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American Government Political Development and 1 Institutional Change, 11e Cal Jillson (Instructor Manual All Chapters, 100% Original Verified, A+ Grade)

Chapter 1 THE ORIGINS OF AMERICAN POLITICAL PRINCIPLES FOCUS QUESTIONS Q1

What are the broad purposes of government?

The ancients believed the role of government and politics was to foster human excellence. However, it is imperative to remember that the Greeks and Romans believed the virtuous should rule according to natural law. Furthermore, values of equality and order would be served through a society based upon the rule of law to provide for the common good. In the Middle Ages, government was largely used to facilitate religion and maintained the need for the individual to live a proper life in the service of God. The role of government changed in the early sixteenth century by downplaying the role of religion while alternatively promoting the role of limited government to protect private property and individual rights.

How should government be designed to achieve its purposes?

According to Plato the philosopher-king’s wisdom and intellect would promote order, stability and justice. Yet, Aristotle takes a more realistic view of Athenian society by advocating the best form of government as a polity, which combined oligarchic and democratic elements to produce political stability. The Romans combined monarchical, aristocratic, and democratic principles as a mixed government within representative bodies like the Senate and the Assembly in order to champion the causes of both the rich and the poor. Government in the Middle Ages was determined through divine right, whereby a monarch or Pope was ordained by God to rule. Hence, wisdom and virtue rested within these few individuals who governed to promote religious life and protect the religious establishment. The Renaissance, Protestant Reformation, and Enlightenment Periods shifted the role of government from upholding religious doctrine to secular concerns, such as protecting inalienable rights, including private property, and promoting commerce. In turn, Enlightenment political philosophers largely appealed to individualism and not religious hierarchy as a means to provide order and stability in which individuals could flourish.

What lessons about government did colonial Americans draw from the history of ancient Greece and Rome?

Plato was suspicious of democracy’s rule of the many because good government would decay into mob rule. Hence, the passions of the masses needed to be quelled by more aristocratic elements. With this problem in mind, the Framers of the U.S. Constitution referenced the institutional design of the Roman republic adhered to the tradition of mixed government initially expounded by Aristotle and the Romans. This was maintained in the indirect selection of both the Senate and the presidency within the Constitution. Aristotle also advocated mixing aristocratic and democratic elements in a governing structure called a polity. In effect, this governmental design allowed the few and the many to participate in the politics providing an orderly society where the poor should be able to select government officials who were held accountable. This was also made manifest in the Constitution with its aristocratic-like Senate and the more democratic House of Representatives. Thus the American republic’s Constitution established institutional powers to govern according to the rule of law. While the Framers rejected the religious hierarchy of the Middle Ages, they appealed to inalienable rights endowed upon every individual by God, per the writings of John Locke, in which a just government and society could not be impeded.

What circumstances led Europeans to leave their homelands to settle in America?

Individuals immigrated to the colonies to escape religious persecution and civil unrest after the English Civil War and to pursue social and economic opportunities. Colonists enjoyed a vast array of natural resources and a large geographical area where freedom of religion and economic opportunity flourished. Also, their heterogeneous social composition as well as continual promotion of ideals, such as equality and tolerance, tended to promote political freedom at the same time that social expansion of the population was occurring.

What did democracy mean to our colonial ancestors, and did they approve it?

The colonists were skeptical of democracy and viewed this type of governing authority as mob rule. Society was largely seen as segmented into those who should rule and those who should not. In fact, the Founders believed that the elite (well-educated, land owners) should occupy positions of leadership. Thus, an aristocratic element within government was necessary to protect against the threat of mob rule historically associated with democracy. Fundamentally, the idea of republicanism was promoted as an ideal at a higher level than democracy. This was made most manifest in the tendency to prefer mixed constitutional schemes over single-body regimes, such as monarchies, aristocracies, and democracies. It was in this respect that our colonial ancestors were both innovative and critical of extant governmental forms yet simultaneously wedded to the past, especially the Greco-Roman Ancients.

CHAPTER OUTLINE I.

A Tradition to Draw From History and experience provided lessons upon which the Founders referenced in designing American political institutions. A. The Ancients: Who Rules and for What Purpose? The philosophy of Plato and Aristotle was concerned with structuring a society, known as a city-state, and based upon human nature: Speech and reason as the fundamental characteristics of humans. Thus, the political community or polis is designed according to the virtues and abilities of its inhabitants. 1. The Greeks: Monarchy, Aristocracy, Democracy a. According to Aristotle, the purpose of politics is to create an order that fosters human excellence. Plato’s leader was the philosopher king. Since Plato doubted the reality of this king, he concluded that good government would be uncommon and short lived. Plato and particularly Aristotle identified three forms of government: 1) Monarchy—rule by one leader 2) Aristocracy—rule by a few good men 3) Democracy—rule by the many b. Aristotle also theorized that governments would decay. Thus, monarchy decays into tyranny through despotic actions of a single ruler. Second, aristocracy decays into oligarchy whereby the few rule to advance their self-interests contrary to the common good. Finally, democracy decays into mob rule as the masses rule according to their passions. c. Aristotle’s additional contribution: Political order based on reality 1) Aristotle’s contribution was pragmatic by addressing the needs of the wealthy and the masses within a society to form a mixed government. 2) He believed that oligarchy and democracy are the most common regimes. Therefore, the best elements of each might be combined and made into a good, workable, and stable government. He called this form “polity.” 2. The Romans: Republicanism and Mixed Government a. The Romans, notably Polybius and Cicero, believed that government’s institutional structure should arbitrate power between rich and poor. Accordingly, this order was a republic or mixed state in which monarchical, aristocratic, and democratic elements are represented. b. Polybius asserted that this mixed government would promote stability via a strong executive while also providing a legislative

branch whereby the few (wealthy) and many (poor) could participate in the political process. c. Cicero appealed to natural law, the necessity of rule of law, and the virtues of liberty, equality, and the informed consent of the individual to provide stability, order, and freedom. d. Cicero’s impact upon the Framers is seen with the concepts of limited government, separation of powers, and checks and balances. The Founders, specifically James Madison, reflected upon the ancient philosopher’s beliefs concerning the roles, institutions, and mechanisms of politics. However, the task at hand for the Framers of the U.S. Constitution was to design a government balancing order and freedom to the end of providing a just government that may be sustained over an extended period of time. The Middle Ages: The Secular Serves the State The Christian view of political life maintained that the highest goal of man is salvation and eternity, which are achieved by serving God. This view of political life was proposed by St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas who advocated that both ruler and ruled should conduct themselves in the political realm as in their personal life through a devotion to God. 1. This had political implications. To achieve salvation the political order was organized to support religious beliefs, values, and expectations. Thus, religious institutions were active in political matters. a. Order was needed to allow religion to prosper in peace. b. Rule by one or a few (e.g. the Pope or king) c. Religious order assured obedience to authority d. Power would flow down e. The many would follow: Obedience would flow up from the masses f. Religious values (moderation, tolerance, and faith) would promote stability and peace 2. Accordingly, hierarchy was the best form of social and political organization. 3. These conditions led to the formation of a stable and peaceful community. 4. The emphasis placed on religion in the Middle Ages negatively influenced the Framers. The Founders believed that politics and religion should be separate. 5. In American colonial history, the Puritans of Massachusetts were the closest approximators to the theocratic elements in politics inherited from the Middle Ages. Secularism, Individualism and the Idea of Progress Beginning in the 1600s the religious hierarchy dominating politics began to wane. Subsequently, a commitment to science and human progress replaced

a devotion to religious doctrine within social life. Instead, more emphasis was placed upon the idea that an appeal to individualism and freedom would lead to political and social order. 1. Because there was less emphasis upon salvation, religion was increasingly divorced from politics. However, this did not discount the need for strong government. a. The political theorist Niccolò Machiavelli observed Italian politics and concluded that strong government was needed to provide peace and order. b. Individualism and the Protestant Reformation 1) The Reformation elevated the status of the individual and lessened the role of the Church. 2) This was in solid opposition to the Catholic Church’s hierarchy. 3) However, political hierarchy was still needed to provide peace and order. 2. Secular issues such as power, social order and economic development began to slowly replace religion. Several philosophers led this revolution. a. Francis Bacon believed that science and discovery rather than salvation would lead to human progress. b. However, on account of the English Civil War, Thomas Hobbes maintained that an absolute sovereign was needed to restrain human self-interest and provide peace and order. c. John Locke stressed the ideas of natural rights and a social contract based upon individual consent. Locke had such a strong impact upon the Framers, specifically James Mason and Thomas Jefferson, that they based the Declaration of Independence upon contract theory. Locke stressed the ideas of popular sovereignty, rule of law, legislative supremacy, a limited monarchy, and political accountability, even proposing the revolutionary notion that if the monarch violated the terms of his contract with the people, they had the political right to break the contract and design a new form of government. d. Adam Smith’s invisible hand as it applied to economic markets had a natural order if competition were allowed to prevail. So, governmental and religious hierarchies were unnecessary. II.

The Liberal Roots of American Politics English settlers came to North America to flee religious persecution, poverty, and political oppression. The colonies encouraged individualism, freedom, liberty, and equality. American political development grew from these tenets buttressing classical liberalism. A. Religious Persecution

1. 2.

