Utah Historical Quarterly, Volume 56, Number 3, 1988

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UTAH HISTORICAL QUARTERLY (ISSN 0042-143X) EDITORIAL

STAFF

M A X J . EVANS, Editor STANFORD J . LAYTON, Managing Editor MIRIAM B . MURPHY, Associate Editor

ADVISORY BOARD OF EDITORS KENNETH L . CANNON II. Salt Lake City, 1989 ARLENE H . EAKLE, Woods Cross, 1990

PETER L . GOSS, Salt Lake City, 1988 GLEN M . LEONARD, Farmington, 1988 ROBERT S . MCPHERSON, Blanding, 1989 RICHARD W. SADLER, Ogden, 1988

HAROLD SCHINDLER, Salt Lake City, 1990 GENE A. SESSIONS, Bountifiil, 1989

GREGORY C . THOMPSON, Salt Lake City, 1990 Utah Historical Quarterly was established in 1928 to publish articles, documents, a n d reviews contributing to knowledge of U t a h ' s history. T h e Quarterly is published four times a year by the U t a h State Historical Society, 300 R i o G r a n d e , Salt Lake City, U t a h 84101. Phone (801) 533-6024 for membership a n d publications information.

M e m b e r s of the Society receive the Quarterly, Beehive History, a n d the bimonthly Newsletter upon payment of the annual dues: individual, $15.00; institution, $20.00; student a n d senior citizen (age sixty-five o r over), $10.00; contributing, $20.00; sustaining, $25.00; patron, $50.00; business, $100.00.

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Postmaster: Send form 3579 (change of address) to Utah Historical Quarterly, 300 R i o G r a n d e , Salt Lake City, U t a h 84101.

HZSTORXCiLZ^ aX7A.RTSRZ;7

Contents SUMMER 1988 / V O L U M E 56 / NUMBER 3

IN THIS ISSUE

207

THE SWEDES IN GRANTSVILLE, UTAH, 1860-1900

D. MICHOLPOLSON

LITTLE BERLIN: SWISS SAINTS OF T H E LOGAN T E N T H WARD

JESSIE L. EMBRY

222

LAMAR PETERSEN

236

WAYNEL. BALLE

250

JANEEN ARNOLD COSTA

279

MY GARDEN OF EDEN " I OWE MY S O U L " : AN ARCHITECTURAL AND SOCIAL HISTORY OF KENILWORTH, UTAH A STRUGGLE FOR SURVIVAL AND IDENTITY: FAMILIES IN T H E AFTERMATH OF T H E CASTLE GATE MINE DISASTER

208

BOOK REVIEWS

293

BOOK NOTICES

303

COWEK Carnival via, Sanpete County ation Scandinavians of Rell G. Francis,

swings at the Sanpete County Fair, September 4, 1926, inManti, Utah. Often called Little Scandinaattracted large numbers of Danes and smaller groups of Swedes and Norwegians. First and second generaccountedfor 80 percent of the local population in 1870. George Edward Anderson photograph, courtesy Heritage Prints.

© Copyright 1988 Utah State Historical Society

Books reviewed D E A N L . MAY. Utah:

A People's History .. S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH 293 LINDA SILLITOE and ALLEN D . ROBERTS.

Salamander: The Story of the Mormon Forgery Murders . . . . M A X J . EVANS 294 J O S E P H M . BAUMAN, J R . Stone House

Lands: The San Rafael Reef

J E A N R . PAULSON

296

Stokes Carson: Twentieth-century Trading on

W I L L O W ROBERTS.

the Navajo Reservation . . ANTHONY GODFREY

298

M A R Y L Y T H G O E B R A D F O R D , ed.

Personal Voices: A Celebration of Dialogue

MELVIN T . SMITH

299

Command of the Waters: Iron Triangles, Federal Water Development,

DANIEL M C C O O L .

and Indian Water

JAMES S . OLSON

300

SUSAN A R M I T A G E a n d ELIZABETH J A M E S O N .

The Women's West

LINDA THATCHER

301

Hilda Anderson Erickson, right, a native of Sweden, came to Utah with her family in 1866 and eventually settled in Grantsville. Legendary as a midwife and sometime doctor/dentist, she was also a trained dressmaker and tailor, stock raiser, merchant, and secretary of the federal Farm Loan Association in Grantsville during the depression.

Woman on left is Maud Winberg. USHS collections.

In this issue In the dozen years since the Historical Society's l a n d m a r k publication of The Peoples of Utah scholars have continued to examine ethnic life, especially folk practices and material culture. T h e articles in this issue focus on ethnic enclaves in several U t a h communities â&#x20AC;&#x201D; the large group of Swedish immigrants in Grantsville in the first essay and the smaller Swiss community of Logan in the second. T h e reminiscence that follows presents an intimate picture of a family headed by second-generation Danish and Swedish parents where only a few traces of ethnicity remain. A n d , indeed, the first three articles reinforce the idea that converts to M o r m o n i s m were " A m e r i c a n i z e d " more rapidly than their c o u n t r y m e n in other areas of the United States.

O n the other h a n d , the detailed architectural study of Kenilworth shows how the layout of mining towns in C a r b o n C o u n t y accentuated ethnic differences a m o n g essentially n o n - M o r m o n i m m i g r a n t s , while the final article makes a strong case for culturally imposed differences by c o m p a r i n g the responses of Greek, Italian, Black, and northern E u r o p e a n w o m e n who lost their h u s b a n d s in the 1924 m i n e explosion at Castle G a t e .

The Swedes in GrantsviUe, Utah, 1860-1900

BY D. M I C H O L POLSON

of the Swedish immigration to the United States has been one of a people leaving the harsh environment and economic conditions of their native land to arrive in America. For most Swedes America personified the immigrant's dream: available land, abundant work, and a very real opportunity to better oneself economically. The first Swedes arrived in America in 1638 and established a small colony called New Sweden near Wilmington, Delaware, which was later seized by the Dutch in 1654.^ Little immigration occurred from then on until the 1840s when the first trickle began of what would later become a great flood from Sweden. The modern immigration of Swedes to America commenced in 1841 with a settlement established at Pine Lake, Wisconsin.^ Other settlements, primarily in the northern Midwest, were established despite the fact that emigration from Sweden was officially discouraged until 1860 by laws that required emigrants to return after two or three years or face losing their citizenship or right to inheritance.^ These restrictions were enacted to prevent a labor shortage, and although they were not strictly enforced, their influence was certainly felt.

By the late 1860s the situation had dramatically changed, largely because Sweden experienced from 1867 to 1869 a series of disastrous crop failures coupled with spiraling overspeculation in agricultural lands.* Thus, the prevailing economic situation persuaded many Swedes to emigrate. These crop failures, together with a rapidly inF R O M ITS EARLIEST BEGINNINGS THE HISTORY

Mr. Poison, a graduate student in Marriage and Family Therapy, Purdue University, wishes to acknowledge the very important influence of Dr. Robert Kenzer, Department of History, Brigham Young University, in the formulation and editing of this article.

1 Adolf Goddard Leach, "Introduction," in Swedes in America, 1638-1938, ed. Adolf Benson and Naboth Hedin (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1938), p. 6.

2Eric Englund, " F a r m e r s , " in ibid., p. 79. ^Florence Janson, The Background of Swedish Immigration (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1931), p. 1. ^Englund, " F a r m e r s , " p. 80.

Swedes in Grantsville

209

creasing rural population (80 percent rural during 1800-50), low wages, high taxes, and expensive, scarce farm land made the relatively cheap land of the American Midwest and the abundant opportunities for employment seem very attractive to the restless portion of the Swedish population.^ During the 1850s an average of 1,690 Swedes immigrated annually to the U.S. By 1870 this figure had climbed to an average of 15,000. The 1880s showed an average of 37,000 arriving yearly, with the peak year of 1888 recording 45,000 Swedish immigrants entering the U.S. The ''American fever" affected Sweden so much that in many villages it was noted that there "was scarcely a young person sjanson. The Background, p. 10. elbid., p. 16.

Grantsville First Ward dates from 1866. Most of the town's Swedish residents came to Utah as converts to the LBS church. USHS collections.

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left."ÂŽ By the 1890s and the following two decades the flow of emigration slowed, reflecting the improved economic conditions in Sweden.

Between 1851 and 1925, 1,139,000 Swedes emigrated, with the vast majority coming to the U.S. Most settled in states that actively encouraged Swedes to come, such as Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, the Dakotas, Kansas, and Nebraska. Included within this general migration of Swedes, though, was a group of Mormon converts who, though small in number, came to play an important role in the Intermountain West.

Beginning in the 1850s with only a handful, the number of Mormon converts in Sweden had grown by 1905 to a total of 16,695, 44 percent of whom immigrated to Utah.^ During the early years of immigration the actual number of Swedes in Utah was relatively small but often locally important. Later on, however, immigrant Swedes and their descendants steadily increased to the degree that by 1910 Utah, coming to within a fraction of the Dakotas and Wisconsin, emerged as the fifth largest state in percentage of the total population formed of Swedish stock.^ Even though the experience of Scandinavians in Utah has been chronicled extensively by William Mulder in Homeward to Zion, very little analysis has been done of the Swedes as an individual group or their contribution to the Mormon experience. Their experience is worth investigating because, although Swedish Mormon converts who immigrated to the U.S. and subsequently to Utah came from the same national and ethnic background as the other Swedish immigrants in America, the uniqueness of the religious and social environment in the Utah settlements introduced profound changes in Swedish family and ethnic patterns. These changes, resulting from the influence and policies of the Mormon church, can be examined by focusing on Swedish family patterns in the small Utah settlement of Grantsville.

M O R M O N CONVERTS IN SWEDEN

In 1849, two years after the Mormons had established themselves in the Salt Lake Valley, a general conference was held in which missionaries were called to renew efforts to take the gospel to Europe and other parts of the world. Among those called to Scandinavia was a Swede, John Erik Forsgren, who had joined the church in Boston in the ^William Mulder, Homeward to Zion (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1961), p. 105. sibid., p. 106.

Swedes in Grantsville

211

Grantsville school and early log structure. Swedes participated actively in the local school system. USHS collections.

early 1840s. Traveling first to Denmark with several other missionaries, Forsgren subsequently entered southern Sweden in June 1850 and then traveled to his native city of Gavle, north of Stockholm. While staying at his father's house he baptized his brother Peter on July 26.^ Converting some twenty people in Gavle, Forsgren encountered opposition when "neighbors on whom he called warned him that Sweden imposed grave penalties for religious activities outside the Establishment. "^° A short time later he was arrested by the civil authorities and deported. Leaving the ship carrying him to New York in Copenhagen, he spent the remainder of his mission in Denmark.

Other missionaries followed in Forsgren's footsteps. Although many were deported, those who managed to stay were able, together with the local membership, to continue attracting converts. Proselyting was successful mainly among the common classes of people, as testified by the large number of farmers, laborers, tradesmen, and mechanics sAlbert Zobell, J r . Under the Midnight Sun (SLC: Deseret Book Co., 1950), p. 16. lOMulder, Homeward, p. 37.

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Utah Historical Quarterly

who converted to Mormonism. The popular opinion in Sweden, however, was that those who joined the Mormon church came from the very dregs of society. In a report written in 1860 the governor of Vasternorrland Province stated: One or another Mormon missionary has tried his powers, but the Mormon teachings are too coarse to have any influence upon enlightened people which the people of Norrland are in the main, but there have been a few converts among the simple minded.^^

Despite popular opinion, to prepare and save for the journey to Utah and thus fulfill the Mormon doctrine of the "gathering" became the great preoccupation and concern of the Swedish converts. Their desire to emigrate was often intensified because of the persecution they experienced in their homeland. As a result, from 1850 to 1905, between 8,000 and 9,000 total converts eventually left Sweden bound for Utah. The paradox, as Mulder observed, was that at a time when their fellow countrymen were moving to the richer and more expansive acres of the Midwest, Swedish Mormons settled in the "rainless valleys of far-off Utah."^2 EMIGRATION TO U T A H

In 1850 the Mormon church established the Perpetual Emigration Fund to give loans to those who could not raise enough or any money for the trip to Utah. A promissory note signed at the journey's beginning testified to the signer's willingness to pay back the loan later in America. Repayments by borrowers would perpetuate the fund for other emigrating converts. By 1900 one hundred emigration groups had been sent from Scandinavia at a cost of two million dollars.^^ For the Swedish converts travel arrangements were prepared in advance. Unlike non-Mormon immigrants, the Mormons were aided by members of the church throughout the trip. Entering usually the ports of Boston or New York, the immigrants traveled by railroad to Utah or, before the transcontinental railroad was completed in 1869, to Iowa where they joined wagon trains to the Salt Lake Valley. After the 1890s organized or church-sponsored emigration came to a close and the converts journeyed as they could. ^* "Janson, The Background, p. 199. i2Mulder, Homeward, p. x. i3Ibid., p. 141. i*lbid., p. 302.

Swedes in Grantsville

213

Upon arriving in Utah the converts were often assigned or advised to go to certain areas. Because of church-directed relocation, Swedish converts found themselves in a situation different from most of their midwestern countrymen in that no exclusively Swedish colonies formed in Utah. Thus the Swedes and other Scandinavians, according to Mulder, "found themselves mingling with Americans and other Europeans in a unifying religious brotherhood. "^^ This mingling had significant impact on the durability of the Swedish converts' first- and second-generation family and cultural patterns.

GRANTSVILLE AND SWEDISH FAMILY PATTERNS

By 1900 the Swedes were so well dispersed throughout Utah that only a few communities had a fairly large percentage of Swedish Mormons. One such community was Grantsville in western Tooele Valley.

Grantsville was first settled by two brothers-in-law, James McBride and Harrison Severien Oclobe, in 1850. Calling the settlement Willow Creek, they began to homestead the land. By October 1852 eight families lived there, mainly farmers.^ÂŽ Later the name was changed to Grantsville in honor of Maj. George C. Grant, who had helped defend the Willow Creek settlement from Indians.

The arrival and settlement of Swedish families in Grantsville was gradual at first. The 1860 U.S. Census listed only two Swedish families. Even though many Swedish families settled in Grantsville from the late 1860s through the 1880s the Swedes were always a minority among their more numerous American and English neighbors. Their minority representation, together with the passage of time and interaction with their fellow church members, changed the Swedes' family patterns and ethnic distinctions.

To show these changing family patterns, and for the purpose of identification in this article, the structure of the Swedish population in Grantsville will be henceforth classified as first, second, and third generation. The first generation population consisted of two groups in Grantsville. The distinguishing characteristic of the first group was that they were Swedes who had been born in Sweden, had emigrated as adolescents or adults, and were identified in the 1900 census as heads of households (single male, female, or husband-wife). In contrast to the

i5lbid., p. 197.

