WCAPS Young Ambassadors First Time Publishers Edition

Third Edition

December 2020 Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security & Conflict Transformation

Policy Papers by Women of Color The Young Ambassador's First Time Publisher's Edition

WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

Table of Contents 1. Welcome from Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins ……………….……..3 2. Letter from the Editor, Neda M. Shaheen ………………………...4 3. Editorial Board ……………………………………………………5 4. A Band-aid for a Bullet Wound: Need for Firm Action in the Yemeni Crisis by Nikkon Balial …………………………………..7 5. Black Lives Matter & American Foreign Policy Credibility by Amber A. Demery ……………………………………………….10 6. Ranked-Choice Voting: A More Just Electoral System by Priya Mehta …………………………………………………………….14 7. Maps for Representation: Navigating Cartographic Influence on U.S. Foreign Policy Decision-Making by Haruka Noishiki ……...18 8. The Legacy of Colonialism in Development: A Case of Failed Development in Africa by Tamara White ………………………..23 9. What Do You Do When The Only Land You Know is Taken From You? By Shanel Wilson ………………………………………….27

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR

Welcome from the Ambassador I am particularly pleased to share this Third Edition of Policy Papers by Women of Color edition with you. This edition features Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security and Conflict Transformation (WCAPS) members who are publishing their first articles. At WCAPS, we recognize the importance of young adults being heard on issues that affect them today. Very often in the policy spaces, there are publications from some of the same experts in the field. It is challenging for younger individuals who are embarking on these careers of peace and security, foreign policy and national security to find avenues for their work to shine.

We hope to change that.

At WCAPS, we do not believe in barriers. We believe in stepping over barriers and moving onwards smartly. We are changing that old ways of thinking.

These are all excellent policy papers that I hope you take the time to read, learn from, and enjoy.

I want to thank the WCAPS Fellow, Neda Shaheen, who has shepherded this through to the completion along with her excellent editorial board, who you will meet in the following pages.

We also welcome your feedback. Please feel free to reach out to us at wcaps@wcaps.org if you have any comments or questions on these articles.

I feel very confident about our future.

Thank you.

Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins Founder and Executive Director Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security, and Conflict Transformation

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

Letter from the Editor The WCAPS Young Ambassadors have produced this Third Edition of the Policy Papers by Women of Color, titled: First Time Publishers Edition.

This First Time Publishers Edition offers policy recommendations by seven young women of color on a variety of subjects. Each paper is written on a topic of peace and security chosen by the author. WCAPS Young Ambassadors are emerging experts and professionals in their fields of international peace, security, and conflict transformation. The women featured in this publication are rising as a new generation of global leaders. As global challenges become increasingly complex, it is critical that young women of color have a voice at policymaking tables and that our voices are being clearly heard.

YAP’s First Time Publisher’s Program included a series of “write-shops” and trainings, where our Young Ambassadors developed their policy analysis, learned tricks and techniques to overcome writer’s block, and practiced writing with impact. Thank you Julie Harris, Kara Hernandez, and Ambassador Bonnie Jenkins for your time and expertise as our write-shop instructors.

This publication could not have been possible without the incredible team of women at WCAPS. Thank you, Ambassador Jenkins, our WCAPS Founder and Executive Director, for everything you do to make WCAPS possible and for all of your motivation and support on this publication.

Thank you to our incredible Editorial Board, including Nikkon Balial, Priya Mehta, B. Eni Owoeye and Daniella Torres, who peer reviewed every article in this publication. And thank you to the YAP Leadership Team, including Gabrielle Gueye, Blessing Ikpa, Alma Burke and Nikita Shukla, for your time and dedication to YAP. The WCAPS Young Ambassadors Program (YAP) provides a platform to encourage young women of color to pursue their interests in the fields of international peace, security, and conflict transformation. As young women of color, we are made painfully aware of intersectional racial and gender barriers against us in discourse that often responds to gender or race, but not both. That is why YAP works to bring young women of color together, cultivates a strong and sustained voice, and works to advance the professional development of young women of color in this field.

I hope this publication inspires you, as it has inspired me, and provides new insight on important policy issues that impact and interest young women of color in the United States and abroad.

Neda M. Shaheen, Esq. Editor-in-Chief 4

POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR

Editorial Board The WCAPS Policy Papers by Women of Color: First Time Publishers Edition included a peerreview process by the Young Ambassador’s Editorial Board.

Nikkon Balial, Program Associate, The MASH Project Foundation Nikkon is a passionate change-maker, researcher, and analyst currently working as the Program Associate for The Mash Project Foundation in India. Being an early career professional, she is deeply interested in Conflict Analysis, and International Security. She is a WCAPS Young Ambassador and has experience working in non-profits, think tanks and media houses based in India, New York City, Philadelphia, and Prague.

Priya Mehta, Political Communications & Community Organizer Priya is a Project Assistant at Equanimity Foundation, Account Assistant at Wildfire Contact, and freelance podcast editor; and has experience in research, international development, community organizing, and political communications. Mehta earned her undergraduate degrees in Government and Human Development and Family Sciences, as well as her Texas Educator Certification in Social Studies, Grades 7-12 from the University of Texas at Austin. She is fluent in English and Gujarati and has a working knowledge of Hindi and Spanish.

B. Eni Owoeye, Student, New York University Eni is a first-generation undergraduate student studying in New York City. She hopes to work in foreign diplomacy, mainly within the scope of climate negotiations and environmental governance in the international community. Striving to break down stereotypes surrounding environmental activism, she works with marginalized and underrepresented communities to promote and mobilize participation against environmental racism and environmental equity. Eni is currently interning with the UN Foundation and will be working at the State Department and NOAA next summer.

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

Neda M. Shaheen, Fellow, Women of Color Advancing Peace, Security & Conflict Transformation Neda is an attorney and human rights advocate in Washington, D.C. She is the Fellow at WCAPS, where she advocates for gender and racial equity in foreign policy, peace and security.

Neda Co-chairs the Young Ambassadors Program as well as the Southwest Asia and North Africa Working Group. She is a 2020 DNC Presidential Fellow and teaches an International Humanitarian Law Seminar at the American Red Cross. Prior to WCAPS, Neda practiced law/legal advocacy at the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee, where her work focused on immigration and security, including discrimination, government surveillance, right of entry, and privacy; after finishing a term at the United Nations Security Council in New York, focusing on human rights and counterterrorism.

Daniella Torres, MSc Candidate, International Migration & Public Policy Daniella is a Master's student at the London School of Economics and Political Science studying International Migration & Public Policy, and she is an alum of New York University where she studied National Security and History.

She has been active in U.S. politics and has served as a consultant for local and Congressional campaigns. She has also been an advocate for migrants, assisting attorneys with Spanish language translation on asylum cases and volunteering with local nonprofits working on naturalization cases. She is a proud Bronx native and hopes to work on migration policies in the U.S. upon completing her Master's.

