"No place to pitch their teepees": Shoshone Adaptation to Mormon Settlers in Cache Valley, 1855-70

Chief Washakie, standing centerfront, and his band werephotographed in 1870 by William H. fackson in the Wind River Mountains, Wyoming. By then the Shoshones had largely abandoned their ancestral lands in Cache Valley to Mormon settlers. Photograph in Smithsonian Institution National Anthropological Archives, Bureau of American Ethnology Collection.

BY JOHN W HEATON

DURING THE LATE 1850s TRAFFIC INCREASED ALONG ROADS that crossed Northwestern Shoshone territory in the Great Basin. This activity provided opportunities for Shoshones to replace traditional food sources, destroyed as a result of the: presence of European Americans, with new food sources that the intruders carried West. As Shoshones resorted increasingly to hostile methods to obtain food, concern for the lives and property of Americans prompted the government to bring troops to Utah from California When violence along the road from Cache Valley, Utah-Idaho, to the mines of Montana erupted inJanuary 1863 Col Patrick E Connor intervened.1

On the morning of January 29, 1863, Connor and his California Volunteers violently served an arrest warrant for Cache Valley Shoshone leaders Bear Hunter, Sagwitch, and Sanpitch, camped on the Bear River near present Franklin, Idaho Without warning Connor's men attacked the Shoshone encampment of about 450 men, women, and children. Initially, the Shoshones held their ground, but a flanking movement scattered them. They lost an estimated 250 lives. According to Shoshone historian Mae Parry, the soldiers slaughtered Cache Valley Shoshones like "wild rabbits."2

This bloody episode signaled the beginning of the end of a three-decade struggle by the Shoshones to protect their lands, culture, and autonomy from the encroachment of overlanders, Mormon settlers, miners, the U.S. Army, and government bureaucrats. By the year of the Bear River action Cache Valley Shoshones—a sub-group of Northwestern Shoshones that wintered annually in Cache Valley— found themselves unwelcome in their ancestral territory. However, according to Indian superintendent James Doty, their Bear River camp on the day of the battle with Connor "was filled with provisions, bacon, sugar, coffee, and various other articles."3 This observation suggests that Shoshones successfully modified their subsistence patterns to counter the effects of the European-American presence.

By the early 1860s Cache Valley Shoshones, frustrated with the European-American invasion, feared "that shortly there would be no place to pitch their teepees."4 In response to this dilemma, they resisted removal, attempted to maintain cultural and political autonomy, and clung to their migratory subsistence patterns. They demonstrated a remarkable cultural fluidity that initially thwarted Mormon efforts to assimilate them, helped them embrace elements of capitalism while maintaining seasonal mobility, and ultimately allowed them to change from hunter-gatherers to farmers.

In 1856 Peter Maughan led the first Mormon settlers into fertile Cache Valley. However, subsequent attempts at settlement became necessary to gain a toehold in this Shoshone territory. By 1860 Mormon settlers, while forcing the Shoshones from the southern end of the valley north to Franklin, had assumed a defensive posture to maintain a tenuous control of Cache Valley. The presence of Mormon settlers significantly reduced the Shoshones' resource base and forced them to institute new survival strategies They apparently viewed European Americans as a new source of subsistence, for they incorporated what the Mormons called "thieving," "stealing," "begging," "depredation," and "tribute" from settlers, tithing houses, grain fields, and Indian superintendents into their customary hunter-gatherer patterns.5

This "tax" on Mormons occupying Indian lands—the federal government did not extinguish Indian title to Utah territorial lands until July 30, 1863—became burdensome and helped provoke the Bear River massacre During the evening following that day of bloodletting, a Shoshone voice urged survivors to gather around a fire to warm themselves. The pathos of that scene as the injured and exhausted remnants of a nearly exterminated people gathered to comfort one another must have been overwhelming. A few miles away Mormon settlers formed a stark contrast to this spectacle of desolation when they rejoiced in Connor's victory. In Sunday meetings Cache Valley bishops cleared their consciences of the massacre and attributed the army's success to the hand of God.6