Most early groups fled to America to escape religious persecution. The most important were the Puritans. a. From 1629 to 1640 Charles I sought to exclude Puritans from English society resulting in the exodus of many Puritans from England. 3. Other groups, including the Quakers and the Huguenots left England and France, respectively. The lack of social, economic, and political opportunity as a result of the English Civil War and subsequent political unrest between 1640 and 1688 forced many to flee England to the colonies. 1. The abundance of land and opportunity in America attracted many poor and middle-class people. 2. Political Participation in the Early Colonies a. Initially, few people came to America in search of democracy. 1) Neither the religious leaders nor the majority of people believed in the utility of democracy. 2) Government was dominated by the elite and educated within any community. (a) In the Northeastern colonies, political positions were occupied by religious and secular leaders who deliberated on how best to persuade and educate the public on policy issues. (b) The mid-Atlantic colonies were the most individualistic in character and the governmental infrastructure was dominated by the economic elite. (c) Southern colonies were generally oligarchic in their governance with the majority of leadership coming from the “plantation gentry.” 3. The large amount of uninhabited land allowed “space” for dissent, whereby marginalized groups could move and implement their preferred religious, economic, or political life. a. For example, while in England Puritans and Quakers faced oppression from the Anglican Church. Yet, in America, they were free to practice their religion. b. Another instance concerned Roger Williams who was banished from the Massachusetts colony. Once this occurred, he simply moved to what is now Rhode Island. c. Finally, the Quakers pushed the Scottish-Irish from Philadelphia to the western portion of the state and southern colonies. 4. Economic Opportunity and Social Fluidity a. Two factors allowed for self-sufficiency and social mobility into the next social class. 1) America was overwhelmingly agrarian. 2) Nearly 80 percent of people made their living from the land.

III.

Heterogeneity a. By the mid-1700s, the population of America was diverse. 1) Out of a population of 1,850,000 in 1765, only 53 percent of people were of English origin. 2) There were also many diverse and active religious groups. Equality and Tolerance a. The American colonies became a refuge for diversity that led to a respect and tolerance for diverse religious groups. 1) Some groups practiced this as a matter of religious teaching. 2) Others learned from witnessing oppression and tolerated other groups.

Conclusion A. We must understand that the early colonists were not enamored with democracy. John Winthrop, an Anglican minister and leading political figure in Massachusetts, declared: “A Democratie is accounted the meanest and worst of all forms of Governmt and Historyes doe recorde, that it hath been allways of least continuance and fullest of troubles.” B. The Ancients, medieval Christians, and the moderns greatly influenced (both positively and negatively) colonial governments. 1. However, the colonists embraced classical liberalism, which means: a. Limited government b. Individual liberty c. Freedom from government intrusion in economic matters and personal beliefs d. Commerce 2. Religious, social, and economic factors attracted settlers to the American colonies.

LECTURE SUGGESTIONS Institutional/Philosophical Focus: Influences on American Governing Institutions I.

The Ancients A. Plato believed that, while every inhabitant within the city-state would have a role in society, the ideal political order would be comprised of a single ruler known as the philosopher king. Consequently, this monarch would promote the common good given his wisdom and sense of justice. B. Aristotle was more pragmatic than Plato. He advocated an institutional design, including a mix of aristocratic and democratic elements. In turn, political participation would include the rich and poor to increase the probability of a stable and peaceful society.

The Roman Republic included a Senate whereby an elected body would deliberate matters of domestic and foreign policies. This deliberative body included aristocratic elements of society but also addressed the concerns of the people. An appeal to natural law as the source of human dignity while codifying these laws aspired to provide stability and protect individual liberty. The teachings of Cicero influenced the Framers through the establishment of representative government, separation of powers, and checks and balances.

II.

The Middle Ages A. The Middle Ages was a period of more than a thousand years from the fall of the Roman Empire in the fifth century A.D. to the stirrings of early modern Europe in the sixteenth century. With the collapse of the Roman state, Europe fell into social, political, and economic disorder. Increasingly, the Catholic Church was the only institution operating throughout Europe and its principles and priorities, not surprisingly, were religious rather than secular. B. During the medieval period institutional governance resided in the Pope and monarchs who were endowed as rulers by divine right. The Pope dominated economic and social life and was largely responsible for the salvation of believers. Monarchs upheld religious tenets and ruled-based principles accordingly. This power hierarchy maintained strict order through obedience to religious doctrine and the monarch’s proclamation(s). C. Institutional design was based upon inheritance, lineage, and religious succession.

III.

The Enlightenment A. The decreased influence of religion on economic and social life did not eradicate a governing hierarchy but allowed greater latitude for individual choice and opportunity to flourish. 1. The Protestant reformation led by Martin Luther and John Calvin stressed individual faith and congregational autonomy as opposed to the order of the Catholic Church. 2. In the Prince, Niccolò Machiavelli addressed the need for the establishment of strong institutions that would produce order that allowed individualism to flourish. B. In Leviathan, Thomas Hobbes advocated the need for a strong monarch with absolute power to rule. Subsequently, this “top-down” design would facilitate order and stability by controlling the natural passions inherent in human beings. C. In the Second Treatise, John Locke’s concept of a social contract asserted the need for limited government to protect private property, which in turn, would maintain order while preserving the natural rights of life, liberty, and property. The Framers were influenced by Locke’s appeal to inalienable

rights when drafting the Declaration of Independence and debating the merits of the U.S. Constitution. IV.

The Colonial Period A. Social, economic, and political institutions in the colonies were based upon religion, wealth, and community values. Government positions were held by religious and secular leaders who were prominent in the community. B. Given the large geographical area, if one did not like the institutional arrangement there was ample room to start a new community. C. Initially, the colonies were governed according to English laws and officials appointed by the King of England.

American Political Development (APD) Focus: The Framer’s Approach to Form a Stable and Just Government I.

Introduction One mode of developing a political system is via a constitution. Constitutionalism may be defined as a structure for preserving or enhancing [a regime], a statement of the way people should treat each other, and the values that form the basis for the people's working relationship, as well as the serious, remaining problems in the political order" (Lutz, 1988, p. 3). Thus, the Founders of the U.S. federal government relied upon the teachings of the past. It is well known that James Madison researched the plight of confederations throughout history prior to attending the Constitutional Convention of 1787 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. History guided the Framers in an attempt to establish a new form of government.

II.

The Ancients A. Beginning with Plato’s Republic, political scientists have examined the origin, nature, and design of the state to promote the common good of a community. A society relies upon fundamental rules to establish a formal method of governing. Thus, the ruler and the ruled are subject to the constraints imposed upon them by the law of the land, which governed interactions within the city-state, as well as promoting the common good. B. It is important to remember that both Plato and Aristotle’s reliance on the virtuous, educated, and efficacious elite influenced the Founders. Democratic government could degenerate into ochlocracy (“mobocracy”) and therefore aristocratic institutions (a president, Senate) should be included within the structure of the federal government. However, to check a despotic ruler or rulers, an appeal to the will of the people should also be instituted in a lower house, specifically the House of Representatives. C. Aristotle’s impact on the Framers is apparent in his concept of polity in which a combination of democracy and oligarchy and a system of checks and balances are built addressed in each institution of the federal government.

The influences of the Romans, including Cicero and Polybius, on American government may be seen in the establishment of republican principles including limited and mixed government comprised of representatives elected by an informed citizenry.

III.

The Middle Ages The impact of this era provided a guide on what not to do; specifically, political authority should not rest in the hands of any religious entity. This led the Founders to conclude that religion and politics should be separate.

IV.

The Enlightenment A. The decline of religious authority that dominated in the Middle Ages led to a transitional period leading political philosophers to deliberate how best to balance order and freedom. This will be a major concern for the Founders. 1. Machiavelli proposed that religion could be used as a tool to provide order and stability. As a result, institutional arrangements would allow individuals to pursue their desires within the Italian republics. 2. Thomas Hobbes sought to suppress individual self-interest by establishing an absolute sovereign who had final arbitration concerning all disputes guided by the rule of law. Hobbes’s influence on political development is akin to Machiavelli’s whereby individuals can only achieve their potential through a government structured to mediate human passions. Only when order is established can individualism flourish. Hobbes asserts the need for enumerated rights prohibiting specific actions and behaviors to form an orderly and stable society. 3. Probably the greatest influence on American political development was due to the writings of John Locke. The belief that individuals consent to be ruled through a social contract was similar to Hobbes’s notion of the need for government. Men consent to contract with each other to rein in their self-interest and form a government accordingly. According to Locke, the paramount role of government is to protect inalienable rights of all free men, specifically, those enumerated in the Declaration of Independence and later the Bill of Rights, including life, liberty, and property. These concepts along with limited government comprise the tenets of classical liberalism.