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR

A Band-Aid for a Bullet Wound: Need for Firm Action in the Yemeni Crisis Nikkon Balial Abstract: International interventions are becoming increasingly common and continue to be matters of intense strife and debate. Despite the acceptance of the principle of ‘Responsibility to Protect’ by the United Nations as the cornerstone of intervening in foreign countries, nations have hardly shied away from passing the baton of blame to the other in the name of pursuing selfish national interests. Currently, with the COVID-19 crisis looming down across the world, the countries that are exponentially suffering are the ones which were already amidst political and socio-economic struggles. Yemen is one such country and is facing the worst humanitarian crisis in the world. Right now, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) needs to play a more proactive role in ordering a ceasefire in Yemen. But ensuring a ceasefire is not enough to restore better conditions for the civilians in Yemen. The UN also needs to call for the re-drafting and reevaluating the National Health Strategy (NHS) which had originally been drafted by the country’s Public Health Ministry in 2010 but unfortunately had never come to action because of the Yemeni political turmoil, afterwards. Lastly, an alternative plan needs to be implemented by highlighting short-term goals and result oriented action. The international community cannot just act on a shortterm basis anymore. Local actors and non-governmental agencies need to actively come together to create an inclusive supply chain to ensure future for long term constructive change.

The conflict in Yemen began in 2011 as the popular uprising led to the removal of the long-time President from the seat of power. It reached a new intensity in 2015, with the intervention of the Saudi-led coalition on the side of the internationally recognized government. The country is facing the most disastrous humanitarian crisis amidst a grave political turmoil as well as a global pandemic. Presently, there are more than 24 million in Yemen who need humanitarian relief and assistance, which is about 80% of the entire population. The country is rated as the poorest country in the world and it has struggled with social, economic, health and financial challenges for a very long time. Thus, while already fighting poverty and malnutrition, Yemen is now also dealing with a healthcare fallout amidst an unprecedented political conflict. Prior to COVID-19, the healthcare system in Yemen was already in shambles, with diseases such as cholera and polio taking grave tolls on the population.

Despite having strategized an elaborate National Health Strategy 2010-2025, the Ministry of Public Health and Population of Yemen was unable to implement it because of the political crisis.

A difficult challenge here is to determine the role of the UN amidst a far worse situation than before. Is the UN only limited to ordering a ceasefire and bringing the political crisis in Yemen to

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION a halt? How can the UN help Yemen deal with the healthcare situation now, with the political crisis still active and the pandemic making things even worse?

Foreign stakeholders in the conflict have only worsened the situation. The role of regional actors such as Iran and Saudi Arabia has complicated an already complex situation. To avoid the crisis in Yemen reaching new heights of destruction every day, the UN’s immediate call for complete ceasefire across the country, is of utmost necessity. Even though that would ensure a peaceful situation for the civilians in Yemen at large, it is highly unlikely that the country will face much relief amidst COVID-19 if a plan of action is not drafted for the immediate future of Yemen.

Yemen’s Ministry of Health published a detailed health financing strategy, namely ‘National Health Strategy 2010-2025’ originally, before the fall of the president in 2011. The Republic of Yemen under the Ministry of Public Health and Population to create an inclusive health plan was unfortunately finally unable to implement the drafted plan, though the need for an alternative has heightened. The plan to ensure health care universally and in accordance with citizen-oriented needs now must be re-improvised into a quicker result-oriented plan of action. The far-reaching objectives could be effectively pursued in the future, but the present circumstance is not compatible for long-term plans in Yemen.

Lastly, the international community must prepare to halt the political crisis and initiate a sustainable re-building process. It is essential to make sure that the relief resources being sent by UN organizations is also distributed among local partner organizations, rather than just being directed at the governmental actors. The task of the international organizations and the international community becomes paramount is ensuring a long structural change rather than bringing about quick fixes to the Yemeni situation.

Recommendations: First, it is important for the international community to intervene rather than silently follow the hollow mandates and words of condemnation it spells out from time to time.

The intervention needs to be in a more constructive manner owing to the threats that the pandemic posits right now. It would be impossible for the big international organizations to penetrate the crisis and provide the necessary relief, single-handedly. For an intervention and relief action plan to be successful, the local actors, the community workers, the NGOs and smaller organizations have to be given an adequate voice and representation within the supply chain mechanism. Their work, contribution and agency need to be validated equally to reach a constructive and sustaining Second, a constructive healthcare plan needs to come into effect. To deal with the crisis, the country is undergoing, restoration of the healthcare system must be ensured at all costs. The new healthcare plan should take inspiration from the original NHS but be more realistic. Universal healthcare based on citizen-oriented needs should undoubtedly be kept as a vision for future goals

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR but cannot be used to provide immediate relief. A short term, comprehensive and result oriented plan needs to be brought in the place of the 2010-2025 NHS. Third, the need of the hour is not the introduction and intrusion of international organizations in a manner of ‘one size fits all’ but to consider the unique condition of Yemen. The fact that the country is going through an all-round crisis now will not change if short term loans and remedies are ensured to the administration and the Yemeni people. The necessity is to ensure that the financial help is used to make the people of Yemen more self-reliant so that they can correct the systems from within rather than dealing with the crisis facing them on a short-term basis. The local initiatives and the non-governmental sectors must be included, both in terms of financial funding and enabling re-building opportunity and scope.

References: 1. International Crisis Group; Rethinking Peace in Yemen; Report 216; July 2, 2020; https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-east-north-africa/gulf-and-arabianpeninsula/yemen/216-rethinking-peace-yemen 2. International Crisis Group; Crisis Watch Yemen; https://www.crisisgroup.org/middle-eastnorth-africa/gulf-and-arabian-peninsula/yemen 3. UN News; Humanitarian crisis in Yemen remains the worst in the world, warns UN; February 14, 2019. https://news.un.org/en/story/2019/02/1032811 4. World Health Organization; Country Planning Cycle Database; https://extranet.who.int/countryplanningcycles/planning-cycle/YEM 5. Ministry of Public Health and Population Report; National Health Strategy (2010-2015); https://extranet.who.int/countryplanningcycles/sites/default/files/planning_cycle_repository/ yemen/nat_health_strategy_-_yemen_eng.pdf

Nikkon Balial, Program Associate, The MASH Project Foundation Nikkon is a passionate change-maker, researcher, and analyst currently working as the Program Associate for The Mash Project Foundation in India. Being an early career professional, she is deeply interested in Conflict Analysis, and International Security. She is a WCAPS Young Ambassador and has experience working in non-profits, think tanks and media houses based in India, New York City, Philadelphia and Prague.