16Virginia Alsop, "Grantsville City," in A History of Tooele County, ed. Daughters of Utah Pioneers (Salt Lake City: Publishers Press, 1961), p. 215.

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first group, the second group were Swedish persons who h a d also been born in Sweden and had emigrated as adolescents or adults but whose households were not perhaps as distinctly Swedish due to marriage with non-Swedes. T h e second generation consisted also of two groups: persons who were born in Sweden and had come to America with their parents and persons born in America after their parents' arrival. Some of the second generation were born to parents who had emigrated as unmarried persons but who h a d subsequently met and married in America. T h e major characteristic they possessed was that they could be identified in the census as the first generation's children. Perhaps the most significant generalization regarding the second generation was that the majority were raised or were being raised in America, primarily U t a h . T h e third generation was a more diverse group. D u e to intermarriage between the ethnic and cultural groups in Grantsville it became increasingly difficult to identify the offspring of the second generation as Swedish or at least possessing a Swedish heritage. Therefore all persons who were designated as third generation had at least one parent classified as second generation.

TABLE 1: T H E SWEDES IN GRANTSVILLE, UTAH, 1860-1900 POPULATION

Grantsville Swedish Population Swedish Percentage

1860

56 11 2.4%

1870

757 125 16.5%

1880

1009 297 29.4%

1900

1058 286 27.0%

SOURCE: U.S. Manuscript Census, Tooele County, Utah Schedule I, 1860, 1870, 1180, 1900. This source was also used in compiling Tables 2, 3, and 4.

T h e Swedish percentage of Grantsville's population increased rapidly (see Table 1). In 1860 Swedes comprised 2.4 percent of the total population. By 1870 this had increased to 16.5 percent and in 1880 to 29.4 percent. T h e increase in the n u m b e r of first- and second-generation Swedes from 11 in 1860 to 125 in 1870 and 297 in 1880 seems to reflect the general growth pattern of the M o r m o n church in Sweden.

This population increase slowed during the latter 1880s when organized emigration from Sweden was discontinued by the M o r m o n church. ^^ T h e slowdown seems again to be reflected in the 1900 census

17Mulder, Homeward, p. 261.

Swedes in Grantsville

215

because the Swedish population (first, second, and third generations) decreased slightly to 27.0 percent of the total Grantsville population.

The Swedish percentage of the population would have been even lower if the third generation had not been counted. The decline in population occurred probably for the most part because by 1900 many of the first generation had died and also because of the decreased emigration from Sweden after the late 1880s which failed to replenish the decreasing Swedish portion of the total population. In 1870 the first generation had accounted for 55.2 percent of the Swedish population in Grantsville; by 1900 they were only 27.5 percent (see Table 2). The second generation grew from 44.8 percent of the Swedish population in 1870 to 53.8 percent in 1880 and stayed fairly consistent at 55.5 percent in 1900. This stability from 1880 to 1900 indicates that the number of second generation who were born or settled in Grantsville was probably nearly the same as those who left.

TABLE 2: SWEDISH GENERATIONAL DIVISIONS

IN GRANTSVILLE, UTAH, 1870-1900 GENERATIONS OF MALES/FEMALES

1st Gen. Males 1st Gen. Females 2d Gen. Males 2d Gen. Females 3d Gen. Males 3d Gen Females

1870

1880

27.2% 28.0% 22.4% 22.4%

24.2% 21.8% 26.8% 27.2%

1900

16.0% 11.5% 27.6% 27.9% 8.3% 8.7%

The decline in the percentage of the first-generation members and the stability of the second-generation population certainly altered cultural patterns. As the first generation aged and died, the cultural and ethnic links with Sweden weakened. First-generation Swedish converts had come to Utah to be united in a religious brotherhood with the rest of the Mormons. No matter how much they associated with others, however, their being born and raised in Sweden not only set them apart from their American and English counterparts but certainly also must have reminded the second and third generations of their Swedish heritage. As the first generation died the personal contact with the old country, which the first generation represented, diminished. Furthermore, since the second generation had been raised with children of American and English parentage they were increasingly likely to select

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a spouse from these other ethnic groups. Eric Englund in Swedes in America, 1638-1938, supported this assumption by noting that "with the passage of years after the arrival of particular immigrants, their distinctly Swedish attributes became increasingly difficult to differentiate, because of the rapid fusion of their influence into American life and institutions."^^ This was certainly true in Grantsville. The Swedes' acceptance into the community first became noticeable in the early 1870s with the establishment of the School of Prophets. The function of this organization was to provide an opportunity to instruct the leading male church members in church doctrine as well as to resolve personal and community problems. In time the School of the Prophets became "the custodian of righteousness within the community. "^^ Only the most trustworthy and dedicated men in Grantsville were allowed to belong. The diary of Joshua R. Clark shows that from August 1871 to February 1873, 22 of the 101 men admitted to the School of Prophets were Swedish.20

The 1880s was the period in which the Swedish population, primarily the first generation, continued to assimilate and gain prominence in the community. The first Swedish mayor, Anders Johnson, was elected in 1883 and reelected in 1885.^^ The personal history of a first-generation Swede, Charles John Stromberg, indicates that he served three terms on the Grantsville City Council, four years as the Tooele County assessor, and six years as the Tooele County road supervisor. ^2 As the years passed and the first generation declined, second- and third-generation Swedes filled high church and civic posts.

In addition to the decreasing number of first generation Swedes, the number of second-generation Swedes born in Sweden but raised in America must have influenced changing Swedish marital and family patterns. In 1870 only 38.6 percent of the second generation were born in Sweden, while 61.4 percent were born in America. This pattern of American birth continued in 1880 with 81.6 percent of the second generation born in America. These figures seem to indicate that most of

i^Englund, " F a r m e r s , " p. 91. isAlma A. Gardiner, " T h e Founding and Development of Grantsville, Utah, 1850-1950" (M.S. thesis, Brigham Young University, 1959), p. 135.

20Diary of Joshua R. Clark and Mary Louisa Clark, 1930-40, pp. 138-39, copies in Special Collections, Brigham Young University Library, Provo, Utah, original in the possession ofJames R. Clark.

21 Gardiner, " T h e Founding," p. 445.

22Bertha Seaman Stromberg, "Personal History of Charles John Stromberg," short biography submitted to Daughters of Utah Pioneers Memorial Library, Salt Lake City, 1965.

Swedes in Grantsville

217

the first generation had emigrated and subsequently met and married in Utah or had married in Sweden and had the majority of their children in Utah. Being born in Utah or immigrating there at a young age probably helped the second generation feel more American than Swedish. As evidence of this, 42 percent of the second generation who were of school age in 1900 attended school and thus were certainly affected by their American teachers and subjects. By associating freely with other children of American and English parentage in the school system as well as in free-time settings, together with the pervading religious idea of the "gathering," which emphasized that no nationalistic distinctions should exist within the Mormon culture, those of Swedish ancestry found no real encouragement in the rural setting of Grantsville to continue to follow Swedish customs and traditions or to marry others of Swedish heritage.

In 1885 the leading Swedish member of the community, Anders Johnson, was elected a trustee of the Grantsville School Board and reelected in 1888 for another three-year term.^^ Through representation on the school board the Swedish element of the Grantsville population clearly signaled their willingness to participate in the school system, thereby endorsing a major agent of cultural change. Jennie Erikson, a second-generation Swede, recalled at the 1950 dedication of the Grantsville School-Church House the pressure of this change and how sensitive she felt about learning English at school due to her fear of ridicule. ^^ In Grantsville, English was clearly the language of instruction in school as well as in church for the Swedish converts and their children.

Perhaps no more observable factor exists to reveal a person's national identity than his or her native language, since through it traditions, customs, and other links with one's native country as well as with the other generations are preserved. Before the Swedish convert even emigrated, and especially afterwards, he or she was encouraged within the church to learn English as rapidly as possible. As a result, in 1900, 86.7 percent of the first-generation Grantsville Swedes still alive were recorded in the census as English-speaking. Virtually 100 percent of the second and third generation, 72 percent of the total Swedish population in Grantsville, spoke English. Swedish Mormons, in sharp contrast to the Midwest Swedes, discontinued using Swedish as their primary language. Mulder emphasizes this contrast when he claims: 23 Diary of Joshua R. Clark and Mary Louisa Clark, p. 219 ''â&#x20AC;˘^Grantsville School-Church House: Presentation and Dedication, October 7, 1950. Copy in Special Collections, Brigham Young University Library.

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Utah Historical Quarterly It was an inherent part of the new gospel, and the desire to learn it was another evidence of how completely Mormonism produced a break with the convert's past, separating him from mother church, fatherland, and native tongue, the transition begun even before he left. It was a striking contrast to the congregations Lutheranism transplanted to New Scandinavia, which kept the old tongue alive as the one vital link with the homeland, ^s

T h u s Swedish was preserved for several generations in m a n y areas, especially the rural Midwest, because the Swedish language was used in church sermons, schools, newspapers, and various Swedish-American organizations.2^ In U t a h , however, there were no Swedish-American schools and few Scandinavian newspapers to circulate the Scandinavian languages. Those of Swedish descent were encouraged by the M o r m o n church to learn English and assimilate. In the Midwest, the Lutheran Swedes (the great majority) used their church to maintain their Swedish heritage.

T h a t second-generation Swedes in U t a h learned English only too well is reflected in a letter written in 1884 by M a d Anderson, president of the Minnesota Conference (today called a mission). H e complained that missionary work a m o n g the Minnesota Scandinavians was slow because of the "downright shame that young missionaries of Scandinavian descent often were unable to speak the language of their parents and thus were handicapped in Minnesota. "^^ TABLE 3: GENERATIONAL COMBINATIONS IN SWEDISH MARRIAGES

IN GRANTSVILLE, UTAH, 1870-1900 MARRIAGE COMBINATIONS

1st Gen. 1st Gen. 1st Gen. 2d Gen. 2d Gen. 2d Gen. 1st Gen.

Both Husband/Non-Sw. Wife Wife/Non-Sw. Husband Both Husband/Non-Sw. Wife Wife/Non-Sw. Husband Husband/2d Gen. Wife

1870

1880

1900

93.0% 3.4% 3.4%

81.0% 12.1% 6.9%

42.6% 14.7% 3.7% 1.6% 13.4% 19.5% 4.9%

25Mulder, Homeward, p. 128.

26Axel Uppwall, " T h e Swedish Language in America," in Swedes in America, 1638-1938, p. 59.

27Kenneth Bjork, "Mormon Missionaries and Minnesota Scandinavians," Minnesota History, December 1959, p. 292.

Swedes in Grantsville

219

Changes also took place within the cultural and family patterns of Swedes living in Utah. Nowhere is there more evidence of change due to the unique social and religious environment in Grantsville than in the Swedish generational marriage patterns. In 1870, of the 29 Swedish married couples, 93 percent were both first generation (see Table 3).

By 1880, of the 58 couples, 81 percent were both first generation. By 1900 only 42.6 percent of the 61 Swedish couples were both first generation Swedes. This decrease is almost certainly due to death ending first-generation marriages. As fast as first-generation marriages where both spouses were Swedish declined, mixed, interethnic marriages increased. First-generation husbands married to a non-Swede went from 3.4 percent of the marriages in 1870 to 12.1 percent in 1880 and 14.7 percent in 1900. First-generation Swedish women increased from 3.4 percent in 1870 to 6.9 percent in 1880 and then dropped to 3.7 percent in 1900. The increase from 1870 to 1880 for the first-generation husbands occurred probably as Swedish men married non-Swedes after their first spouses died; or perhaps after they arrived as single emigrants they married non-Swedes. However, the latter explanation is less likely for, as Mulder emphasizes, "all prevalent notions to the contrary, these converts by and large embraced Mormonism in families. "^^ The decrease from 1880 to 1900 for first-generation Swedish women was most likely due to the effects of widowhood.

What is particularly interesting is the second generation's marriage patterns (see Table 3). In 1870 and 1880 there were no secondgeneration marriages indicated in the census; however, by 1900, 32.9 percent of the total Swedish marriages were second-generation marriages with non-Swedes. Only 1.6 percent of the second-generation marriages involved two second-generation Swedes marrying each other. Another 4.9 percent involved first-generation men marrying second-generation women. Overall, by 1900, 50.4 percent of the total Swedish marriages had one non-Swedish spouse, compared to 6.8 percent in 1870 and 19.0 percent in 1880.^9

28Mulder, Homeward, p. 107.

29It is interesting to compare household patterns in Grantsville and a town of similiar size. Cannon Falls, Minnesota (see Tables 4 and 5). In the 1900 census first-generation marriages in which both spouses were Swedish totaled 34.6 percent of the households in Cannon Falls and only 17.2 percent in Grantsville. That Swedes in Cannon Falls tended to marry Swedes is evident in first-generation husband-second-generation wife households which were 8.7 percent of the total households. In Grantsville they were only 1 percent of the total Swedish households. These figures support the observation that many of the first generation and nearly all of the second generation in Grantsville increasingly lost more of their Swedish identity.

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TABLE 4: NATIONALITY HOUSEHOLD PATTERNS

IN GRANTSVILLE, UTAH, 1860-1900 HOUSEHOLDS

1870

1880

1900

63.5 % 31.0% 2.7%

36.2% 34.8% 21.4% 1.4% .7%

31.3% 30.7% 30.7% 3.8% 2.1%

2.7% 74

5.1% 135

1.0% 182

44.0% 24.4% 17.2% 6.6% 1.4% .9% 2.4% 2.4% .4% .4% 209

1860

American English 1st Gen. Swed. Both 1st Gen. Swed. Husband 1st Gen. Swed. Wife 2d Gen. Swed. Both 2d Gen. Swed. Husband 2d Gen. Swed. Wife 1st Gen. Sw. Hus. 2d Gen. Sw. Wife Other Total Households

TABLE 5: NATIONALITY HOUSEHOLD PATTERNS IN CANNON FALLS, MINNESOTA, 1870-1900 HOUSEHOLDS

1870

1880

1900

American German English Norwegian Other 1st Gen. Swed. Both 1st Gen. Swed. Husband 1st Gen. Swed. Wife 1st Gen. Sw. Hus. 2d Gen. Sw. Wife 2d Gen. Swed. Both 2d Gen. Swed. Husband Total Households

27.1% 3.3% 3.3% .4% 8.0% 51.4% 1.9% .4% .4%

44.5% 5.9% 1.9% 2.9% 8.8% 29.2% 1.4% .9% 2.4% .4%

206

202

35.0% 3.4% 3.4% 4.1% .6% 34.6% 2.7% 1.3% 8.7% 1.7% .3% 290

SOURCE: U.S. Manuscript Census, Goodhue County, Minnesota, Schedule 1, 1870, 1880, 1900.