The American Colonies A. The origin of American constitutionalism was based upon religious convictions enumerated within church charters, such as the CharlestownBoston Church covenant of 1630. In this document, the church was created to support living in a manner according to God's rules. B. The Mayflower Compact of 1620 was the first document to create a government based upon the approval of the governed instead of a religious

order. The aforementioned political covenant initiated the first modern constitution, namely the Plymouth Agreement. The Combinations of the Inhabitants upon the Piscataqua for Government in 1641 changed the prevailing, non-secular belief expressed in religious and political covenants, which, instead, advanced the philosophy that the will of the people is supreme. Thus: 1. Governing was based upon the decisions of the polity rather than the church. 2. The compact demonstrates that the colonists relied upon popular sovereignty as the basis for government and not a monarchy. Consequently, the impetus of American constitutionalism emerged through commitments to popular sovereignty and representation in government. The Fundamental Orders of Connecticut established a confederation where power was divided between independent towns and a General Court, which represented the aggregate community. This political structure greatly influenced American constitutionalism in two distinct fashions: 1. This is the first instance of federalism in American government. Therefore, dual citizenship may permit an inhabitant of a state also to be a citizen of the United States of America. 2. By instituting a bicameral legislature consisting of a certain number of members elected directly by the people and others elected by fellow representatives. The ratified U.S. Constitution of 1789 would incorporate legislative bicameralism to ensure state and popular sovereignty. Regional differences affected American constitutionalism. Three American subcultures: 1. The moralistic culture of the Northeast, 2. The culture of individualism that characterized the Mid-Atlantic colonies, and 3. The paternalistic cultural of the South, 4. Influenced the structure of the American federal government. However, the original state constitutions already possessed similar features. The original eighteen colonial constitutions contained a bicameral legislature, popular elections for the lower house and governor, and property requirements to hold public office (Lutz, 1988, pp. 104-105). The basis of our government may be viewed as a culmination of religious covenants, local compacts, regional differences, and political philosophies. These influences coupled with a developing American character transformed a confederacy of colonies into a republic composed of independent states to form the oldest, existing democracy in the world—the United States of America.

PROJECTS, EXERCISES, AND ACTIVITIES 1.

Aristotle’s typology of regimes allows the students to learn the strengths and weaknesses of a monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. Discuss the benefits and pitfalls of each.

Plato’s Virtues within Regimes Regime Type

Characteristics

Virtues (stability)

Vices (decay)

Monarchy Philosopher King

Rule by one

Wisdom and justice Love of rule and country

Injustice and ignorance Leads to tyranny!

Aristocracy Guardians, wealthy families

Rule by the few

Courage and moderation Wealth to promote the common good

Greed, revenge and envy Leads to oligarchy

Democracy Commoners

Rule by the many

Moderation in passions and equality, freedom

Excesses and desires lead to neglect and mob rule

Discuss the relationship between human nature and the role government. Is there a human nature or is human nature constructed through society via governmental institutions? Specifically, can government change human nature? To facilitate discussion, see Larry Arnhart’s books, Darwinian Natural Right and Darwinian Conservatism, Peter Singer, The Darwinian Left, and Steven Pinker’s best-seller, The Blank Slate.

The term power is both controversial and ubiquitous in all aspects of life. If power is defined as the ability of one individual to get another to act in a particular way, is one form of government (monarchy, aristocracy, or democracy) better suited to exercise power than the others? If so, to what end? Moreover, discuss the degrees of political legitimacy associated with each. Must any government incorporate elements of each to promote freedom and provide stability and order? Why or why not? Refer to historical events to support a position.

Organize a class to debate which of these two concepts philosophically (ontologically) precedes the other: natural rights and natural law. Divide the class into two teams; one team will defend the position that natural rights philosophically precede natural law, and other group will defend the position that

natural law philosophically precedes natural rights. Alternatively, this activity could consist of student presentations in class or a written essay contest. 5.

Form the class into groups, each designing their own constitution. Allow ample time for the exercise (this is best done outside of class, if possible). Compare the tenets of each group’s constitution. Discuss the similarities and differences.

Do you believe in “American Exceptionalism”? What is “American Exceptionalism”? Does the Preamble to the U.S. Constitution support “American Exceptionalism”? Some survey research suggests that certain segments of American society are more likely to believe in “American Exceptionalism” than other segments. They find that there is a difference between millennials and retired people, and between Republicans and Democrats. Do these findings seem reasonable to you? Why or why not?

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES Supplemental Readings Aquinas, Thomas. 2000. Treatise on Law. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. Aristotle. 1984. The Politics. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bailyn, Barnard A. 1986. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution. New York: Alfred A. Knopf. Cicero. 2009. The Republic and The Laws. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. Hobbes, Thomas. 1991. Leviathan. New York: Cambridge University Press. Locke, John. 1980. Second Treatises of Government. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. Lutz, Donald. 1988. The Origins of American Constitutionalism. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press. Machiavelli, Niccolò. 1952. The Prince. New York: Penguin. Plato. 1992. The Republic. Indianapolis: Hackett Publishing. Richard, Carl J. 1994. The Founders and the Classics: Greece, Rome, and the American Enlightenment. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Websites .

Claremont Institute Center for the Study of Statesmanship and Political Philosophy Official Web page of the Claremont Institute Center for the Study of Statesmanship and Political Philosophy. The institute supports research, scholarship, teachings, public forums, and conferences. Foundations of Political Theory This is the website for the Political Theory Section of the American Political Science Association. The History Place Information concerning American history—pre-colonial to the present. A plethora of timelines, quotes, and photos are available. Cambridge Forum for Legal and Political Philosophy This is the main Web page for the Cambridge Forum for Legal and Political Philosophy, an organization that conducts scholarly investigations and sponsors work/reading groups on relevant topics in political and legal thought/philosophy. It is a good source for information in order to ground your lectures on the American political culture in their philosophical premises. Political Philosophy This site provides a series of videos containing lectures by Professor Steven B. Smith of Yale University covering an undergraduate introductory course in political philosophy. It is useful for generating ideas and for drawing connections between philosophical premises and their practice in the subsequent political development of the United States.

Chapter 2 THE REVOLUTION AND THE CONSTITUTION FOCUS QUESTIONS Q1

What are the decisive events and arguments that produced the American Revolution?

The contentious relationship between the colonists and the British began with taxes and tariffs imposed upon the colonists by the British Parliament in order to repay the debts incurred during the French and Indian War (Seven Years War) and other ongoing battles defending the British empire (Africa, India, etc.). Regarding the American colonies, the king and many members of Parliament believed the colonists did not do enough to defeat the French and protect the English colonies. Yet, the colonists were increasingly becoming more independent both economically and politically from their mother country. Thus, when Parliament imposed a series of taxes on imported goods the colonists became upset at these overt political maneuvers to increase revenues. Politically, the colonists were not officially represented in Parliament (although there was a nonvoting colonial delegate) and could not voice their opposition to the Sugar, Stamp, Declaratory and Intolerable Acts closing Boston Harbor, British troops being housed in private homes and the suspension of town meetings. In turn, the establishment of a military governor in the Massachusetts colony confirmed the dictatorial nature of the king regarding the plight of the colonies. In addition, the colonists are increasingly self-identifying as Americans and not British subjects. Contempt is building within the colonies as seen through public displays of disloyalty to the Crown by way of the Boston Massacre, the Boston Tea Party, and the publication of Thomas Pain’s Common Sense. As a result, the First Continental Congress convened in 1774. The Congress sent a petition of grievances to the King of England. The petition was rejected because Parliament viewed this Congress as an act of insurrection and therefore illegal. The Second Continental Congress met in 1775 and drafted a formal declaration indicating its secession from British rule, namely the Declaration of Independence. Additionally, the delegates formed a national military to use force, if necessary, to gain independence from Great Britain.

What changes in institutional design and allocation of powers were reflected in the first state constitutions?

Between 1776 and 1787 all thirteen states drafted new constitutions. Governors were denied veto powers, appointment powers, and control over the budget. The lower houses of the legislatures gained power at the expense of the upper houses. Suffrage was expanded in annual or biannual elections. State constitutions included more protections of individual liberties. However, a weak executive left many legislatures ineffective and unstable. Basically, in the years during and after the Revolutionary War,

2 the thirteen original states became increasingly democratic moving towards weak and largely de-centralized governments embodied with legislative supremacy but tempered by popular sovereignty. The executive was virtually left out of the equation and the upper houses were kept limited, this was the exact opposite of the condition of many colonial governments in the years leading up to the Revolution. Q3

How did the Articles of Confederation and the U.S. Constitution differ from the U.S. Constitution?

The Articles of Confederation did not provide an effective federal government. Fundamentally, it created a confederacy of thirteen largely independent states. There was no central executive, judiciary, separation of powers, checks and balances and no power to raise revenue other than by requesting it from the states. In fact, the only national political institution established in the wake of the Articles ratification in 1781 was the Confederation Congress, a unicameral legislative body with no specific executive or judicial components. This was not dissimilar to the interim national government provided in the institution of the Second Continental Congress. But, it would stand in stark contrast to what the Founding Fathers put together at the Constitutional Convention of 1787. This new legislative branch was extremely weak. Under the Articles of Confederation, Congress could not regulate commerce between the states or tax state citizens. There was no mechanism to generate revenue. So, if Congress wanted money, it had to request it from the states. Amending the Articles required unanimous approval from all the states. The Constitution established a federal system and sought to balance power between the states and the national government. Specific powers were given to each, others were denied to each, and some were given to both. The new Constitution included three branches of government: The executive, the legislative, and the judiciary. Each department has specific tasks indicating separation of powers. There are also checks and balances between the branches. The members of the Supreme Court are appointed by the president and confirmed by the Senate. Congress was designed as a bicameral legislature, with the lower house being the House of Representatives and the upper house, the Senate. The terms for members of the House are 2 years; while Senators have 6 year terms. The judicial and executive branches checked the legislation approved by Congress. However, Congress has the exclusive power to tax, spend, regulate interstate commerce, and declare war.