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

Black Lives Matter and American Foreign Policy Credibility Amber A. Demery Abstract: For America to have credibility as an international mediator for present and historical human rights grievances, the U.S. must confront its own history and make changes to law and policy to protect those rights domestically. Globally, American credibility has remained intact as our commitment to democratic ideals and human rights have endured. However, with the recent increase in social upheaval and massive protests happening nationwide and internationally in defense of Black lives, the reaction of the American government has been constantly scrutinized.

Governments like China have used our actions as a display of American hypocrisy and to emphasize reasons other countries should ignore China’s reactions to the protests in Hong Kong.

Other governments, like Japan and South Korea, have not directly noted our decline in this sphere but interviews of citizens in both countries demonstrate a questioning of America’s integrity, with multiple major South Korean newspapers publishing editorials publicly criticizing the federal response. This undoubtedly influences whether America is deemed suitable to help bridge the historical gap between two of our East Asian allies.

Background: America’s trilateral relationship with Japan and South Korea is one of the most consequential in the Asia-Pacific region. However, this alliance has remained fraught with discord, as Japan and South Korea are unable to resolve major historical issues regarding Japan’s actions during World War II, particularly that of the euphemistically named “comfort women.”

The term “comfort women” describes women and girls enslaved by the Japanese government during the war and forced into sexual slavery by the Japanese military. These women and young girls were sometimes purchased from their families and other times simply kidnapped off the streets in Imperial Japan-occupied territory. Women from many Asian countries were forced into this practice, but the vast majority seem to have been Korean.

This issue is one that has consistently plagued Japan-South Korean relations. There have been many attempts to negotiate a satisfactory outcome between governments, including Japan’s 1993 statement admitting to their involvement, a 1995 statement on the establishment of the “Asian Women’s Fund,” and a 2015 announcement where Japan agreed to provide funds to a foundation established by the South Korean Government to support the exploited women. However, the issue has persisted, at least partially due to the lack of involvement of surviving victims and their families in the negotiations and their stated belief that Japan has yet to accept full responsibility for its actions and atone. For instance, Japanese school curriculum glosses over or occasionally fully ignores war crimes perpetrated by the Japanese Empire, and Japanese Prime Ministers 10

POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR continue to publicly visit shrines associated with this era of Japanese imperialism. Yet as the discord has consistently affected other aspects of the Japan and South Korea relationship, including trade, intelligence-sharing, and security, a long-lasting agreement must be reached. The U.S. is generally considered a good third-party arbiter for such negotiations but America’s lack of reckoning with its own history of atrocity brings a possible role into question.

This year, the United States has faced weeks of national protests following the killing of George Floyd at the hands of Minneapolis police officers. He was not the first nor the last Black person to be killed by police even this year, but his death was a spark that reignited a movement. Black Lives Matter gained national attention following the death of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014 and the sustained protests and civil unrest that followed. The movement and protests have continued since then following the deaths of unarmed Black men, women, children, and nonbinary people by members of law enforcement, and have launched into a coalition of groups known as the Movement for Black Lives. Though many times these protests gained international attention, 2020 reached a tipping point where there were protests in all 50 states and numerous countries globally, including Japan and South Korea. This occurred not only because of the manner of Floyd’s death, where an officer knelt on his neck for 8 minutes and 46 seconds until Floyd died, but also due to the way cities, states, and even the United States federal government responded to the protests.

In the days and weeks following Floyd’s death, the international world was treated to images and videos of protestors crying and screaming from tear gas released in the air, bleeding from head wounds from being assaulted by U.S. law enforcement, and racing to escape arrest. These uses of excessive force seemingly had the one purpose of stopping citizens from exercising their right to protest. Law enforcement argued they were trying to restore order and quell riots but viewers from many countries disagreed. On June 12, all 54 African countries called on the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) to convene for an urgent debate on “racially inspired human rights violations, police brutality against people of African descent and the violence against the peaceful protests that call for these injustices to stop.”

For years America refused to deal with its history of slavery and its history of subjugating its Black population through racist policies and policing. If America is not willing to reckon with itself, how would it be able to help Japan and South Korea find a way through their own equally mired past?

America supported the 2015 agreement between Japan and South Korea since it was expected to move this long-lasting issue from the forefront of the relationship between the two countries.

However, victims remain unsatisfied and there is still no resolution. A United States that understands and has reckoned with its own history will make a better interlocutor for bringing Japan and South Korea to a final agreement that is supported by both countries and the families affected. To support two vital Asian allies and maintain any measure of credibility on human rights 11

WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION issues internationally, America must reconcile with its own past and use this new understanding to help our allies reconcile with theirs.

Recommendations: To be a credible negotiator and foster a reconciliation for both Japan and South Korea, America must also confront and address its own historical racist and human rights abuses. The U.S. can then be a more open and honest broker in how we promote human rights in other countries, including those of the South Korean comfort women.

References: 1. Ferrier, Kyle. “South Korea Shows Bipartisan Support for U.S. Anti-Racism Protests,” The Diplomat, June 11, 2020, https://thediplomat.com/2020/06/south-korea-shows-bipartisansupport-for-us-anti-racism-protests/.

2. Statement by the Chief Cabinet Secretary Yohei Kono on the result of the study on the issue of “comfort women, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, August 4, 1993, https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/women/fund/state9308.html.

3. Statement by Prime Minister Tomiichi Murayama on the occasion of the establishment of the “Asian Women’s Fund, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, July 1995, https://www.mofa.go.jp/policy/women/fund/state9507.html.

4. Announcement by Foreign Ministers of Japan and the Republic of South Korea at the Joint Press Occasion, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, December 28, 2015, https://www.mofa.go.jp/a_o/na/kr/page4e_000364.html.

5. Lee, Tom. “Why Japan-South Korea history disputes keep resurfacing,” The Washington Post, July 23, 2019, https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2019/07/23/why-japansouth-korea-disputes-world-war-ii-keep-resurfacing/.

6. Sang-Hun, Choe. “Deal With Japan on Former Sex Slaves Failed Victims, South Korean Panel Says,” The New York Times, December 27, 2017, https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/27/world/asia/comfort-women-south-koreajapan.html.

7. “African nations call for racism debate at UN Human Rights Council,” DW, June 12, 2020, https://p.dw.com/p/3di25.

8. Philimon, Wenei. “Not just George Floyd: Police departments have 400-year history of racism,” USA Today, June 7, 2020, https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2020/06/07/black-lives-matters-policedepartments-have-long-history-racism/3128167001/.

9. Bennett, Dalton, Sarah Cahlan, Aaron C. Davis and Joyce Sohyun Lee. “The crackdown before Trump’s photo op,” The Washington Post, June 8, 2020.

10. Hyde, Sarah. “Japan’s way of remembering World War II still infuriates its neighbors,” The Conversation, August 10, 2015, https://theconversation.com/japans-way-ofremembering-world-war-ii-still-infuriates-its-neighbours-45663.