The diary of Hilda Anderson Erikson, a second-generation Swede who lived to be the last surviving Utah pioneer, provides a detailed record of the social interactions of young people in the Grantsville community. At the age of twenty-one in 1880 she began to record many of her daily activities, including social activities with first- and secondgeneration Swedes, such as going to the Swedish dance on December 30, 1880, with Adolph Johnson, a second-generation Swede.^° It seems 30Kate B. Carter, ed., "Hilda Erikson — Pioneer," in Our Pioneer Heritage (Salt Lake City: Daughters of Utah Pioneers, 1963), 6:84. Hilda Erikson's diary is used as the major source of information for the article.

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clear from her entries that many, if not most, of the young people in the community associated freely with each other despite their ethnic origins. Towards the end of her diary, Hilda Erikson recorded the marriages of several of her friends. One marriage is of particular interest.

One of her very best friends, Lucy Clark, whose parents were English emigrants, married Alfred Eliason, a second-generation Swede.^^ This wedding early in 1882 foreshadowed the mixed ethnic marriages that would come to represent how well indeed the Swedes had assimilated into the Grantsville community.

In many upper Midwest communities, especially rural ones, ageold Swedish customs and celebrations are still preserved and honored several generations after the original emigrants brought these traditions from Sweden. In fact, it is not at all unusual to find Swedish descendants belonging to the third- and fourth-generations who have mastered the rudiments of the Swedish language. One would be hardpressed to find a similar example existing today in Grantsville or Utah, In the Midwest the Lutheran church, as noted earlier, used its influence to preserve links with Sweden. This influence, together with the resistance to rapid change prevalent in rural areas, provided the means for preserving a common heritage among the Swedish immigrants' descendants for generations. In Grantsville, the effect was opposite. The rural atmosphere was dominated by the Mormon church. Since religion was the unifying element and purpose of immigration to Utah, the Grantsville Swedes certainly must have felt the pressure to blend into the overall Mormon culture. The many convert nationalities in the church made assimilation necessary to assure a harmonious unity in the Utah settlements. This need to assimilate and the daily mingling among English and American neighbors with the familiarity present in small town settings facilitated change for the Grantsville Swedes. That they did change and that they did assimilate is evident. Although the documentation is sometimes scanty, the declining first generation's presence, the second generation's ability to speak English, the fact that nearly half of those of school age attended school and thus were socialized in an American-Mormon atmosphere, and finally the tendency not to marry fellow Swedes nevertheless combine to form an overall pattern of the familial and marital changes that took place among the Grantsville Swedes. These changes, perhaps regrettable in a cultural sense, were required to attain the religious unity needed to achieve the temporal and spiritual goals of the Mormon church in Utah.

31 Ibid., p. 94.

Logan Tenth Ward Chapel, 1938, and in upper right Bishops Karl C. Schaub (1917-33) and Albert Webber (1933-46); lower right, 1936 Primary officers Marie Webber, Amalia H. Amacher, Theresa S. Hill, and Marcia Reid.

Little Berlin: Swiss Saints of the Logan Tenth Ward

BY JESSIE L. EMBRY

I N 1939 MY GRANDPARENTS MOVED TO LoGAN, purchased a house on the corner of Seventh East and Ninth North, and became active members of the Logan T e n t h W a r d . Originally from Tennessee, they had moved west to seek better economic opportunities and to be near members of the L D S church. Although they planned to move to American

Miss Embry is oral history program director at the Charles Redd Center for Western Studies at Brigham Young University.

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Falls, Idaho, where land was opening up, when they reached North Ogden, my grandmother said, "This is far enough. Let's stay here."

Nevertheless, they moved to Logan because they wanted to help my father and his brother and sisters attend college; they settled in the Logan Tenth Ward because a house was available.

My grandparents had no idea they were moving into an ethnic community. Even though most of the people in the ward were of Swiss descent, because they spoke German, residents of Logan referred to that area as Little Berlin and Ninth North as Sauerkraut Avenue. This paper, based largely on oral history interviews with the immigrants and their children, will examine why these Mormon Swiss converts settled in the northeast corner of Logan, their experiences in the Tenth Ward and the Logan German-speaking branch, their assimilation into the larger Mormon community, and their acceptance by that community, especially during World War I and World War II. Despite limitations of memory and personal biases, oral history was the only way to approach the study of Logan's Little Berlin. The ward minutes reflect some of the Swiss influence in the area, but like most minutes they are very brief accounts of what happened in church meetings. In addition, many of the minutes of the German-speaking branch that met in Logan are missing. Unfortunately, most of the Swiss immigrants who came to Logan as adults between 1890 and 1940 had passed away by the time I started this study in 1987. As a result, I interviewed those who came as children and a second generation who were American born. Even these eighteen informants were in their sixties, seventies, and eighties. Willy Schmidt, a German from Berlin, came to the United States after World War I as a young married man in his early twenties. Martha Steiner Schwartz and her brother Otto Steiner came to Logan with their parents and brothers and sisters at ages nineteen and nine respectively, and Alfred Glauser came with members of his family at seventeen. My father, Bertis L. Embry; my aunt, Elsie Embry Bastian; Dorothy and Orson Cannon who lived in the ward while Orson attended Utah State Agricultural College; and Opel Forsberg who has lived in the Tenth Ward all of her life and who married a second-generation Swiss provided the non-German-speaking view of the ward. Although the other nine interviewees were born in the United States, their parents were from Switzerland. I knew of the people that I interviewed, but I was personally acquainted only with my relatives and the Gannons. I felt an instant kinship with the other people, though, because they knew my grandparents and father. While

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not a conclusive study of the Swiss immigrants, these interviews help to document the experiences of M o r m o n Swiss immigrants in Logan and to give some insight into the larger picture of M o r m o n immigrants to the Great Basin.

In m a n y ways, the history of the United States is the history of immigrants. This is so, since except for the Native Americans, all of the residents or their ancestors came from other places. As one scholar has explained, " T h e United States is not a small, homogeneous country like Sweden or Norway, but a giant, turbulent society in which ethnicity remains a misunderstood aspect of American life."^ H o w these groups blended into the American scene is an oftendebated issue in immigration history. W a s America a melting pot where various cultures mixed together? O r were some immigrants discriminated against and given a lower citizen status? Did all immigrantsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;African slave, English industrial worker, G e r m a n farmer, and Italian p e a s a n t â&#x20AC;&#x201D; h a v e the same experiences in the United States? Did that experience differ in the East and in the West? Historians who have studied each immigrant group have discovered that, despite common threads, the experiences of each group a n d even of each immigrant differed in m a n y ways.

T h e M o r m o n immigrant picture also adds a unique aspect to the varied American scene. For a n u m b e r of immigrants to the United States, moving to the New World provided an opportunity to escape problems. For some, economic reasons such as a farmer's need for more land or a craftsman's inability to keep u p with the competition led them to a new land. For others, inability to worship as they pleased, disagreements with politics, or an attempt to escape a criminal past were reasons for coming. T h e motivations were as varied as the immigrants' personalities, but for all it was a chance to start over again.^ Although M o r m o n converts came to the United States and U t a h for similar political and economic reasons, most came to join the larger community of Latter-day Saints. After missionaries baptized converts in England and on the Continent, leaders encouraged the new members to " g a t h e r to Z i o n " where they could be close to other Saints and the church leadership. As temples were built the church encouraged these new members to come " t o the top of the m o u n t a i n s " where they could

'Andrew F. Rolle, The Italian American: Troubled Roots (New York: Free Press, 1980), p. xviii.

2Gunter M o l t m a n , " R o o t s in G e r m a n y : I m m i g r a t i o n and Acculturation of German-Americans," Eagle in the New World: German Immigration to Texas and America, ed. Theodore Gish and Richard Spuhler (College Station: Texas Committee for the Humanities, 1986), p. 10

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receive saving ordinances. Therefore, Utah's immigration pattern "followed an internal dynamic, ebbing and flowing more with changes in the church's situation and the missionary effort than with the economic and political cycles that determined the rate of most emigration."^ Assimilation into the larger American culture also took place faster for Mormons than for other immigrants. One might argue, as Andrew Rolle has in his study of Italian immigrants, that it was easier to absorb immigrants in the West because of the difference between the urban East and the rural West.* But other factors affected LDS society.

Those already in Utah understood the desire of the newcomers to be in Zion and felt a religious obligation to accept and love their new brothers and sisters in the gospel. As Leonard Arrington and Davis Bitton have explained, even "if the reality fell short of the ideal, it seems fair to say the usual harsh lines between different nationalities and between old and new arrivals were softened by Mormon values and programs."^ The immigrants also felt a need to adapt their lifestyles. In marked contrast to Scandinavian and German Lutherans in other parts of the country where the old church customs, newspapers, and denominational schools in the mother tongue held the communities together for generations, the LDS converts felt that their new church was an American church and that becoming Mormons required them to become Americans. The immigrants tried to learn English rapidly so their associations could be expanded to include Mormon neighbors and ward members from all countries. Rather than taking three or more generations, many Mormons were largely assimilated in just one.ÂŽ This assimilation process was very much the same whether the immigrants came to Utah during the 1850s or the 1950s.

Once the newcomers arrived in Mormon territory, missionaries, more than anything else, helped newcomers determined where they would settle. According to historian Douglas Alder, " T o the Mormons in Europe the trusted Mormon missionaries were the strongest advertisement for the so-called gathering to Zion. Mormon elders in Ger^Leonard J . Arrington and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Experience (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979), p. 136. ^Andrew F. Rolle, The Immigrant Upraised: Italian Adventurers and Colonists in an Expanding America (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1968), pp. 5-6, 13. ^Arrington and Bitton, The Mormon Experience, pp. 136-37.

6Helen Z. Papanikolas, " T h e New Immigrants," Utah's History, ed. Richard D. Poll et al.

(Provo, Ut.: Brigham Young University Press, 1978), pp. 456-60. Papanikolas's experience as a secondgeneration Greek in Utah showed that it took the grandchildren's marrying outside of the ethnic group to have the immigrants face "the inevitablity of assimilation" (p. 460).

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man-speaking Europe served not only as preachers but also as agents for the individual converts they baptized. They often provided a link between the new members and some specific town or employment in the Utah-Idaho area."^ Missionaries encouraged the Niederhauserns in 1898 and the Stettlers in 1902 to leave Switzerland and come to Cache Valley.^ When they and their children returned on missions to the old country, they encouraged their converts to settle in Logan.

Ernst Stettler, a son, convinced Ernst and Emma Haltiner to emigrate from Switzerland and Fred Neiderhausern influenced Willy Schmidt to move from Berlin.^ Often, after one member of a family moved, others who had joined the church also immigrated. Anna Steiner came to Logan in 1919 to marry a former missionary, Gottlieb Schwartz. The Steiner family followed the next year.^^ Maria Glauser came in 1906 and married Hans (John) Stettler in 1908. Part of the Glauser family followed immediately, while some came after World War I and others during the late 1920s.^* Gottfried and Lena Jaggi moved to Logan from Salt Lake City to be near Lena's parents, the Stettlers, and to find better employment. ^^ A number of factors strengthened the Swiss community in Logan.

The Swiss people shared family ties, religious beliefs, and language.

Many of them came from the Bern area, so they shared a common geographical and cultural background as well. The families drew even closer as they intermarried and settled in approximately the same area of town. The first arrivals moved to the Tenth Ward area because land was available there. Between North Logan, a small farming community, and the expanding Utah State Agricultural College, which provided employment opportunities for newcomers, lay an undeveloped area where homes could be built on large lots. There the immigrants could have gardens and cows to help meet their needs. The area developed slowly, so when other immigrants came they also settled there, near relatives and fellow countrymen. ^Douglas D. Alder, "Die Auswanderung," Utah Historical Quarterly 52 (1984): 373. ^Interview with Elmer Stettler, 1986, p. 4, LDS German-speaking Immigrants Oral History Project, Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah (hereinafter referred to as LDSGS). ^Conversation with Lois Moser, February 9, 1987, Logan, Utah; Stephen Cameron McCracken, "German-speaking Immigrants Living in Cache Valley: An Oral History" (Master's thesis, Utah State University, 1986), p. 73; interview with Willy Schmidt, 1987, p. 7, LDSGS. lolnterview with Martha Schwartz, 1987, p. 1, LDSGS. I'McCracken, "German-speaking Immigrants," pp. 62, 64; interview with Alfred Glauser, 1987, p. 1, LDSGS. i2lnterview with Walter Jaggi, 1987, and still in process, LDSGS.

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The Logan Tenth Ward was influenced by the large concentration of Swiss. The first bishops, Karl C. Schaub, who served from 1917 to 1933, and Albert Webber, 1933 to 1946, were both German-speaking immigrants who could relate to the Swiss. Meetings and socials also reflected the European influence. Although the counsel of the First Presidency was that "all Saints of foreign birth who come here . . . should learn to speak English as soon as possible, adopt the manners and customs of the American people, fit themselves to become good and loyal citizens of this country, and by their good works show that they are true and faithful Latter-day Saints," completely eliminating the language and influence of the old country was impossible to do immediately.^^ In Logan, official and unofficial church policies helped to ease the language difference. While the Tenth Ward held all of their meetings in English, quite often during the 1930s some of the music was in German. On January 21, 1934, the ward held a special sacrament meeting honoring the German-speaking people, including German songs and reports by former missionaries. On other occasions a Logan German choir and a Swiss Edelweiss quartet performed. Young men returning to Cache Valley from missions to Switzerland, Austria, and Germany spoke frequently in sacrament meetings.^* For a while Gottfried Stucki even taught a gospel doctrine class in German.^^ Fast and testimony meetings especially reflected the German influence. Bertis L. Embry, who was a member of the Tenth Ward after he returned from his mission to Germany, remembered most of the people spoke their Swiss dialect to each other, but they usually bore their testimonies in German: "Because they were much more at home in their language, . . . I can remember we would have almost as many testimonies borne in German as we did in English."*^ Golden Stettler recalled, "Some of them would bear their testimonies in Swiss or German or broken, half-Swiss and half-German; they had a language all their own."^^ No one translated, but some who did not speak the language, like Opel Forsberg, learned to recognize the difference between the Swiss and High German dialects and to understand a few words.^^

I'McCracken, "German-speaking Immigrants," p. 107. i*Logan Tenth Ward Sacrament Meeting Minutes, Series 11, LDS Church Library-Archives, Salt Lake City. Minutes throughout the 1930s include examples of songs sung in German and of returned missionaries speaking. isinterview with Alma Huppi, 1987, and still in process, p. 4, LDSGS. i^Conversation with Bertis L. Embry, January 20, 1987, LDSGS. i7lnterview with Golden Stettler, 1987, p. 7, LDSGS. islmerview with Opel Forsberg, 1987, p. 9, LDSGS.