How did the Virginia and the New Jersey Plans differ about the kind of national government that each envisioned?

The Virginia Plan favored by the Federalists expounded the need for a strong federal government. The executive and the judiciary would be selected by the legislature. The legislative branch would be bicameral with the representatives of lower house being directly elected by the people and the membership of the upper house would be elected by the members of the lower house. The executive served a single 7-year term. The members of the federal court would consist of five members selected by the

3 Senate, with the lower courts selected by the lower house. The New Jersey Plan provided for a unicameral legislature where each state would have one vote. The executive would be selected by Congress. The executive would be limited to one term. There would be a federal judiciary with only appellate jurisdiction. Original jurisdiction was exclusively exercised by the state courts. Another way of seeing this is to suggest that the New Jersey Plan essentially just modified the existing national government under the Articles of Confederation by slightly increasing its executive abilities and granting it a judicial arm with limited law interpretation powers. Meanwhile, the Virginia Plan would become the roadmap for the Constitution with its separation of powers scheme and differential selection methods for members of the lower versus the upper houses. Note how the Virginia Plan uses proportional representation as its basic scheme for legislative organization thus empowering large states. Meanwhile, the New Jersey Plan utilizes the equality principle thus in practice empowering the smaller states. Q5

What role did the debate over a bill of rights play in the adoption of the U.S. Constitution?

The Anti-Federalists pointed to the absence of a bill of rights as the major deficiency of the Constitution. They believed that the Constitution itself was not enough to protect the rights of citizens as well as the states. Supported by a majority of the public, the anti-Federalists demanded that a bill of rights be attached to the Constitution before they would ratify the document. The Federalists opposed the Bill of Rights because they believed that any rights not included would be open to government intrusion. The antiFederalist position resonated with the mass’s fears that the federal government would become tyrannical and corrupt. The Constitution was officially ratified on June 21, 1788, primarily due to James Madison’s support for the Bill of Rights. Consequently, ten out of the twelve amendments were ratified in 1791. This debate was the first instance of the perennial question about the size and scope of the national government in its interactions with the states and the people. While in this instance a compromise was reached, the debate over big versus limited government across economic, social, and even foreign affairs continues to this day. Thus, largely bifurcating elites and masses across American political society and resonating throughout U.S. history right in to the present day.

CHAPTER OUTLINE I.

Background to the Revolution A. The Political Environment 1. In the early colonies the king appointed officials, known as royal governors, who were in charge of the colonial governments. 2. However, institutional mechanisms including separation of powers, checks and balances, representation, and bicameralism, were present in the colonial governments.

Chapter 4 POLITICAL SOCIALIZATION AND PUBLIC OPINION FOCUS QUESTIONS Q1

What does it mean to say that America is the only country in the world based on a creed— on principles and ideals?

Americans uphold fundamental beliefs in liberty, equality, individualism, the rule of law, popular sovereignty, laissez-faire economics, and egalitarianism, which are the basis of our political culture. These ideals serve as the unifying force for our society and guide the conduct of government. While virtually all Americans believe these tenets should be supported by our government, the avenues to facilitate and achieve these values are the fodder for numerous political debates. For example, equality of opportunity promises fairness in competition for economic and other benefits, while equality of outcomes or results promises attention to the distribution of economic and other benefits. Thus, to achieve absolute equality is to deny an appeal to individualism. This question is a bit misleading because the United States of America is not the only country based upon principles. Numerous countries incorporate religious or non-secular tenets within their governmental institutions that shape laws and guide behaviors. Yet, the Framers sought to form a society governed according to ideals that promote life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness rather than those based upon religious scripture. Of course, many of these values are expounded in religious teachings. Basically, the American creed should be seen as a “civic religion” whereby republican principles provide a basis for our society and system of government. As Americans, these are the values we cherish and seek to promote through public policies.

Where do individual Americans get their opinions about politics, and what are the forces that shape those opinions?

We begin to form our values very early in life through learning, imitation, and modeling the behaviors of those individuals, we interact with on a daily basis. Subsequently, these individuals, including parents, teachers, and later in life, coworkers, have a significant influence on our worldview. Thus, individuals and organizations are referred to as agents of socialization because they provide the process in which our political views are formed. Agents of socialization are divided into two groups: primary and secondary. Primary groups comprise those individuals whom one has face-to-face, regular, and frequent contact including family, friends, peers, and teachers. These groups are comprised of people from similar backgrounds and thus homogenous. Secondary groups include professional organizations, schools, and religious institutions that are bureaucratic in nature

and heterogeneous. These groups are large and therefore do not facilitate daily, face-to-face contact but still play a significant role in forming political attitudes. In addition, the electronic media (radio, television), including social media, play a significant role in shaping political attitudes. This will be discussed in greater detail next chapter. Q3

How well informed and well organized is public opinion in America today?

While scholars debate the merits of an informed public, they note that most Americans hold to certain broad ideas or predispositions about politics, although they have little detailed information about institutions, leaders, or policies. New information, mediated through a voter’s predispositions, generally leads to a decision with which they are comfortable, even if they do not know in detail what their candidate stands for. In addition, an individual is more likely to incorporate the beliefs of family members and choose to associate with those people who share similar beliefs and opinions. Furthermore, organizations both shape and reinforce political opinions because an individual is attracted to the organization’s stance on an issue or belief and this is reinforced through the support provided by the organization’s membership. The political knowledge of the public may be best described as unsophisticated and therefore public opinion is determined by peer groups, membership in organizations and religious affiliations. In terms of general knowledge, the American public is most familiar with governmental processes and institutions but lacks detailed knowledge of specific policies, historical events and the names of political leaders. The public’s ability to assess the state of politics without detailed political knowledge has been substantiated by survey data. These surveys have found that aggregate public opinion is inconsistent and slow to change. Usually, a shift in public opinion results after a significant event such as the terrorist attacks on September 11, 2001. Also, public opinion is contradictory. For example, individuals overwhelmingly oppose burning the American flag but also support the right to free political speech. Thus, understanding the specifics of a given policy area may provide a better understanding as to why an individual may express inconsistent opinions. The literature concerning these inconsistent views has suggested that even when they are brought to the attention of the respondents, about 50 percent did not change their answers. Yet, other studies maintain the respondents are largely misinformed and will use the new information to re-evaluate their previous answers. On the other hand, other scholars argue that although many citizens and voters “know” little about politics, there are informational shortcuts of “cues” from

trusted surrogates that can guide voters toward responsible choices. Arthur Lupia and Mathew McCubbins “argue that limited information need not prevent people from making reasoned choices. . . . During election campaigns, numerous speakers – from political parties and candidates to interest groups, media organizations, friends and family – offer advice to voters about how they should cast their ballots.” Many scholars have worried that a widespread lack of information about political institutions, parties, candidates, and policies endangers representative democracy. John R. Zaller has observed that “Many citizens . . . pay too little attention to public affairs to be able to respond critically to the political communications they encounter; rather, they are blown about by whatever current of information manages to develop the greatest intensity.” Q4

Do Americans support or oppose abortion, or is the distribution of opinion more complicated than that?

The American public’s support for legalized abortion has largely fluctuated between 55-62 percent. In fact, public opinion has remained stable concerning the legalization of this medical procedure. However, this is dependent upon the circumstances surrounding the medical procedure, an individual’s religious affiliation and, most importantly, the term of pregnancy. For instance, an individual is more likely to support the procedure if the life of the mother is in danger or if the woman requesting an abortion was the victim of rape or incest. Yet an individual who self-identifies as an Evangelical Christian or Catholic is more likely to oppose abortion under any circumstance. Surveys suggest 30 percent of Americans support unlimited abortion or abortion on demand while about 20 percent believe abortion should always be illegal. Moreover, as the term of the pregnancy progresses, fewer Americans believe the procedure should be conducted. The recent 2007 Supreme Court ruling upheld Congress’s ban on partial-birth abortion. In the aggregate, most Americans believe abortion should be legal with restrictions.

What does it mean to be liberal or conservative, libertarian or populist, in America today?

An ideology is a comprehensive system of political beliefs about the nature of people and society and provides a political perspective or organized collection of ideas about the best way to live and the institutional arrangements for the society. Conservatism: Promotes the idea that people need the direction and structure tradition or religion provides. Conservatism upholds traditional economics and social frameworks: free market system; strong measures against crime; strong need for government to promote national security; strong government role in

upholding moral values. Liberalism: A political perspective that has as its goal changing society through government intervention to promote fairness and to protect individual rights. Liberalism is concerned with promoting economic and political equality. Liberals favor tighter government regulations on business; a strong government role in providing public services (education, healthcare); progressive taxes to promote social welfare programs; and a strong government role in protecting minority groups from discrimination. Libertarianism: A political perspective that strongly supports individualism and capitalism, favors the limitation of government involvement in all areas of life, and stresses the importance of private property. Libertarians believe in a free market system, limited government in all operations of society except national defense, and tolerance on social issues. Populism: A perspective that emphasizes majority rule and power in the hands of the "little person" in an effort to counterbalance large institutional concentrations of power, both public and private. Populists favor: majority rule and empowerment of the common people; a government role in promoting traditional morality; and government intervention to ensure economic equality.

CHAPTER OUTLINE I.