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR 11. Constante, Agnes. “Who are the ‘comfort women,’ and why are U.S.-based memorials for them controversial?” NBC News, May 7, 2019, nbcnews.com/news/asian-america/whoare-comfort-women-why-are-u-s-based-memorials-n997656.

Amber Demery, Analyst, U.S. Department of Justice Amber is a national security analyst with the U.S. Department of Justice. In her position she coordinates daily with government agencies on briefings, products, and cases related to the Middle East.

She is also a Young Leader with foreign policy research institute the Pacific Forum and a Young Ambassador with Women of Color Advancing Peace and Security. In these organizations Amber focuses on the U.S. relationship to Indo-Pacific countries. Prior to beginning her professional career, Amber completed a Boren Fellowship from 2014 - 2015 in Japan where she studied the Japanese language and completed an internship with Human Rights Now, an Asia-focused human rights organization. She received her Master's degree in International Relations from The Maxwell School at Syracuse University and her undergraduate degree in Psychology at Howard University in Washington, DC.

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

Ranked-Choice Voting: A More Just Electoral System Priya Mehta Abstract: The founding father’s democratic electoral system has morphed into a Frankenstein of an oligarchy. At the heart of the mess lies the antiquated United States elections process, which is neither as democratic nor representative as we may believe. The U.S. electoral system has not stood up to the test of time. The Framers created the Electoral College to prevent mob rule. The writers of the Constitution of the “Free World”, who excluded women and people of color from having a vote, felt that uneducated men were not trustworthy and created the current winner-takesall electoral system. Minority rule, accompanied by gerrymandering, voter suppression legislation, and campaign finance, contribute to the waning power of democracy in the United States. It is imperative that the United States exchange the winner-take-all electoral system for a ranked-choice voting system on federal, state, and local levels.

Background: The United States education system teaches children that democracy is the people’s rule: “We the People” cast a ballot and whoever wins the most votes is the victor. Generally, this is true with one exception–the U.S. presidential election. When eligible voters cast ballots in a presidential election, they are not directly voting for their preferred candidate. Instead, they vote for electors, or locally elected representatives, who then vote on their behalf. These electors make up what is known as the Electoral College.1 In the Electoral College system, the candidate who wins the popular vote in a state earns all of the electoral votes in that state. Thus, the national popular vote and the electoral vote may yield opposing results. In the past six presidential elections, this has occurred twice, consequently invalidating millions of voices.

In the 2000 U.S. Presidential race, none of the nominees earned a majority of the popular vote, though Democrat Al Gore won 500,000 more votes than Republican George W. Bush. After much back and forth about a miscounting of votes in Florida, and a field trip to the Supreme Court, George W. Bush was determined the winner of Florida, and subsequently the Oval Office. Though Bush did not win the popular vote, the several hundred vote margin in Florida translated to an Electoral College win.7 The Electoral College failed to represent the American people once again during the 2016 Presidential Election, when it handed the Oval Office to a man who lost the popular vote by a mere three million votes.2 Earning more votes than another candidate does not mean that over 50% of voters cast their ballots for the official-elect. Candidates can win by either attaining a majority or a plurality of votes.

Winning a majority means earning more than 50% of the vote. With a plurality, candidates need not worry about winning more than 50% of the votes – they just need more votes than the rest of

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR the pack. Because of the winner-takes-all electoral system, the United States appears to be a democracy ruled by the minority.

What is Ranked-Choice Voting? Ranked-choice voting, also known as instant-runoff voting, is an electoral system which allows voters to rank candidates on the ballot in order of preference, as opposed to simply voting for their single top choice candidate in a primary and general election.3 If more than 50% of voters rank a candidate first, that candidate is declared the winner. If none of the candidate win more than 50% of the vote, the votes are systematically redistributed.

Redistribution begins with the candidate who received the least first-choice votes. These votes move per the ranking on each individual ballot cast to the voter’s second choice listing. Recounting continues, redistributing voters’ third choice, fourth choice, and so-on, until one candidate passes the 50% vote threshold. The first candidate to do so is declared the winner.

Recommendations: The United States should replace the current electoral system for a more just ranked-choice system on federal, state, and local levels. Doing away with the Electoral College is not a new idea. In 1823, Thomas Jefferson himself referred to it as ‘the most dangerous blot in our constitution.”4 There have been at least 100 attempts to reform our electoral system, the most recent and famous attempt being the Bayh-Cellar amendment of 1969.5 The lump sum investment needed to kick off the ranked choice voting electoral system will more than make up for the one-time election systems upgrades costs. A ranked-choice voting system will save millions of taxpayer dollars in the long run. Ranked-choice voting can also reduce costs for candidates, as they only need to campaign for a general election.6 The removal of the primary election could cut the traditional campaigning schedule in half.

The U.S. Military and overseas voters would be able to participate at an increased rate in a ranked choice voting electoral system. The difficulties state and local elections have with overseas mailin ballots is well known, and effectively silences military and overseas voters.7 Alabama, and South Carolina, among other states recognize this risk and have instituted ranked-choice voting for military members who live outside the United States.8 Candidates must appeal to their opponents’ supporters to collect second choice votes in addition to first choice votes to ensure an election win. Ranked-choice voting encourages campaign civility.9 Candidates who engage in partisan attacks run the risk of losing second and third choice rankings. A 2013 and 2014 study conducted by the Eagleton Poll at Rutgers University partnered with the University of Iowa’s Caroline Tolbert and Western Washington University’s Todd Donovan provided evidence of ranked-choice voting’s effect on campaign civility. Tolbert and Donovan found that candidates spent less time criticizing opponents in cities with, rather than

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION without, ranked choice.9 In a time of extreme partisanship, voters find positive campaign tone more desirable.

Ranked-choice voting allows constituents to freely pick candidates based on their convictions by eliminating the “third-party spoiler” – a weaker candidate who splits some of the vote away from one of the major candidates.6 With the current winner-takes-all electoral system, voters may feel the need to cast ballots for whom they believe stands a stronger chance against the opposing major player, rather than their favorite candidate. Threat of the spoiler effect reinforces a two-party system, takes power away from alternative views, and stifles debate.9 The removal of the spoiler effect forces candidates to reach out to all constituents instead of campaigning in geographically advantageous areas. A 2018 study found that the adoption of ranked-choice voting in the Bay Area, CA was associated with an increase in the percentage of minority candidates and a slight uptick in the predicated probability that a female candidate would earn the office.10 Ranked-choice voting not only allows voters to think more critically about the candidates they support but encourages those who typically would not run for office to enter the race.

The United States election process has built a democratic government which does not always represent its people. The way the United States decides elections must change so the voices of the many are taken into consideration.

References: 1. (a) Bolinger, Benjamin. “Point: Abolishing the Electoral College.” International Social Science Review, vol.

82, no.

3/4, 2007, pp.