Although dealt a crushing blow, Shoshones did not concede defeat Sagwitch, wounded in the hand, and some of his warriors joined a Northwestern Shoshone band led by Pocatello in nearby Malad Valley. Others regrouped and sought to exact a measure of revenge from the settlers for assisting Connor. In Cache Valley the violence continued in spite of the Treaty of Box Elder, June 30, 1863, which granted government annuities of $5,000 to the Northwestern Shoshones. This treaty did little to alleviate the immediate problems of hunger since annuity payments rarely arrived on time, if at all.7

Traditionally, historians have focused on the experience of European-American settlers and neglected Native American concerns. They have explained the Mormon response to Shoshone resistance in simplistic terms. The most common interpretation suggested that Mormons thought it was "cheaper to feed the Indians than to fight them."8 This statement does not adequately explain the complex relationship between Cache Valley Shoshones and Mormons. Historian Brigham D. Madsen argued that Mormons, despite their benign philosophy, did not hesitate to embrace violent measures when the situation dictated. However, Madsen saw the interaction as generally benevolent and stated that although Mormons took Shoshone lands their treatment of the Indians—attempts to pacify and assimilate, proselytize and baptize, and teach self-sufficiency through farming—"demonstrated that, with patience and much help, an Indian group could learn to 'live like white men.'"9 This statement echoed the goals originally presented in Brigham Young's plans to build a Zion on Indian lands and convert the Indians in the process. Yet, from the perspective of Cache Valley Shoshones, assimilation into Zion would come at the cost of their traditional cultural heritage Mormon policy added to the death knell of the Cache Valley Shoshone cultural existence because destruction of aboriginal customs and assimilation fueled it.

Before contact with European Americans Shoshones hunted and gathered on foot in lineage-based groups. Food scarcity in the Great Basin forced them to develop an intimate understanding of the environment. Groups migrated seasonally to specific locations to exploit resources during their prime availability. In the eighteenth century Northern Shoshones acquired horses and evolved into equestrian hunting and gathering bands. A century later these equestrians obtained firearms through trade with fur trappers. These alterations led to improved hunting efficiency, increased mobility, and the emergence of a mounted warrior culture.10

Equestrian Cache Valley Shoshones traveled in the early fall to Salmon, Idaho, to fish and then to Wyoming to hunt big game. They dried meat for winters spent near hot springs in northern Cache Valley. In the spring and summer they migrated throughout northern Utah gathering seeds, berries, and roots, and hunting small game. Uate October found them in western Utah and Nevada gathering pine nuts before fall fishing began again in Salmon. Shoshone culture was entwined with the natural rhythm of the seasons, mobility, and the methods used to procure a variety of food items They viewed the earth as more than a place to live, calling her their mother and provider Parry wrote that for Shoshones "the mountains, streams, and plains stood forever, but the seasons walked around annually."11

During the Mormon invasion of the Great Basin, Cache Valley Shoshones concerned themselves with maintaining their huntinggathering lifestyle To achieve this end they remained flexible and opportunistic This included commandeering unguarded property of the settlers, attempts at diplomacy to engender peaceful trade relations, outright demands of tribute from immigrants and settlers, and the use of threats, intimidation, and violence. According to a September 1850 report, Cache Valley Shoshones began committing depredations along the northern settlements from Salt Lake City to Brigham City. These offensives represented some of the first instances of Cache Valley Shoshones integrating new resources, available as a result of the Mormon presence, into their hunting and gathering pattern.12

Although Mormon settlements offered nontraditional resources, they did so at the cost of conventional Shoshone food items. Cache Valley's abundant grasses drew the attention of both United States military and Mormon explorers in the 1840s. Nearly a decade prior to settlement in Cache Valley the military and the Mormons pastured their cattle in the valley's luxuriant meadows and in so doing threatened Shoshone existence Cattle ate grasses that provided, in the form of grass seed, an essential element of the Shoshone diet Shoshones used grass seed in making cakes from pulverized meat and berries that they stored for winter consumption. Overgrazing by cattle contributed significantly to Shoshone hunger.13

