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SHOAL CREEK ELEVATION 1/8” = 1’-0”

1 - Metal Roof 2 - Rigid Insulation 3 - Plywood Sheathing 4 - Gutter 5 - Metal Flashing

1 - Horizontal Louvers, 6 mm heat-treated extra-clear glass photovoltaic cells in casting resin, 2 mm 8 mm heat-treated glass

2 - Overhead glazing, laminated safety glass 3 - Galvanized steel gutter 4 - Glulam edge beam

6 - Wood Panels 7 - Wood 2x6 Studs

5 - Rainwater fast drain system 6 - Single glazing to facade: structural sealant glazing on glulam facade posts

8 - Super Glass window (3’x 6’)

7 - Glulam facade rail 8 - Timber lattice beam facade post composed of 2x8 and 2x4 glulam members 9 - Timber column held by steel pin-joints

9 - Plywood Sheathing 10 - 2 x 10 wood joists placed 24’ O.C. 11 - Primary glulam beam attached to column sides 12 - Single glazing to facade: attached to timber columns

13 14 15 16 17

-

Steel base to timber column Metal Flashing Rigid Insulation Concrete Slab Limestone 1’x1’ tiles for exterior

10 - Steel base to facade post 11 - Metal flashing 12 - Rigid Insulation 13 - HVAC System resting on foundation 14- Concrete slab

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In recent years, there has been much discussion in regards to parks built on reclaimed land. The twenty-first century marks the beginning of a different type of park typology. The history of this shift can be traced through evolving beliefs about landscape and the city. This trend was especially highlighted by many of the competition entries for Parc de la Villette in Paris in the early 1980s.

Presently, two large parks, the Duisburg-du-Nord Landschaftspark in Germany, designed by Peter Latz and Partners, and the Fresh Kills Park in New York City designed by James Corner and Field Operations, have occupied a place at the forefront of the discussion of landscape reclamation, or of “disturbed sites.”

Gas Works Park, Seattle, Washington, © Joe Mabel.

Duisburg-du-Nord Landschaftspark and FreshKills Park The Duisburg-du-Nord Landschaftspark is on 700 acres in Northern Germany, on the site of a former steel mill. Prior to the park’s design, the site was abandoned, used sporadically for rogue raves and the cooling tanks were used for illicit scuba diving. Peter Latz designed a large park that seeks to provide a series of program elements and environmental remediation strategies, in an abandoned and contaminated site.

The proposed Fresh Kills Park on Staten Island is on the site of New York City’s longtime dump, where, besides the usual urban refuse, the the detritus from the destruction of the World Trade Center resides. The landfill is on the site of a former wetland and is now heavily contaminated with over 50 years of urban waste. The site is large, 2,200 acres, large enough to be one of only two

man-made sites visible from spaceÅthe other being the Great Wall of China. Field Operations has proposed a complex system of programmatic elements, what Corner describes as a strategy rather than a plan. Ecological systems will mitigate the contamination on the site, the former wetlands will be re-constructed, and the design will provide a large urban recreational park.

These two parks have been widely publicized and discussed, both within the discourse of landscape architecture and outside of it, and with good reason. However, these two parks are not without precedent and it is curious why this type of park has now captured the public’s imagination.

Most apparently, there is simply not enough land to develop inside cities. The great expanse of Central Park and Golden Gate Park is no longer possible given the current size and magnitude of most American cities. What sites are available have been abandoned for practical, financial, or safety reasons. Many urban centers grew at the end of the nineteenth century through the beginning of the twentieth century as a result of industrialization. The result of this growth in the early twentieth century is that as soon as resources had been extracted from a site, the site was hastily abandoned, with no thought to its pre-existing or future condition.

The abandoned site cannot be developed as a residential core, as incidents like those at the Love Canal in the 1970s have painfully revealed. However, the reconstruction of the abandoned landscape as a recovered urban park is possible. One of the first parks to do so was Gasworks Park in Seattle, designed by Richard Haag, 1971–88. The park, on 19.1 acres on the edge of Lake Union, is the site of an abandoned gasworks. This project gained some notoriety but it remained largely a singular event in American parks. Why were more parks like Gasworks not constructed, and why are they now becoming more popular?

First, obviously some novelty value to parks on reclaimed sites existsÅthe idea of a park at an abandoned mill or a park in the geographical center of New York City’s five boroughs is certainly intriguing. Perhaps it is an interest in the macabre, in the former industrial activities of the steel mill or in the sheer volume of waste that contributed to the vast expanse of Fresh Kills. These parks are novel, but perhaps they also present some of the conscious and unconscious desires of both the practice of landscape architecture and of the public perception of “nature” and the ”environment.”

In the nineteenth century, parks were designed based on the English Country Garden ideal. They were landscaped to appear “natural” and many of the early parks in America were designed in this pastoral style, framing views and creating a definitive border between the inhabited world and the “wild” and uncontrollable landscape of the New World.

Frederick Law Olmsted designed many parks in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century and many of the great urban parks in America can be attributed to him and to his son. Central Park, Prospect Park, Golden Gate Park, Stanley Park, and Mont Royal Park are all examples of his large urban parks. These parks are still successful today, are widely used, and are often a used as touchstone for what an urban park should be.

In fact, Central Park maybe the most iconic of his parks and it has come to present the type of urban park experience many poeple would like to experience, if not what they feel entitled to.