Political Information in America The crux of this chapter involves how individuals are socialized within American culture and who shapes these beliefs and attitudes that influence how one views politics. As Alexis de Tocqueville observed very early in our country’s history, Americans uphold fundamental tenets of liberty, democracy, individualism, popular sovereignty, equality, economic freedom, and the rule of law as the basis for our political culture. However, the exact function of government to achieve these principles is debatable. Four predominant American ideologies—liberalism, libertarianism, conservatism, and populism—advocate differing views on the scope, function, and size of government to advance these principles. A. Political scientists offer three concepts—political culture, political socialization, and public opinion—to investigate how Americans comprehend political and public life. 1. Political culture refers to a set of common rituals, stories, symbols and habits that Americans share. 2. Political socialization is the basic view of political and social order that is formed early in life and reinforced (taught) through agents of socialization.

Public opinion or the distribution of the (aggregate) polity’s beliefs and expressions about politics and public policies.

II.

Political Culture: Defining the American Creed A. Americans uphold fundamental beliefs in liberty, equality, individualism, the rule of law, popular sovereignty, laissez-faire economics, and egalitarianism, which are the basis of our political culture. B. While virtually all Americans believe these tenets should be supported by our government, the avenues to facilitate and achieve the aforementioned values differ. C. But, while quality of opportunity promises a fairness in competition, equality of outcomes promises attention to the distribution of competitive results. D. The first governing document—the Declaration of Independence—illustrates the aspiration of the Founders to establish a system of government via a written Constitution to promote these values.

III.

Political Socialization: Where Our Ideas about Politics Come From A. Basic views of political and social order are common to every society. 1. As Fred Greenstein asserts, the way one learns about our political culture is by acquiring knowledge about politics through a process known as political socialization. 2. Thus, agents of socialization are the persons and organizations that carry out the socialization process. a. Primary groups are groups the individual has frequent, almost daily, face-to-face contact with, including family, peers, and coworkers. 1) Parents and caregivers are the predominant influence on political views and subsequent party affiliations of their children. 2) For example, if both parents are Democrats, the probability that the child will self-identify with the Democratic Party is high. b. Secondary groups include religious and professional organizations, unions, and ethnic groupings that form to achieve common goals but do not accommodate the daily, face-to-face interaction that primary groups afford. c. The media is an agent of political socialization as radio, television, and the Internet disseminate large amounts of political information. 1) Given the 24-hour news cycle, political coverage provides instantaneous access to political events. 2) The role of the media will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 5.

IV.

Transformative events or changes within an individual’s life beginning in early adulthood that alter one’s political views: 1) Marriage 2) Children 3) Occupational changes 4) Historical events. Finally, political leadership has a strong influence on one’s of government. 1) How effective a president or governmental institution handles a particular crisis or event legitimizes the necessity for government. 2) Conversely, if political leaders and institutions fail to address the needs of the polity, faith in government deteriorates.

The Nature of Public Opinion in the United States A. While primary and secondary groups have a significant impact on how individuals view the political and social order, social group characteristics, including socio-economic status, gender, ethnicity race, and regional differences also affect the socializing process. B. In effect, measuring elite and mass beliefs and concerns about politics and governmental policies includes a wide range of social group characteristics. C. History of Public Opinion Polling 1. Informal polling has been used and reported in newspapers since the beginning of the two-party system in 1824. 2. The national publication called the Literacy Digest began conducting public opinion polling concerning the very competitive 1916 presidential election between Democrat Woodrow Wilson and Republican Evans Hughes and continued to measure the public’s view regarding subsequent national elections. 3. In 1936, 20 million surveys were distributed based upon names gathered from automobile registration lists, telephone directories, and various magazine subscription lists to measure public attitudes towards the two presidential candidates, Democrat Franklin Roosevelt and Republican Alf Landon. 4. The response to the surveys suggested Landon would be the winner of the 1936 presidential election. 5. However, the election results provided one the greatest presidential election landslides since the victory of James Monroe in 1820. a. Roosevelt buried Landon by gaining 523 Electoral College votes to Landon’s 8. b. The survey was inaccurate because the Literary Digest oversampled the wealthy who were more apt to own cars, have telephones, and subscribe to magazines.

The inaccuracy of the Literacy Digest’s 1936 presidential polling has led pollsters, notably George Gallup, Louis Harris, and Elmo Roper, to conduct “scientific polling” whereby (respondent) samples are randomly selected by variables including age, race, income, ethnicity, and gender in order to attain a cross-section of Americans to an end of attaining more reliable polling result. 1. There are different types of polling and survey designs used to measure public opinion: a. A benchmark poll is used by a candidate to “test the waters” to see how he or she is viewed by the public. b. A preference poll provides a list of candidates and asks the respondents to signify which candidate they prefer. c. Opinion surveys are very commonly used by media and online services, campaigns, and interest groups to ascertain the public’s views concerning a particular issue or area of public policy. d. A focus group provides selected individuals the opportunity to directly express their thoughts and reactions to a candidate, area of public policy, campaign, or issue. 1) While not technically considered polling, this type of Q&A allows the surveyor to gain a plethora of knowledge. 2) Also, focus groups may provide the facilitator an opportunity to refine and reformulate a campaign message because new concerns may be expressed by the respondents. e. Tracking polls provide up to the minute information on a particular race and the candidates may construct, refine, or reiterate a political position based on these findings to appeal to changing public attitudes. f. Exit polling is taken after an individual votes. 1) Used by news agencies to call elections 2) Indicates voter preferences of actual and not potential voters. g. Turnout models provide political campaign with the best estimate as to how many whites, blacks, Hispanics, etc. will turn out on election day, 2. Citizens are skeptical of polling data and there is reason to support this suspicion: a. Polling can be manipulated to indicate support for an issue or candidate b. A technique known as “push-polling” actually disseminates biased information about a candidate, campaign, or issue under the guise of polling. c. Polling and survey designs are subject to innate limitations and deficiencies.

There are differences in socialization due to socioeconomic status, race, ethnicity, and gender 1. Socioeconomic status (class) a. Lower-class children are less efficacious than children from middle or upper class backgrounds. b. Lower-class children are less likely to be exposed to information about politics. c. Lower-class children tend to have a lower quality of education. 2. Race a. African Americans and Caucasians prioritize political issues differently. 1) Blacks are more supportive of spending on social programs. 2) Whites tend to support increased spending on the military and are less supportive of affirmative action programs. b. Seventy percent of whites, but only 42 percent of blacks, said they could imagine a situation in which they could approve police striking an adult male. 3. Ethnicity a. While both minority groups, African Americans and Latinos/Latinas have differing views on social justice. 1) 75 percent of blacks claim to have been a victim of discrimination. 2) 33 percent of Hispanics have expressed being victims of discrimination. b. Also, they differ over the proper role of government. 1) Blacks are much more supportive of legalized abortion than Hispanics. 2) Hispanics are more supportive of free-work policies than blacks. 3) Blacks are more likely to self-identify with the Democratic Party due to its traditional support for increased spending on social programs. 4. Gender (Differences in issue saliency) a. Women are more supportive than men on issues such as: 1) Gun control 2) Increased spending for social welfare programs 3) Rehabilitation rather than incarceration 4) Legalized abortion with restrictions b. Men are more supportive than women on issue concerning: 1) Increased spending on defense programs 2) Laissez-faire economic policies 3) Law and order issues 4) Increased implementation of the death penalty 5) The Iraq War and international military involvement

Properties of Public Opinion 1. Differences Between “elites” and the mass public a. Elites are: 1) 10 percent of the population 2) Highly informed on the issues- “opinion leaders” 3) Well-educated 4) Occupy positions of influence within business and the community 5) Economically located in the upper-middle class and upper class b. Members of the mass public are primarily: 1) Less educated 2) Less knowledgeable of political issues 3) Ideologically inconsistent 4) More likely to be located in the middle and lower economic classes 5) More likely to take voting cues from elites 2. How Detailed is Public Opinion? a. In terms of general knowledge, the American public is most familiar with governmental processes and institutions but lacks detailed knowledge of specific policies, historical events, and the names of political leaders. b. The public’s ability to assess the state of politics without detailed political knowledge has been substantiated by survey data. c. These surveys have found that aggregate public opinion is inconsistent and slow to change. d. Individuals use heuristics (cues or voting shortcuts) which enable them to reduce the cost of attaining detailed information when voting (see Chapter 8). 3. General Principles versus Real Choices a. Often individual views on specific policy are inconsistent with the fundamental characteristics of our democratic society such as those comprising the American Creed (liberty, equality, fairness etc.). b. As the research of Prothro and Grigg illustrate, when these inconsistencies are recognized 82 percent of the respondents “modified their opinions on concrete issues to make them more consistent with their endorsement of general democratic values.” c. In turn, their research may indicate many voters are simply misinformed or ignorant of these contradictory beliefs. The Ambivalence of Public Opinion 1. The public is ambivalent about certain policy issues and the effectiveness of government. Yet, one must remember that this

2. 3.

uncertainty is often measured in the aggregate and does not indicate individual preferences. Regarding legalized abortion, a majority of Americans support the medical procedure with some restrictions. Moreover, measuring the public’s trust in government has fluctuated given events and the institutional performances in response to these occurrences. According to a 2015 poll, as measured by the Gallop Research Center, public opinion was as follows: a. The president (Barack Obama) had an approval rating of 41 percent b. Congress had a low approval rating: 32 percent c. 45 percent believed government acted in the interest of “all people” d. Trust in government was low at 19 percent

Political Ideology and the Coherence of Public Opinion A. Political ideology is a comprehensive system of political beliefs about the nature of people and society and provides a political perspective or organized collection of ideas about the best way to live and the institutional arrangements for the society. 1. In his1964 publication, The Nature of Belief Systems in Mass Publics, Philip Converse’s findings suggest 50 percent of non-elites understood ideological differences and about 90 percent held “non-attitudes” or inconsistent views (remember the Socialist who was against government programs) regarding political issues between the years 1956-1960. 2. However, contemporary political attitudes suggest 55 percent of the public self-identifies as either liberal or conservative. 3. In 2012, the distribution of ideological identification within the United States was: a. 21 percent Liberal b. 33 percent Conservative c. 24 percent Moderate d. 23 percent Don’t Know. B. There are four predominant American ideologies. 1. Conservatism: Promotes the idea that people need the direction and structure tradition or religion provides. a. Conservatism upholds traditional economics and social frameworks: Free market system; strong measures against crime; strong need for government to promote national security; strong government role in upholding moral values. b. Conservatives agree with Libertarian laissez-faire views. c. Also, Conservatives concur with Populist emphasis on traditional values.