Cache Valley Shoshones responded logically to this bovine menace. On January 6, 1850, Lt. Stephen Russell of Fort Hall reported that Shoshones were killing cattle pastured for the winter in Cache Valley In 1856 they made another winter cattle hunt on the Mormon herds pastured at the Elkhorn Ranch in southern Cache Valley In March 1858 Shoshones took 1,500 bushels of wheat—in lieu of lost grass seed no doubt—left behind by Cache Valley settlers hastening back to Salt Lake City during the Utah War.14

These notorious actions of the Shoshones during the early years of Mormon settlement obscure the full spectrum of the relationship between the two groups. The complex interaction between the Shoshones and the Mormons went beyond hostile encounters. As with the relationship that had developed between Shoshones and fur trappers a few decades earlier, trade helped bridge the cultural gap. In 1852 five Shoshone chiefs traveled to Salt Lake City to inquire about trade relations Led by Washakie, an Eastern Shoshone with influence among Northwestern bands, this delegation likely included spokesmen of the Cache Valley group. This meeting demonstrates that Shoshones actively sought access to Mormon trade. They desired the same trade goods from Mormons as they had from fur trappers. However, the settlers produced and therefore could supply certain commodities that trappers could only occasionally offer. Foodstuffs, especially flour and corn, emerged as an important supplement to traditional Shoshone diets The acquisition of agricultural products did not require Shoshones to forego their migratory patterns. Indeed, they incorporated the "gathering" of these supplies from settlers into their seasonal cycle.15

According to Cache Valley settler Emma Liljenquist, when Shoshones came to the settlements they proceeded door to door, trading their beads for flour, sugar, bread, or molasses. They also hunted and gathered traditional items such as fish, furs, or chokecherries to trade for nontraditional food items such as corn. In addition, they saddle-broke the settlers' wild horses in exchange for wheat or corn and supplied the settlers with furs and skins. During 1869 Shoshone hunters produced and sold furs worth an estimated $9,000.16

Although trade relations provided Cache Valley Shoshones with an opportunity to participate in the European-American market economy, often to their benefit, trade also caused friction. The army, an arm of federal authority in Utah Territory, suspected Mormons of inciting Shoshones to depredation on the overland trails and then trading and trafficking in the stolen goods. According to Henry Ballard, an early settler of Logan, Utah, the army issued an ultimatum in 1860 "declaring vengeance against any person trading with or feeding any Indian in Cache Valley."17

Cache Valley Shoshones annoyed settlers as well Indian Agent Jacob Holeman stated without hesitation that the Shoshones claimed all the land in Utah Territory. For years Shoshones had demanded tribute for the fodder, meat, water, and timber immigrants used as they traveled. As resources grew scarce Cache Valley Shoshones began to demand tribute from settlers for occupation and use of their land and resources. This aggravated the settlers, who viewed these tribute payments as a one-sided agreement; however, they usually gave in to avoid violence.18

Shoshones expected and grew accustomed to receiving presents from the travelers and settlers in the region. Brigham Young wrote that this practice had "emboldened" the Shoshones.19 Mary Ann Weston Maughan and others recalled that in the first years of settlement anxiety over Indian trouble plagued them constantly. Shoshones used intimidation and fear to their benefit.20 According to territorial Indian officials, Shoshones thought their actions were not only 'justifiable but their only alternative."21 This judgment stemmed from the commissioner's observations that game remained scarce in the territory, causing hunger and destitution among Shoshone bands. F. Book, an Overland Mail agent in Salt Lake City, underscored the commissioner's opinion, adding a sense of urgency when he sent a telegram stating: "Indians by hundreds at several stations, clamoring for food and threatening, they will steal or starve, will they starve?"22

