Valentin Ruf | Superblocks Barcelona | Scientific Work 2025

SUPERBLOCKS IN BARCELONA A SUSTAINABLE MODEL FOR THE TRANSPORT TRANSITION?

VALENTIN S. RUF

VALENTIN SEBASTIAN RUF

11014671 | Master in Architecture | Design for the Built Environment SRH University Heidelberg | Campus Heidelberg School of Technology and Architecture Module 01 | Architectural Theory | Research paper Prof. Dr. Dipl.-Ing. Marc Kirschbaum | 19. Mai 2025

SUPERBLOCKS IN BARCELONA A SUSTAINABLE MODEL FOR THE TRANSPORT TRANSITION?

Table of contents

Introduction 7 Origin of the City of Barcelona 9 Expansion of the City and Block Structure

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Superblocks Project 21 Comparison of different Grid Structures 25 Comparison of Urban Structures 43 The Need for Small Blocks 47 Jane Jacobs and the Superblocks in Barcelona

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Future Perspectives 53 Summary 55 List of Illustrations 57 Bibliography 59

Table of contents | 5

Introduction The city of Barcelona is one of the most important metropolises in Europe. It has a long and complex history, which is especially evident in its architecture and urban planning. From its Roman origins to the medieval cityscape and the major urban expansion, Barcelona has undergone continuous transformation and development.

In addition to an architecture excursion of several semesters in April 2024, I spent another month in Barcelona in spring 2025 as part of a language course. The city and its urban structure have impressed and inspired me for quite some time. During this stay, I focused more closely on the block structure and became increasingly aware of the traffic system and issues of accessibility.

The rising volume of traffic in urban centers represents one of the greatest challenges for contemporary urban planning. With the concept of Superblocks (Catalan: „Superilles“), Barcelona is pursuing an innovative strategy to better control and reduce traffic flows, improve quality of life, and redesign public spaces.

This concept builds upon the existing urban grid. Several residential blocks, usually nine arranged in a three-by-three pattern, are combined into a single traffic-calmed unit. Within this area, through traffic is eliminated and alternative forms of mobility are encouraged.

Existing streets are converted into low-traffic zones, similar to the concept of „play streets“ in Germany. Intersections between the residential blocks are transformed into attractive open spaces that offer a high quality of stay.

In this research paper, which I am submitting as part of the module „Architectural Theory” in my master’s program “Design for the Built Environment” at SRH University Heidelberg, I intend to examine the architectural and urban development aspects of the concept, along with its social and ecological effects. Furthermore, I will explore the extent to which this model can be transferred to other urban contexts. The key question I aim to address is whether this represents a sustainable model for the mobility transition and whether such an approach can succeed not only in Barcelona but also in other major cities all over the world. In doing so, I will also consider whether Barcelona could serve as a positive example for others to follow.

Introduction | 7

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Structure of the city in antiquity | scale 1:10000 8 | Origins of the City of Barcelona

Origins of the City of Barcelona The history of Barcelona and thus the emergence of the city as we know it today, dates back to antiquity. It is marked by cultural depth, political upheaval, and an impressive degree of urban continuity, all of which are reflected in its architecture and urban development.

The origins of the city lie in the Roman colonization of the Iberian Peninsula. Around the year 15 BCE, under Emperor Augustus, the Romans founded the settlement Colonia Iulia Augusta Faventia Paterna Barcino, commonly referred to as Barcino. The city was established on a small hill located near what is now the Plaça Sant Jaume. This location continues to serve as the political heart of Barcelona today. The foundation of Barcino pursued both strategic and economic purposes. Its position between the Mediterranean Sea, river systems, and mountain ranges made it an ideal site for trade, defense, and administration.

Barcino was planned according to typical Roman principles. The city originally featured a rectangular street layout and was enclosed by a polygonal wall that included a total of seventy-four towers and four main gates. This fortification served not only to protect the city from external threats but also to define and demarcate the urban space. Within these walls, the city followed a strictly geometric grid plan, structured around two main axes: the cardo maximus, oriented north to south, and the decumanus maximus, oriented east to west. At their intersection stood the forum, which served as the administrative, religious, and economic center. A Roman temple stood at this central point, and its remains can still be seen today, among other places, in the Museu d’Història de la Ciutat and at the Plaça Vila de Madrid, where the Via Sepulcral Romana is located.

During my one-month stay in the city, I actively explored these Roman traces myself. It is truly remarkable that, after more than two thousand years, we are still able to experience physical remnants of the city’s origins.

Images from the Museu d‘Història de la ciutat Origins of the City of Barcelona | 9

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Structure of the city in the middle ages | scale 1:10000 10 | Origins of the City of Barcelona

Previous wall outline and ancient axes | scale 1:30000

A particularly noteworthy feature of Barcelona is the remarkable continuity in its urban layout. The Roman grid remains visible today in the Gothic Quarter (Barri Gòtic). The modern streets Carrer del Bisbe, Carrer de la Llibreteria, and Carrer de la Ciutat partly follow the ancient axes of the cardo and decumanus. While Roman Barcino was characterized by a clearly defined and regular structure, this order was gradually transformed during the Middle Ages through unregulated growth, architectural densification, and the dissolution of clearly defined spatial boundaries. Today, the old town is marked by narrow, winding alleys and an organically evolved structure, within which the ancient pattern can still be discerned.