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Throughout the church, wards provided both a social outlet for members and a chance for certain aspects of their European culture to persist. Activities included dances, movies, road shows, and plays similar to other wards, but the Tenth Ward also had some unique elements. Elsie Embry Bastian remembered, " I loved their dances at the ward because they always did polkas, and it was so much fun. They always had their own little music. They had their accordions . . . that the Swiss-German people played. They could really stir up that old rec hall there. "^^ Sometimes the Swiss people wore costumes and provided yodeling programs. They served dinners which were not always Swiss but were excellent food.^° A German-speaking branch also met in Logan. Participants were members of regular wards which they attended for Sunday school, sacrament, and auxiliary meetings. In addition, they attended the weekly sacrament meeting at the branch's own meetinghouse. Led by a president, counselors, and secretary, the services consisted of the sacrament, speakers, and music. Similar organizations were established throughout Utah wherever there was a large number of one foreign-language group. These organizations, auxiliaries to the regular wards according to William Mulder, "proved an effective instrument of adjustment in the mother tongue while at the same time the immigrant converts were learning to participate in the life and leadership of their respective wards. "^^ The German-speaking branch served a special purpose for the newcomers. Mulder noted that "the old language was a way to teach the gospel until he [the immigrant] learned English. "^^ As Alma Huppi explained, "Going to the Tenth Ward, I couldn't understand anything because I didn't learn English until I got in the first grade.

My parents spoke Swiss-German in the home all the time. Dad never really did learn to speak English. "^^ The parents and the older children in such families needed the branch in part to worship in a place where they could understand the language. But the need barely lasted one generation. As the parents learned the language and became integrated with the rest of the ward and community, they attended the Germani9lnterview with Elsie Embry Bastian, 1987, p. 3, LDSGS. 20lnterview with Leah Holmstead, 1987, pp. 4, 6-7, LDSGS; conversation with Orson and Dorothy Cannon, January 20, 1987.

21 William Mulder, Homeward to Zion: The Mormon Migration from Scandinavia (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1957), p. 200.

22William Mulder, "Through Immigrant Eyes: Utah History on the Grass Roots," Utah Historical Quarterly 22 (1954): 47-48.

23Huppi interview, p. 1.

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speaking branch less often. Younger children often spoke only English and rarely went to the German meetings. But the branch provided support for those who wanted association with the Swiss-German culture, especially new German-speaking arrivals.

In addition to weekly sacrament meetings, the branch sponsored socials, including plays, dances, and yodeling programs. The biggest celebration was the New Year's Eve dance and dinner.^^ Other socials included testimonials to raise money for departing missionaries.

Golden Stettler remembered a farewell party held for him and Aaron Armacher: "They had us speak, and then they had refreshments and a dance. "25 Alfred Glauser recalled the wedding reception held for him and his Swiss-German wife from Bear Lake whom he had met through the branch.2^ The German-speaking immigrants also held conferences with other Swiss and Germans who lived in the Intermountain Area. Those in Logan often joined people from Montpelier, Idaho, meeting in Logan one year and in Montpelier the next. The conference included meetings and socials and, according to Walter Jaggi, "was a big thing for those German-speaking people. They talked about that for the whole year until they went the next time." Opel Forsberg remembered traveling with the choir to the conference. They camped in Emigration Canyon and then stayed overnight with families in Montpelier.^^ In 1932, the Logan newspaper reported, 300 German-speaking people of Cache Valley and southern Idaho met in the Logan Tabernacle.

Speakers included Rulon S. Wells of the church's First Council of Seventy, who had been a president of the German mission, and recently returned missionaries and German-speaking branch leaders. Fred Glauser, the choir leader for the Tenth Ward for thirty years and also the leader of the Logan German-speaking branch, directed a German choir, and there were other vocal and instrumental musical numbers.^^ Although for the most part the Swiss and German immigrants were well accepted in Logan, Little Berlin was not a term of endearment. Fred Deursch, Sr., who moved to the Tenth Ward during the 1930s recalled that the German-speaking people were "looked down on. . . . They were just more or less off by themselves." He felt that 2*Walter Jaggi interview.

25Golden Stettler interview, p. 8.

26Glauser interview, p. 8.

27 Walter Jaggi interview; Forsberg interview, p. 6.

28journal History, June 26, 1932, p. 3, LDS Church Library-Archives.

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the people in Logan did not like the immigrants living separately.

T h e r e was often competition between Little Berliners and other Logan residents such as the Westsiders.^^ Little Berliners had a reputation of being rough. Lois Haltiner Moser, whose immigrant father ran a florist shop, recalled, " T h e boys from this area were always supposed to be very rowdy, and if there was ever any problem, the police came up looking for them."^^ Those living in Little Berlin had mixed reactions to both the name and reputation. In the T e n t h W a r d where so m a n y Swiss immigrants lived there were few problems. T h e children attended elementary school together and h a d a support system of friends and relatives.

W h e n they went to junior high and high school, however, people sometimes m a d e fun of them. Winnifred Amacher J o h n s o n , whose parents were Swiss immigrants, said, " I didn't like [our] being called Little Berliners. I d o n ' t r e m e m b e r whether it was because it meant that we were G e r m a n or because we were self-conscious about the fact that our parents spoke with an a c c e n t . " She added, " E v e n now I hear some of the older people in Logan talk about the children from Little Berlin and how they weren't worth quite as much as the others because they came from humble parentage. "^^ H e r sister, Leah Holmstead, reacted differently however: " T h e y made fun of us, but it didn't really bother me one bit. I thought, ' O h , Little Berlin!' I didn't even think of it as Germ a n . . . I was Swiss. "^2 Lois Moser agreed: " I didn't have any feelings one way or the other. . . . It was a matter of growing u p , whether it be Little Italy or Little Berlin or Chinatown. . . . W e never associated Little Berlin with the G e r m a n s . W e associated it . . . [with being] European. "^^ Alfred Glauser, who came from Switzerland when he was in his late teens, said Little Berlin was "just a title they gave u s , " and he didn't care that the Swiss were referred to as G e r m a n s . H e explained, " W e speak the same language except in daily conversation. . . . A Swiss can always understand a G e r m a n , but a G e r m a n can't understand a Swiss in his lingo. "^* Fred Deursch thought that the Swiss did not always appreciate being referred to as G e r m a n s , but they would not express that displeasure: " M o r e or less all of the people here . . . were so converted [to the church] that they 29Elmer Stettler interview, p. 2.

30Moser interview. ailnterview with Winnifred Johnson, 1987, pp. 3, 8, LDSGS. 32Holmstead interview, p. 11.

33Moser interview.

34Glauser interview, p. 7.

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tried . . . to . . . take it on the chin, turn the other cheek. Nothing anybody could say or do would deter their testimonies. "^^ Martha Schwartz expressed her feelings about the people in Logan, especially in the Tenth Ward, this way: "They knew we came over here for the gospel's sake, and they didn't make fun of us."^^ Especially during World War I resentment toward Germanspeaking people surfaced. The Swiss in Little Berlin had had little or no association with Germans before they came to the United States, but because of their background they disliked Germans more than most Americans. Since they spoke German, however, they were immediately associated with the enemy in the eyes of most Utahns. During the war Americans thought in terms of absolute good and evil, and the Huns of Germany were seen as evil. In other parts of the United States "all German-American institutions, including German-language schools, churches, theaters, and newspapers . . . came under attack as overtly 'un-American' or 'pro-German.' "^^ In Utah the state government ordered schools to discontinue teaching German,^^ and the LDS church stopped the publication of the Beobachter, a German newspaper in Salt Lake City.^^ The church also discontinued the German-speaking branch in Logan during the war.*^ The war helped in the "forcible assimilation of not only Germans but also the Swiss by eliminating all language and reference to the Old Country. "^^ Winnifred Johnson recalled that her brother Enoch Amacher "told Mother and Dad that he did not want them speaking German to him any more" because he was teased at school. As a result, Winnifred and her sister Leah did not learn the language.^^ George Jaggi suggested that the designation Little Berlin started during World War I. He then explained the effect of the war on his uncle and his family living in the Provo area who, in order to "get away from that German and Swiss name" changed it from Jaggi to Christian, his aunt's maiden name.*^ 35Embry interview; interview with Fred Deursch, Sr., 1987, p. 11, LDSGS. 36Schwartz interview, p. 7.

37David W. Detjen, The Germans in Missouri, 1900-1918: Prohibition, Neutrality, and Assimilation (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1985), p. 2.

38journal History, May 2, 1917, p. 3; April 7, 1918, p. 3; April 13, 1918, p. 3.

39Thomas G. Alexander, Mormonism in Transition: A History of the Latter-day Saints, 1890-1930 (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1986), p. 200.

40journal History, July 19, 1918, p. 4.

41 Detjen interview, p. 2.

42Johnson interview, p. 2.

43Interview with George Jaggi, 1987, p. 7, LDSGS.

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Germans throughout the United States experienced fewer negative reactions during World War II because antiforeign sentiment focused mainly on the Japanese who had directly attacked American soil.

Still, some resentment continued and may have stemmed from some Germans' support of Hitler in the 1930s. One writer in the Beobachter felt that '' Hitler and the whole German people follow the banner of liberty, morality, and virtue." Reinhold Stoof, who had edited the newspaper, wrote in response, " I love truly my fatherland . . . but you hate your fatherland, without knowing it, for you cry 'Heil' to a tyrant apparently appointed by destiny to kill the last spark of freedom in Germany."** Stoof also wrote in a letter, " I saw with deepest regret that teachings coming from the dark sources in Germany found entrance in our valley, especially among the German LDS members."^^ Even some Swiss immigrants in Logan who had contact with Germany during the 1930s expressed some positive comments about Hitler. Winnifred Johnson recalled that a friend in high school, whose brother had been on a mission to Germany, went with her parents to pick him up and "came back with such glowing reports about Hitler and what he was accomplishing in Germany. . . . At that time Hitler was still looked at quite favorably, I think, because he had done a great deal for the German economy, and he hadn't started . . . his program of aggression."*^ Elmer Stettler, who like most missionaries to Germany during the 1930s was not political and only interested in sharing the gospel, recalled, " W e liked Hitler." He and others even went so far as to try to tie Hitler and the LDS church together. While Hitler did allow Mormons to continue to meet and have missionaries, unlike the Jehovah's Witnesses who were banned, other stories about his relationship with the Mormon church have no basis in fact. The missionaries may have hoped the stories would facilitate access to the German people. Elmer Stettler expained, "We would just eat up articles where some of his new people were showing how the pioneers were organized into groups. We used it for material to disseminate the gospel."*^ Walter Jaggi claimed he heard Hitler say, "If we want to become a great and a mighty people, we have to endure like the Mormon pioneers."

44Allan Kent Powell, " T h e German-speaking Immigrant Experience in U t a h , " Utah Historical Quarterly 52 (1984): 330.

45Karl Bruno Reinhold Stoof to Rabbi Samuel H. Gordon, November 23, 1936, Stoof Collection, LDS Church Library-Archives.

46Johnson interview, p. 9.

47Elmer Stettler interview, p. 6.

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H e also stated that Hitler said the two most perfect organizations in the world were the G e r m a n a r m y and the M o r m o n church. Hitler " h a d a fast day [actually a day where everyone ate the same type of food and donated money] once a m o n t h to support the poor, so to speak, but I wouldn't be surprised if most of it went for military b u i l d - u p . " J a g g i recalled hearing that Hitler sent a representative to study the M o r m o n s in U t a h and organized groups similar to the church's, such as women and youth. H e even said that the Hitler Youth h a d a slogan, "strength in recreation," which was the M I A slogan at the time.*^ But most of the Swiss and even the G e r m a n s did not support Hitler. George J a g g i said that his father "felt very good and glad to be an American citizen." H e said, " T h e Swiss flag's a pretty flag, but the American flag is still the prettiest."*^ Newspaper editorials also expressed this loyalty that German-Americans felt to their country. " T h e ties that bind the average G e r m a n to the land of his birth seem stronger than those of most nationalities. In spite of their rugged characters, intellectual discipline and practical habits of industry, G e r m a n s are a sentimental, home-loving, emotional people who readily become a substantial and integral factor of any community in which they cast their lot."^° W h e n a Chicago article said that a Nazi a r m y of G e r m a n Americans was going to seize the U . S . government, a San Francisco newspaper said that was not true. If it happened, " e n o u g h loyal citizens by adoption would volunteer to handle the mischief-makers without calling on a single native born American. "^^ As Willy Schmidt explained when asked about World W a r II, " M y feeling [then] was, 'I a m an American citizen.' "^^ Some U t a h n s did not recognize that commitment and lashed out against German-speaking residents. Otto Steiner said the hatred was directed even toward the Swiss. T h e German-speaking " w e r e the ones to blame for the war."^^ " I ' m sure there were some feelings," Alma H u p p i added. " T h e r e can't help but be. Nobody said anything about it to m e . I know that feelings could easily arise, especially if one of the boys from your area was killed."^* Walter Jaggi said, " I think that

48Walter Jaggi interview.

49George Jaggi interview, p. 8. sojournal History, August 18, 1937, p. 2.

51 Ibid., September 26, 1937, p. 1.

52Schmidt interview, p. 10.

53lnterview with Otto Steiner, 1987, p. 5, LDSGS. 54Huppi interview, p. 10.