179–182.

JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/41887327. Accessed 6 Dec. 2020.

2. (j) Rothman, Lily. “The Electoral College Votes Today. But Politicians Have Been Trying to Reform It for Decades.” Time, 26 Nov. 2018, time.com/4597833/electoral-collegedonald-trump-challenge/.

3. (h) Klarreich, Erica. “Election Selection.” Science News, vol. 162, no. 18, 2002, pp. 280– 282. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/4014063. Accessed 16 July 2020.

4. (d) FairVote. 2006. South Carolina Picks Instant Runoff Voting For Military And Overseas Voters - Fairvote. [online] Available at: <https://www.fairvote.org/sout h_carolina_picks_instant_runoff_voting_for_military_and_overseas_voters> [Accessed 13 July 2020].

5. (i) Reilly, B. (2018). Centripetalism and Electoral Moderation in Established Democracies.

Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 24(2), 201– 221. doi:10.1080/13537113.2018.1457827 6. (g) John, S., Smith, H., & Zack, E. (2018). The alternative vote: Do changes in singlemember voting systems affect descriptive representation of women and minorities?

Electoral Studies, 54, 90–102. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2018.05.009

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR 7. (b) Sabato, L., Kondik, K. and Skelley, G., 2017. Trumped: The 2016 Election That Broke All The Rules.. Rowman & Littlefield, p.7.

8. (c) FairVote. 2017. Alabama’S U.S. Senate Primary Will Use Ranked Choice Voting For Overseas Voters - Fairvote. [online] Available at: <https://www.fairvote.org/ alabama_s_u_s_senate_primary_will_use_ranked_choice_voting_for_overseas_voters> [Accessed 12 July 2020].

9. (e) “From Thomas Jefferson to George Hay, 17 August 1823,” Founders Online, National Archives, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/98-01-02-3707.

10. (f) John, S., & Douglas, A. (2017). Candidate Civility and Voter Engagement in Seven Cities with Ranked Choice Voting. National Civic Review, 106(1), 25–29. https://doi.org/10.1002/ncr.21307

Priya Mehta, Political Communications & Community Organizer Priya is a Project Assistant at Equanimity Foundation, Account Assistant at Wildfire Contact, and freelance podcast editor; and has experience in research, international development, community organizing, political communications, and podcast production. Mehta earned her undergraduate degrees in Government and Human Development and Family Sciences, as well as her Texas Educator Certification in Social Studies, Grades 7-12 from the University of Texas at Austin. She is fluent in English and Gujarati and has a working knowledge of Hindi and Spanish.

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION

Maps for Representation: Navigating Cartographic Influence on U.S. Foreign Policy Decision-Making Haruka Noishiki Abstract: Mental mapping shapes alliances and threat perception in international relations.2 Studies in psychology have demonstrated the role mental representations of proximity plays in erroneously influencing one’s spatial perceptions.3 When geopolitical tensions rise, cartography is used to assess costs, benefits, and possible solutions. China has recently taken aggressive military action in the South China Sea much to the criticism of ASEAN nations, and the United States has responded with military operations in the area. The cartographic representations, including terminology and other details, that the U.S. employs may have an impact on both the mental maps of U.S. decision-makers as well as messages the United States sends to its allies and other key players in the region. By presenting maps with various focuses, this paper introduces strategies the U.S. should consider as they build their responses to any future aggression in the region, including the East Sea-Sea of Japan and the East China Sea. Background: From the U.S. perspective, the contentious body of water between North and South Korea and Japan is labeled the Sea of Japan – or so a CIA-created map signals.4 The map seen in Appendix 4 indicates a U.S. recognition of Japanese terminology, and a Korean newspaper reported upon this choice of terminology. Whenever North Korea is in the news, it is likely that this map would be used, the Korean news outlet reports, and demands a change in terminology to East Sea. This report indicates a dissonance between the South Korean government – which shows compromise in its East Sea-Sea of Japan terminology – and the public, on the desired terminology, and how important the U.S. map choice was viewed to be.5 The U.S. approach to use the Sea of Japan terminology in a map issued by the CIA shows US’s commitment to U.S.-Japan relations at the cost of U.S.-Korea relations and angering North Korea. CIA’s motivations in creating this map, or the depth of its intent in selecting the terminology aside, three words on this single map signaled to parties in the region the U.S.’s stance. Given that any single map can be created with various biases and representation tools that emphasize certain aspects of a given situation, policy makers

2

Henrikson, Alan K. “The Geographical ‘Mental Maps’ of American Foreign Policy Makers.” International Political Science Review / Revue Internationale de Science Politique 1, no. 4 (1980): 495–530.

3 Maddox, Keith B., David N. Rapp, Sebastien Brion, and Holly A. Taylor. “Social Influences on Spatial Memory.”

Memory and Cognition 3, no. 36 (2008): 479–94.

4 Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. “Japan.” Image. Accessed July 17, 2020. https://www.loc.gov/resource/g7960.ct000470/.

5 中央日報 - 韓国の最新ニュースを日本語でサービスします. “米議会図書館、「日本海」表記地図を２カ 月以上も掲示.” Accessed July 17, 2020. https://japanese.joins.com/JArticle/116772?sectcode=A00&servcode=A00.

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR should source the cartographic representations they use with variety, reliability, and consistency in mind.

The East Sea-Sea of Japan is an area of contention, not only due to the territorial conflicts in the area but in the naming of the body of water itself. As such, the cartographic representation can be seen as a political statement. Employing maps from different stakeholders in the region is imperative in ensuring that the U.S. can assess the region with each party’s interests in mind. The map in Appendix 2 shows the Sea of Japan and the other names that both North Korea and South Korea prefer to use.6 North Korea advocates for the name, “East Sea” and rejects the term, “Sea of Japan.” South Korea proposes the usage of a hyphen to call the sea “East Sea – Sea of Japan,” and Japan uses “Sea of Japan.” South Korea’s choice to hyphenate the two terms shows a reconciliatory approach, unlike North Korean and Japanese decisions to use their term of choice only. The hyphenation indicates an openness to the sense of ownership of the waters in the area and a possible approach to diplomacy that the U.S. can take as a mediator in the region and ally of both South Korea and Japan.

The map seen in Appendix 3 features colorful markings of various geographic features and avoids mention of contentious labels for seas and contested territories though the East Sea - Sea of Japan is a focal area of this map.7 This map hints at the possibility that China would prefer to stay out of the conflict in this part of the region, and would rather not stand in between South Korea, North Korea and Japan. Given China’s array of territorial conflicts in the region, this posture signals that China may not be interested in engaging in ownership claims beyond the ones in which it has already staked a claim. Of course, maps can help explain sources of conflict, particularly when presented at unconventional angles. In the map from Japan seen in Appendix 1, North is not placed upwards; rather, it is flipped.8 These Northside-down maps are used to understand how neighboring states may perceive Japan as a roadblock to access to the Pacific,9 providing perspective on a possible underpinning of aggression from regional powers. This map presents a perspective of why this sea is considered so essential to the countries in the region. A side-by-side comparison of these maps show the different information each representation presents, and the importance of incorporating different pieces of cartography in policy making.