The Roman origins of Barcelona are therefore not only an essential part of the city’s historical identity, but also remain visible in its current topography and architecture. The close interconnection between past and present turns Barcelona’s historic center into a living history book that bears witness to both transformation and continuity in urban development.

Origins of the City of Barcelona | 11

Following the collapse of the Roman Empire, Barcelona became the capital of the Visigothic Kingdom in the fifth century and was later briefly conquered by the Moors in the eighth century. However, their cultural influence remained limited. In the year 801, the city was taken by the Franks, who made it the capital of the Marca Hispanica, a strategic frontier territory established to repel Arab advances. With the de facto independence under Borrell II in 988 and the marriage of Berenguer IV of Barcelona to Petronilla of Aragon in 1137, the Catalan-Aragonese federation was formed. This political union extended its influence as far as Sardinia and Naples in Italy.

During the Middle Ages, Barcelona flourished as a center of trade and commerce. The city expanded beyond its original walls, particularly with the development of the El Raval district. Numerous Gothic buildings were constructed within the old city, including the Cathedral of Barcelona and Santa Maria del Mar. These buildings testify to the city’s wealth and cultural significance during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries.

Image from the Cathedral of Barcelona

With the dynastic union of Aragon and Castile through Ferdinand II and Isabella I, Barcelona gradually lost political influence from the late fifteenth century onward. The resulting conflicts, especially the Guerra dels Segadors (1640–1659) and the War of the Spanish Succession (1701–1714), had profound consequences. After the defeat by the Bourbons on 11 September 1714, Catalonia lost its autonomy and many of its privileges.

This date is still commemorated today as the Diada Nacional de Catalunya.

12 | Origins of the City of Barcelona

In the nineteenth century, Barcelona experienced a cultural revival through the Renaixença, which reaffirmed Catalan identity. Industrialization transformed the city into Spain’s leading industrial metropolis. During this period, the engineer Ildefons Cerdà designed the city’s expansion with the Eixample, a modern district based on a grid layout with octagonal blocks, wide streets, and open spaces intended to improve light and air circulation.

The district also became the stage for Modernisme, a Catalan variant of Art Nouveau.

Architects such as Antoni Gaudí, Lluís Domènech i Montaner, and Josep Puig i Cadafalch left a lasting mark on Barcelona’s architectural character with works including the Sagrada Família, the Hospital de Sant Pau, and Casa Batlló. The world exhibitions of 1888 and 1929 further strengthened Barcelona’s reputation as a cultural capital of the Mediterranean.

The dark years of the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and the subsequent Franco dictatorship brought severe setbacks. Catalan language and culture were suppressed, and political figures such as Lluís Companys were executed. Democracy was only restored after Franco’s death in 1975. In 1979, Catalonia regained its autonomy, and Catalan once again became an official language. The mass demonstrations on 11 September 1977, with over 1.5 million participants, marked a collective call for self-determination and cultural revival.

A decisive moment for urban development came with the hosting of the 1992 Olympic Games. This event led to major infrastructure projects, including the modernization of public transport, the redesign of the urban beachfront, and the revitalization of the port.

These efforts transformed Barcelona into one of the most attractive and most visited cities in Europe. In the twenty-first century, Barcelona has increasingly pursued sustainable urban development. With the Superblocks (Superilles) initiative, the city has promoted traffic calming and the greening of residential areas. At the same time, Barcelona has shown resilience in the face of crises, such as the 2017 terrorist attack on La Rambla and the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020, which particularly affected tourism.

Today, Barcelona is a city in which history is not only preserved in museums and buildings but also remains alive in the urban environment and in everyday life. Its architectural and urban development reflects a continuous transformation, from Roman Barcino to medieval prosperity, through the Modernisme period and into the present-day implementation of sustainable concepts. Barcelona exemplifies a European metropolis of the twenty-first century whose identity emerges from an ongoing dialogue between past, present, and future.

Origins of the City of Barcelona | 13

Grid plan of the city expansion 14

Expansion of the City and Block Structure The expansion of the city of Barcelona in the 19th century represents one of the most significant urban planning projects in Europe. The so-called Eixample (Catalan for “extension”) was not only a response to the pressing social, economic, and sanitary problems of the time, but also a visionary example of modern, functional, and socially oriented urban design. This large-scale project, conceived by the Catalan engineer Ildefons Cerdà, continues to shape the urban fabric of Barcelona today.

Until the mid-19th century, Barcelona remained a city confined within its medieval walls.

The rapidly growing population, further accelerated by the Industrial Revolution, led to extremely cramped living conditions, poor sanitation, and inadequate infrastructure. The city walls hindered natural urban growth, and adjacent lands were subject to military restrictions. Only after the demolition of the city walls in 1854 did the opportunity arise to expand the urban area and address the emerging challenges. The Spanish central government commissioned Ildefons Cerdà to draft the expansion plan, despite significant opposition from the local architectural community, which favored alternative proposals.

Nevertheless, Cerdà’s plan was officially approved in 1859, marking the beginning of a new urban era.