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during the war there were a lot of people that were quite resentful of Germans, and Swiss were classified as Germans too."^^ And, according to Winnifred Johnson, " I think the Swiss people did not appreciate being called Germans . . . especially during the war when the Germans and Americans were enemies, and the Swiss people were always neutral. I am sure that did not sit very well with the Swiss people, especiaUy knowing now how the German people felt about the Swiss people and the Swiss people feel about the German. "^^ There was enough resentment toward not only German-speaking people but all foreigners during World War II that the LDS church's First Presidency and Council of the Twelve decided on March 12, 1942, "for the duration of the war, or until further instructions from the First Presidency, that all meetings held in foreign languages, except the Mexican Branch in Salt Lake City, be discontinued."^'' AU officers were released and all funds and church properties were to be deposited with the First Presidency. William W. Owens, the Cache Stake president, sent a letter on July 18, 1942, telling of the disbanding of the German-speaking branch in Logan and turning $39.10 over to the First Presidency. In response, the First Presidency informed him that "the check win be placed to the credit of the German organization of the Cache and Logan Stakes and will be available for suitable use hereafter, "^s People expressed mixed reactions to the closure of the Germanspeaking branch. Opel Forsberg recalled, "Somebody said that one of the people in a talk or a statement said something about Hitler was not all bad. And boy, that just set a fire right off. 'If you think he is so good, why did you leave? Why don't you go back?' There was a little friction there for a while, but it wasn't the people that were making the friction, it was politics." For many of the Swiss people closing the branch was a tragedy. Martha Schwartz said, "They took everything away from us. And that was quite a big disappointment because the German meetinghouse had been there for quite a long time before we c a m e . " She and others explained that the piano and organ and even the individual sacrament cups which a member had brought from Switzerland were given away. " W e were very, very hurt that they did 55 Walter Jaggi interview.

56Johnson interview, p. 8.

57james R. Clark, ed.. Messages of the First Presidency of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, vol. 6 (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1975), p. 145.

58The First Presidency's letter is in the Logan German-speaking Branch Minutes, uncataloged materials, LDS Church Library-Archives.

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t h a t , " she said. " W e just never quite got over the hurt. T h e y shouldn't have done that to us because there were no spies. They were all good L D S people. But they got it in their heads there were spies here, so they had to stop all that G e r m a n . "^^ Following the war, the foreign-speaking branches resumed operation. T h e Logan branch's building h a d been sold, and so the G e r m a n s met in L D S chapels and in the basement of the Logan Tabernacle.

New immigrants from G e r m a n y found the meetings especially helpful as they learned the language, but because the d e m a n d for such meetings was not as great as in earlier times, the branch met only once a month. In 1963 the church closed it.

T h e Logan T e n t h W a r d also changed. Leah Holmstead and George J a g g i recalled that during the times they served as Relief Society president and bishop many of the old Swiss immigrants passed away. ^° M o r e people moved into the area, and in 1951 the T e n t h W a r d was split, creating the Nineteenth. T o d a y mainly students live in the area; my grandparents' home has been replaced by apartments as have m a n y of the others. Recent Logan residents would not know there ever was a Little Berlin in the community.

Still, for the first half of the nineteenth century these Swiss immigrants worked, worshipped, and played together in northern U t a h .

Their c o m m o n language, religion, friendship, kinship, and Swiss heritage brought them closer together as did their shared activities in the Logan T e n t h W a r d and German-speaking branch. Despite jokes, they were generally well accepted by the rest of the Logan community, except for some tendency to look down on immigrants and their children and especially when the United States was at war with G e r m a n y . Although these Swiss immigrants resented being called G e r m a n s , they had come to Logan because of their belief in the L D S church and their testimonies helped them overlook any problems. Like other M o r m o n immigrants, they were basically assimilated into the larger American M o r m o n culture in less than a generation. While living together for a short time provided support, they did not plan to form an exclusive Swiss community. They wanted to be part of the main body of the church, and they worked toward that goal. Although some of the second generation married others of Swiss descent, their families did not continue speaking their native tongue and retained only a few oldcountry traditions.

59Schwartz interview, p. 7.

60Holmstead interview, p. 12; George Jaggi interview, p. 8.

Adam and "Eve" (Anna) Petersen of Eden, Utah, and their nine children, including LaMar, the youngest. All photographs are courtesy of the author.

My Garden of Eden

BY LAMAR PETERSEN

I KNEW EARLY ON THAT

EDEN, UTAH,

WAS THE HUB of t h e univerSC.

How else could you describe a town nestled in a lush green valley surMr. Petersen, a retired member of the Advisory Board of Editors of Utah Historical Quarterly, lives in Salt Lake City.

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rounded by hills, a town that looked like a garden. A town that had a store, a schoolhouse, a steepled church, a blacksmith shop, a haunted house. Of course the town doesn't look the same today. The schoolhouse is gone, the blacksmith shop is a garage, and the church is a mortuary. The store and the haunted house are still there though.

Most people would call it a house, but I knew it was a castle. Our Eden house didn't have a moat around it, but it had something much betterâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a picket fence. You could take a stick and go clickety-clack as you walked along the path in front of the great red brick structure, and in the fall you could shuffle your feet through the big oak leaves. What else but a castle could boast twelve rooms on three floorsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;four counting the cellar, a cool, calcimined, fresh smelling place with a pan of sour milk turning to clabber on the table. We kids would pull faces and make " u g h " sounds when Papa and Mama would eat it with nutmeg or cinnamon topping.

The third floor attic was my favorite retreat. It was light and airy, with a high ceiling at the center tapering off into three alcoves with windows on the east, west, and south. I had my mercantile and medical store in the south alcove and sold vials of grain, hand-mixed potions, seeds, unwanted junk, and swatches of cloth from the big sample book

The Petersen family home in Eden and to the left a corner of the remodeled store.

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Adam L. Petersen's store in Eden, Utah. At one time it boasted a second floor dance hall that was demolished for safety reasons.

taken from my father's store. No one ever bought anythingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;it was too hard to climb the two sets of stairsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;except my sisters Ruth and Eva who would buy anything. It could be rubbish, but if I said "five cents" they would buy it. My chairmanship of the attic began when I was about four, but I remember some things before that.

There was an old dance hall on top of Papa's store with an open wooden stairway going up on the east side. Eva said I couldn't possibly remember it because it was demolished for safety reasons when I was three. She was wrong. I remember the big hall with its awesome music box and the great metal records that turned like wheels and gave out slinky, heavenly sounds. And I remember the public dances and how pretty my sisters looked as they waltzed with the Eden swains. The orchestra usually consisted of my sister Vivian and Fred Jones on piano and fiddle, sometimes with one or two other players. My brothers Gene and Golden would mock the dancers and make silly faces to make me laugh. But I learned that fun-loving Golden was afraid of the dance hall. After he and Gene had gone to bed next door, they would listen to the old hall creaking in the wind. Golden was not a prayerful boy, but he would make Gene who was two years younger get down by the bed and pray that the dance hall wouldn't blow off the store and bury them in the night.

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If the dance hall memories have grown dim with the years, the memory of the store beneath remains bright and clear. It was a general mercantile store that stocked everything from beans and flour to buggy whips and hip boots. The post office was on the east side. Mama was the official postmistress of Eden, but Papa too was often in charge.

My sister Ruth was the anchor of the family and often ran the store and post office alone for long periods while the folks were politicking. She once sold a case of beans that had an American flag prominently displayed on the side of the box to Fourth of July celebrants thinking it was fireworks. She never lived that one down.

Along part of the east side of the store were showcases and drawers with bolts of cloth, buttons, and spools of thread. The other side had the canned goods, round cheese cutter, salted meats, brooms, and bins of rice and sugar and flour.

LaMar Petersen, left, and a favorite cousin, Winona Petersen.

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But the pride of the establishment was the long glass candy case up front with its treasures of penny candy, gum, jelly beans, opera bars, and nut loaves. When Ruth was in charge I could wheedle a sweet or two, but Papa was a little less gullible. One day when he was busy sorting mail I skipped behind the candy counter and in my best five-yearold reading voice recited the names of the delectable Shupe-Williams candy bars: Utahna Opera Bar, Utahna Nut Loaf, Utahna Fruit Bar. At the appropriate moment, assured that Papa was intent on his sorting, I grabbed the irresistible Utahna Nut Loaf and skipped nonchalantly toward the back door. When I was almost home free, Papa called, "LaMar, have you got a nail?"

I trembled. " N o sir, I don't have a nail."

"Well, come up here and let me feel in your pocket."

With lead feet I moved forward while he checked my pockets. He withdrew the stolen nut loaf and asked sternly, "Where did you get this?"

I then did what most criminals doâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;I compounded the felony. " R u t h gave it to m e . " "Well, let's go to the house and check with her." Whereupon he reached up to the circular rack and selected a buggy whip. With the whip in his left hand and my hand in his right we marched solemnly to the house.

"Ruth, did you give LaMar this nut loaf?"

With sinking heart I knew I was facing life in the penitentiary, but Ruth, seeing my pallor, said hesitantly, "Well, I may have done."

For all his feigned ferocity. Papa was a softie. He said to me, "Well, keep it. But next time, ask." The buggy whip went back to the rack and my career in crime came to a screeching halt.

The Petersen Mercantile Wagon was a royal conveyor of goods to keep the store well stocked. It was a handsome covered van with the company name printed in an arc on either side: PETERSEN M E R C A N T I L E COMPANY A D A M L . PETERSEN, P R O P R I E T O R

Two horses. Old Doley and Liz, were needed for the Ogden Canyon trip. It was always an exciting journey. When I was chosen to accompany Papa I became a gladiator on the way to Rome.

Ogden was a beckoning carnival, surely a progenitor of Disneyland: bright lights and markets, the Nickelodeon Theatre, the Orpheum, and the Alhambra. It was roast veal with brown gravy at Kennedy's Cafeteria. It was hotcakes and bacon at Jack & Ross. Some-

My Garden of Eden

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times there would be a circus, and most likely we would get in free for having posted the colorful, ferocious circus ads on the side of our barn.

At Scowcroft's I would help load the grocery boxes.

In the summer a visit to Sam Onello's farm in South Ogden was a happy ritual. With beaming face and much Italian sputter Sam would proclaim the superiority of his watermelons, vegetables, stalks of bananas, and other fruits. A little homemade wine was usually a proffered bonus for good customers.

The winter trips to Ogden were not so pleasant. The canyon road was often snowpacked or a rutted, muddy mess. M a m a always saw to it that several hot irons wrapped in cloths were placed in the wagon floor to warm our feet. It took a full day to make the twenty-five-mile trip from Eden to the city and back, with the horses snorting and straining at some of the steep climbs.

One of Ogden's jewels was the Howell Building. Here Eva, oldest of my four sisters, presided as housemother to boys^from Ogden Valley who attended Weber Academy. The Howell was on the west side of Washington Boulevard near Twenty-fifth Street, right in the heart of the city. Doctors' offices occupied the second floor, and a magnificent curving staircase led to the rooms on the third. Papa rented the third floor by the year from Mr. Howell for a low figure.

I found the place quite as attractive as my Eden attic—both were havens with secret nooks and crannies. Before entering first grade I spent months with Eva enjoying the college hi-jinks of my brothers Dewey and Bryan, Oscar Ferrin, Milt Graham, and other students from the valley.

I learned to read sitting in the big bay window overlooking Washington Boulevard. I would spell out the letters on the signs to Eva and soon learned to read Broom Hotel, Cozy Theater, Lewis Jewelry, Ogden State Bank, Fred Nye Clothiers, and other signs of the great emporiums.

Ogden's attractions were many, but the charms of pastoral Eden were even more compelling: the town ditch with its gurgling waters, the town square with its imposing grandstand and buildings facing the square—the store on the corner, the schoolhouse, the amusement hall, the rustic church, the magic blacksmith shop—each beckoning a young boy with particular enticements.

I could stand in the glow of the reddening forge and watch Jess Wilbur shoe the horses. I could stand in front of Virge Stallings's house where the water was caught between dams and gawk at the baptisms

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LaMar Petersen, right, with his older brother Eugene and dog Spitz, December 1917.

performed by the elders of the church. In winter I could stand on the steps of the store and thrill at the sight of my daring brothers and their pals as they whirled horse-drawn sleds and flattops in the snow-laden streets. Gaining momentum in a two-block charge, they would crackthe-whip in sharp turns, sometimes spilling the riders or tipping over.

Snowballs would fly and joyous yells ring out against the white hills of the enclosed valley.

Everything about our Eden house was memorable too. Two beautiful porches graced the front and left side. They were L-shaped, the lower one extending from the dining room door on the west to the front entrance on the south and the one above from the boys' bedroom to my parents' bedroom in the front. Sometimes we posed for photographs on the porch steps. One prized picture showed several of the family with my dog Gyp, a splendid collie, the center of attention. Gyp was accidently shot and killed by one of the Eden boys mishandling his gun. My grief was deep and long, not to be assuaged.

We ate nearly all our meals in the kitchen. A large rectangular

My Garden of Eden

243

table filled a good portion of the room and the big black cook stove another. Meals included not only the staples of meat, potatoes, and gravy, but lots of home-grown vegetables, fruits, and homemade bread.

In the winter the kitchen was usually the only warm room in the house, and it had the best oil lamp to carry into darker rooms. It also served as a bathroom on Saturday nights when a portable tin tub was brought in.

We felt safe and comfortable gathered around the kitchen stove on cold winter evenings when Ruth read to us. Treasure Island was the favorite. The next day we would go around the house muttering "pieces of eight, pieces of eight." Ben Gunn and Long John Silver became like members of the family. Stories by Zane Grey, Harold Bell Wright, and Gene Stratton Porter received our rapt attention, as though they were literary classics instead of just tall tales of the West.

Not all my memories of the kitchen are entirely pleasant though.

At least once a year we could count on an extended visit from Dr. Charles L. Olsen and his wife Pauline of Salt Lake City. The doctor had been a missionary companion of my father in Denmark. He would look down my throat and check my temperature, but one time in my fifth year he seemed interested in more than my tonsils. After the exam I was sent to play in my sandpile back of the store. Though this was a place of refuge, I felt apprehensive. I knew from whispered conversations and strange looks that something was brewing. Soon Papa came out and taking me by the hand led me to the kitchen. There in the presence of my four sisters I was placed on the table and pinioned with firm hands while Dr. Olsen wielded his efficient scalpel. My screaming bloody murder did not dissuade him from performing the ancient rite of circumcision. I was plenty mad for two good reasons: it hurt like hell, and my sisters were not welcome at ringside.

Visitors to our home were received in a spacious entrance hall that had a splendid banistered stairway leading up to the bedrooms and a stained-glass window above the landing that threw varicolored lights over the hall. Next to the hall were the front and back parlors and then the dining room with its many doors and large windows. It was used only for special company such as relatives, friends, and church officials.

LDS church historian Andrew Jenson and his two wives were frequent visitors.

The Eden streams afforded wonderful skating in winter. I received a pair of skates for my sixth birthday and worked to become as profi-

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Utah Historical Quarterly

cient as my brother Gene who was an expert. My joy knew no bounds when my feet began to obey me and I could scoot ahead without a stick.

Along with my skates, my brother Bryan made me a pair of skis in shop at Weber Academy. I was fascinated with the way they turned up on the ends. He had labored to shape them properly. The hills to the north of the cemetery provided a mile-long ski run that was just right for beginnersâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a gradual slope that was easily negotiated. The trek to get back to the top was tiring but well worth the effort.