6

“韓日, ‘동해-일본해’ 병기 문제 협의…북한도 참여(종합) | 연합뉴스.” Accessed July 17, 2020. https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20190411051151073.

7 茆 巍, Mao Shuwei, 志 , Bao Zhidong, 田作基, Tian Zuoji, 吴 平, et al. “日本地区含油气盆地石油地 与油气成藏 合特征.” 中国石油勘探, March 15, 2017. http://www.xmldata.org/ZGSYKT/html/2017/2/20170209.htm.

8 『逆さ地図』で見る新たな世界／全国知事会ホームページ.” Accessed July 17, 2020. http://www.nga.gr.jp/pref_info/tembo/2012/09/post_1884.html.

9 Takaharu, Honjo. “逆さ地図、逆さの環日本海・東アジア諸国図、日本の東アジアにおける北方領土と南 沙諸島の地政学的な問題点、とは(2016.8.4).” 歴史散歩とサイエンスの話題（続）. Accessed July 17, 2020. http://kanazawa-kuratuki.cocolog-nifty.com/blog/2016/08/post-f639.html.

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION Even within a given country, there are different sets of priorities that direct map creation across institutions and interest groups. A member of the Japanese diet featured the map found in Appendix 5 on the East and South China Sea in making his case against illegal Chinese development projects in the region.10 The contentious area that the Chinese claim is emphasized in red, and connotes danger, drawing attention to the line itself. This map insinuates the Chinese-claimed territorial lines. The maps cited in Appendix 6 and 7 were used in articles on the China-Japan territorial dispute regarding Chinese oil development projects in contested areas.11 12 In Appendix 6, red is used to denote newly found Chinese projects as well as to mark off the area where the right half of the map focuses on, evoking a sense of alarm. Though Appendix 7 may be another map by a Japanese media outlet, this map shows the line between the China-Japan contested waters in a way that makes the Chinese oil projects appear to be cultivated within China’s waters, though close to the dividing line.

Through the effective use of visual representation tools, maps can highlight different aspects of cost-benefit analyses, a given conflict, and shape narrative. In the cases of the East China Sea and the Sea of Japan where U.S. interest is at stake indirectly through the foreign relations of its allies, understanding various cartographic representations allows a better grasp of the mental maps that Asian allies may employ and by which the U.S. policymakers themselves might be influenced. .

Recommendations: Variety: Ensure that any analysis of geopolitical consequence in foreign policy conducted includes maps from various stakeholders with an array of supplemental or contextual information for each map. Briefings should include maps from various parties involved in the conflict.

Reliability: Policymakers should evaluate both the country and the organization by which each of the maps are produced.

Consistency: The U.S. should ensure that maps used by its government and representatives are aligned with the official U.S. foreign policy to maintain a consistent posture.

10

衆議院議員 原田義昭オフィシャルサイト. “中国の東シナ海の違法開発を止めさせよ,” March 1, 2017. http://www.yharada.com/2017/03/01/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD%E3%81%AE%E6%9D%B1%E3%82%B7%E3%83%8A% E6%B5%B7%E3%81%AE%E9%81%95%E6%B3%95%E9%96%8B%E7%99%BA%E3%82%92%E6%AD%A2 %E3%82%81%E3%81%95%E3%81%9B%E3%82%88/ 11 日本経済新聞 電子版. “中国、ガス田開発着々 日本は中止求める.” Accessed July 17, 2020. https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZZO76056900T20C14A8000048/.

12 “中国、中間線付近で掘削 政府、中止求め抗議.” Mainichi Daily News, August 2, 2017, sec. 国際, アジア ・オセアニア. https://mainichi.jp/articles/20170802/ddm/005/030/131000c.

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR Appendix 1:

Appendix 4:

Appendix 5: Appendix 2:

Appendix 6:

Appendix 3:

Appendix 7:

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION Appendix: 1. “『逆さ地図』で見る新たな世界／全国知事会ホームページ.” Accessed July 17, 2020. http://www.nga.gr.jp/pref_info/tembo/2012/09/post_1884.html.

2. “韓日, ‘동해-일본해’ 병기 문제 협의…북한도 참여(종합) | 연합뉴스.” Accessed July 17, 2020. https://www.yna.co.kr/view/AKR20190411051151073.

3. 茆

巍, Mao Shuwei,

区含油气盆地石油地 4.

5.

6.

7.

志

, Bao Zhidong, 田作基, Tian Zuoji, 吴

与油气成藏

平, et al. “日本地

合特征.” 中国石油勘探, March 15, 2017.

http://www.xml-data.org/ZGSYKT/html/2017/2/20170209.htm.

Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. “Japan.” Image. Accessed July 17, 2020. https://www.loc.gov/resource/g7960.ct000470/. 衆議院議員 原田義昭オフィシャルサイト. “中国の東シナ海の違法開発を止めさ せよ,” March 1, 2017. http://www.yharada.com/2017/03/01/%E4%B8%AD%E5%9B%BD%E3%81%AE%E6%9D%B1%E 3%82%B7%E3%83%8A%E6%B5%B7%E3%81%AE%E9%81%95%E6%B3%95%E9 %96%8B%E7%99%BA%E3%82%92%E6%AD%A2%E3%82%81%E3%81%95%E3% 81%9B%E3%82%88/. 日本経済新聞 電子版. “中国、ガス田開発着々 日本は中止求める.” Accessed July 17, 2020. https://www.nikkei.com/article/DGXZZO76056900T20C14A8000048/. “中国、中間線付近で掘削 政府、中止求め抗議.” Mainichi Daily News, August 2, 2017, sec. 国際, アジア・オセアニア. https://mainichi.jp/articles/20170802/ddm/005/030/131000c.

Haruka Noishiki, Student, Tufts University, Class of 2021 Haruka is a senior at Tufts University studying International Relations (B.A.) and Psychology (B.S.) to understand threat perception in decisions of global consequence. She is conducting her Senior Honors Thesis on cartographic influences on threat perception in East Asian territorial disputes. She currently interns with the Eurasia Group, and previously has worked at The U.S. Asia Institute, Beyond the Bomb, and The Asia Foundation. On campus, she founded and advises Women in International Relations; serves on the International Relations Student Advisory Board; tutors as Writing Fellow; and leads Hemispheres, an international affairs journal. Her areas of interest include nuclear policy and threat perception. She speaks Japanese, English and French.