However, Field Operations’ Fresh Kills Park may soon replace Central Park as a model of and for urban park experience. While Central Park is 843 acres, Fresh Kills will be nearly triple that size. Will the novelty of Fresh Kills, its recent past as a toxic city dump, not to mention its size in relation to the cramped quarters of New York City, appeal to the public? Its success might hearld the future of the design and construction of recovered landscapes.

[1] Elizabeth K. Meyer, “Uncertain Parks: Disturbed Sites, Citezens, and Risk Society,” in Large Parks, ed.

Julia Czerniak (New York City: Princeton Architectural Press, 2007), page 60.

[2] [1] Meyer, Large Parks, page 71.

[3] James Corner, “Eidetic Operations and New Landscapes” (1999), in Recovering Landscape: Essays in Contemporary Landscape Theory, ed. James Corner (New York City: Princeton Architectural Press, 2009), page 159.

[4] Alex Wall, “Programming the Urban Surface” (1999), in Recovering Landscape, page 237.

In her essay, “Uncertain Parks: Disturbed Sites, Citizens and Risk Society,” Elizabeth K. Meyer writes: The urban institution known as a the public park, once associated with landscapes affording urban dwellers respite from the world of work, consumption, and production, is now made on the detritus and the uncertain, perhaps toxic, byproducts of that realm. What is the social reception of uncertain parks that consist of circuit walks along metal boardwalks elevated above a toxic ground plane planted with heavy-metal accumulating plants? [1] Does the acceptance of parks on “disturbed sites” suggest a new transparency or that a cultural awareness has evolved within our social consciousness? These parks may now represent an evolution, conscious or not, of thought relating to the systematic destruction of our own habitat and environment. As cultural media seeks to reveal mechanisms of contemporary culture, “disturbed parks,” which revealÅand to a degree concealÅ the contamination and subsequent reclamation process, now play a parallel role in contemporary environmental and social thought.

In the nineteenth century, the false “nature” of large parks such as Central Park were celebrated for their scenic qualities. Perhaps now the public’s experience of landscape now includes a desire for a reminder of our own guilt in the destruction and toxic contamination of our cities. Or perhaps, it is simply that our interest in these parks stems from our collective suburban experience of sprawl, infrastructure, and strip mallsÅmanufactured landscapes to which we know our complicity.

The construction of parks on recovered land then presents some hope for our future environmental consciousness. Or as Meyer writes: What does the large park do that one of [the public’s] books, an environmental statement, scientific journal, or experimental remediation plot can’t do better? A large park on a disturbed site

provides an immersive, aesthetic, collective experience in a vast landscape, one too large to grasp at a glance and so extensive that it implicates multiple systems and processes. This somatic, haptic, and yes, aesthetic, experience transforms abstract knowledge into embodied knowledge. It has the capacity to move one to act in ways that reading might not. [2] She notes that these parks may be a catalyst for more than recreation. They may in fact present an opportunity for a paradigm shift, through the actual experience of a contaminated site, especially one as extreme and transparent as Fresh Kills. The experience of a disturbed site may provide far more thought and consideration than any one piece of written or photographic work. The park becomes a vessel of the collective guilty unconscious of the American consumer society.

Or rather, the instigator of change on a leveled social plane. While the above mediums, books, environmental statements, etc, can be exclusive and accessible only to certain economic classes, a large urban park on a recovered site is accessible to everyone and available to all. Perhaps this is part of the design of Fresh Kills, defined as a strategy rather than a plan. James Corner, in his essay “Eidetic Operations and New Landscapes,” writes of this strategy: A move away from ameliorative and scenographic designs towards more productive, engendering strategies necessitates a parallel shift from appearances and meanings to more prosaic concerns for how things work, what they do, how they interact, and what agency or effects they might exercise over time. [3] Parc de la Villette, Land Art, and Reclaimation One of the first parks to use strategy for the design of a reclaimed space was Parc de la Villete in Paris.

Parc de la Viillete, on the site of a former slaughterhouse in Paris, was not a Brownfield reclamation site per se, but it was a site for which it was necessary to re-invent the existing condition. [4]

Francois Mitterand conceived the Parc de la Villette and the competition for the park’s design was held in 1982. While Bernard Tschumi won the competition, his and other proposals for the park, particularity by Rem Koolhaas and the Office for Metropolitan Architecture (OMA), became seminal, influential ideas in landscape and urdban design in the 1980s. As Corner writes: The single most significant project in terms of forging a new architecture of the landscape was Bernard Tschumi’s Parc de la Villette in Paris, 1983-1990. While still highly controversial, his park reversed the traditional role of nature in the city, bringing the density, congestion, and richness of the city to the park. [5] Within architecture discourse, Tschumi and OMA’s plans for the park are relegated to the discussion of deconstruction in the late 1970s and early 1980s.

More specifically OMA’s plan is driven by the deconstruction of program. As Alex Wall writes: “Rather than a fixed design, the [OMA] project offered the city a framework for developing flexible uses as needs and desires changed.” [6] OMA allowed for the growth of the park programmatically, much in the same way the landscape designers allow for the growth of vegetation throughout a park’s life-cycle.