At the core of the Eixample lies an orthogonal grid structure defined by rectangular, evenly sized urban blocks known as manzanas. This layout was based on rational and hygienic principles. The typical blocks measure approximately 113 by 113 meters, with chamfered corners, a design element that opens visual axes, facilitates traffic flow at intersections, and improves both light and air circulation in the streets. The streets themselves are at least 20 meters wide, contributing to a generous and well-ventilated urban environment.

Particularly notable is the Avinguda Diagonal, which cuts across the rigid orthogonal grid on a diagonal trajectory, thereby creating new urban connections. Cerdà’s original plan envisioned that buildings would occupy only two sides of each block, with the remaining space reserved for gardens and green areas in order to ensure access to light, air, and high-quality public space. In practice, however, this ideal was often compromised in favor of denser development.

Expansion of the City and Block Structure | 15

Cerdà was no ordinary urban planner, he approached urban design from a systemic perspective and developed a plan that equally considered social equity, public health, infrastructure, and the well-being of the entire population. His vision was nearly utopian: a just city where all residents would have access to light, air, green spaces, and modern infrastructure. In this regard, Cerdà was well ahead of his time and laid the groundwork for many principles that underpin contemporary urban planning.

The implementation of the Eixample spanned several decades and became the stage for Catalan modernism, particularly the movement known as Modernisme, which corresponds to Art Nouveau in other countries. Architects such as Antoni Gaudí, Lluís Domènech i Montaner, and Josep Puig i Cadafalch played a key role in shaping the character of the new district. Buildings like Gaudí’s Casa Milà (La Pedrera), Casa Batlló, and the Hospital de Sant Pau illustrate how these artists integrated organic forms, floral motifs, and innovative structures into the grid while simultaneously breaking it open in creative ways.

Despite the strict grid, Cerdà’s system allowed for sufficient flexibility to accommodate individual architectural expression, contributing to the unique architectural diversity of the neighborhood.

Socially, the urban expansion had profound implications. It enabled the rapidly growing population to settle beyond the overcrowded and unsanitary old town. The urban bourgeoisie in particular found new living spaces in the Eixample, thereby altering social structures and dynamics. Cerdà’s vision of an egalitarian city with equitable distribution of space, light, air, and greenery represented a radical break with the past and a crucial step toward social modernization.

Economically, the project was equally significant. The new infrastructure, broad transportation corridors, and designated zones for industry and services turned Barcelona into the economic powerhouse of Catalonia. Trade, commerce, and investment benefited from the new urban order, and the district’s appeal sparked a boom in the real estate market. The Eixample became a central driver of economic growth and a symbol of progress.

16 | Expansion of the City and Block Structure

Today, the Eixample constitutes the central district of Barcelona and demonstrates the lasting viability of Cerdà’s plan. Its structure allows for high urban density while maintaining a good quality of life. Public transportation, pedestrian-friendly design, and a well-organized street network contribute to efficient mobility and accessibility.

The Eixample district

The expansion of Barcelona through the Eixample thus represents a masterpiece of urban planning, one that uniquely combines rationality, functionality, and a socially visionary approach. Ildefons Cerdà’s plan continues to influence urban planning around the world and serves as a benchmark for sustainable urban development. The Eixample is not only an architectural and urban landmark of Barcelona but also a symbol of progress, social reform, and forward-looking metropolitan development whose significance extends far beyond the city’s boundaries.

Expansion of the City and Block Structure | 17

N Structural plan | scale 1:20000 | Expansion of the City and Block Structure | 19

Pictogram Superblock Development | scale 1:15000 20 | Superblocks Project

Superblocks Project The Superblocks (Superilles) project in Barcelona represents a pioneering urban planning initiative that not only reinterprets the historical grid structure of the Eixample district but also systematically advances it. The primary objective of the concept is to reclaim public space for residents, drastically reduce motorized private transport, and simultaneously promote quality of life, social inclusion, and ecological sustainability. The Superblock model directly builds upon the foundational ideas of Ildefons Cerdà, using the rigid 19thcentury grid plan as a base while rethinking it through the lens of 21st-century challenges and values.

A traditional urban block in the Eixample measures approximately 113 by 113 meters. The district‘s layout is composed of a regular orthogonal street network with wide avenues, typically 20 meters or more in width. It is further characterized by a typical parceling structure in which buildings often occupy the edges of the blocks, leaving interior courtyards as potential green spaces. Within this framework, the concept of Superblocks was developed, combining several traditional blocks into a larger urban unit. These usually consist of nine blocks arranged in a three-by-three configuration, forming an area of approximately 400 by 400 meters. In this new configuration, only the perimeter streets remain accessible to through traffic. The interior streets are largely closed to vehicular traffic or significantly restricted and instead dedicated to pedestrians, cyclists, green spaces, and public gathering areas.

This redistribution of public space fundamentally transforms the relationship between built structures and street space. Whereas in the past streets primarily served traffic functions, they are now being reimagined as central social and ecological environments.

Broad roads that once accommodated four to six lanes of traffic are converted into trafficcalmed shared spaces featuring seating areas, children’s play zones, cycling paths, urban greenery, and recreational opportunities. Asphalt is increasingly replaced by permeable, ecological materials that absorb water more effectively and reduce heat accumulation.

Proportions are also reconsidered: more than 60 percent of street space, previously dominated by motorized transport, is reallocated in favor of pedestrian walkways and green zones, contributing to a significantly improved microclimate.