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR

The Legacy of Colonialism in Development: A Case of Failed Development in Africa Tamara White Abstract: Over the years, development has become a popular space occupied by those who want to commit themselves to the greater good. Although development has been through some changes, there are still fundamental problems which prohibit its success. The biggest problem is the fact that the ideology of development is similar to and reminiscent of colonialism. This may not be intentional, but it is worth discussing when we look at the failure and success of development initiatives especially in previously heavily colonized areas. Development is supposed to create growth and be a catalyst for positive change in social, economic, political, and environmental areas. However, due to its similarities to colonialism, development tends to reinforce inequality in various ways, maintaining Western control over the global south.

Background: The initial goals for development were to eradicate poverty and to have all persons contributing to the market. Since the field’s creation after World War II, development has been through a series of restructuring, resulting in it encompassing social, environmental, and economic factors in its meaning. Although development is shifting, there are still numerous arguments about what “development” means and how it is supposed to be implemented. Amongst the debate, the one thing we all agree on is that though we continuously pour money into the governments of developing nations, the poor remain poor. The lack of progress is concerning and the shadow of colonialism over development is haunting. If development initiatives are created to help countries develop, why are so many countries still falling short? Due to the colonialist nature of development, practices often lead countries into a cycle of debt, rather than country development.

If development practitioners want development to work, there needs to be a reevaluation of how we approach and define it.

Problem: We can look at development to function like a corporation and in this corporation, profit is the goal. In the “development corporation,” development is a minor priority, which is why most agency objectives are never met. In 2007, it was reported that only about half of the World Bank's projects on the continent of Africa have succeeded. In the current state of development, rich countries and development institutions function as recipients of payments from low-income countries, rather than donors to them.

As countries shifted from colonialism to imperialism, development followed. Imperialism holds the history of colonial suppression at its core13 by perpetuating the same suppression that

13

Imperialism: process of the political and monetary dominance, either formally or informally.

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION colonialism thrived from. Therefore, imperialism was the ideal avenue to implement and maintain control over a specific region or country.

The way we currently execute development stems from the exploitive and controlling ideologies found at the core of imperliasm and colonliasm.14 In a corporation, workers can often be overworked, unacknowledged, underpaid, and rarely reap the benefits of their labor. In development, especially in Africa, initiatives often function in a similar way. Countries that need development are often overworked and exploited for the sake of the “development corporation,” with no sustainable benefit. Rather, they become stuck in a cycle of debt repayment and economic fragility.

When it comes to development, there have been a series of failed initiatives—especially in the case of Africa. There have been many lessons that should have been learned, yet development seems to have carried on without stepping back, reevaluating, and approaching its programs differently. We have been shown over and over that giving money is not sufficient and that development needs to become something more substantial. However, there is a disconnect resulting in consistent failure.

In countries like Mali, development institutions have provided, and continue to provide, pay back loans keeping them in a cycle of debt. This typically is done with interest and occurs in a form of monthly payments until the full amount (plus interest) is paid in full. This type of loan is problematic because if developing countries are requesting money to develop, how and why should we expect them to pay this money back?

Development institutions give money with hopes that development will take place and a country will grow economically. Expecting countries with no money to pay back money they need, only keeps these countries in a state of economic fragility. Mayo calls development aid an, “unmitigated political, economic, and humanitarian disaster.” Aid does not work, and in the case of Africa, it has only made things worse.15 Hancock in his work Lords of Poverty describes how expecting improved conditions because of aid is treated as an “self-evident truth,” even though more aid does not necessarily mean better conditions for a country.16 Recommendations: International development is hypocritic at best. It portrays the West as saviors and exploits low-income countries by creating a cycle of debt. Traditional development gives us big plans and initiatives, but also gives us equally as much failure in the process. We need to create programs that help countries, does not perpetuate colonialist ideologies, and mitigates inequality.

14

Colonialism: the process of a country taking physical control of another.

Moyo 2009.

16 See Hancock 1989 for more critiques about the aid industry.

15

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR First, the development world needs more accountability. William Easterly, an aid critic, and former employee at the World Bank discusses this in his criticism of the Bank. He describes the Bank as part of a "cartel of good intentions" and "a bloated, unaccountable foreign aid bureaucracy out of touch with sound economics that is running amok". The common denominator in failed initiatives seems to be a disconnect between the donors and the recipients.

Another way we can shift the structure of development is by moving completely away from topdown approaches. Grassroots approaches to development should be more favorable because they allow you to create and implement more successful projects. It does this by focusing on teaching and meeting recipients within their own cultural context which also leads to projects being more sustainable. Top-down projects make it easier to distance yourself from the reality of your recipients. Facilitating development plans from an office and from the ground are very different.

Working from the office allows for no emotional connection therefore you are more likely to be able to make decisions without kickback from your conscious. Having no reality check creates room for decision making without regard for those for who decisions are being made.

Most importantly, to reform aid we need to do away with colonialist language in the development industry. This movement needs to prioritize the annihilation of anti-Black and colonial rhetoric stemming from the false idea of superiority of the West. Like the former colonizers of Africa, development agencies tend to look at the country in an infantized way. This creates the notion that the West knows best, and Africa is incapable of taking charge of their own destiny. During the period of colonialism there was a sense of orientalism (othering) that seemed to justify the deeds of the colonizers. We can see this type of othering language in development today. Orientalism creates an avenue where practitioners can define people while also giving those no voice. In the words of Escobar, “people of the third world exist as others define who they are.”17 Escobar argues that the basis of the development industry is rooted in stereotypes and a sense of orientalism which stems from colonialism.18 When the discourse defines places as “other,” you begin to see these places not as countries with inhabitants, but as objects. If development initiatives are to be sustainable, we need to see these places as countries and their citizens as humans beings who are deserving.

Conclusion: The reality of development is that, despite many years of aid and development projects, Africa has rarely seen sustained growth due to them. As practitioners, we must hold ourselves accountable for development not working in most parts of the world. We must evaluate and change the way it is implemented. Most importantly we must realize that development should not be forever.

17 18

Escobar, 1994 Reality theory explains how few people become dominant and shape what reality really is, even if the reality we see is false.

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION References: 1. Escobar, Aruto. 1994. Encountering Development: The Making and Unmaking of the Third World. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press.

2. Hancock, Graham. 1989. Lords of Poverty: The Power, Prestige, and Corruption of the International Aid Business. New York, United States: The Atlantic Monthly Press.

3. Moyo, Dambisa. 2009. Dead Aid: Why Aid is not Working and How There is a Better Way for Africa. New York, United States: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.

Tamara White, International Research Associate Tamara is a young professional with a Master of Arts from Arcadia University in International Peace and Conflict Resolution. She is a results-focused research professional with strengths in project management, coordination, and execution.