Furthermore, Tschumi’s famousÅor infamousÅ red follies that intersperse the park offer different programmatic elements. As Julia Czerniak writes in Large Parks: In 1983, Bernard Tschumi set up his park concept for la Villette in Paris as inseparable from the concept of the city, opposing Olmsted’s position, or his understanding of it, that “in the park, the city is not supposed to exist.” [7] Czerniak notes that Tschumi’s park is a departure from Olmsted’s pastoral urban parks, as he recognized the city on the periphery of the park. It is possible to argue that while Tschumi correctly recognized the urban condition on the threshold of park and city in 1982, at the time when Olmsted was

designing parks, the urban condition was far different. Olsmted designed parks as a place for recreation regardless of class as a public health issue, offering fresh air as a respite from the Dickensian conditions of urban life in the nineteenth century. [8] Both Tschumi’s and OMA’s plans for the Parc de la Villette are driven by program and by the urban condition. Instead of creating an artificial pastoral landscape, the designs sought to integrate the actual urban fabric of the city, which has many programmatic elements, into a park. The name of the park, translated from French, means Park of the City.

Tschumi and OMA took this literally in their designs and this is also what is inherently problematic with their designs, specifically with OMA’s unbuilt proposal.

Koolhaas approached the design for la Villette as an architect and there is little thought to the ecological implications of his design. OMA does not design, as Ian McHarg might have done, with nature. While Koolhaas investigated the programmatic possibilities of the park in a way that had not been done beforeÅconcurrent with the post-modern architectural zeitgeist of the early 1980s, which would later influence the strategy type of design of Corner’s Fresh Kills ParkÅhe was nonetheless trained as an architect; his knowledge and use of ecology was limited, if not non-existent. As Lister writes in Large Parks: The sustainable large park, and the landscape in which it lies, cannot be realized through dialectic argument but rather by creative dialog: it does not serve public space to struggle for either McHargian ecological determinism or post-modern relativism in park design. [9] She continues: “We can appreciate and understand McHarg’s deterministic approach in the context of the 1960s, when science was perceived as a global panacea.

But environmental planners should not continue to follow the imperative without some critical reflection on what this means today. [10]

[5] Corner, Recovering Landscape, page 17.

[6] Wall, Recovering Landscapes, page 237.

[7] Julia Czerniak, “Speculating on Size,” in Large Parks, page 29.

[8] Meyer, Large Parks, p.61

[9] Nina-Marie Lister, “Sustainable Large Parks: Ecological Design or Designer Ecology?,” in Large Parks, p.48 [10] Ibid.

[11] www.robertsmithson.com/ essays

[12] Linda Pollak, “Matrix Landscape: Construction of Identity in the Large Park,” in Large Parks, p. 93.

[13] Meyer, Large Parks, p. 63.

Yet the question must then be asked, how does one design with nature, and with a dense programmatic element?

A parallel influence on landscape architecture in the 1970s was the work of conceptual artists such as Robert Smithson, Michael Heizer, and Richard Long. Robert Smithson is most renowned for his intervention in the Great Salt Lake, the Spiral Jetty. Yet as much as he is well know for this large piece, Smithson’s non-site gallery installations were possibly more useful in terms of presenting a new theory of site and display in landscape architecture.

Smithson describes the non-site installations as follows: The Non-Site (an indoor earthwork) is a three dimensional logical picture that is abstract, yet it represents an actual site in N.J. (The Pine Barrens Plains).... To understand this language of sites is to appreciate the metaphor between the syntactical construct and the complex of ideas, letting the former function as a three-dimensional picture which doesn’t look like a picture. [11] This strategy can be a framework for defining the recent development of recovered sites. How does one site represent another site, which may exist metaphorically or insubstantially? How does one site represent what was there before and what will be there in the future? Smithson’s strategy of a three-dimensional abstraction of an invisible site can be applied to sites such as Fresh Kills or the Duisburg-du-Nord Landschaftspark.

The recognition of a site’s former use, such as Fresh Kills’ former tenure as the city dump and as the depository of the World Trade Center, can be conceived of as a layered site/non-site. The new site is constructed as new and also as a recognition of the existing or pre-existing site. It is not a memorial, nor is it an erasure of the history of the site.

This paradigm has come to define the design of recovered landscapes. Just as modernism sought to ignore the site in favor of the built object, prior landscape interventions may have ignored the site’s existing history not just its existing condition. Parc

de La Villette paid no heed to its prior incarnation as a slaughterhouse, but Fresh Kills pays tribute to the fragments of site within its site: the varied and toxic detritus of New York City.

The toxicity of the site is what is concealed and the relationship of concealing and revealing this toxicity is described by Linda Pollak in Large Parks: Smithson’s Nonsite projects represent a sublime in which repressed fears of contamination have replaced earlier culture’s repressed fears of nature. These works of Smithson may be seen as a critique of the influence of a conventional notion of the sublime on the perception of the American landscape: how the narrative of the sublime, in its idealization of America’s exceptional place in the world, was a foil for expansionism, its characteristics of wildness, grandeur, and over-whelming power identified with manifestations of American nature, associated with the western frontier, as a way to promote or legitimate the violence of exploration and conquest, the appropriation of nature, and the displacement of native people. [12] Thus, the nineteenth century desire to control nature has been replaced by a twenty-first century desire to control toxic contamination. The idea of the sublime has shifted, to include a depiction of the pervasive toxic urban environment. America’s impressive urban infrastructure now becomes an expression of the sublime, of scenery. Perhaps new recovered landscapes will present a monument to American engineering and infrastructure and the innovative way in which it has been remediated.