Superblocks Project | 21

From an architectural perspective, the Superblocks project does not entail a radical transformation of the built environment but rather a careful reconfiguration of the interstitial spaces. The area is largely composed of multi-story residential buildings in the Modernisme style. These structures remain largely intact, but their relationship to the surrounding street space changes profoundly. Ground floors are increasingly activated to accommodate cafés, community services, or small-scale commerce. Balconies and façades are once again opening toward the public realm, and streets once dominated by cars are becoming extensions of the living environment for residents.

Transformation of the areas

From an urban design standpoint, the Superblocks exemplify a fundamental reprioritization: a city designed for people rather than vehicles. The planning approach aims to create high-quality public spaces, enable social interactions, and improve the urban climate.

Thus, Superblocks are not merely instruments of traffic reduction, but comprehensive social initiatives. They foster neighborhood engagement, strengthen local networks, and promote a more socially equitable distribution of space. People of all ages and social backgrounds should feel safe, welcome, and involved in public space. Accessibility plays a central role in this context. Sidewalks are lowered, crossings simplified, tactile guidance systems for the visually impaired are implemented, and seating is provided for older adults. Accessibility is not treated as an isolated issue, but as an integral component of an inclusive city. As a wheelchair user with a disability, I have tested and evaluated these developments firsthand. The redesigned urban environment within the Superblocks allows for simpler, faster, and more pleasant mobility, not only for those with limited physical abilities.

22 | Superblocks Project

Within this context, the role of the mobility transition is also of central importance. The Superblocks should not be understood as isolated interventions but as components of a large-scale transformation of the urban mobility model. Motorized private transport is replaced by an efficient public transportation system, a dense cycling infrastructure, and attractive pedestrian pathways. At the same time, car-sharing is encouraged, and mobility hubs facilitate the integration of various modes of transport. The aim is to create a multimodal, sustainable mobility system that is efficient, environmentally friendly, and socially accessible.

Climate protection plays a role as central as that of social inclusion. The greening of Superblocks, through tree planting, the creation of pocket parks, or the integration of urban gardening, helps to mitigate the urban heat island effect and improves air quality.

The reduction of vehicular traffic leads to a decrease in CO2 emissions and a significant reduction in noise pollution. Enhanced water drainage and infiltration surfaces also play a key role, especially given the increasing risk of heavy rainfall. In this way, the Superblocks contribute to climate change adaptation and to the resilience of urban infrastructure.

From a societal perspective, public space is being democratized: areas once used for car parking now host cultural events, neighborhood festivals, or open-air educational programs. The city is becoming a space of participation and coexistence. This not only strengthens local identity and urban quality of life, but also promotes social integration by bringing together people of different backgrounds and generations.

In summary, the Superblocks project in Barcelona represents one of the most innovative urban developments in Europe. It combines architectural sensitivity with ecological rationality, bold transport policy, and progressive social thinking. By redesigning the historical grid into larger, traffic-calmed units, a city emerges that is not only more functional, but also more humane, more accessible, and more sustainable. The Superblocks serve as a compelling example of how the historical structure of a 19th-century industrial city can be transformed into a viable and livable metropolis for the 21st century.

Superblocks Project | 23

Barcelona, Eixample

24 | Comparison of different grid structures

Washington D.C., Downtown

Comparison of different grid structures In the following, I would like to compare four different cities from an architectural and urban planning perspective. They all have one thing in common: they each have a certain grid structure. Yet they differ in proportion, design and size.

Amsterdam, Centrum

New York, Manhattan

Comparison of different grid structures | 25

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Ground map | scale 1:500 28 | Comparison of different grid structures

Barcelona, Eixample

Elevation | scale 1:500 Comparison of different grid structures | 29

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Ground map | scale 1:500 32 | Comparison of different grid structures

Washington D.C., Downtown

Elevation | scale 1:500 Comparison of different grid structures | 33

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Ground map | scale 1:500 36 | Comparison of different grid structures

Amsterdam, Centrum

Elevation | scale 1:500 Comparison of different grid structures | 37

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Ground map | scale 1:500 40 | Comparison of different grid structures

New York, Manhattan

Elevation | scale 1:500 Comparison of different grid structures | 41

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42 | Comparison of Urban Structures

Comparison of Urban Structures A comparative analysis of these four cities and their respective districts from both architectural and urban planning perspectives reveals a multifaceted panorama of urban grid structures. In particular, the design and dimensions of the blocks, their functional roles, and the interplay between built form and street space can not only be examined in direct comparison but also interpreted through the lens of Jane Jacobs’ urban sociological theories. Her critique of large-scale, monotonous urban environments and her advocacy for fine-grained, diverse, and vibrant neighborhoods provide a crucial framework for evaluating the urban quality of these four significant urban contexts.

Barcelona – Eixample: The Humane Grid The Eixample district in Barcelona, designed by Ildefons Cerdà in the 19th century, represents a paradigmatic example of a rationally planned grid system guided by humanistic principles. The blocks have a standardized size of approximately 113 by 113 meters, which appears large compared to American cities but was intentionally chosen to ensure adequate air circulation, solar access, and social permeability. The chamfered block corners, known as chaflanes, extend sightlines and enhance intersections in terms of traffic flow and daylight exposure.