Cache Valley Shoshones mounted an offensive and practically besieged the Mormon intruders. This action, according to historian Leonard J. Arrington, became the "most immediate economic problem of the Cache Valley settlers."23 Shoshone success can be measured in the official response of territorial leaders and in the efforts of Cache Valley settlers to avoid conflict. Gov. Alfred Cumming called for the relief of the settlers from the hardship of subsidizing Shoshone subsistence. Young ordered Cache Valley settlers to form a militia and protect their rights. This coincided with the formation of local militia throughout Utah during 1866 as native groups either initiated or appeared on the verge of taking hostile actions. Chief Black Hawk, for example, led Ute war parties in central Utah, while Navajos caused concern in the south.24

Ezra T. Benson reorganized the Cache Militia in 1866. He ordered the officers of each settlement to enlist all white male inhabitants between the ages of eighteen and forty-five. These companies drilled once a week and participated in several general musters to practice maneuvers. Other preparations included the formation of "silver-grey" companies comprised of men over the age of forty-five, the establishment of a corral in Millville to protect settlers' herds, a valley warning system using color-coded flags, and a mounted guard to patrol day and night.25

The early years of settlement in Cache Valley provided opportunities for the Shoshones to benefit from the weakness of the fledgling Mormon villages. Although Shoshones could not force the intruders from the valley, they demonstrated that they would harass the settlers and demand tribute whenever they held the advantage. The Deseret News of February 6, 1861, recounted the provisioning of some Shoshones with flour and two steers. They returned later to demand more food. The writer bluntly stated that what the Shoshones "wanted had to be forthcoming, or they would help themselves."26

Margaret Ballard stated that in the summer of 1862 the Shoshones proved troublesome for the Cache Valley settlers. She lamented that natives rode horses into settlers' homes, trampled their gardens, damaged fields, and stole livestock Her most revealing recollection was that the settlers "would always keep a good supply of bread on hand so that we could feed the Indians and they would be more friendly to us."27

Peaceful or hostile, the Shoshones seized any chance the settlers gave them to obtain food, horses, or goods This adaptation to the settlers' encroachment fit in conveniently with their traditional hunter-gatherer migratory patterns that exploited seasonal abundance over a wide-ranging territory Shoshones migrated to wherever they could obtain food, locating their campsites—with the exception of semipermanent winter camps—in areas of plenty.28

Settlers yielded to most Shoshone demands, but apparently their donations did not assuage Shoshone hunger. The Indian superintendent's reports during the 1860s repeatedly stated that the Indians generally suffered from starvation and poverty. This prompted Shoshones to make regular appearances in the Cache Valley towns. During April 1862 they entered the northern settlements to exact food and clothing After reprovisioning, most of them departed for the summer However, before leaving they informed their Mormon "friends" that they would see them again at harvest time Sagwitch, a Cache Valley Shoshone leader, actually stored sacks of gathered food, such as dried chokecherries, in the cellar of the Liljenquist home. He would bring the sacks in each autumn and return for them in the spring when his winter supplies began to dwindle.29

Cache Valley settlers sought to alleviate the burden forced on them by Shoshones. In addition to the protection offered by the militia, settlers turned to their church institution, the tithing house, to organize their efforts Cache Valley bishops became local Indian agents in charge of disbursement in their respective villages To ensure the safety of their towns the settlers felt obliged to placate any Shoshones that appeared while they worked their fields. The settlers located tithing offices in the center of town and stocked the yard with a few steers should Shoshones prove troublesome. Bishops accommodated Shoshone demands while the men of the settlements were absent.30

Shoshones began to make regular sojourns to draw on food supplies stored in the tithing office. Between 1863 and 1888 the Cache Valley tithing office annually expended an average of over $600 worth of food to them. Surviving tithing records, although incomplete, offer more evidence that Shoshones adapted to the exigencies of Mormon settlement on their lands. The Logan tithing office records for 1864-65 provide the most complete account of Shoshone use of these disbursements In April 1864 Sagwitch received 104 pounds of flour from the Logan office. He returned in October and November 1864 and received 116 pounds of beef, five bushels of wheat, six bushels of corn, fifteen bushels of potatoes, and fifteen bushels of carrots. The following year he repeated his cyclical pattern. Once again he came in the spring, receiving flour, potatoes, bacon, and corn. The records for the fall of 1865 lack the names of some recipients of disbursements. Whether Sagwitch returned that fall remains uncertain.31