And perhaps this is appropriate, not only in the eyes of a designer, but also in the eyes of the urban park visitor.

As Meyer observes: Those raised in vast, sprawling landscapes of highways, strip malls, and suburbs-spaces of mass consumption and display are not going to find meaning in either the nineteenth century rural scenery or mid-twentieth century open-space park. [13]

What is implicit in this acute observation is that the inhabitants of suburbia will find meaning in reconfigured spaces of mass-consumption and infrastructure. Perhaps that is why a project such as the Highline in New York City has captured the public’s imagination. Not only does it reconfigure familiar infrastructure in a novel and sublime way, but it also controls nature, satisfying both a nineteenth-century desire and a twenty-first. The design adds nature where it wants to and within the tightly controlled urban framework.

Meyer poses some interesting questions in discussing parks on reclaimed sites and suggests an ethical agenda is imperative in these parks.

Perhaps large parks can allow spatial practices that connect the personal act to the collective public disturbance, that allow park visitors to consider the difference between thinking ‘green’ and acting ‘green,’ between one’s values and behaviors. [14] This is a legitimate proposal, as many of the proposed parks on disturbed sites are the result of abandoned industrial sites which are inherently linked to production and consumption. While the recovered landscape ecologically remediates the toxicity of the landscape, the actual site will remediate public consciousness and add a narrative to the practices that have created the space in which they currently exist.

As Sebastien Marot suggests: Just as the layouts of the large classical gardens can be related to the progress and ambitions of cartography, so the contemporary landscape architect becomes a special type of project manager, an exegete (or narrator) of the landscape. [15] Just as Smithson suggested the representation of the “nonsite,” Marot suggests that the importance of narrative is implicit in the landscape design. It is implicit because many of the sites now being developed do have a history, and thus do require some type of acknowledgement or narrative. And that

narrative may suggest new types of personal and public relationships, experiences, and interfaces.

Conclusion The degrees of personal and public experience of recovered industrial landscapes may yet be fully determined but it is clear from the afore mentioned work, that the public experience of reclaimed space is changing dramatically, both within the landscape architecture discourse and outside of it.

One facet of these recent designs is that landscape architects now evaluate their prior design strategies, both experientially and pragmatically, from an ecological position as well as from an artistic one.

Secondly, designers must also re-frame the way parks are used and experienced. The scenographic qualities of a recovered landscape will vary greatly from one that is uncontaminated to one populated by abandoned buildings. And those qualities must be used to great advantage, without disguising the original premise of the site. This includes introducing new types of ecological systems and new types of visual layers and information.

Thirdly, the public must also be encouraged to respond to these sites, whether it is by recreation, pure novel delight, or by a larger conscious understanding of the factors which have created and re-mediated the landscape.

All three design challenges present an interesting and exciting inquiry in landscape architecture, which may prove in time not only to be a tributary of landscape architecture, but the main course itself of landscape architecture.

[14] Meyer, Large Parks, p.64.

[15] Sebastien Marot, “The Reclaiming of Sites,” in Recovering Landscape, p.49.

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“clerestory” lets in reflected southern light and works as a wind scoop

south-facing skin designed for air intake. Vertical, irregular face causes turbulence and low pressure zone forms on leeward side.

Deformation and tiling of the planking members create a texture that shades critical areas of the skin at almost all times, regardless of the sun’s position.

covered water storage on roof feeds to washroom and cooking area

north-facing skin rounded and tapered to minimize turbulence in cold winter

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St Paul, Bow Common was one of the first radically modern British church buildings. It was the realization of three modern concepts of society, liturgy and architecture.

In part, this is an investigation of the nature of correspondence between texts and buildings. In particular it expands the consideration beyond architectural writing. It is also part of a larger dialogue concerning the relationship between the liturgical movement and modern ecclesial architecture. This provides an analytical framework for the reading of church buildings somewhat deeper than the symbolic causality previously offered.

Also established is a criteria for a more holistic consideration of what a “modern” church should entail.

What follows is an abridged form of the whole work.

[1] Robert Maguire, “Church Design Since 1950,” Ecclesiology Today 27 (Jan. 2002), 6.

[2] The beginning of Maguire and Murray’s architectural practice is described in Sheila Wheeler, “Setting Up in Practice,” Architects’ Journal 153, no. 3 (20 Jan. 1971), 121-162.

Modern ecclesial architecture developed concurrently with the modern Liturgical Movement.

This correlation leads to conclusions of explicit causality between the two. The liturgical reformer erroneously sees in modern architectural form an analogous break from hierarchical tradition. The architect sees in modern liturgical reform the justification for formal experiments and the realization of a communal psychological experience. It is thought that any modern church can be understood in modern theological terms, even if there is not an expressly theological aspect to the architect’s work.

The problem with these statements is twofold. First, they are fundamentally contrary to the thoughts of those involved with both the liturgical movement and the modern architectural movement in the middle of the twentieth-century. The liturgical movement was not about an emphasis on the participation of the congregation, but a renewed emphasis on the sacramental rite around which the community is formed. Second, architecture here is considered only in terms of symbolic form.