VI.

Liberalism: A political perspective that has as its goal changing society through government intervention to promote fairness and to protect individual rights. a. Liberalism is concerned with promoting economic and political equality. b. Liberals favor tighter government regulations on business; strong government role in providing public services (education, healthcare); progressive taxes to promote social welfare programs, strong government role in protecting minority groups from discrimination. c. Liberals agree with Populist support for a strong government role in assisting common people. d. In addition, Liberals concur with Libertarian tolerance on social issues. Libertarianism: A political perspective that strongly supports individualism and capitalism, favors the limitation of government involvement in all areas of life, and stresses the importance of private property. a. Libertarians believe in a free market system, limited government role in all operations of society except national defense, and tolerance on social issues. b. Libertarians concur with Conservative laissez-faire views and Liberal tolerance on social issues Populism: A perspective that emphasizes majority rule and power in the hands of the "little person" in an effort to counterbalance large institutional concentrations of public and private power. a. Populists favor: majority rule and empowerment of the common people; government role in promoting traditional morality; and government intervention to ensure economic equality. b. Populists agree with Liberalism's support for a strong government role in assisting common people. c. In addition, Populists concur with Conservative views on traditional values.

Conclusion A. Political socialization is the process where societal norms and values are transmitted from one generation to another. B. Within every society primary (family, peers) and secondary (organizations) groups shape political attitudes that provide a basis for how the public views the role of government. C. Four political ideologies or coherent set of ideas regarding the role of government predominate American political thought: Liberalism, Libertarianism, Conservatism and Populism. D. Yet, the public is largely uniformed about specific policy issues and relies

upon the leadership the political, economic, and educational elite (about 10 percent of the U.S. population) provides. Consequently, to understand American public opinion, one must remember: 1. Americans’ political opinions are based upon very little political information. 2. There are inconsistencies between the fundamental principles citizens uphold and the actual public policies promoted. 3. Americans are ambivalent about the role of the government in regard to certain policy issues such as welfare programs, abortion, and government spending.

LECTURE SUGGESTIONS Theory/Philosophical Focus: Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America I.

Tocqueville and American Values A. Alexis de Tocqueville, a French sociologist and political scientist, arrived in the United States in May 1831 to assess the benefits and weaknesses of American democracy. B. In the seminal work, Democracy in America, Tocqueville provides a critique of American society and the system of mechanisms, or casual patterns of behavior, within a young democracy. C. Within the text, Tocqueville identifies equality of condition, as “the fundamental fact from which all others [mechanisms] seem to be derived” (Tocqueville, 1956, p. 26). D. Yet, he stipulates certain mechanisms, specifically equality, decentralized power, and public political participation are essential parts of American democracy.

II.

Equality A. Tocqueville observed the general equality of condition permeates the public arena and forces cooperation among inhabitants regardless of individual endeavors. 1. First, equality of condition leads man to commercial and industrial occupations because man is free to pursue economic ventures to obtain wealth. 2. Second, equality of condition prevents an aristocracy and promotes political efficacy. Within America, "the sovereignty of the people...is recognized by the customs and proclaimed by the laws" diminishing tyranny and promoting democracy (p. 55). 3. Yet Tocqueville suggests that equality of condition may lead to the negative consequence of a tyranny of the majority. American democracy serves the interests of the greatest number of people but

B. C.

provides safeguards against tyranny resulting from an uneducated, passionate mass, which incrementally could be fatal to liberty. Tocqueville points to equality as the “distinguishing characteristic of the age [1800s]” and the basis for the U.S. Constitution (p. 190). The institutional design of equality can be seen in all aspects of American government. As a result, an inherent pursuit of commerce consumes the passions of Americans producing a vibrant, national economy, and furthers the civic virtue of industry. Therefore, equality of condition permits any person, regardless of socioeconomic class, to participate in governmental actions and deliberations. Moreover, every citizen is responsible for his/her own actions and is free to introduce personal opinions into the public discourse. Tocqueville promotes the potentiality of American equality to "open a thousand new paths to fortune and lead adventurers to wealth and power" sustaining the success of American democracy (p. 28).

III.

Decentralized Power A. Tocqueville offers a second mechanism found in American democracy, specifically, the decentralization of power, diminishing the likelihood of a tyranny by the majority. B. He stresses the advantage of power being dispersed among various state governments and a central government as vital to the success of democracy. 1. Citing the New England township, Tocqueville illustrates that the “social Power ... is constantly changing hands because it is subordinate to the power of the People” and is dispersed among many different individuals (pp. 62-64). 2. Therefore, if one does not approve of the public official's performance while in office, he/she may challenge that official directly or simply not support the individual in the proceeding election. C. Patriotism, or the love of community, through the “collective strength of the people” challenges the absolute “authority of government” and protects the general welfare of the community (p. 66).

IV.

Political and Public Associations A. Tocqueville identifies a third mechanism, political and public associations as a means to promote stability within a democracy. B. He defines an association as “the public assent which a number of individuals give to certain doctrines ... which they contract to promote in a certain manner the spread of those doctrines” (p. 95). C. The act of association, or the power of meeting, inspires increased activity to further influence the public discourse regarding political activities. D. Politically, “the partisans of an opinion unite in political bodies [parties] ... and choose delegates to represent them in a central assembly” (p. 97).

Thus, civil society relies upon the "moral power" of citizens forming political parties to further common virtue. 2. According to Tocqueville, without the collective organization of political parties, anarchy and disorganization would follow, allowing one prominent interest to dominate the political arena. Publicly, Tocqueville also observes the benefit of certain shared activities such as schools, religion, family, and social organizations in a democratic society to perpetuate civic values. 1. He warns “if individuals cannot create an artificial and temporary substitute for [titled organizations of the old world] there will be no permanent protection against the most galling tyranny ... by a small faction, or by a single individual” (ibid.). 2. Furthermore, Tocqueville believes that the “right of association is as inalienable as the right of personal liberty” (p. 98). Thus, a citizen's ability to freely association with others who share his/her opinion promotes an avenue of discourse for a “common undertaking” (p. 100). 3. In turn, a common motive or passion establishes stability within the United States. 4. Yet, Tocqueville warns the reader of the possibility of one organization, newspapers, conforming public opinion and suppressing public discourse (this is considered in Chapter 5).

Conclusion A. Democracy in America provides a compelling critique illustrating the strengths and weaknesses of American society. B. Tocqueville ascertains that while people retain different self-interests in American society there are similarities concerning ethnicity, respect for law, spirit of liberty and religion, independence, and the general welfare of the country. C. Specifically, Tocqueville distinguishes three components of American society, equality of condition, decentralized power, and associations that advance democracy. D. Consequently, Tocqueville views these mechanisms as beneficial to promote the potentiality of American equality to “open a thousand new paths to fortune and lead adventurers to wealth and power” sustaining the success of American democracy (p. 28).

Behavioral Focus: Explanations for the Gender Gap I.

Introduction To understand the relationship between gender and politics, one must explore the social and institutional constraints that limit women’s involvement in politics.

II.

The gender gap refers to the aggregate differences between men and women who aspire to hold public office. 1. Differences in political socialization 2. Biological differences 3. Institutional explanations Also, men and women place different levels of importance on specific policy issues. This is known as the Salience Hypothesis.

Social and Institutional Explanations of the Gender Gap A. Socialization 1. In their article, Entering the Arena? Gender and the Decision to Run for Office, Lawless and Fox examine why women who “share the same personal credentials and professional characteristics as men” are less ambitious to run for public office. The authors incorporate data from the Citizens Political Ambition Study to conduct an elite survey of 1,969 men and 1,796 women to further research as to why there is a gender gap. a. From the respondents’ answers, the authors conclude “that women are less likely than men to receive a political source’s encouragement to run for office,” while women were less likely “to consider themselves qualified to run for public office” even though, on paper, they are more qualified than their male counterparts. b. Therefore, to further understand “where the women are not,” we need to understand the importance of “perceived” roles and responsibilities of men and women in American society. c. In effect, women “self-assess” that they are not qualified to run which suggests cultural factors associated with how women are socialized explain the gender gap and the lack of women who aspire to attain positions in government. d. According to Lawless and Fox, the following are a few “cultural constraints” placed on women, which may explain why women are less likely to run for public office: 1) Women are less likely to talk politics with their parents than men. 2) Women are less likely to be unmarried than men 3) Women are seen as more apt to be responsible for childcare 4) Women are less likely to be encouraged by their parents to pursue a career in politics. 5) Women professionals identify a male culture (“masculinized ethos”), which is inherently biased and does not encourage women to run for public office. 6) Women hold themselves to a higher standard than men when determining if they decide to run for office.