Cache Valley tithing records also reveal that other Northwestern Shoshone groups and Eastern Shoshones from the Wind River region began to incorporate regular stops at the Logan tithing office into their migratory pattern. Weber Jack from the Weber Valley region came to the Logan tithing office in April 1864 and returned in May 1865 Indian George, possibly from Malad or Weber Valley, appeared at the Logan office in May 1864 and 1865, and Washakie arrived in Logan in late 1864 to take advantage of tithing office food.32

The settlers' constant concern that they keep food on hand for the Shoshones must, as Arrington argued, have been burdensome financially. The Richmond Indian donation book offers an estimate of the partial cost of peace in Cache Valley. During 1861 citizens of Richmond donated 82.5 bushels of wheat to Shoshones Records for the 1861 harvest totals do not exist, but the 1860 agriculture census can be used to suggest possible numbers The total wheat production for Richmond during 1860 is listed at 2,217 bushels. Using the 1860 and 1861 totals, Richmond's Indian donation represented roughly 4 percent of their total wheat production. During the early 1860s Cache Valley settlers also lived in danger of famine, and the additional burden of providing for hungry Shoshones represented a significant drain on food supplies that threatened the viability of the settlements.33

Cache Valley Shoshones appeared more than willing to play the role of an economic liability. They continued to supplement their customary subsistence base with several adaptations at the settlers' expense while balking at attempts to make them abandon their migratory patterns. Despite the defeat by Connor and the efforts of a revitalized militia, Shoshones continued to harass the settlements. In February 1867 they forced the residents of the northern settlements of Cache Valley—Clarkston, Weston, and Oxford—to abandon their homes and seek safety farther south.34

Although Shoshones remained defiant, Connor's victory did two things First, it took a great human toll on Cache Valley Shoshones Bear Hunter died in the battle, and only seven of his group survived. Sagwitch escaped but lost most of his band to the soldiers' bullets. In the years following the Bear River massacre more settlers entered the valley. As the Shoshones grew weaker, Mormon settlements grew stronger. Second, it signaled the beginning of a larger federal influence in Cache Valley Shoshone affairs. Young controlled the Utah Office of Indian Affairs prior to the Utah War. Until then, Utah Indian policy accommodated the building of Zion rather than addressing the needs of Indians. During the mid-1850s the federal government—forced to react to rapid western immigration—negotiated fifty-three treaties to extinguish Indian title to lands. Despite the clear need for intervention as a result of heavy immigration through the Great Basin, none of these treaties involved the native groups in Utah Territory.35

Through the 1863 Treaty of Box Elder the federal government finally attempted to alleviate the tension between Shoshones and settlers. Although the treaty did not reserve land, it provided annuities for Northwestern Shoshones. Cache Valley Shoshones, who continued to utilize the Logan tithing house and settlers for subsistence, added Brigham City, site of the annual government disbursement, to their migration pattern This angered J C Wright of Brigham City who complained that it would be cheaper "for the people of this county to pay the Indians $5000 out of our own pockets" than to put up with the annoyance of the Shoshones at disbursement time.36

During the 1860s Shoshones continued their hunting-gathering existence, spending seven to eight months a year in pursuit of food along the Bear River, in Cache and Bear Lake valleys, and in southern Idaho. However, by 1869 Cache Valley natives, along with other groups of Northwestern Shoshones, began to demonstrate a willingness to begin farming if the government provided assistance. Acceptance of a sedentary agricultural existence would force Shoshones to abandon their mobile lifestyle for permanent residence on reservations. This signaled that Shoshones were resigned to the loss of their lands and recognized that survival depended on their ability to make yet another cultural adaptation.37