The remedy is the holistic consideration of what the church is to be in light of three interrelated, if sometimes contradictory, intellectual traditions: the social, the liturgical and the architectural. In the case of Saint Paul, Bow Common, the social tradition of Anglo-Catholic Socialism, the liturgical reforms of the Liturgical Movement, and the post-war, post-Festival British Modernist Architecture provide the content of the triad. These three movements appear to be contradictory on the surface, but their connections follow a pattern established by their antecedents in the early nineteenth century.

St Paul, Bow Common was the result of an active collaboration between three individuals from three different but sympathetic intellectual and spiritual traditions: the anarchist Anglo-Catholic Socialist vicar Father Gresham Kirkby, the “oddball High Church Anglican designer”[1] Keith Murray, and the “rebellious Roman Catholic” modernist architect Robert Maguire. Each was a relatively young but prominent and vocal member of their respective fields at the beginning of the collaboration.[2]

St Paul, Bow Common, exterior.

Photograph by Martin Charles for English Heritage.

Origins of the Social / Architectural Pattern in the English Church 1833-1884 From its origins in the Oxford Movement, AngloCatholicism was closely related to an architectural response to liturgy and the rise of Socialism in England. There were those in the movement who were concerned with the expressive implications of the doctrine, specifically the architects John Mason Neale and Benjamin Webb and the Cambridge Camden Society. The Oxford Movement declined as many of its leaders converted to Roman Catholicism. Those that remained in the Anglican Communion found difficulty in securing positions and often ended up in the less desirable, lower-class parishes. Thus the center of Anglo-Catholicism shifted from intellectual Oxford to the East End. The corresponding shift from scholarly priests in the universities to pastoral priests in the workingclass parishes facilitated the eventual association of Anglo-Catholicism with Socialism. The connection between Christianity, especially of the high Ritualist persuasion, and Socialism is perhaps unexpected. But at least in England, Socialism was introduced out of the Anglo-Catholic tradition by its architects. William Morris, the founder of the Socialist League, was a student of the Oxford Movement architect George Edmund Street. Liturgical Ritualism, Socialist ideology and modern architecture did not subsequently develop in a unified manner. But their common origins established a sympathetic pattern for their later convergence.

The Liturgical Movement Comes To England 1935-1945

re-arrangement early modernism carried with it would certainly have been attractive to AngloCatholic Socialists, but the Anglo-Catholic Socialists were not building new churches.[5] They were located in the impoverished working-class areas of London’s East End which was well-stocked with old churches. The involvement of Christian Socialists in church building in the 1930s was not as clients or architects but as artists and craftsmen in the service of the church.

[3] James F. White and Nathan D. Mitchell, Roman Catholic Worship: Trent to Today (Collegeville, Minnesota: Liturgical Press, 2003).

The work of Eric Gill merits attention because he was instrumental in the association of the design of a church building with liturgical reform in England. He repeats the pattern of combining the aesthetic, liturgical and social concerns in church building. For Gill, the only concern in the design of the church was the centrality of the altar. With the publication of the 1938 essay “Mass for the Masses” in the Christian Socialist journal The Cross and Plough, the centrality of the altar becomes for Gill the essence of the church: “The altar is the centre of the church; it is indeed the church itself.”[6] From this ontological definition, the article proposed the correct generative process for the church building.

Almost immediately after the article was published, Eric Gill was commissioned to build a church that followed the programme outlined in “Mass for the Masses.” The church was Saint Peter, Gorleston-onSea, also of 1938. Liturgically, the plan followed the emphasis on the centrality of the Eucharist to the fellowship with the physical centrality of the altar to the plan.

[6] Eric Gill, “Mass for the Masses” in Sacred & Secular &c (London : J.M. Dent & Sons for Hague & Gill, 1940), 150. Originally Eric Gill “Mass for the Masses,” The Cross and the Plough: The Organ of the Catholic Land Associations of England and Wales, 1938, vol. 4.

Modern British Architecture: Post-War Reconstruction 1941-1951

The Liturgical Movement describes a period of scholarship in the Roman Catholic Church with the aim of reform of its worship. Liturgical reform is a relatively constant reality with distinct periods of accelerated effort.[3] The movement in the early twentieth century that led up to the 1960s was particularly productive.

The first V-1 impact in London occurred on 13 June 1944 and 10 blocks north of Saint Paul, Bow Common. The East End was particularly susceptible to bomb damage and the area immediately around Saint Paul, Bow Common was a focal point for the redevelopment efforts.

When John Summerson listed exemplar English modernist buildings of the 1930s no churches were included.[4] The political component and social

It was in the post-war reconstruction context that Robert Maguire was educated as an architect.

While a student at the Architectural Association

[4] John Summerson, Introduction to Trevor Dannatt, Modern Architecture in Britain (London: Batsford, 1959), 11-28.

[5] John Salmon and Michael Yelton, Anglican Church-Building in London 1915-1945 (Reading: Spire Books, 2007), 10.

[7] Robert Maguire, “Annual Lecture 1995: Continuity and Modernity in the Holy Place,” Architectural History 39 (1996).

[8] Elain Harwood, “Liturgy and Architecture: Liturgical Reform and the Development of the Centralised Eucharistic Space,” Twentieth Century Architecture no. 3 (1998), 70.