Currently Tamara works at CGFNS International where she is an International Research Associate and serves on the Global Affairs Committee. Tamara is interested in positively impacting the lives of persons in Africa. She is passionate about reaching sustainability in Africa not through aid, but through teaching, grass-roots projects, and giving them full control over their resources. She is seeking to advocate for others and has worked on numerous social justice issues here in the states.

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR

What Do You Do When The Only Land You Know is Taken From You? Shanel Wilson Abstract: Indigenous people domestically and abroad are under a severe threat of being culturally extinct. This is mostly due to breach of policy implementation, unexpected effects of climate change and often due to the lack of autonomy over their own lands. When Indigenous people are moved from the only land they know, the life skills they have passed down from generations and custom made to their scared lands become severely affected. President Daniel Ortega, who lives on the Pacific side of Nicaragua and hardly travels to the east coast of Nicaragua, Bluefields—has ordered the development of a canal to create a thriving import/export harbor right through the Rama Indigenous land. The canal is blueprinted to stretch from the Pacific Coast, through Lake Nicaragua, through the Caribbean coast, which will wipe out at least one entire Indigenous tribe.19 The Indigenous people of these lands need to be a part of the conversation of their economic advancement and re-settlement alongside governmental actors.

Background: Bluefields is sacred land to the largest Indigenous residents on the Caribbean east coast of Nicaragua. The residents of Bluefields have a unique quality of life. Humble living; a consistent buzzing outdoor central market, with weekly worship with the Moravian church.

Additionally, the land of Bluefields is accessorized with a medium sized wooden boat dock filled with professional fishermen and merchants to import and export their goods. Geographically, it is intricately positioned and understood to be a part of the South Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region (RACCS), known to the Indigenous people as Región Autónoma Del Atlántico Sur (RAAS); which since 1894 was granted self-rule. Although Bluefields is a part of RACCS, President Ortega does not accept Bluefields as a self-governing territory. The people of Bluefields need another umbrella of coverage for the rights to their scared lands.

The coastal threads of Louisiana are becoming sparse; the Isle De Jean Charles is less than a slice of land, lies 80 miles south of New Orleans and has shrunk by 98%. The Isle is sleeping further and further into the Gulf of Mexico, making the living conditions impossible. Most residents of Isle De Charles are Indigenous people who have lived on the island since 1836—due to the Indian Removal Act. The only road to the main land floods frequently, limiting their school and work access. Their culture consists of living on the water—Isle De Jean Charles is the only land the Creole Indigenous people know. The Creole people of Isle De Jean Charles are being forced to resettle inland, to a plush farmland that they have no idea how to survive on, as all their life skills are only appropriate for coastal living.

19

Age of Humans How an Indigenous group is battling Construction of the Nicaragua Canal, August 27, 2015

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WOMEN OF COLOR ADVANCING PEACE, SECURITY & CONFLICT TRANSFORMATION Bluefields is in the South Caribbean Coast Autonomous Region (RACCS), and many assume that the people are free to self-govern. However, that is not the case at all. Isle De Jean Charles’s Creole Tribe does not have a say on where to relocate. Although the Louisiana Office of Community Development won a 48-million-dollar grant on the Tribe’s resettlement, the Tribe did not have a say on their relocation. Thus, with the lack of adequate policy protection, these Indigenous people are on the brink of a cultural extinction.

Governments, private organizations, and environmental reservationists must allow Indigenous people to negotiate their wellbeing on their own terms to protect their culture. Indigenous people domestically as well as abroad have lived on their lands for thousands of years. When others delve into their land without the input of the people, studies show that Indigenous tribes dwindle in population and become nonexistent.20 In 2007, the United Nations launched the Declaration of Rights of Indigenous Peoples (DRIPS). DRIPS consist of 46 important areas of protection, affirming equality for Indigenous people as equal to all other people. DRIPS allow Indigenous people to make favorable decisions pertaining to their present conditions and for generations to come, both necessary for cultural preservation.

According to Article 3 of the DRIPS, “Indigenous peoples have the right to self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social, and cultural development.''21Article 8 summarizes Indigenous peoples have the right not to be subjected to forced assimilation or destruction of their culture and more specifically any form of forced population transfer which has aim or effect of violating or undermining any of their rights. Further Article 10 emphasizes the importance of Indigenous peoples not being forcibly removed from their lands or territories and how no relocation shall take place without the free, prior, and informed consent of the Indigenous peoples. Moreover, Article 23 explains the importance of the right of Indigenous people to determine and develop priorities and strategies for exercising their right to development. After nine years, the United States supported the Declaration, and Nicaragua was not included in the conversation. Although the U.S. supported DRIPS, Isle De Jean Charles is not covered with the protection listed in DRIPS. Recommendation: It is extremely unfortunate that Bluefields and Isle De Jean Charles are not benefactors of the DRIPS Declaration. The lack of global protection leaves the Indigenous people vulnerable to the authority of leaders who have ill will for their futures due to the lack of understanding of their own culture and because of the negative aspects of capitalism. To preserve the culture of Bluefields and Isle De Jean Charles, the native, Indigenous people must be included into the conversation about development. In Canada, indigenous issues circulate the media and are a part of the national conversation. Resettlement and development conversations are tough to have, but they are even tougher when the party affected by the decision is not present. Their participation 20 21

United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs Report: State of the world’s Indigenous People, 53, 69, and 71.

United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, pages 4 and 5

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POLICY PAPERS BY WOMEN OF COLOR in DRIPS is necessary because: (1) DRIPS provides double layer of socioeconomic protection, which congruently (2) gives them the freedom to make decisions about their land development or re-settlement. The goal when advocating for Indigenous people should be allowing them their autonomy so they can make decisions on sustainable change, and the preservation of life and culture.

References: 1. Article: https://www.nrdc.org/stories/people-isle-jean-charles-are-louisianas-firstclimate-refugees-they-wont-be-last 2. United Nations Indigenous Rights Declarations: https://www.un.org/development/desa/indigenouspeoples/wpcontent/uploads/sites/19/2018/11/UNDRIP_E_web.pdf 3. Article: http://www.isledejeancharles.com/ 4. Article: https://www.teenvogue.com/story/isle-de-jean-charles-louisiana-juliette-brunet 5. Article: https://www.smithsonianmag.com/science-nature/how-indigenous-groupbattling-construction-nicaragua-canal-180956418/ 6. Article: http://www.fadcanic.org.ni/?q=node/17 7. Article: https://www.cwis.org/2018/07/interoceanic-nicaragua-canal/

Shanel Wilson, Legal Secretary Shanel is a skillful housing advocate, social developer, and legal secretary. In rare and audacious form, driven by her commitment to “filling in the gaps” in creating unmet social needs, she takes pride in providing unparalleled sustainable social and community development programs. Shanel is a graduate of Howard University and is proudly Afro-Latina. As a Social Engineer, her goals include providing administrative support to national leaders, Women’s Development Programming, and International Economic Development in Bluefield’s, Nicaragua.

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