Women are less likely to think they will win if they run for public office. 2. In his article, Women’s Representation in National Legislatures: Developed and Developing Countries, Richard Matland supports Lawless and Fox’s findings through his research of developing countries and former communist countries. a. He concludes that men are socialized in “virtually all cultures” to view politics as a “legitimate sphere for them to act in” which is perpetuated and leads to greater political efficacy and increased “political knowledge” and experience; conversely, women internalize that they are less efficacious and do not aspire to be candidates for public office. b. Therefore, in the “recruitment process” countries with singlemember congressional districts are more likely to have male candidates given the pool of “eligibles” will not include many women. Institutional Factors 1. Structural impediments that have limited women’s accessibility to participate in politics and attain public office. a. Radical feminists, such as Catherine MacKinnon and Susan Moller Okin, point to the “gendered” structure of society that perpetuates women’s roles as caregivers which limits the role of women in American politics. 1) Okin’s critique of American society follows the radical feminist tradition that American society has been formed according to a male perspective and gender must be seen as a socially constructed concept. 2) Therefore, it should come as no surprise that men occupy positions of power and are paid more than women; consequently, the locus of control has always been dominated by men, to perpetuate male power and delineate women’s role as exclusively subservient and functional to the system. b. Also, the incumbency factor excludes women from obtaining public office. 1) As of 2014, House reelection rates approaching 95 percent with the Senate just a bit lower at 82 percent, the incumbency advantage has limited the chances of women to be recruited and advance a successful campaign in singlemember congressional districts. 2) Yet, as Barbara Burrell has found in her article, Sex and Money: the Financing of Women’s and Men’s Campaign for the U.S. House of Representatives, 1972-92, women are as likely as men to solicit financial support and raise equal

III.

amounts of campaign funds as their male counterparts for primary and general elections. Other factors impede women from serving in Congress. (a) While women are equally able to win primaries and elections, women face more difficult primary competitions as incumbents, as challengers and as candidates in congressional open seats. (b) Women who are incumbents attract a greater number of women challengers in their own party and in the opposing party. (c) There is evidence that female Republican candidates are more apt to gain their party’s nomination in primary elections despite the fact that the conservative base still views women as “more liberal” than male candidates. (d) Nevertheless, women still face an uphill battle in elections in which they challenge an incumbent male.

Gender Differences Regarding Salient Political Issues A. To understand the effects of gender in political science, women studies scholars have suggested that there are differences between men and women regarding “salient” election issues. 1. In effect, one needs to explore the “gender gap” or the differences in voting choices between men and women based upon partisanship and issue priorities which shape the American electorate. However, the impetus for the gender gap in American politics is debatable. a. In their article, The Changing Politics of American Men: Understanding the Sources of the Gender Gap, Kaufmann and Petrocik expound that the gender gap occurred due to the LBJ’s support for expanded governmental welfare programs in the 1964 presidential election. Subsequently, the salient issues of “guns versus butter” prompted more conservative, Southern, male voters to support the Republican Party’s pro-defense platform of Barry Goldwater. b. Kathleen Frankovic disputes the findings of the aforementioned authors in her article, Sex and Politics: New Alignments, Old Issues, instead she ascertains that younger women (ages 18-24) increasingly supported expanding social programs and were therefore more likely to support Democratic Party candidates beginning in the 1980 election as a result of Reagan’s prioritizing foreign policy issues over “other programs” during his successful bid for the Presidency in 1980.

While the advent of the gender gap provides for contentious academic debates, one must admit that men and women have different attitudes regarding salient policy issues. In general, men are more likely to promote conservative issues, such as defense and economic issues, as candidates and support these issues as voters; while women are more likely to support candidates who favor increased domestic spending on education, environmental, and social programs.

Furthermore, data from GSS and NES support the hypothesis that 1. Age 2. Marital status 3. Religiosity 4. Socio-economic status 5. Geographical location affects ideological and political party identification. For example: a. Women below the age of 29 tend to be more liberal and are more likely to vote for Democratic candidates. b. Women over the age of 60 years old tend to be more conservative and vote in greater numbers for republican candidates. c. Women living in large, urban areas are more likely to support Democratic candidates than women in rural areas. d. The marriage gap: Single women are less likely to vote than married women because they see substantive policies not affecting them; while married women tend to be more conservative and support Republican candidates in slightly greater numbers. e. Women who attend church regularly are more likely to support the Republican platform which stresses traditional, family values. f. Women who have achieved a higher degree of education are slightly more ideologically conservative and tend to vote for Republican candidates. g. Women in higher income brackets are more likely to support Republican candidates due to economic policies that favor tax cuts and limited spending.

PROJECTS, EXERCISES, AND ACTIVITIES 1.

As a paper assignment, have the students access the website www.uspolitics.org and click on “IDEALOG”. First, read the first section of the program explaining political ideologies. Next, have them take the survey by clicking on the answer that best represents their opinion. Finally, after the program tallies the results, write a 2-page paper explaining to which ideological category they belong. Lastly, were

the results surprising? If so, why? Or, why not? 2.

Access the website: http://www.migrationpolicy.org/ and look at the changes in the foreign-born populations of the 50 states. Click the link “MPI Data Hub.” Which states have the largest concentration of foreign born residents? What are some reasons for the influx of immigrants into these states? What policies are being implemented due to increased immigration? How may the changing state demographics alter the American political landscape?

Ask students to compose a list of five beliefs about government, authority figures, and specific policy issues. In groups of three to four, ask students to share how they developed these beliefs. Do they share these ideas with primary or secondary groups? Ask students to consider the commonalities and differences in their answers.

Assign students the Lawless and Fox (2012) article (http://www.american.edu/spa/wpi/upload/2012-Men-Rule-Report-web.pdf) as additional reading. Once students are prepared, help them to design a set of questions to explore, through interviews, key conclusions made by Lawless and Fox. Ask students to administer these interviews and report back their findings to the entire class. After you have compiled the entire class’s findings, discuss the similarities and the differences between their findings and those of the article. This exercise opens up space to talk about the differences between your informal survey and a more rigorous research design.

Access the following articles and websites and explore the nature of the gender gap in the 2016 presidential campaign between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump: • • •

“Hillary Clinton Had the Biggest Voter Gender Gap On Record,” Fortune Magazine [http://fortune.com/2016/11/09/hillary-clinton-electiongender-gap/] CNN Exit Polls [https://www.cnn.com/election/2016/results/exitpolls/national/president] “Behind Trump’s Victory: Divisions by Race, Gender, Education,” Pew Research Center [http://www.pewresearch.org/facttank/2016/11/09/behind-trumps-victory-divisions-by-race-gendereducation/]

Discuss the following questions: 1. What percentage of women voters supported Clinton? 2. What percentage of women voters supported Trump? 3. Break down the percentage of women voters by race and education. Is there a difference as for whom they voted? .

4. What are some of the socialization characteristics, social economic conditions, or other variables of these voting groups that might explain the percentage differences in support for each candidate? 6.

Divide the class into four groups for two weeks of presentations on the presidential election of 2020. Assign each group research into one of the four questions below: 1. To what extent did populist, liberal, or conservative ideologies play in motivating voters to go to the polls? 2. To what extent did race and gender influence the outcome of the election? 3. How did the electorate evaluate Donald Trump’s experience after four years as president and Joe Biden’s experience after decades as senator and 8 years as vice president? 4. To what extent did the coronavirus pandemic and economic downturn influence the outcome of the election? In week one, groups #1 and #2 will present their findings to the class, and the next week groups #3 and #4 will present their findings. Debates and/or voting can be held at the end of each presentation on the quality of the group’s research.

ADDITIONAL RESOURCES Supplemental Readings Fiorina, Morris. 2004. Culture War: The Myth of a Polarized America. New York: Pearson Longman. Fishkin, James S. 1996. “The Televised Deliberative Poll: An Experiment in Democracy.” Annals of the Academy of Political and Social Science 546: 132–140. Hartz, Louis. 1955. The Liberal Tradition in America. New York: Harcourt, Brace, Jovanovich. Holmes, Jack E. et al. 1998. American Government: Essentials and Perspectives. Third Edition. New York: McGraw-Hill. Putnam, Robert. 2000. Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. New York: Simon and Schuster. Sheldon, Pavica. 2015. Social Media: Principles and Applications. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.