Cerdà’s vision proposed that each block would combine private and public uses, incorporating generous interior courtyards to accommodate greenery and community life. In practice, many of these courtyards were eventually built over. Nevertheless, the Eixample grid today provides significant potential for the “Superblocks” (Superilles) model, in which multiple blocks are grouped into traffic-calmed zones designed to enhance quality of life, sustainability, and social interaction. These Superblocks drastically reduce motorized traffic and, in the spirit of Jane Jacobs, make it possible to “create neighborhoods that contain a mix of uses and offer people constantly changing options.”

Street widths in Eixample typically range from 20 to 30 meters, including wide sidewalks often lined with trees, establishing a clear hierarchy between vehicular lanes and pedestrian space. These proportions support social interaction, urban density, and accessibility simultaneously.

Comparison of Urban Structures | 43

Washington D.C.: Monumental Order Planned by Pierre L’Enfant in the late 18th century, Washington D.C. combines an orthogonal grid with radial avenues, resulting in a hybrid structure that balances rational planning with monumental urban form. Block sizes vary significantly, averaging approximately 90 by 120 meters in central areas but often much larger in peripheral zones. The urban structure is characterized by wide streets, some as broad as 50 meters, and open plazas, lending the city a representational and almost imperial character.

Unlike Eixample, the street space in Washington D.C. is heavily influenced by automobile infrastructure. While wide sidewalks and green medians do exist, they are frequently rendered socially ineffective due to high traffic volumes. The large blocks could, in principle, accommodate Superblock-style interventions, yet the prevailing function of the streets as transit corridors poses substantial challenges.

From Jacobs’ perspective, the uniformity and monumentality of many parts of Washington would be problematic: “Large areas of uniform use and limited variation in scenery create dead zones in the urban fabric.” She advocates for small blocks that allow more frequent intersections, providing pedestrians with more route choices and increasing visibility and interaction between different urban functions.

Amsterdam Centrum: Historical Fineness in an Organic Grid The central area of Amsterdam, particularly the canal belt (Grachtengordel), displays an organically evolved grid composed of both linear and radial elements. Block sizes here are markedly smaller, often ranging between 30 and 60 meters in width and varying in depth, producing a high density of streets, intersections, and visual connections. The network of narrow streets and canals forms a highly interconnected system optimized for pedestrian movement, urban diversity, and spatial complexity.

Streets are generally very narrow, typically ranging from 6 to 15 meters in width, and priorities pedestrians and cyclists. Building frontages are directly aligned with the street, fostering what Jacobs describes as a “constant exchange between private and public space”, a defining characteristic of vibrant neighborhoods.

Amsterdam meets many of Jacobs’ key criteria: diversity, small blocks, mixed uses, and historical layering. Her assertion that “the number of street intersections is a reliable indicator of a neighborhood’s vitality” can be almost empirically confirmed in Amsterdam.

The high frequency of pathways and visual connections supports social oversight, spontaneous encounters, and economic dynamism.

44 | Comparison of Urban Structures

New York – Manhattan: The Industrial Grid The well-known Commissioners’ Plan of 1811 imposed an extremely rational, orthogonal grid on Manhattan, with blocks measuring approximately 80 by 270 meters among the largest block dimensions in this comparison. This disproportionate configuration, with short north-south and long east-west lengths, was largely driven by speculative interests in land subdivision. The grid was applied with little regard for topographic conditions and served primarily as a means of economic development.

Street widths vary widely. Avenues are often 30 meters wide, while many cross streets are considerably narrower. Street space is continuously framed by building façades, yet the relationship between buildings and street is frequently dominated by verticality due to the city’s extensive building heights. Although Manhattan achieves an unparalleled level of urban density, Jane Jacobs criticized the monotony of its long blocks, which offer few crossing opportunities and thereby “restrict the flow of life on the street.” She wrote: “Short blocks create more opportunities for pedestrians to vary their routes and generate more points of contact, more life, and greater safety.”

Despite its scale, the Manhattan grid allows for selective interventions that resemble Superblocks, including pedestrianized areas, temporary closures (such as those along Broadway), or pocket parks. Nevertheless, the large-scale nature of the grid continues to pose challenges to achieving a more fine-grained urbanity.

Comparison of Urban Structures | 45

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The Need for Small Blocks The neighborhoods analyzed display a wide range of approaches to grid structures, block sizes, and street design. While Eixample is notable for its deliberate proportions and adaptability, and Amsterdam impresses with its organic diversity, Washington, D.C., and Manhattan reveal both the strengths and weaknesses of a more technocratic grid concept.

In her analysis of urban vitality, Jane Jacobs repeatedly emphasizes the importance of small blocks, mixed land uses, permeable street networks, and a human scale.

In Chapter Nine of her seminal work The Death and Life of Great American Cities (1961), Jane Jacobs forcefully argues for the urban planning significance of short blocks. Her central thesis posits that long, uninterrupted blocks impede social, economic, and functional diversity within cities. They isolate neighborhoods, diminish the vibrancy of public space, and restrict the variety of uses necessary for a healthy urban life.

