken by new facts in the future. In the fight to advance civil rights, scientific facts have served liberals as important legal weapons in legislative process and in court cases, and also helped to turn the tide in public opinions by dispelling erroneous beliefs. There have been, however, certain trends of scientific development that could turn on liberals and upset positions that were once secured by science.

Scientific knowledge has been a shaping force in the national debate on abortion. Progress in medical science has been instrumental in advancing a woman’s right to abortion. An increased understanding of the process and mechanism of pregnancy dispelled erroneous beliefs such as the impossibility of conception in cases of rape. Improved technology has drastically increased the safety of abortion procedures, which helped tip public opinion towards its acceptance. In the landmark case Roe v. Wade (1973), the majority based its opinion on medical knowledge about fetal viability – when a fetus is capable of surviving outside of the uterus. The court ruled that the state’s compelling interest to protect potential life is only valid after the point when the fetus is able to survive outside of the mother’s uterus.

The concept of ‘viability,’ however, hinges on the prevailing medical knowledge. Roe v. Wade set the line at 28 weeks, but following changes in technology, it shifted in Planned Parenthood v. Casey (1992). The case set a precedent that the exact line would depend on the knowledge and technology of the time as well as the judgment of the state legislature. Since then, many states have enacted laws to push back the line to as early as 20 weeks into pregnancy.

New findings have also indicated that 20-week old fetuses might feel pain. This has added a twist to the popular debate about ‘potential life’ and ‘fetal personhood’, and poised to unsettle the line about where a fetus’s right begins and the mother’s right ceases.

In another arena, gay rights advocates are facing a different type of challenge posed by science. Progress in biology has established a genetic basis for human sexual orientation, which suggests that homosexuality is not a lifestyle choice.

Given its biological immutability, sexuality could then meet the legal definition of ‘suspected classification’, and discrimination against individuals based on their sexuality would fall under the equal protection clause in the 14th amendment, similar to race and gender. This is a crucial argument raised against California’s Proposition 8 that could allow homosexual individuals to gain legal protection over their rights. Some advocates however, fear that the linking of genetic and prenatal hormonal influences on sexuality could medicalize and pathologize the trait, thereby opening the door to genetic treatment and prenatal testing for homosexuality. There have also been pushbacks against this determinist view based on biology, as it undermines the position of those who value choice and argue for the fluidity of sexual orientation against the normalizing force of society.

These difficulties science poses to the liberal political agenda raise the question: What if scientific facts are no longer convenient support for one’s ideology? Should ideologies triumph over or adapt to realities? It is a question equally valid and unavoidable for everyone across the political spectrum. Perhaps we should take the chance to step back and reconsider the relationship between facts and values. Values such as the belief in ‘unalienable’ individual rights involve some elements of faith and commitment that should not be dictated by changing facts – rights of homosexual individuals should be protected regardless of whether homosexuality occurs by birth or by choice. To fully realize these rights however, any practically implementable policy cannot be devoid of facts – the demarcation between the rights of the mother and the fetus should be settled as an empirical issue. There might not be a single formula to apply in all situations, but as science unravels more mysteries of human existence, we will be forced to confront the gap between what we wish the world would be, and what it truly is.

By The Numbers 3

45%

2

Number of people killed by two bombs at the Boston Marathon on April 15th

Porportion of the Chinese economy currently comprised of service output, matching industrial output for the first time since 1961

Spot “Ding Dong the Witch is Dead” reached on the British charts following the death of Margaret Thatcher

2.5%

$15.3 Billion

Number of people killed in suicide bombings carried out

by Al-Qaeda affiliated groups in Somalia

Amount world GDP grew in the final quarter of 2012

The price tag for South Korea’s recently unveiled stimulus plan

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$260–$60

5%

Number of people killed in coordinated bombings in Iraq on April 15th

Drop in the value of a bitcoinbetween the 10th and 15th of April

Amount by which the World Bank expects African GDP growth to beat the world yearly average over the next 3 years

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1,750–2,500 1.59%

Number of people k illed by US strike in Afghanistan on April 15th

Children die in the United States every year from abuse or neglect a recent Congressional Report found. According to the BBC the United States has the worst record of child abuse in the industrialized world

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Nicolas Maduro’s margin of victory over opposition leader Henrique Capriles in the recently concluded Venezuelan election. The margin was small enough that it resulted in a recount

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