[9] Maguire, “Continuity and Modernity in the Holy Place,” 11

[10] Lee Sorensen, “Rudolf Wittkower,” Dictionary of Art Historians, www. dictionaryofarthistorians.org/ wittkowerr.htm, (accessed 6 Dec. 2008).

[11] Mary Banham and Bevis Hillier, ed., A Tonic to the Nation: The Festival of Britain 1951 (London: Thames and Hudson, 1976), 58-61.

[12] Maguire, “Church Design Since 1950,” 4.

[13] Ruth Kenyon, “Town in To-morrow’s Christendom,” in Prospect for Christendom: Essays in Catholic Social Reconstruction, Maurice B Reckitt, ed. (London: Faber and Faber, 1945).

[14] Harwood, “Liturgy and Architecture,” 70.

[15] Maguire, “Church Design Since 1950,” 13.

[16] Kenneth Leech, “Father Gresham Kirkby,” Obituary, The Guardian, 22 Aug. 2006, http:// www.guardian.co.uk/news/2006/ aug/22/guardianobituaries. religion (accessed 6 Dec. 2008).

from 1948–53, Maguire was indoctrinated in a particular version of modernism received from Sir John Summerson, Rudolf Wittkower, Robert Jordan, and engineer Felix Samuely.[7] This education stressed a theoretical base for architecture.

In 1949 Rudolf Wittkower published Architectural Principles in the Age of Humanism. On one level, its content raised the awareness of Renaissance centrally planned churches. It has been suggested that in this the liturgical movement discovered its “perfect architectural justification.”[8] The churches Wittkower describes, however, were incompatible with the interests of the liturgical movement.

He pointed out that the new churches created a liturgical conundrum as to where to place the altar.

Maguire provided insight into his reading of Architectural Principles: “There are some simple rules.

The presiding minister cannot greet people who are behind him: that rules out central altars, those images of perfection beloved by those who have read Wittkover [sic] too hastily.”[9] Wittkower’s influence was less about this particular formal model and more about an understanding of the relationship between principles and architecture.[10] The Festival of Britain was one of the significant events in the reconstruction of London and in the introduction of the modernist style to England.

The Festival had a strong architectural and design component from its beginning.[11] Most of the attention was paid to the monumental architecture of the South Bank Exhibits. But there was also a “Live Architecture” exhibit which consisted of a newly completed housing estate planned and designed on modern principles. Landsbury was a catalyst and a model for future redevelopment. Landsbury included a new modernist church. Trinity Congregational Church by Cecil Handisyde was a replacement of destroyed churches and provided a model of the church as a “centre for social life.” Its design reflected the modernist aesthetic of the Festival of Britain applied to a church. Robert Maguire described the church as “top quality for the period” but with “no new awarenessÅat least none made explicit in the buildingsÅof the nature of the life of the Church.”[12]

Like the architects, the Anglo-Catholic Socialists saw in the destruction of the war an opportunity to rebuild. And they had a theological, rather than rational urban planning, model from which to build.

In 1947 Father Gresham Kirkby and Father Jack Boggis drafted the Socialist Christian Catechism.

This document succinctly outlined the theological, doctrinal and scriptural basis for Christian Socialism. It called for, among other things, the destruction of existing orders and their replacement with decentralised communities.[13] When Father Kirkby was named vicar of the combined parishes of Saint Luke and Saint Paul, Bow Common in 1951, he had the opportunity to live out the Anglo-Catholic Socialist creed he helped write. He also had the opportunity to give it an architectural expression.

Saint Paul, Bow Common In 1955, Murray introduced Maguire to Father Gresham Kirkby. Father Kirkby was now four years into his tenure at Saint Paul, Bow Common and the task of rebuilding the church was a high priority.

Prior to this meeting, the vicar had the opportunity to travel to the continent to see some of the new churches in progress there.[14] He would also have seen at least the Festival churches less than half a mile from his own parish. With all of these he was dissatisfied; he felt he had only been offered the established church liturgy “in fancy dress.” Robert Maguire reported that the parish had been “experimenting liturgically.”[15] The result of the experiments was a worship that “followed the Roman rite, but anticipated the reforms of the Second Vatican Council by at least 10 years. ... ‘Rome will catch up with us eventually’, said Kirkby.”[16] When design began on the church for Saint Paul, Bow Common, Maguire and Murray had more than the tradition of the Liturgical Movement scholarship. They had a congregation which was already enacting its radical reforms.

The design process of Saint Paul, Bow Common occurred as part of a larger discussion on the principles of modern church planning. Robert Maguire, Keith Murray and Peter Hammond formed the

New Churches Research Group in 1957. The group was interdisciplinary and collaborative, as befits the designers of Saint Paul, Bow Common. The formation of this group initiated a formal and public dialogue on the question of the modern church and established Maguire and Murray as key figures in the field.

The New Churches Research Group produced two books during the design and construction of Saint Paul, Bow Common. The first was Peter Hammond’s Liturgy and Architecture, published in 1961. Highly critical of the state of modern English church building, it was an attempt to indoctrinate British church designers into the continental liturgical milieu. The second book produced by the group was a collection of essays by its members entitled Towards a Church Architecture.

The contents derived from papers presented at the group’s conferences. Keith Murray’s essay “Material Fabric and Symbolic Pattern” argued that “symbolic patterns exist throughout any human society, but particular entities have characteristic patterns through which they live: the family, the law court, the parliament, the school, the church.