A striking example provided by Jacobs is West Eighty-Eighth Street in Manhattan. This street, 240 meters in length, stretches from Central Park West to Columbus Avenue. A resident of this long block typically moves in only two directions: westward to Columbus Avenue for shopping or public transit, or eastward to the park or subway. The adjacent Eighty-Seventh and Eighty-Ninth Streets, running parallel, may remain unexplored for years. This creates a form of social seclusion. Residents of neighboring streets appear unfamiliar and uninvolved, despite their spatial proximity. Economically, this isolation also has adverse effects, as successful commerce tends to concentrate where pedestrian flows intersect, exclusively in this case, along Columbus Avenue resulting in commercial monotony.

left: Street map | scale 1:2000 The Need for Small Blocks | 47

Jacobs proposes interrupting these long blocks with additional streets. However, not with sterile promenades, but with real, functional streets possessing economic potential, featuring cafés, shops, and places of interaction. This would create new routes for residents, foster diversity, and connect neighborhoods both physically and socially. Such a structure would also enable smaller, specialized shops to thrive at various corners by drawing pedestrian flows from multiple directions, an impossibility within the existing long-block framework.

She illustrates this argument with the example of Rockefeller Center, where an additional north–south street, Rockefeller Plaza, effectively breaks up three long blocks. Without this connection, the center would merely be an aggregation of isolated buildings lacking urban synergy. It is only through the interplay of routes and uses that it becomes an active urban center, an effect no architectural design alone could achieve.

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Another example is the comparison between Greenwich Village and Chelsea. Despite similar physical conditions, Chelsea has stagnated for decades, while Greenwich Village has flourished. The reason lies in urban morphology: Chelsea suffers from long, isolated blocks, while Greenwich Village, with its short blocks and fluid street network, enables the natural proliferation of urban diversity. The success of the Village does not expand eastward by coincidence but follows the path of shorter blocks. The “standstill” in Chelsea and the “growth” in the Village are thus not arbitrary but a direct consequence of physical urban form.

Jacobs also points to the contrasting outcomes of two formerly elevated railway avenues in New York. On the West Side, the demolition of the Sixth Avenue El brought little change, as long blocks inhibited the emergence of new nodes of activity. On the East Side, by contrast, the removal of the Third Avenue El resulted in significant revitalization, due to the area‘s structure of shorter blocks, which allowed for greater spatial and functional mixing.

The theory that cities possess an “excess” of streets is unmasked by Jacobs as a myth born of Garden City and Radiant City ideologies. She argues that urban diversity emerges precisely through a multitude of streets and intersections. She cites examples from Philadelphia, Boston, and Washington, D.C., where even old alleyways have been transformed into active urban streets. These are hallmarks of dynamic city development.

Conversely, neighborhoods where streets have been removed or long blocks created tend to stagnate.

Even modern superblock projects with promenades and cross-malls often suffer from the same problems as historical long blocks. Their paths are functionally irrelevant and lack diversity, and people avoid them because they offer neither real destinations nor opportunities for interaction.

Ultimately, Jacobs stresses that short blocks are not an end in themselves but a means to create the conditions necessary for urban vitality and diversity. Only when streets are meaningfully linked through use and enlivened by varied activities can cities realize their full potential. The key point is this: it is not merely about physical permeability but about functional and social connectivity, bringing different people with different purposes onto the same paths.

left: Street map | scale 1:2000 The Need for Small Blocks | 49

Jane Jacobs and the Superblocks in Barcelona The Superblocks in Barcelona represent one of the most ambitious urban transformations in Europe and offer a compelling case study for applying Jane Jacobs’ insights from urban sociology. In her seminal work The Death and Life of Great American Cities, Jacobs emphasizes the importance of short blocks, mixed-use development, and diverse, vibrant street life. Barcelona’s approach through the Superblocks shares some of these goals, yet at times diverges: the city aims to reduce car traffic, reclaim space for pedestrians, and improve quality of life in the densely built Eixample district. This takes place in a neighborhood whose 113-by-113-meter grid already approximates the short block lengths advocated by Jacobs.

It is worth noting that many of the urban qualities Jacobs champions are in fact strengthened through the Superblocks: the diversity of uses in public space increases, streets are transformed into spaces for lingering, and urban life becomes visibly more present. The fine-grained block structure of Barcelona plays a crucial role in this. Unlike Superblock initiatives implemented in monotonous large-scale housing estates, the new permeability in Barcelona functions effectively due to the already existing abundance of intersections where paths, uses, and people converge. The deliberate slowing down of movement in a confined space can foster social proximity, a dynamic Jacobs identifies as essential to vibrant neighborhoods.

However, certain principles advocated by Jacobs may be undermined by the radical reduction in vehicular traffic. Jacobs underscores the importance of lively, mixed-use streets with “eyes on the street,” particularly through the continuous movement of various user groups. In some Superblocks, the absence of through traffic has been linked to a decline in economic activity. Businesses that rely on walk-in customers have reported losses in some areas. The flow of intersecting paths, which Jacobs considers vital for urban diversity, is partially disrupted by the new layout, potentially leading to a homogenization within the Superblocks over time, a phenomenon Jacobs specifically criticized in similar planning approaches.