Bryan was also responsible for my green sled of which I was very proud. A heavy affair, it was not easy to pull but would fly like the wind downhill. Eden's two cemeteries afforded good sledding hills. The Stallings hill was favored due to its steepness, but one had to be careful not to hit the barbed-wire fence after leveling out. My first encounter with the hill was traumatic. I must have stood at the top for half an hour screwing up my courage. It looked impossible. But after some taunts from the older kids I moved. The speed was breathtaking and the feeling of accomplishment great.

Another event of winter remains memorable. It was my parents' firm custom to have each of their nine children baptized on their eighth birthday regardless of the weather. Mine came two days before Christmas on December 23, 1918. With a couple of feet of snow on the Eden sleigh riders posed for this snapshot after the sleigh tipped over, February 10, 1918.

My Garden of Eden

245

ground the baptismal party proceeded by horse and carriage to Eden's north slope—Mama, me, some of the Fullers, and some of the Stallingses. It was not as perilous as it sounds. No ice was broken, no shoveling needed to get to the pond. It was a nice little warm spring that one day would become Patio Springs, a popular resort. I think it was V. B. Stallings who put me under. Actually, it was kind of fun.

What I had feared became a pleasant, warm feeling as I held my nose and felt my sins slip off into the water. The only embarrassment came when back in the carriage Mama removed my wet clothes to wrap me in a blanket—all under the gaze of Nora Fuller, a freckle-faced girl of about ten who seemed quite interested. I wanted to whop her.

Every town should have a haunted house, and we were fortunate to have one right on our property line. It wasn't really a house—only a clapboard-sided shed. It stood just over the barbed-wire fence at the north end of our lot, beyond the barn.

It was said to have been a tool shed for the Clarks. I once screwed up my five-year-old courage and peeked into the window which was dirty and full of cobwebs. I saw rakes and hand tools and strange-looking junk.

I knew it was haunted because it was always padlocked, and no one ever went in or out, except maybe Old Dad Clark. But mainly it was the blue lights that Eden folks had seen coming from the dirty window that proved the haunting.

There was an air of mystery about Old Dad Clark too, for he never spoke to anyone nor went anywhere except to our store. He would smile at Ruth and indicate what he wanted. She would remove the lid from the cheese cutter and slice a generous portion of cheese, and he would take it and a few other purchases and amble back home just a block away and across the street from the shed.

I wasn't afraid of him but wondered why he would never look at me. I remember the day he died and the funeral cortege up the north slope to the cemetery. I know they buried him for I was there. But a week or two later, when I had almost forgotten about him, I saw him.

I had been playing on the bridge over by the Farrells, across from the store, when I happened to look northward toward Clarks. Old Dad was ambling at his usual slow pace, and he was wearing a round cheese box that completely covered his head down to his shoulders. He crossed the street and entered the shed. I ran and told the folks, but they laughed and didn't believe me. Nobody believed me, unless maybe Ruth did a little bit.

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Strangely enough, that old shed, ramshackle though it be, is still standing right where it has always stood next to our property and still haunting just as it is supposed to. I know before I die I'll look once again into that dirty window and I expect I'll see Old Dad take off the cheese box and look at me.

Eden had its share of characters. Ed and Ess Fuller, brother and sister, lived in a shanty just east of the church. No one knew their ages, but they were obviously old. Ed was a bushy-faced handyman, and Ess was a tall, spare woman of few words. Some folks assumed they were a married couple, but we knew different. They were thought to be odd because, among other things, they kept their chickens in the house and would shoo them off the table just before they sat down to eat.

Ed was always on hand when we unloaded the Petersen Mercantile wagon. He never missed and often declared to all who would listen that my father was the best man on earth. Most people put Ed down as a loser because he never worked at a regular job and never had much of anything to call his own, but Papa treated him with respect, paid him well for his work, and always threw in a good-sized plug of tobacco.

Ess always looked clean, always sat on the back row at church meetings, and, I thought, possessed considerable dignity. She almost never spoke to anyone.

My brother Golden and Ray Ferrin used to tease Ed and Ess. One time they called to ask about some chickens. They giggled and tried to hide under Ed's bed. Ess went after them with a broom, overturning a chamber pot and chasing the rascals out of her house. Eva, Ruth, and I called later to make amends and found Ess grumpy but forgiving. She offered us somethingâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;perhaps it was some yeast bread. We were reluctant to accept because of the chickens perched on the stove and the bed and everywhere else, all clucking happily.

Ed and Ess always minded their own business and were no trouble to anyone. Looking back, I believe they were probably no odder than the rest of us.

Another memorable figure was Jess Wilbur, the village blacksmith and one of the few gentiles in town. He smoked cigars and was known to cuss once in awhile. But no one seemed to mind that he never went to church or showed any interest in the gospel.

Everybody liked Jess Wilbur. He was friendly and obliging.

When he shod the horses his shop became a haven for idlers and bugeyed kids. His smelly leather apron, the red-hot embers in the forge, the sweat of the horses all made a pleasant atmosphere worth standing

My Garden of Eden

Eden blacksmith shop ofJess Wilbur, 1913. LaMar Petersen, age three, is standing in doorway with his sister Eva.

247

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around for an hour at a time enjoying. I loved to watch him at work, smoking his stogie, intent on gentling the horse as he applied the shoe, his swarthy, perspiring face showing both concentration and kindness.

He was also a fixer. He mended plows and harvesters, an occasional wheel from a wagon, or a flivver that refused to start.

But most impressive to all the villagers was the fact that he was a good friend of David O. McKay from nearby Huntsville. He used to drop in at the shop and chat with Jess about local events and politicsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; but never about religion. That great one, destined to become president of the Mormon church, loved the people of Ogden Valley, and high on his list was Jess, and also my parents, Adam and Anna, his boyhood chums.

Adam and Anna had been childhood sweethearts, both born in Huntsville six days apart. Both were Petersens, one with an o and one with an e. Together they attended the one-room schoolhouse under the discipline of Charles Wright, graduating from the eighth grade in 1884. They were married at eighteen in the Logan Temple. Nine children were born to them between the years 1889 and 1910, I being the caboose. I never heard Mama complain about those child-bearing years, but they must have been rough. Papa was in Denmark from 1892 to 1894 and again from 1902 to 1904. He loved missionary life.

Pictures reveal him in black cutaway coat and high silk hat, sporting a cane and with a Book of Mormon in hand.

The Petersen home in Eden, January 1918.

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M a m a ' s role was less glamorous. She worked in the fields, took in washing, and ran a store. In addition to her work as postmistress, she was a Relief Society president and active in the Scandinavian organization, frequently hosting its members.

M y father always called her his Q u e e n . It was more than a term of respect and honor, it was one of endearment. O t h e r than the times he was away on his missions he would go no place without her. She and Papa would play four-handed pieces on the piano and sometimes sing and dance together.

P a p a was proud to be A d a m L. Petersen. H e was proud of his wife and family, proud of his ability as a public speaker and mover of men, happy in the good will and association of hundreds of friends. H e loved people, loved his church, loved public service. At different times in his life he was merchant, butcher, sheriff, justice of the peace, legislator, high councilman, missionary, guitarist, singer, and public reader in Congress in Washington, D . C .

O n e time during a session of the legislature M a m a and I lived with him in the Hotel Utah. I felt very important as I played in the lobby of the hotel and in the rotunda of the great State Capitol. Once I even sat on Governor Simon Bamberger's knee as he and P a p a thrashed out some political problem.

W h e n P a p a was in Washington I missed him terribly. T h e day he came back M a m a and I were waiting at the little train station at the foot of the hill (now under water, a part of Pine View Reservoir). H e was a conquering hero coming home laden with glory, and I was the proudest, happiest boy in Eden as the horse and buggy took us home.

T h e evenings at home when he sang and played his guitar were times of rapture. While he was tuning I would take his shoes off and loosen his socks in the toes. H e sang fun songs and sad songs, love songs and ballads: " T h e Baggage Coach A h e a d , " " T h e Fatal Wedd i n g , " "Everybody Works But F a t h e r , " " B e n Bolt," and " T h e Flying T r a p e z e . " H e sang at Danish parties, at weddings, and at funerals.

P a p a and M a m a sometimes received mail addressed simply, A d a m and Eve, G a r d e n of Eden, Zion. M a m a ' s name was really A n n a , of course, and her oldest daughter was Eva, but the A d a m and Eve appellation seemed to stick. And G a r d e n of Eden was as apt a place n a m e as any in Zion.

G 0

Figure 1. Map of Kenilworth townsite, 1910. All illustrations are courtesy of the author unless credited otherwise.

"I Owe My Soul": An Architectural and Social History of Kenilworth, Utah

BY WAYNE L. BALLE

Mr. Balle, an architect, lives in East Layton, Utah.

Kenilworth, Utah

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S T U D E N T S O F A R C H I T E C T U R A L H I S T O R Y T E N D to neglect those subjects not considered to be pure or " h i g h class" expressions of architecture.

Such is folly, for a great deal can be learned about architecture a n d the ways people interact with it by studying more common, vernacular buildings. Kenilworth, U t a h , a coal mining town in C a r b o n County, offers an excellent opportunity for such a study.

While the architecture of Kenilworth is not particularly distinct from that of other coal mining towns in the region, it does tell an intricate story of how the architecture of such towns developed. It is therefore the purpose of this essay to present the architecture of Kenilworth and relate it to life in this coal town. Unfortunately, most of what once materially constituted this coal camp is now gone, but enough of it remains, along with precious documents, to draw a picture of the c a m p ' s early buildings and in the process learn something about everyday life there. T h e pattern and flow of day-to-day life in that once-bustling community was, to a remarkable degree, a function of its physical environment.

Kenilworth's beginnings date to the spring of 1904 when several veins of coal were discovered by Heber J . Stowell seven miles north of Price, U t a h . This find was reported and was prospected in 1905-6 by H e n r y W a d e . H e discovered three workable coal beds, positioned one above the other, and took the lead in creating the Western Coal a n d Coke C o m p a n y to begin mining operations. By February 1, 1906, fourteen miners were employed at the site. This n u m b e r increased to twenty by the end of that year at which time the Independent Coal a n d Coke C o m p a n y (IC&C) incorporated a n d took over operations. T h e company commissioned Edward Bert Phippen (1879-1968), a Salt Lake City architect, to design housing and public buildings. Construction began in 1908 and Kenilworth was suddenly on the m a p . By the end of 1908 the camp boasted 100 residents and by the time of the 1910 census, 500.^ Amenities were on the spot from the beginning. According to a court affidavit of J u l y 1, 1910: " . . . in said town of Kenilworth there are public stores, restaurants, a post office, a public school building, a hotel, and other buildings of a public nature, for the use and convenience of the inhabitants. . . ."^

^Sun Advocate (Price), January , 1976; E.H. Burdick, A Report of the Independent Coal and Coke Company (Salt Lake City: author, 1937), p. 3; Eastern Utah Advocate, February 1, 1906, December 27, 1906, February 20, 1908; interview with Layne Adair, Helper, Utah, September 1985.

2Diamenti v. Independent Coal and Coke Company, civ. case 537 (Ut. 7th Dist. Ct., 1910).

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Figure 2. Map of Kenilworth, 1918, shows town expanding northward.

As with most mining communities, the site chosen for the town of Kenilworth was close to the mining operation, a situation that placed physical limitations on layout and growth. (See figure 1.) It was tucked up against the mountains and located between two deep washes. The main streets were laid out in an east-west direction and were terminated at each end as dictated by the topography and rail line respectively.

As the mine grew, so did the town. By 1918 Kenilworth had expanded as far to the north as was physically possible. (See figure 2.) A group of housesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;soon to be known as Silk Stocking Rowâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;was built for management and foremen west of town. Later, as the mine continued to grow, a major plat addition, known as New Town, was located to the east. (See figure 3.) This section was added around 1923 as well as the mine engineer's and superintendent's residences to the south.

With that, the size of Kenilworth stabilized until the termination of operations at the mine in the late 1950s.

DEMOGRAPHICS AND T O W N SECTIONS

The 1910 census of Kenilworth sheds an interesting light on the people who came to work in the mines. Not surprisingly, 64 percent were foreign born: 180 were born in the United States, 117 in Greece,

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Figure 3. Kenilworth, Utah, looking southeast. Courtesy of the Carbon County Historical Society.

91 in Italy, 42 in Austria, 30 in J a p a n , 24 in the British Isles, 14 in Germany, and 1 in Sweden. M a n y immigrants came with the idea that they would make their fortunes and then return to their homelands.

Perhaps these goals were strengthened when they saw the contrast between the sunny and pleasant agrarian villages they had left and the cold and dirty industrial camps they found in Utah.^ However, as fate would have it, m a n y stayed, evidence of which can be seen today in the surnames common to Carbon County.

T h e population of Kenilworth, then, consisted of diverse ethnic groups, and each group settled in its own separate area where language and customs formed the bonds of community. Informal boundaries soon developed and certain sections of the town were designated or named after that particular ethnic group, such as J a p T o w n and Greek T o w n . (See figure 4.) C o m p a n y officials also promoted the separation of ethnic groups. By assigning homes in one general area to the same ethnic group, divisiveness was fostered through prejudice, which, as the company officials could see, would hinder efforts among the miners to form unions.

J a p Town, which consisted of a single boarding house and possibly one other house, was located on the northernmost edge of town.

3A. Kent Powell, "Land of Three Heritages: Mormons, Immigrants, and Miners," in Carbon County: Eastern Utah's Industrialized Island, ed. Philip F. Notarianni (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1981), p. 12.

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This was directly on the edge of the noisy and dirty rail yard. Most of the Japanese consisted of single men, with few complete families. A huge tub in the basement of the boarding house was used by the J a p a nese as their bathing facility, separate from the main mine bathhouse.

It was not u n c o m m o n , however, for the head of the boarding house to allow children from the town to swim in the large tub. M a n y today rem e m b e r the fun they had swimming in the tub, for the town had no regular swimming pool.

Greek T o w n , which consisted of a n u m b e r of homes, was located in the northeast corner of town next to the wash. T h e Italian population also lived there. Located in the lower portion of Greek T o w n was a small tin building known as the Greek Coffee House. H e r e the men could go visit and chat with others, a very important part of their original European culture. Both the Greek and Italian people planted gardens and kept animals down in the wash, another traditional practice from the homeland and important to their way of life. Also, outdoor baking ovens were located in Greek T o w n and used by many Greek

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and Italian women. M a n y still remember the delicious aroma of homemade bread permeating the air of the entire camp.