The remnants of Sagwitch's band, after unsuccessful attempts to farm at Franklin and Bear River City, eventually withdrew to the Mormon church farm at Washakie Town,just west of Cache Valley Other Northwestern groups such as Pocatello's, who migrated between Fort Hall, the railroad town of Corinne, and Brigham City, ended up permanently on the Fort Hall Reservation. Occasionally, small Shoshone groups asked for assistance from Cache Valley bishops, but after the removal of Northwestern Shoshones to Fort Hall or Washakie Town, the majority of Cache Valley Shoshones no longer lived in or migrated through their ancestral home.38

Cache Valley Shoshones persisted in their traditional migratory patterns for as long as they could, adopting strategies to take advantage of every opportunity given them. They took government and Mormon cattle pastured in the valley during the years before settlement. They used diplomacy to effect peace and trade relations. They traded goods taken from the overland immigrants as well as traditional goods they hunted and gathered. When Mormon settlers began to encroach on their land in Cache Valley, Shoshones demanded compensation in the form of tribute The use of intimidation emerged as a tool of negotiation, trade, and food procurement that they felt justified in using.

An important aspect of Shoshone adaptation concerned the incorporation of tithing house disbursements and treaty annuities into their seasonal migration Clearly, from the Cache Valley settlers' point of view, the individual and collective economic drain of the Shoshones meant that it was no longer cheaper to feed than fight them. The financial burden and hostile gestures of Cache Valley Shoshones helped provoke the grim action at Bear River. Yet even after this defeat, they continued to extract a significant portion of the settlers' production.

In the last years before settlement on the church farm at Washakie Town or Fort Hall Reservation, Cache Valley Shoshones continued to hunt, gather, trade, and receive annuities, gifts, and tribute. Finally, the growing strength of the settlers and accompanying environmental degradation reduced many Shoshones to rummaging in the refuse of towns for food Despair, hunger, and disease eroded their resolve to resist and forced them to accept the cultural transformation from a migratory to a sedentary life They submitted to federal or Mormon oversight and a reservation existence. However, even in this decision, Cache Valley Shoshones manifested a determination to survive and an ability to adapt.39

Mr Heaton is a Ph.D student at Arizona State University He would like to thank Anne M Butler, Clyde A. Milner II, AJ. Simmonds, and Thomas J. Lyon who served on his M.A. committee at Utah State University and read and commented on earlier drafts of this article.

1 Brigham D Madsen, The Shoshoni Frontier and Bear River Massacre (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1985), pp 177-200.

2 Chief Justice John F Kinney of Utah Territory issued the arrest warrant See Brigham D Madsen, Chief Pocatello: The White Plume (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1986), p 54; Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, pp 178-91; Edward W Tullidge, Tullidge's Histories, Containing the History ofAll the Northern, Eastern, and Western Counties of Utah; Also the Counties of Southern Idaho, vol 2 (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor Press, 1889), pp 367-68; U.S., Congress, House, The War of the Rebellion, vol 50, part 1, pp 185-87; Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, p 200; Mae T Parry, "Massacre at Boa Ogoi," in ibid., pp 233-34.

3 James Duane Doty, Indian Superintendent, to William P Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, February 16, 1863, Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81 (Roll 901), Utah Superintendency, 1849-1880, Utah Reel, 83 pt 5, 1863-613, National Archives, Washington, D.C, copy in Special Collections and Archives, Milton R. Merrill Library, Utah State University, Logan, Utah.

4 Parry, "Massacre at Boa Ogoi," p 233.

5 'Journal of Mary Ann Weston Maughan," in Kate B Carter, comp., Our Pioneer Heritage, 20 vols (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1958-77), 2:383; M. R. Hovey, "Before Settlement" in The History of a Valley: Cache Valley, Utah-Idaho, ed Joel E Ricks (Logan: Cache Valley Centennial Commission, 1956), pp 28-43; see alsoJohn Clark Dowdle Journal, 1844-1908, in Special Collections, Merrill Library.

6 Parry, "Massacre at Boa Ogoi," p 236; Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, pp 194-95; Brigham D Madsen, Glory Hunter: A Biography ofPatrick Edward Connor (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1990), p 85.