Jane Jacobs and the Superblocks in Barcelona | 51

The restructuring in Barcelona is met with mixed reactions in everyday life. Many residents appreciate the newfound quiet, improved air quality, and the additional space for children, social encounters, and recreation. The quality of life has improved, particularly for families and older adults. At the same time, some residents and business owners express dissatisfaction with altered traffic routes, delivery restrictions, or the elimination of parking spaces. Certain individuals perceive the newly created spaces as “artificial” or “staged,” especially when they lack spontaneous use. This underscores the ongoing relevance of Jacobs’ emphasis on genuine, organic diversity.

Overall, Barcelona’s Superblocks demonstrate that an urban vision rooted in diversity, proximity, and active use does not necessarily depend on high volumes of vehicular traffic.

However, they also reveal that such transformations are only likely to succeed in the long term if they do more than free up space, they must also establish the conditions for genuine functional and social integration. The Superblocks are therefore not a contradiction but rather an evolution in urban planning. They must be continuously observed, adjusted, and shaped in response to the needs of the urban population.

52 | Jane Jacobs and the Superblocks in Barcelona

Future Perspectives The Superblocks signify a paradigmatic shift in twenty-first-century urban design. They embody a new understanding of urban life in which the street is no longer primarily a traffic corridor, but rather a space for encounter, relaxation, and ecological relief. This transformation of public space carries far-reaching architectural and urbanistic implications.

It requires nothing less than a redefinition of urban surfaces and their functions. Where paved roads once dominated, simple yet effective interventions now give rise to areas for lingering, play, urban gardens, and temporary installations. This also influences the design of adjacent building facades. Ground floors gain importance as they become more closely integrated into public life. At the same time, planners and architects face the challenge of reconfiguring existing infrastructures flexibly and cost-effectively without compromising the historical or functional fabric of the neighborhood. Particularly in heterogeneous urban environments with less clearly defined grids than the Eixample, creative solutions are needed to integrate small-scale blocks, sightlines, or traffic flows into the new Superblock logic.

A key component of the Superblock strategy is the redistribution of mobility space. The traditional dominance of the automobile is being dismantled in favor of environmentally sustainable transport. Walking and cycling, supported by an expanded public transit system, form the backbone of intra-urban mobility. In practice, this entails more than a simple rerouting of traffic. It requires safe bicycle lanes, accessible connections, attractive transit stops, and the seamless integration of Superblocks into the broader transport network. In Barcelona, this integration process has seen mixed success. While bicycle use has clearly increased and pedestrian zones enjoy broad popularity, the fine-grained connectivity of public transport lags behind in certain districts. Nevertheless, the concept demonstrates that alternative mobility is not only feasible but widely embraced—provided it is comfortable, safe, and reliable.

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The environmental benefits of the Superblocks constitute one of the most tangible arguments for their expansion. Measurements in Barcelona reveal significant reductions in air pollutants such as nitrogen dioxide and particulate matter shortly after implementation.

Noise pollution within Superblocks has also markedly decreased, producing measurable improvements in the physical and psychological health of residents. Additionally, the replacement of sealed surfaces with greenery offers potential to mitigate the urban heat island effect, which is becoming an increasing challenge in the context of climate change.

These ecological effects are not only qualitatively perceptible but also quantitatively measurable through environmental indicators, thereby rendering their impact accessible to political and planning processes.

The critical question remains: can the Superblock model be transferred to other cities?

Barcelona’s specific conditions, including the regular grid of the Eixample, the mild climate, and a historically evolved urban density, provide favorable prerequisites. However, the concept is not a rigid model, but rather a flexible principle. The goal is not to replicate a grid exactly, but to reconceptualize urban space. Cities with different morphological conditions can also benefit from the idea of liberating streets from exclusive vehicular use and opening them up for social, ecological, and cultural functions. Essential to this is political will, integrated transportation planning, and civic engagement. Ultimately, the acceptance of residents plays a decisive role in the success or failure of such measures.

In the long term, Superblocks offer more than a traffic policy response, they contribute structurally to the city of the future: more resilient, more livable, and more sustainable.

The challenge lies in extracting this principle from its Catalan context, adapting it locally, and maintaining an ongoing dialogue with those who inhabit the city on a daily basis. As Jane Jacobs emphasized, cities do not thrive through abstract plans but through the living dynamics of their residents.

54 | Future Perspectives

Summary The Superblocks in Barcelona represent a forward-looking model of urban transformation that impressively illustrates how existing urban structures can be reinterpreted under new premises. Building upon the historical grid of the Eixample, the concept draws inspiration from Ildefons Cerdà’s ideas, transforming them into a spatially and socially integrative system that systematically reclaims public space. The focus is not solely on reducing motorized individual traffic but on a comprehensive reorganization of urban spaces in favor of pedestrians, cyclists, children, the elderly, and other groups historically disadvantaged in traffic planning. While the architectural fabric remains largely intact, the transformation of the interstitial spaces fundamentally alters urban life. Ground floors are reactivated, streets are turned into social spaces, and the neighborhood atmosphere is redefined through greening, calm, and spatial quality.

In the spirit of a sustainable transportation shift, the Superblocks make a significant contribution. They promote multimodal mobility, reduce emissions, improve the microclimate, and increase resilience to climate-related challenges such as heat or heavy rainfall. Ecological objectives are intelligently interwoven with social considerations including inclusion, accessibility, and participation. The street is no longer viewed merely as a traffic space but as a place for exchange, encounter, and communal life.