C o m p a n y paternalism was evident in the town from its inception.

T h e company provided not only housing for the miners but also a full range of medical services including a hospital.* It also provided a school for the children of the town, a store, and a wide range of recreational activities for the residents. It built a large auditorium that housed a movie theatre, dance hall, library, pool hall, and miscellaneous meeting rooms. Each family paid a monthly fee to have so-called free movies each week, an event that was well attended from all areas of the county, even though it was intended for local residents only. T h e company maintained a baseball field, tennis courts, a barbecue pit, and, in the winter, an ice-skating pond. While such recreational opportunities were enjoyed by the residents, they also furthered the company officials' desires to make people feel that they, not the unions, would take better care of them.

Perhaps paternalism was exercised most covertly through the company store. Officials assured that the residents would trade at the company store by issuing scrip as partial payment of wages or as an extension of credit on wages yet to be earned. M u c h can be said about the lament, " I owe my soul to the company s t o r e , " since in some cases a large portion of the paycheck had already been spent using scrip given on credit. Obviously, this was a good way to keep money within the company, but it was not totally self serving. During periods when dem a n d for coal was down and work was scanty, it was often the only means a family had to subsist. In a way the system can be considered humanitarian, yet the results always benefited the store and company.^ Harassment by the company of independent peddlers who desired to trade in Kenilworth was another means of ensuring that residents would patronize the store. A lawsuit brought against the IC&C by J o h n Diamenti in 1910 alleged that the company was "wrongfully and unlawfully seeking and endeavoring to create and enjoy a monopoly of business and trade within the said town of Kenilworth. . . ."^ T h e plaintiff further accused the company of employing physical force to keep him from peddling in Kenilworth. In this particular case a tem*J. C. Dick, Report on Independent Coal and Coke Company Property (Salt Lake City: author, 1922), p.

5.

5Scrip was also accepted by some of the merchants in other Carbon County towns but only at a significant discount. At Bianco's Tavern in nearby Helper, for example, $5 in scrip was worth $3 in cash. Interview with Ronnie Jewkes, Kenilworth, Utah, February 10, 1985. ^Diamenti v. Independent Coal and Coke Company.

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Figure 5. Original design of architect Edward Phippen for the company store, the Kenilworth Mercantile.

porary injunction was issued against the I C & C . In most cases, however, the peddlers would not have bothered to fight the issue in court but would have simply moved on to friendlier towns.

So while it may be that the company provided certain services and amenities that benefited the less fortunate, it nevertheless used them as a means of controlling directly and indirectly the lives of the miners.

Because it controlled all building in the community, architecture too was placed at the service of the company. Such is evident in the building of both commercial and residential structures.

T h e heart of the company town was the store, for here the company directed the economy of the camp. T h e history of the store has much to reveal about the building process in a U t a h mining camp.

T h e Kenilworth store, constructed in several stages, was designed

by Edward Phippen, company architect. Although he received no formal architectural education, Phippen displayed a keen understanding of both the practice of architecture and prevailing fashion, as is evidenced by his work on the company store.

Designs for commercial buildings in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century America generally followed a proven formula. Stores were one-, two-, or three-story rectangular structures with flat roofs.

Display windows were found on the ground floor and offices on the upper stories. O r n a m e n t was confined to the window opening a n d along the edge of the roof, which was usually some kind of parapet. Overall

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Figure 6. Phippen's second company store design.

composition was symmetrical. It was in this tradition that Phippen worked.''

T h e symmetrical block provided Phippen the basic structure for the Kenilworth store. Compositional balance based upon a tripartite, symmetrical whole, an idea deeply rooted in western civilization design tradition, was a guiding concept in Phippen's work throughout the project.^ A good example of this model is found in Phippen's original design of the Kenilworth Mercantile C o m p a n y building. T h e store was to be bilaterally symmetrical in elevation and plan. (See figure 5.) A large 7See Richard Longstreth, "Compositional Types in American Commercial Architecture," in Perspectives in Vernacular Architecture, volume 3, ed. Camille Wells, pp. 12-23 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1986); Richard Longstreth, The Buildings of Main Street: A Guide to American Commercial Architecture (Washington, D . C : The Preservation Press, 1987); and Thomas Carter and Peter Goss, Utah's Historic Architecture, 1847-1940: A Guide {Salt Lake City, University of Utah Press, 1988). sHenry Classic, "Folk A r t , " in Folklore and Folklife: An Introduction, ed. by Richard M. Dorson (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 266. Classic elaborates as follows: "Folk ornamentation is repetitive. . . . Often it consists of pairs of the same motif, d: ddd. Most folk thinking involves the possibilities of binary sets. The ornamentation might consist of pairs of the same motif, dd: dd dd dd.

The motif might be mirrored to form a symmetrical whole: db: db db db or dddbbb. A second motif might be introduced to form a pair, de: de de. But the thinking only rarely becomes so complex as to include three different motifs: d e r. Triplets usually involve the repetition of the same motif—d: ddd ddd—or the insertion of a different motif in the center—ded or dbd—but most usually a tripartite motif consists of the symmetrical pair—db—separated by a second element that is bilaterally symmetrical, so that the resulting unit still exhibits symmetrical halves: dAb: dAb dAb or dddAbbb." P. 272.

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Figure 7. While the Kenilworth Mercantile, facing page, was under construction, another market and ice cream parlor was being built to the west, the latter likely designed by Phippen as well.

central pavilion with a r o u n d arched opening, flanked by Tuscan colu m n s , was to be the focal point of the design. Extended to each side of the central pavilion were to be wings that terminated with another arched opening. T h e organization and detailing is neoclassical in feeling, with the use of classical elements such as pilasters, Tuscan colu m n s , a n d a continuous cornice across the top of the facade. This design was never executed, however. Since the entire structure was to be stone, the projected cost was probably too high to suit company officials.

T h e I C & C commissioned Phippen to create a new design for the Kenilworth Mercantile C o m p a n y . T h e drawings reveal that the same underlying themes governing the first design were still visible in the second. (See figure 6.) T h e facade is again bilaterally symmetrical with an emphasized central element and two similar but less dominant elements on each end of the roof silhouette. It is here that similarities with the first design end. This time the store was to be much smaller and constructed of wood with a stone foundation. At about the same time this store was being built, an additional market and ice cream parlor

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KENILWORTH WERCAHTILE

COttPAHY

building was built thirty feet to the west (see figure 7) using the same construction materials. The main facade of this building also shows how the symmetrical block model governed the designer, likely Phippen. Each store's facade measured thirty feet in width while each building's length measured fifty feet. However, the main store had a much taller interior space. The central motif on the facade of the main store cannot be attributed to any particular achitectural style but it was common in the late nineteenth century. Along the main roof line was a cornice running the full width of the facade under which a set of recessed panels was placed. The porch or veranda was supported by Tuscan columns standing on pedestals. Each side of the recessed entry featured glass display areas. The remaining three sides were covered with horizontal ship lap siding. The interior was one large, unbroken space with a balcony above and basement below. All interior walls were plastered and several built-in shelves were installed. The floor was covered with tongue and groove boards.

In 1918 the growing town forced an expansion of the company store. The company initially planned to fill the thirty-foot gap between

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Figure 8. By 1918 the expanding town needed a larger store. The asymmetrical facade of this front elevation was probably the work of a draftsman other than Phippen, and the design was rejected.

Figure 9. Phippen was hired to supervise the remodeling and produced this very symmetrical design that was later revised.

the two existing stores with more space for the main store. A floor plan and front elevation were prepared, probably by a draftsman other than Phippen. (See figure 8.) The proposed elevationâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a very unbalanced, asymmetrical facadeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;either did not please the client or the original architect, Phippen, for as a single composition the new combination broke the basic design rules. Without an underlying symmetry, the overall design lacked balance and control. At this time it appears that Phippen was hired to supervise the remodeling. Penciled on the original drawing of the first proposal is a scheme that integrated the various components into a single visual statement, the intended result being a

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Figure 10. One of Phippen's final drawings, showing a veranda running the entire length of the facade.

Figure 11. Decorative molding accentuates elements of the roof silhouette.

symmetrical, commercial block. Bilateral symmetry is reintroduced with a central dominant element and two less dominant elements on either side. (See figure 9.) T h e scheme unites the three separate entities, giving the main facade a much stronger character. M u c h of Phippen's aesthetic preference can be found in tradition as well as the built environment that likely surrounded him throughout his life.^ 9As put by Henry Classic: " . . . ponder the reinforcing effect on the Western child raised in an immediate environment where most things â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the furniture, the windows, the doors, the houses along the streetâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;are symmetrical. He will grow into a man who will place great value on repetition, control, equilibrium. He will, as farmer or city planner, try to draw nature into symmetry. He will, as scientist, try to draw empirical data into symmetrical models. He will, as old-time craftsman or industrial engineer, create objects that are apparently artless but that are actually products of the traditional repetitivesymmetrical aesthetic." Ibid, p. 279.

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T h e present main facade is somewhat different from that shown in Phippen's final drawing. However, the general feeling and composition of the design remain. (See figures 10 and 11.) T h e ornamental motif used on the original main store was repeated in a larger size over the central addition. It is not known if these changes were initiated by Phippen or the builders. T h e cornice line of the roof silhouette was trimmed with molding to further accentuate the visual effect of the form. T h e most imposing element of the building was the long veranda that ran the entire length of the facade. A simple post and lintel construction was used on the new porch, and a framework of balusters was placed between the columns to act as a guardrail.

T h e east elevation of the present building (original main store) remains just as Phippen designed it, except an additional thirty-four feet was added at a later date. (See figure 12.) This can be seen by the rhythm of the fenestration that changes after the original five ten-foot bays. T h e west elevation (original market and ice cream parlor) is articulated by the use of a stepped cornice. (See figure 13.) Evidence of later additions is shown by breaks in the rhythm of the steps. Perhaps the most intriguing view of the store is from behind. (See figure 14.)

H e r e one can clearly see the three separate buildings and all additions to the store. (See figure 15.) These additions were obviously added as the need arose and were not governed by the same stringent design rules that controlled the main facade. For example, two sets of doors have been walled off on one side of a room while the doors were left intact on the other. T h e same phenomenon occurs with nine different windows. It is as though after the facade is passed, a whole new set of design rules takes over that are based primarily on function and economy. i° Even long-time residents of Kenilworth never really noticed how the rear of the building appeared, even though it is open to view.

T o them, the image of the company store is expressed on the main facade, as would be expected.

T h e Kenilworth company store was an extremely important institution in the lives of the town's residents. As was the case with most company owned stores, it was the only convenient outlet of goods available to local residents. T h e Kenilworth " M e r c " provided a wide range of goods and services, including special orders. A record of freight de-

loAccording to Classic, " . . . all artifacts have more than one function, whether a single function is clearly dominant or not. The interior of a house is designed primarily to be used, and its function may be classed primarily as economic; its exterior is designed primarily to be seen, and its function may be classed as primarily aesthetic. Ibid., p. 253.

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Figure \2. A later thirty-four-foot addition to the store breaks the rhythm of the original design.

Figure 13. The west elevation is articulated by the use of a stepped cornice.

Figure 14. View of the store from behind shows three original buildings and later additions.

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Figure 15. The principle of symmetry was not maintained behind the store's facade as this floor plan clearly reveals.

livered to the store in October 1911 gives a general idea of the wide range of goods available. Included were soap, hardware, soda water, groceries, eggs, electric goods, meats, macaroni, dry goods, bacon, notions, stove fix, "Blue r o x , " sugar, furniture, drugs, candy, canned goods, tobacco, mats, shoes, oil, glassware, tools, cigars, stoves, flour, hay, wall finish, salt, fruit, cheese, " c r a x , " spuds, vegetables, powder, and carbide.^^ In later years the Merc also served as the gas station, providing gasoline, oil, and compressed air. Housed within the same structure as the store was a confectionary that carried ice cream and candy; in earlier years liquor was available there as well. Also, a butcher shop was located in the store as well as a barber shop at one time. Miners could buy all necessary mining gear at the store, and the ''Kenilworth and Helper Railroad, Interstate Commerce Commission, Record Group 134, National Archives.

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Figure 16. The store veranda was a gathering place for the community.

Figure 17. Bulletin board at bottom of the veranda stairs carried notices from the company.

manager was even trained in tailoring so proper suits could be measured and ordered.

The company store not only acted as a place of trade and supply but also served as a social gathering place. The long veranda at the front of the store (see figure 16) was a gathering point for young and old alike. Residents can recall "some pretty good fights on the veranda," especially in the days when liquor was sold at the confectionary. ^^ x h e steps at either end of the veranda served as a place where baseball teams, clubs, and organizations posed for group pictures. The long veranda was also used by children as a playground. Roller skaters would often try their skills on the wood flooring, and some enjoyed riding '2Jewkes interview.

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Figure 18. Hotel, left, on Kenilworth Avenue also housed the post office and a restaurant. The building was demolished in 1965. School is visible behind houses on right. USHS collections.

their bicycles up the stairs on one side, across the veranda, and down the stairs on the opposite end. A bulletin board at the bottom of the veranda steps carried notices of company events. (See figure 17.) Most important, this is where the miners would come on a regular basis to see if there was work to be done that day in the mines. Obviously the store became much more than just a store; it was truly the heart of the town.

Other public buildings designed by Phippen which fit into the same compositional formula include the hotel that housed the post office and a restaurant (see figure 18, demolished ca. 1965); the public school (see figures 18 and 19, demolished ca. 1960); an auditorium (see figure 20) that was destroyed by fire about 1930 and replaced by a second auditorium (demolished ca. 1980); the hotel annex (demolished ca.

1965); and the mine office (see figure 21, demohshed ca. 1965). Phippen also created the original designs for the hospital and the Japanese boarding house (demolished ca. 1960). Like the store, m a n y of these public buildings expanded as the need arose. T h e same rules of design were employed. These maintained the symmetry of the main facade yet allowed for irregularity of plan and rear facade as functionally dictated.

Kenilworth, Utah Figure 20. The Kenilworth auditorium was destroyed by fire ca.

1930. USHS collections.

Figure 19. Kenilworth School, demolished ca. 1960. Courtesy of Annie Blackham Nielson.

Figure 21. Mine office, demolished ca. 1965.

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The first dwellings in Kenilworth consisted of tents formed by erecting four wall frames and covering the structure with canvas. These dwellings soon gave way to more permanent housing which was built and owned by the company. The earliest houses were designed by E. B. Phippen and follow a pattern typical of many early mining communities in the western United States.