7 Madsen, Chief Pocatello, p. 55; Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, p. 201; CharlesJ. Kappler, ed., Indian Affairs: Laws and Treaties (Washington, D.C: GPO, 1904), 2:850-51 The Indian agents in Utah constantly complained about late or nonexistent annuity payments. See Doty to O. H. Irish, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, in Dale L Morgan, ed., "Washakie and the Shoshoni: A Selection of Documents from the Records of the Utah Superintendency of Indian Affairs," Annals of Wyoming 29 (October 1957): 196; Irish to D N Cooley, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 9, 1865, in ibid., p 211; and F. H. Head, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to E. S. Parker, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, April 29, 1869, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals oj Wyoming30 (April 1958): 87-88.

8 Brigham Young, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to George W Manypenny, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, June 30, 1855, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals of Wyoming 26 (July 1954): 169; Brigham D Madsen, "The Northwestern Shoshoni in Cache Valley," in Cache Valley: Essays on Her Past and People, ed Douglas D Alder (Logan: Utah State University, 1976), p 29; Journal ofDiscourses, 26 vols (London, 1854-86), 10:107.

9 Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, p 155; Brigham D Madsen, The Northern Shoshoni (Caldwell, Idaho: Caxton Printers, 1980), p. 106.

10 For an inclusive examination of Cache Valley Shoshone culture see chaps 1and 2 inJohn W Heaton, "The Cache Valley Shoshones: Cultural Change, Subsistence, and Resistance, to 1870" (M A thesis, Utah State University, 1993).

11 Parry, "Massacre at Boa Ogoi," p 231.

12 SeeJournal History, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City.

13 Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, pp 13-15; A C Hull,Jr., and Mary Hull, "Presettlement Vegetation of Cache Valley, Utah-Idaho,"Journal ofRange Management 27 (January 1974): 28.

14 Brigham D Madsen, Exploring the Great Salt Lake: The Stansbury Expedition of 1849-50 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1989), p 264; LeonardJ Arrington, Great Basin Kingdom: An Economic History of the Latter-day Saints, 1830-1890 (1958: reprint ed., Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1968), p 151 Mary Maughan states the number of bushels to be 15,000, but Ricks's 1,500 seems more likely See "Journal of Mary Ann Weston Maughan," p 386;Joel E Ricks, 'The First Settlements," in The History of a Valley, p 337.

15 Young to Luke Lea, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, September 29, 1852, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals of Wyoming 26 (January 1954): 77-78;John D Unruh, The Plains Across: The Overland Emigrants and the Trans-Mississippi West, 1840-60 (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 1979), p 166.

16 Earle W Allen, Bessie Brown, and Lila Eliason, Home in the Hills of Bridgerland: The History of Hyrum from 1860-1969 (Hyrum, Ut.: Deseret News Press, 1969), pp 36, 37, 41-42; Head to Parker, August 1, 1869, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals ofWyomingSO (April 1958): 89.

17 Joel E Ricks, "Some recollections relating to the early pioneer life of Logan City and Cache County," p 26, typescript, Special Collections, Merrill Library.

18 Jacob Holeman to Manypenny, March 7, 1854, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals ofWyoming26 (July 1954): 152; Unruh, The Plains Across, pp 169-70; Madsen, Chief Pocatello, 34; Holeman to Lea, March 29, 1852, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals ofWyoming25 (July 1953): 183;Jacob Forney, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to A. B. Greenwood, Commissioner of Indian Affairs,June 11, 1860, in ibid 27 (October 1955): 206.

19 Young to James W. Denver, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals ofWyoming27 (April 1955): 63.

20 "Journal of Mary Ann Weston Maughan," p 385; Ricks, "Some recollections," pp 13, 61.

21 Gov. A. Cumming et al., to Greenwood, November 1, 1860, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals of Wyoming 27 (October 1955): 208.