This analysis shows that the model may serve as an inspiration for other cities with comparable grid structures, provided it is flexibly adapted to local circumstances. Cities such as New York, Washington D.C., or parts of Amsterdam, despite their differences, could benefit from the underlying idea of reclaiming street space. What matters is less the architectural replication of the model than the transfer of its core principles: permeability, diversity, social integration, and ecological responsibility. The Superblock model is therefore not merely a concrete planning tool but a manifestation of a broader paradigm shift in urban design, from car-centered to human-centered urban development.

Taken together, it becomes evident that Superblocks are more than just a transportation initiative, they are an integrative answer to the question of how we wish to live in cities in the future. The combination of architectural sensitivity, urbanistic vision, and civic participation makes the concept a viable model for sustainable, livable, and equitable urban development in the twenty-first century.

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List of illustrations 1 2 8 9 10 11 12 14 17 18 20 22 23 24 24 25 25 26 28 30 32 34 36 38 40 42 46 48 50

| Cover image, Valentin Ruf | Digital draving, Valentin Ruf | Structure of the city in antiquity, Valentin Ruf | Image from the Museum, Valentin Ruf (March 2025) | Structure of the city in the middle age, Valentin Ruf | Pictograms, Valentin Ruf | Cathedral, https://aerobusbarcelona.es/travel-guide/die-kathedrale-von-barcelona-ein-tempel-der-in-seinem-eigenen-licht-erstrahlt/?lang=de | Grid plan, https://de.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datei:Ensanche_-_eixample_-_Barcelona.jpg | Eixample district, https://welovebarcelona.de/eixample-barcelona/ | Structure plan, Valentin Ruf | Pictogram, Valentin Ruf | Transformation of the area, https://www.agorakoeln.de/2022/03/superblocks-was-wir-von-barcelona-lernen-koennen/ | Superblock, Valentin Ruf (April 2024) | Barcelona, https://www.citiesforum.org/news/superblock-superilla-barcelona-a-city-redefined/ | Washington D.C., https://www.westend61.de/de/foto/BCDF00108/usa-washington-dc-luftbildaufnahme-der-stadt-mit-dupont-circle | Amsterdam, https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Datei:Amsterdam_Aerial.jpg | New York, https://de.123rf.com/photo_10418903_new-york-city-skyline-von-manhattan-luftbild-mit-straßen-und-wolkenkratzern-bei-sonnenuntergang. | Structure plan, Valentin Ruf | Digital plans, Valentin Ruf | Structure plan, Valentin Ruf | Digital plans, Valentin Ruf | Structure plan, Valentin Ruf | Digital plans, Valentin Ruf | Structure plan, Valentin Ruf | Digital plans, Valentin Ruf | Pictograms, Valentin Ruf | Street map, Valentin Ruf | Street map, Valentin Ruf | Digital draving, Valentin Ruf

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Bibliography Monographs and Reports Ajuntament de Barcelona, BCNecologia, & Barcelona Regional. (2021). 20 years of the Urban Ecology Agency of Barcelona. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://bcnroc. ajuntament.barcelona.cat/jspui/handle/11703/122998 Ajuntament de Barcelona & Barcelona Regional. (2023). Superilla Barcelona 2015– 2023. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://bcnroc.ajuntament.barcelona.cat/jspui/ handle/11703/129164 Urbanista (Ed.). (2024). All super? How superblocks make our cities better places.

Munich: oekom Verlag. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www.oekom.de/buch/allessuper-9783987261169

58 | Bibliography

Websites and Online Articles Baunetz Campus. (n.d.). Urban renewal in the network of Barcelona’s Superblocks.

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Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www.acmym.de/am/pag/publ-ensanche.html GA Barcelona. (n.d.). Superblocks explained. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www. gabarcelona.com/de/blog/superbloecke/ Agora Köln. (2022). Superblocks – What we can learn from Barcelona. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www.agorakoeln.de/2022/03/superblocks-was-wir-von-barcelonalernen-koennen/ Vox. (2019, April 9). Barcelona’s Superblocks: Urban planning revolution in Poblenou.

Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www.vox.com/energy-and-environment/2019/4/9/ 18273894barcelona-urban-planning-superblocks-poblenou Vox. (2019, April 11). Barcelona, Spain: Politics and Superblocks. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www.vox.com/energy-and-environment/2019/4/11/18273896/barcelonaspain-politics-superblocks Bloomberg. (2020, November 11). Barcelona’s new car-free Superblock will be big.

Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2020-11-11/ barcelona-s-new-car-free-superblock-will-be-big Zeit Online. (2023, September). Barcelona Superblocks: Urban development and transport transformation. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www.zeit.de/mobilitaet/2023-09/ barcelona-superblocks-stadtentwicklung-verkehrswende Barcelona.de. (n.d.). Superblocks in Barcelona. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www. barcelona.de/en/barcelona-superblocks.html Barcelona.de. (n.d.). The history of Barcelona. Retrieved May 19, 2025, from https://www. barcelona.de/de/barcelona-geschichte.html Council of Europe Development Bank (CEB). (n.d.). Thematic review: Barcelona Superblock.

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