Architecture plays a part in the symbolic pattern of each of these. Symbolic patterns are seldom thought up by a conscious procession, but they are often revived, reformed, and otherwise consciously influenced. If their meanings are made conscious, the patterns are changed.”[17] A good symbolic pattern was the part of the church, not a thing to be invented by the architect.

Saint Paul, Bow Common: An Ontological Analysis Does Saint Paul, Bow Common fulfill the programme and definition of a church socially, liturgically and architecturally? The New Churches Research Group did not provide an explicit outline of the programme of the ideal Church. But the confluence of the texts in these three traditions—Anglo-Catholic Socialism, the Liturgical Movement, and early British modern architecture—suggests a particular analysis of the modern church. There are two defining features of

this analysis: it is ontological rather than psychological, and it assumes the altar is the focus and center of the church.

Robert Maguire’s call to understand the meaning discovered through the inhabitation of a building makes secondary its surface symbolism. The psychological analysis of a church begins with its visual aspect as the communicator of meaning. This is how churches are usually experienced and understood. The ontological analysis begins instead with the central act and the meaning of spatial and visual relationships to the liturgy.

From the altar the church is a construct that is generated from the liturgical action. The definitions of a precinct for the altar, a processional path, a place for the congregation, and so on are manifestations of the dynamic relationships generated by the liturgy. This is the significance of the plan of the church. But the plan does not tell the entire story. The spatial relationships based on that plan give definition and quality to the sacredness of a church. It is here that the symbolic patterns of sacred space operate. Finally, the material expression of the space provides a visual symbolic language. This language can either reinforce the liturgy or distract and detract from it. A visual expression that comes from the liturgy is less likely to conflict with it than one that is pre-conceived and made to accommodate the liturgy. Thus the generative narrative of the church from the altar follows the Semperian genesis of architecture from hearth (altar) to mound (plan) to roof (space) to enclosure (material expression).

Altar. The precedence of the altar requires an architectural response. Maguire and Murray designed a ciborium to give the proper presence to the altar. What might be seen as an unnecessary ornament or obstruction is an integral expression of the altar’s significance. Lost and invisible in a sea of people, the altar cannot perform its unification of the church. There are also only two steps leading to the altar. Anglican rubrics of the time specified three; a third step is implied in the pattern of the stone, indicating that the congrega-

[17] Keith Murray, “Matterial Fabric and Symbolic Pattern,” in Towards a New Church Architecture, ed.

Peter Hammond. (London: Architectural Press), 86.

tion is on the first step leading to the altar. In this way the significance of elevating the altar also indicates an elevation of the congregation. Encouraging the active participation of the people in the liturgy is not a matter of bringing the liturgy down to the level of the people, but bringing the people up to the liturgy.

Plan. It seems a perfect solution to have the altar in the center of the church. But there are a few problems. At Gorleston-on-Sea we see the effect of the central altar to divide rather than unify the congregation. From the rear of the nave it is impossible to see the rest of the congregation in the transcept. Robert Maguire points out that the central altar creates a functional dilemma hindering the liturgy. Wittkower showed that the centrally-planned churches of the Renaissance were the reflection of humanist principles. This makes them incompatible with the anti-individualism of the Liturgical Movement and the Anglo-Catholic Socialists.

The plan of Saint Paul, Bow Common meets the criteria of a central altar without compromising the function of the liturgy or misplacing its emphasis. Architecturally, the altar is given a substantial portion of the plan; it dominates without being in the geometrical center. The altar is not removed from the community in a separate area, but it is also not simply put into the area belonging to the congregation. The congregation gathers in the area of the altar. Therefore, the social implication of the altar as that around which the community is formed is reinforced by the plan.

Space. If the altar and the plan are the primary acts of setting apart, the spatial enclosure gives the plan its character. Space can change dramatically the meaning of the plan. It is possible to have a centrally-planned church in a linear basilica space. Also, a centralised space does not necessarily translate to a central altar. Spatially, a dome is an extremely unifying space. But a dome over the unified people with an altar on one wall or in an adjacent apse creates a more conscious separation than distance in a single basilica volume.

Figure 1 â&#x2C6;&#x2019; Nested centralized spaces: cloister, atrium, tower.

Diagram Š the author.

In the case of Saint Paul, Bow Common, the volumetric composition is one of nested centralised spacial archetypes (see figure 1): the cloister, centralised because it encompasses; an peristyle atrium, or the central space within the cloister; and a vertical tower which marks a central point on the earth as it extends upwards. The altar inhabits both the vertical lantern volume and rectangular atrium. It joins the domus Dei to the domus ecclesia. The combination of these spaces creates the same balance seen in the steps leading up to the altar.

The peristyle atrium is a recurring spatial device in the churches of Maguire and Murray. Maguire explains that this is an archetypal form for sacred spaces. The spatial character of the first century Roman domus ecclesiae described by Gregory Dix in The Shape of the Liturgy is a peristyle atrium.