Smith, Rogers. 1997. Civic Ideals: Conflicting Visions of Citizenship in U.S. History. New Haven: Yale University Press. Tocqueville, Alexis. 1956. Democracy in America. New York: Mentor Press. Websites Migration Policy Institute This site is operated by the non-partisan, not-for-profit think tank dedicated to research concerning global migration. CNN Politics CNN website dedicated to providing news and features concerning politics. Fair Organization Homepage of Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting which is a media watchdogs agency. U.S. Census Statistics regarding American population demographics. Also, provides future economic trends and projections. U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Service Data and statistics available for federal governmental agencies. Gallup Polls Information and data from numerous surveys conducted by Gallup polling measuring public opinion. American National Election Studies This is the main Web page for the American National Election Studies; it provides a plethora of polling data relevant to American presidential and mid-term election cycles. This is excellent for up-to-date empirics on the condition of the American electorate that will help inform your in-class presentations. Pew Research Center This is the main Web page for the Pew Research Center a non-partisan public opinion analysis organization that sponsors and studies polls dealing with a plethora of issue including American national politics. Annenberg Public Policy Center This is the main Web page of the Annenberg Public Policy Center which sponsors national election surveys and provides public analysis of them especially regarding policy issues. .

Real Clear Politics This site examines polls to develop generalizable statements about the American polity at any given time. It is routinely updated and serves as a center for poll-on-polls data that is often discussed by the larger political media. PRRI PRRI (Public Religion Research Institute) is a nonprofit, nonpartisan organization dedicated to conducting independent research and news reporting at the intersection of religion, culture, and public policy. FiveThirtyEight This site examines all aspects American politics, especially on presidential elections.

Chapter 5 THE MASS MEDIA AND THE POLITICAL AGENDA FOCUS QUESTIONS Q1

How has the role of the media changed over the course of American history?

Since the beginning of the United States, news publications have been partisan and politically oriented. Thomas Paine’s publication, Common Sense, and the printed debates between the anti-Federalists and Federalists demonstrate the effective use of the media to disseminate information in order to attempt to persuade the public to ratify the Constitution. Beginning in the 1820s, inexpensive newspapers affiliated with political parties provided political fodder to energize party supporters and discredit the opposition. In effect, news and current events, albeit sensationalized and biased, became accessible to the masses. Through technological advances such as the telegraph, an event occurring in one city could be reported and disseminated to an audience in another region. News coverage began to gain a faithful audience that prompted subscriptions from these devoted readers. Furthermore, as businesses realized the benefits newspapers provided allowing them to advertise their products and services to a wide range of Americans, a new avenue of revenue through paid advertising was available to publishers. The influx of advertising and new subscribers began to replace the partisan biases within the papers’ news coverage. While the newspapers still concentrated on sensational stories, information journalism (muckrakers) began to uncover sordid business practices and brought corporate abuses to light in magazines and newspapers. Subsequently, Adolph Ochs, owner and publisher of The New York Times, initiated a move toward professionalism and objective reporting in the news. Consequently, the technological advances producing what we now consider the electronic media (telephone, television, radio, Internet, world wide web) has provided media ownership consolidation, but also accommodates diverse opinions and objectivity in news reporting (covering who, what, where, when, how, why). Yet, there is still a common perception that the mass media, specifically certain news agencies, are biased in their news reporting. Moreover, charges of “fake news” have increasingly been levelled against select news outlets and journalists by those who have been the target of unflattering reports. Whether this is accurate or not, the current proliferation of print, audio, visual, and digital news sources has provided many avenues for individuals to gain immediate access to information. Yet, establishing what is newsworthy is still debatable. Given the competition among media outlets to get advertising revenue coupled with the public’s desire for sensational and

scandalous stories, one may inquire if the media have largely reverted to the partisan press and yellow journalism of the late 1700s. Q2

Does the increasing concentration of media control in the hands of a few private corporations threaten the accuracy and diversity of information available to citizens?

Given that four corporate entities (AT&T, Comcast, Disney, Verizon) own the vast majority of the television, publishing, radio, film distribution, and online/multimedia outlets, it should not surprise anyone that these global media networks control the images and words that influence the political agenda within the United States as well as the world. In turn, media conglomerates are careful not to criticize their parent companies, which raise a red flag as to what the major media outlets consider news. In turn, relatively few people determine what the nearly 8 billion people in the world see, read, or hear. What is troubling is that corporations are beholden to the shareholders and thus need to turn a profit. This produces a dilemma where news agencies have to attract large audiences to generate advertising revenue by providing entertainment at the expense of information. Thus, modern trends in reporting the news may be seen as “infotainment” whereby the substance of news stories is watered down to sound bites and superficial images. Moreover, given the competitive nature of the modern mass media, reporters and journalists compete to gain access to newsmakers. Consequently, information disseminated may originate from a single source that has the ear of a particular person of importance. Since the1990s, privately owned magazines and Internet websites have provided avenues for the dissemination of diverse political views that have traditionally not been covered by the large news corporations. In turn, these alternative news sources have challenged the hegemony of the mainstream media in determining what issues are considered newsworthy. Furthermore, not only the diversity of coverage has been rather narrow, but the diversity of reporters themselves has also been skewed toward white men. Many worry about the lack of diversity in media ownership and reporting. Women comprise 51 percent of the population and people of color comprise 36 percent, while women own just seven percent of radio and television licenses and minorities own just seven percent of radio licenses and three percent of television licenses.

How do the media shape the ideas and information that citizens have about their world?

The media act as a gatekeeper deciding what is newsworthy. Therefore, the mainstream media shapes public opinion by choosing what constitutes news and what does not. There is a reciprocal relationship between journalist and newsmakers. Thus, prudent media outlets are more apt to get access to politicians if they are considered friendly or at least not hostile by them. So, while press conferences, formal interviews and speeches are good sources for sterile, prepackaged, political information, individual reporters must establish trust with insiders and the politicians themselves to be the first to report “breaking” news, which advances his or her reputation and attracts large audiences. Consequently, both the newsmakers and the reporters are involved in framing the

message the public will hear. Given the public’s short attention span and lack of specific knowledge concerning political events and the need for news organizations to increase ratings, news coverage is primarily concerned with the “here and now,” or episodic coverage, rather than thematic coverage linking the story to other events. As a result, news coverage is largely segmented and choppy rather than constant and detailed. In effect, public opinion is prone to change based upon how the issues are presented. Q4

How do the media affect how elections are conducted and how government works in the United States?

The relationship between political candidates and the mainstream media’s news agencies may be seen as mutually beneficial: The candidate gets favorable news coverage while the news outlet gets exclusive access to the candidate. Thus, media access is vital to the success of any political campaign as media expenditures for recent House, Senate, and presidential campaigns have illustrated. The media becomes an integral part of any political campaign and plays an important role in defining successful governance. Thus, an incumbent politician benefits from the free coverage the media provide when evaluating his or her performance. In the era of the candidate-centered campaign, the media tend to focus on the politicians’ lives and the events surrounding them, whose winning and losing and how much money each candidate has raised rather than the issues discussed. This is known as horse-race journalism. Moreover, the media are a successful tool for a member of Congress or the president to make a direct appeal to the people to oppose or support a particular policy or proposed legislation. A prudent politician may increase the chance of a bill passing and gaining support for his or her policy issue by briefly repeating the merits of said issue in a non-technical way via the media.

What role should the media play in a democratic society, and what can we do to get our media to play this role?

Most people believe the media should ensure accurate reporting on the issues and provide the strengths and weaknesses of existing policies. However, relevant research on the effects of new technologies to increase access to political information suggests that those people who are interested and follow politics will use the Internet and watch 24hour news channels to make a more informed opinion on political issues while those that are cynical and uninterested in politics will not. This has led to a relatively new news genre combining news with entertainment known as “infotainment” illustrated by radio or the television monologues of Stephen Colbert, Seth Meyers, and Jimmy Fallon. These shows appeal to a younger audience but have not been shown to motivate these individuals to become more politically active. But, also disconcerting has been the increasingly frequent charges of “fake news” against news outlets whose reports are partially or wholly madeup. To protect themselves from “fake news,” citizens need to rely on careful reading of history and outlets that have been proven to produce solid political news.

CHAPTER OUTLINE I.

The Mass Media The modern media play several roles in our democracy. Television, radio, Internet, social media, film, newspapers, magazines, professional journals and other forms of multimedia entertain, inform, and influence the public dialogue. A. Historical Development of the Media 1. Throughout history, information was passed down from generation to generation through word of mouth. 2. In turn, the unique human ability to articulate thoughts and ideas through spoken and written languages has led to the formation of large and complex societies. 3. With the advent of the printing press, the first newspaper was distributed in Strasbourg in 1609. 4. Almost a century later, The Daily Courant became London’s first daily publication that disseminated information concerning entertainment, high society, and politics to the city’s population. 5. Recognizing the influence the paper had on shaping public opinion, the English courts developed the idea of seditious libel that decreed criticism of government officials and policies that reduced the prestige and influence of government, whether true or false, were illegal. 6. In the American colonies, the first newspaper was published in Boston with other daily publications following in New York and Virginia whereby local government officials sought to control and limit the information presented by the press. B. The Partisan Press, 1776-1880 1. During the early years of the United States, newspapers were used as mediums to articulate a particular political idea, promote the party line and discredit the opposition. 2. Therefore, one must remember that newspapers were used as partisan tools to persuade the mass public to support a particular politician, party platform, policy, or political campaign. a. Beginning in the 1820s, inexpensive newspapers affiliated with a political party provided political fodder to energize party supporters and discredit the position. b. In turn, the partisan press served to rally the party faithful rather than objectively inform the entire public. 3. To appeal to the masses, inexpensive newspapers were sold for a penny, hence the name—penny press—which increased newspapers distribution and influence. 4. Through technological advances such as the telegraph, an event occurring in one city could be reported and disseminated to an audience in another city. C. Muckraker Journalism, 1880-1920