22 Henry Martin, Superintendent of Indian Affairs, to Dole, October 1, 1861, in ibid 27 (October 1955): 214; Doty to Dole, April 15, 1862, in ibid., p 219 Book's telegram was reproduced in a letter from A J [Benton], Office of the Overland Mail Company, to William Latham, U.S Senate, December 19, 1861, in Letters Received by the Office of Indian Affairs, 1824-81 (Roll 900), Utah Superintendency, 1849-80, Utah Reel 83, pt 4, 1860-62.

23 LeonardJ Arrington, "Labor and Life among the Pioneers," in Ricks, The History of a Valley, p 144.

24 See Journal History, reel 200, no. 18; Mr. and Mrs. Leonard Olson, comps., The History of Smithfield (Smithfield, 1927), p 16; Carlton Culmsee, Utah's Black Hawk War: Lore and Reminiscences of Participants (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1973), pp 98-99.

25 E T Benson, Brigadier General Cache Military District, Order no 2,June 11, 1866, Order no 4,June 23, 1866, and Order no 6,July 10 1866, all in Territorial Militia Records, 1849-77,Journal of Cache Military District, Series 2210, reel 28, box 1, fid 85, Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City.

26 "Late From Cache County," Deseret News, February 6, 1861.

27 Ricks, "Some recollections," p 17.

28 Parry, "Massacre at Boa Ogoi," p 231; Madsen, Chief Pocatello, p 67; Madsen, "Northwestern Shoshoni," p 29.

29 Doty to Dole, April 15, 1862; Frank Fuller, Acting Governor of Utah, to Edwin M Stanton, Secretary of War, April 11, 1862, U.S., Congress, House, 37m Cong., 3d sess (1862-63), House Document no 1, Report of the Commissioner ofIndian Affairs in Report of the Secretary of the Interior, p 356; "From Cache County," Deseret News, July 16, 1862, p 24; Madsen, Shoshoni Frontier, 153; Allen, Home in the Hills of Bridgerland, p 41.

30 Allen, Home in the Hills of Bridgerland, pp 25, 38; Ricks, "Some recollections," p 29.

31 LeonardJ Arrington, "The Mormon Tithing House: A Frontier Business Institution," Business History Review 28 (March 1954): 44-46; Logan General Tithing Office Account Book, 1860-70, CR 100, 300, reel 122, pp 12-13, LDS Church Archives.

32 Logan General Tithing Office Account Book, pp. 12-13; Arrington, 'The Mormon Tithing House," pp 44-45.

33 Richmond Indian Donation Book, pp 1-2, James Hendricks, Daughters of the Utah Pioneers Relic Hall, Richmond, Utah; 8th United States Census, Utah, 1860 Agriculture Schedule 4, Productions of Agriculture (microfilm), Charles M. Hatch transcription, 1860 Utah Agriculture Schedule, pp. 16-18, in possession of author.

34 The settlers returned home in the fall of 1868 J H Martineau, 'The Military History of Cache Valley," Territorial Militia Records, 1849-77, Series 2210, reel 28, box 1, fid 93, pp 10-11.

35 Doty to Dole, November 10, 1863, in Morgan, 'Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals of Wyoming29 (April 1957): 96, 44.

36 Irish to Cooley in ibid 29 (October 1957): 217; Arrington, "The Mormon Tithing House," p 42;Journal History, reel 200, no 24.

37 Head to N G Taylor, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, July 25, 1867, in Morgan, "Washakie and the Shoshoni," Annals of Wyoming 30 (April 1958): 56; Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, December 23, 1869, p 463, in U.S., Cong., House, Report of the Secretary of the Interior, 41st Cong., 2d sess (1869-70).

38 A few Northwestern Shoshones, with the assistance of George Hill, filed for homesteads near the Bear River City farm See Kenneth Dean Hunsaker, "Indian Town, Utah: A Pre-Washakie Settlement," PAM C, p 194, and "Feeding the Indians of Northern Utah," PAM C, p 245, unpublished papers in Special Collections, Merrill Library, USU.

39 A smallpox outbreak in the northern end of Cache Valley during 1870 further weakened the Shoshones See Madsen, "The Northwestern Shoshoni," pp 36-37.