[18] Material Expression. The visual evidence of modernism does not indicate that a church building conforms to the ideas of the Liturgical Movement or Anglo-Catholic Socialism. This is another reason why the material expression of the building, its immediate psychological perception, is not the primary concern. The ornament permissible in the modern church are those objects that derive from the liturgy. There is an apparent contradiction again between the simplicity (“directness” in Dix) and the “bells and smells” of the high ritual observance. It is resolved by the understanding of the function of the liturgy. All “ornament” is either derived from or directed to the liturgy. Sir Ninian Comper, one of the last Victorian Gothic Revival architects, observed, “we can learn a lesson from the simplest of our medieval churches whose fabrics were little more than a barn—hardly so fine a barn as barns then were—but which became glorious by beautiful workmanship within. To so low and plain a fabric a worthy altar has only to be added and the white-washed barn will have an atmosphere of prayer and love.”[19] Taken together, these criteria call for a relatively simple church with worthily elaborate liturgical furnishings.

Conclusions The profound achievement in Saint Paul, Bow Common is the ability to balance the church as domus ecclesia and domus Dei. What makes this balance possible is the collaborative nature of the process between three individuals who thoughtfully and intentional sought to realize the full social, liturgical and architectural implications of the church according to their respective traditions.

The dialogue was not limited to the individuals. There was an accountability both to a larger circle of co-conspirators and, most importantly, to the traditions of the church throughout time.

The balance between the social, liturgical and architectural requirements in design of the church was possible because the designers did not rely on a single, symbolic panacea. It is not merely formally symbolic, but indexical through its use. Like the sacraments celebrated within, it is both the sign and the reality of the church.

The study of Saint Paul, Bow Common and its intellectual antecedents provides a framework for a more holistic analysis for modern churches. It also demonstrates the considerations that must be made by those who would design a church. The design of a church must go beyond surface symbolism and psychological experience. As liturgical prayer is the textual form of the liturgy, the church building must be the architectural form. It therefore must follow Romano Guardini’s criteria for prayer: “It must be simple, wholesome, and powerful. It must be closely related to actuality and not afraid to call things by their real names. In prayer we must find our entire life over again. On the other hand, it must be rich in idea and powerful images, and speak a developed but restrained language; its constructions must be clear and obvious to the simple man, stimulating to the man of culture.

It must be intimately blended with an erudition which is nowise obtrusive, but which is rooted in breadth of spiritual outlook and in inward restraint of thought, volition, and emotion. And that is precisely the way in which the prayer of the liturgy has been formed.”[20]

[18] Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy, 171.

[19] Hammond, Liturgy and Architecture, 28.

[20] Romano Guardini, The Spirit of the Liturgy (New York: Herder & Herder, 1998), 35; first english (London: Sheed & Ward, 1930); originally published as Vom Geist der Liturgie (1918).

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Texas Agriculture Percentages

:b^an HXVg[Z

36.8

FjVggn ;Vgbh EVg` 6YkVcXZY HijY^d $ ?Vhdc HdlZaa

million acres of prime farmland

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5 2

7%

1

National

9 Greenhouse and Nursery 6 Dairy

10 Cotton

50 Cattle

State

11Poultry 3 Hay 6 Other 3 Corn 2 Wheat

cropland 40 other 3 woodland 6 pasture 41

County

A

B

C

Arable land lost to development

Organic cropland

Organic pastures Total U.S. Farms

% !

* 7 4 6

0 1 1 7 0 3 0

, 63 63

, 2 + 63 :

, 7 * 2

" 0 63 , 7

( 6

, 7

, 7 + 1

6 2 % 6 + 1 6 * 7

% !

% !

! % !

% % !

! %

!

!

" !

%

!

! # !

%

/ 6

Vegetation Clearing Measures

Buffer Zone Measures

insects, birds, and native fauna return return to site

preliminary park access established

clover planted

trail construction:

livestock graze on clover controlled burning

select insects and birds return site cleared

preparation

public trails open

slope stabilization

over-burden distributed

+5

water distribution established

1 year

! 22 / 6

livestock

3 years

+3

establishement of preliminary crops

feed crops

8 years

native ďŹ&#x201A;ora and fauna established agriculture production established

park access infrastructure complete

agriculture plots

9 years

multi-use recreation

12 years

park systems established

15 years

cornfield path

irrigation channel boardwalk

buffalo grazing blind

irrigation channel recreation dock

birdblind for constructed wetland and bird habitat

24

22

21

16 17 18 19

11

22

26

c

2

11

13 14 15

18 12

4

8

18

5

11

25 7

18

6

a 5

23 25

b

1

2

5

SITE PLAN park

22

9 10

1 2 3 4

Parking Park Entry Gates Restrooms Main Entry

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

Boat Launch Public Beach Canoe and Boat Rental Rock Climbing Routes Horse Paddock Stables Picnic Area Zipline

13 14 15

Farm Store Farmersâ&#x20AC;&#x2122; Market Demonstration Garden

16 17 18 19

Birdwatching Blind/ Wetland Reconstruction Grassland Regeneration Zone Bison-Viewing Blind

20 21 22 23 24 25 26

Bison Grazing Zone Grazing Pastures Grazing for Public Livestock CornďŹ eld Walk Agriculture Processing Community Agriculture Plots Train Station

access

recreation public

regeneration

agriculture

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DeZc LZiaVcY HnhiZb

8dcXgZiZ LZiaVcY 7Vh^ch

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An inhabitable surface As part of the modular system, a ground â&#x20AC;&#x153;surfaceâ&#x20AC;? is constructed over the site to handle vertical and horizontal circulation. This panelized system works in codependance with the columns: the columns support the panels in the vertical direction, while the panel surface laterally braces the columns.

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