Housing in Kenilworth came in a wide range of sizes to suit the basic needs of all individuals. The most common house was a simple four-room cottage. (See figure 22.) Here the rooms are all nearly square with a wall running the full length down the middle. This symmetrical interior scheme forced an asymmetrical fenestration pattern on the main facade, the front door being offset to one side. This plan was implemented en mass by the company, yet a wide range of exterior treatments allowed for diversity and variety. The first example, of which exist several variants, is called the pyramid cottage. (See figures 23-25.) The pyramid cottage is so named because the roof is hipped on all four sides and rises to meet at one point at the top. The cottage shown in figure 23, with the offset door, has a centrally located porch, giving the house an overall appearance of symmetricality. A play or tension between symmetry and asymmetry is thus created. This same dichotomy recurs in almost all of Kenilworth's housing types. The asymmetrical arrangement of the openings on the facade are seldom reconciled with the symmetrically placed porches, an attempt by Phippen to maintain, as much as possible, compositional balance. Another example is shown in figure 24. The front porch is covered by an extension of the roof which is supported by symmetrically spaced columns.

Again, the entry onto the porch does not align with the front door. Figure 25 shows still another pyramid cottage whose porch has merely been cut out of the living room. This created a totally asymmetrical composition, showing that Phippen at times did venture out of the symmetrical model. One of the few truly symmetrical cottages is shown in figure 26. This is achieved using the same four-room floor plan, adding a door to the other side, and placing the porch in the middle, thus creating a duplex unit.

Other variations of the same four-room floor plan are shown in figures 27 and 28. These houses were built with bungalow-inspired gabled roofs, the ridge running parallel to the street. The porches are again symmetrical and centrally located, giving the houses an orderly

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Figure 2 3 . Pyramid cottage with offset door.

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Figure 22. Typical four-room cottage plan.

Figure 24. Pyramid cottage with varied facade elements.

Figure 25. Pyramid cottage with porch area taken from living room.

Figure 26. Duplex unit is one of few symmetrical cottages by

Phippen.

Figure 27. Bungalow on Silk Stocking Row.

Figure 28. Bungalow in New Town.

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EU Figure 30. Shotgun cottage typical of Greek Town.

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Figure 29. Plan of two-room shotgun cottage.

Figure 32. Bungalow with gabled roof

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Figure 34. Another bungalow variation with hipped roof.

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appearance. The house type shown in figure 28 is located in New Town while that shown in figure 27 is an example of the cottages found on Silk Stocking Row. The actual floor plan consists of six rooms instead of the normal fourâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the additional two rooms being added at the rearâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;covered by a shed roof. One of the six rooms was an indoor toilet originally built into the house in 1918. The other four-room cottages had no indoor plumbing until approximately 1945. Thus, to live in a home with an indoor toilet prior to 1945 was a luxury enjoyed by management, mine foremen, and their families. This house type is also distinguished by a porch with a gabled roof, a pediment, and wide, overhanging eaves. This porch sharply contrasts with the shed-roof porches on the same house type as is shown in figure 28. Such an entrance is likely to command more respect since it is more classical in its influence.

Another major house type found in Kenilworth is the shotgun house, a house two rooms deep with a roof ridge running perpendicular to the street. The smallest of the town's cottages fit this category. These two room shotgun houses (see figures 29 and 30) were located most commonly in Greek Town. They were occupied generally by single men, sometimes two per cottage.

Another important Kenilworth house was the bungalow. The bungalow floor plan shows a very long and narrow arrangement two bays wide. The width of each bay is different, the middle interior wall placed off to one side, allowing the front door to be positioned in the middle of the house and creating a symmetrical exterior composition.

(See figure 31.) Such, however, is not fully achieved in this case as shown in figure 32. As is common with other Kenilworth houses, the main posts supporting the roof over the porch are symmetrically arranged. The porch entrance is somewhat reconciled with the front door in this example.

Other variations on this same basic floor plan are shown in figures 33 and 34. These two examples, located near the company store and hotel, had indoor plumbing from an early date. The store manager, mine inspectors, and other company officials lived in these houses. The example shown in figure 33 consists of a bungalow covered with a hipped roof. The porch is created by a cutout in the floor plan. In both examples, the designer made no attempt to create a symmetrical appearance.

The final variation of the bungalow is found in New Town. This type is differentiated by the inclusion of an upper floor. There are four

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Figure 35. New Town bungalow with six rooms on two floors was designed by company draftsman.

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Figure 37. Mine engineer's residence with central dormer in gabled roof.

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rooms on the main floor and an additional two on the upper level. (See figures 35 and 36.) The front porch is formed by use of a shed roof, and the main entrance to the porch is reconciled with the placement of the front door. This house type was designed by a draftsman employed by the company and was considered by most to be the best available for the workers and their families.

Every cottage in Kenilworth had a rear screen porch which was generally covered with a shed roof. This was often used for sleeping during the summer months. In later years, when indoor plumbing was added, this space was enclosed to create bathrooms and other utility rooms.

At about the time that New Town was being built (1923), another area nearby was set aside for the residences of the mine engineer and superintendent. These residences, located on the outskirts of town, were far from the dirt and noise of the mine and rail yards. When Kenilworth was first founded, the mine superintendent lived near the mine operation in what later became the doctor's residence. After a time, the company decided to move the superintendent to a more secluded area.

Built near these new residences were two tennis courts and a barbecue pit for use by the town's residents.

These two homes (see figure 37), are another popular form of the bungalow, having a broad gable roof punctuated by a centrally placed dormer and a projecting porch. Each had approximately 1,400 square feet of living space, double that of the average home in Kenilworth.

The houses have four nearly square rooms on two levels and a bungalow roof, with the ridge running parallel to the street. In 1926, a large addition was built onto the superintendent's house. This remodeling was designed by Pope and Burton Architects, Salt Lake City. The present floor plans, shown in figures 38 and 39, add up to 3,000 total square feet. The main level even contains servant's quarters with a private bath. All amenities required for entertaining visiting officials and dignitaries were included. Upstairs four large bedrooms and a bathroom were provided. The exterior of the house (see figure 40) while not overdone, is detailed using classical elements such as box returns at the gabled ends and multi-paned windows. The house can be considered luxurious by any standard.

Materials used in the construction of the houses and commercial buildings in the town were prescribed by the company. No Kenilworth buildings, except mining facilities, were constructed of the more permanent materials such as brick or stone. Instead, wood was used, being easier, faster, and cheaper to work with. Also, since all these buildings

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Figure 40. Architects Pope and Burton remodeled the mine superintendent's house in 1926, expanding the living space to 3,000 sq. ft. and adding classical elements to the exterior.

were built on company land, there existed the possibility of future expansion and development, meaning that the houses might have to be torn down or actually relocated to new coal fields.

Since all the homes were designed by Americans, then built and owned by the company, little if any architectural influence was brought directly to the camp by immigrants. However, many skilled stone masons and carpenters were among the immigrants and could have had some opportunity to use their crafts in the construction of some of the homes and larger buildings. But since people frequently moved from house to house, they were not likely to make permanent and costly additions, further reducing likelihood of architectural influence from Europe. The main motivation behind moving was that of obtaining a larger house. Many of the families were quite large and lived in overcrowded conditions. And, as shown in the 1910 census, it was common to take in boarders to help pay the rent. It was also common to request housing in better locations of the town, even though the house was the same size. Some people considered it undesirable to live in or near J a p Town or Greek Town or too close to the mine operation.

Several fine examples of stone masonry are found in and near Kenilworth. Many of the homes were built on stone foundations, some of which are exposed today. Figure 41 shows a good example of stone masonry found in Greek Town. The mason took great care in rounding this entrance to the cellar. Most foundations look much like that shown in figure 42 which illustrates how the masons squared only that side which would be exposed, leaving the rest rough and uncut.

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Figure 41, Stone masonry in Greek Town.

Figure 42. Remains of a stone foundation.

O n e stone mason, an Italian immigrant whose work was well known in the Kenilworth area, was J o h n Arronco (1876-1945). In the very early days of the town, Arronco, seeing an opnortunity to make a good living, built a store just south of there. ^^ Crafted entirely of stone, the structure served not only as a store but also as the social center for early Italian immigrants. Only the foundations remain today, but they clearly reveal a high degree of craftsmanship. (See figures 43 and 44.)

As mentioned, conditions in the town were linked closely to developments in the mine. T h e Kenilworth operation peaked during World W a r II, and from there demand for coal once again lessened, never again to reach a comfortable profit level. Finally, in the late 1950s, the Kenilworth operation closed. Soon after, the company began selling the homes to private individuals but did not sell the land until about 1970. This forced the owners of the homes to move them down into the valley on privately owned land. T h e public buildings, except for the company store, were gradually torn down, and the tennis courts and baseball field were left to return to the land.

In recent years, Kenilworth has begun to make a comeback. Several improvements have been m a d e , including new water and sewer lines, and a few new homes have been built. Some of the original houses that were not relocated have been remodeled. Yet, the comforts and essential character of the original town are mere memories. While 13Interview with Henry Scorzato, Kenilworth, Utah, September 1985.

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Figures 43 and 44. Remains of stonework by Italian immigrant mason John Arronco who built a store south of Kenilworth.

Kenilworth's original architecture would likely not win awards for beauty or originality, it does tell an interesting storyâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a story about the people who designed it, lived in it, and considered it part of their lives.

A conscious effort was made in all phases of design to create buildings and homes that were aesthetically correct and functionally sound. The Kenilworth experience is an exception to the notion that mining towns were merely "thrown together" without thought. It does in fact reveal a community of considerable architectural charm, albeit of a relatively simple and transitory order.

â&#x20AC;˘^4

Anxious Castle Gate residents wait for news offamilies, friends, and neighbors following March 8, 1924, mine explosion. USHS collections.

.*

A Struggle for Survival and Identity: Families in the Aftermath of the Castle Gate Mine Disaster

BY JANEEN ARNOLD COSTA

O N THE CLEAR, BRISK MORNING OF SATURDAY, M A R C H 8, 1924,

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men reported for work in the Number 2 mine of the Utah Fuel Company in Castle Gate, Utah. Shortly after they began their shift the mine was rocked by two separate, violent explosions. None of the miners survived, and one rescue worker, who apparently removed the nose clip of his gas mask, was killed by inhaling the deadly afterdamp. It took a week to recover all of the bodies.^ As the week wore on company officials went into action to provide for the families of those killed. In 1917 the Utah State Legislature had passed a workmen's compensation law and set up a state insurance fund. The Utah Fuel Company, self-insured, provided $150 in funeral expenses for each miner and $16 a week for nearly six years, totaling almost $5,000 in compensation for each claimant. In addition. Gov. Charles R. Mabey set up a committee to distribute $132,445.13 in funds raised through public donations. On June 6, 1924, the Castle Gate Relief Fund Committee hired Annie D. Palmer, an experienced Red Cross worker, to determine the needs and conditions of widows and orphaned children. For seven years following the disaster, she submitted carefully detailed reports.^ Dr. Costa is adjunct assistant professor of anthropology at the University of Utah. A version of this paper was presented at the Labor History Forum session in the August 1984 annual meeting of the Utah State Historical Society.

1 Overviews of the tragedy, one a personal reminiscence, are found in Allan Kent Powell, The Next Time We Strike: Labor in the Utah Coal Fields, 1900-1933 (Logan: Utah State University Press, 1985), chap.

8; Saline Hardee Fraser, " O n e Long Day That Went on Forever," Utah Historical Quarterly 48 (1980): 379-89.

2 See Michael Katsanevas, J r . , " T h e Emerging Social Worker and the Distribution of the Castle Gate Relief F u n d , " Utah Historical Quarterly 50 (1982): 241-54. Palmer's reports, along with other documents on which the research for this paper is based, are filed under Castle Gate Relief Fund in the Utah State Archives, Salt Lake City.

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The following were among the fatalities: 49 Greek, 22 Italian, 8 Japanese, 7 English, 6 Austrian, 2 Scotch, 2 Negro, 1 Belgian, and 74 American. Of those killed, 57 were single men and 114 were married.^ In February, when the company decided to close down the Number 1 mine due to falling coal prices and a mine fire that was proving difficult to extinguish, it laid off single men first, retaining married men with families to support for continued work in the Number 2 mine. Thus, the proportionate number of married men at work and killed in the devastating explosion at the Number 2 mine that morning in March was much higher than it would have been only a short time before.

Excluding boys above the age of 16 and girls above the age of 18, the disaster left 417 individuals dependent, including 25 expectant mothers. Information is available on 143 families for several years following the disaster. The chronicling of their lives shows a clear difference among the options available and undertaken by these women and their children, a difference based on the diverse ethnic backgrounds of those involved.

The data provide an opportunity to correlate the strategies these women chose with information on cultural practices, the time at which the individual and the general immigrant group first came from a specific country or region to the United States and to Utah, and, thus, an understanding of the migrant group's position in the labor market and in the social milieu of the time. There are also data on the age of children in the family and the presence of close relatives in the area. All of these variables influenced the decision-making of the women and children. The tragedy presents a unique opportunity to observe the actions taken by women in an era when choosing to maintain ethnic identity or to assimilate were options primarily exercised by men, both for themselves and for the women they brought with them or sent for in the process of migration.

The social environment in Utah in the 1920s was one of discrimination against those who were distinguishable from the majority because of language, religion, appearance, or customs. Of those killed in the mine disaster this would include Japanese, Greeks, Italians, and Blacks.* The Japanese, by their own choice and because of anti-Japa3The "Austrians" were actually Yugoslavs. Although the Austro-Hungarian empire, which included the Yugoslav homeland, was dismantled in 1919, this misleading designation remained attached to Yugoslavs in the United States for some time. *The Yugoslavs (i.e., "Austrians") experienced similar discrimination, separated as they were by language, customs, and religion from mainstream Utah.

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nese laws and attitudes across the country, remained separate from most aspects of life in mainstream Utah. Assimilation simply was not a choice available to them. The eight Japanese killed at Castle Gate had no families living in the area at the time, and no records reveal the way a Japanese family would have handled the disaster. Some of the immediate responses of the Greek, Italian, and Negro families are available, and they differ significantly from the responses of those who, because of lighter colored skin, language, or northern European background, were more assimilated into the flow of Utah life and had become, despite their birthplace, Americanized.

The Greek experience in Utah up to 1924 had been one of isolation and conflict.^ Greek men left their homeland in droves in the late 1890s and early 1900s; Greek women came to Utah in the 1910-20 decade. Many of the Greek men killed at Castle Gate were not married and were living in the homes of relatives. Greeks followed a chain migration pattern, and networks of kin, friends, and fellow villagers operated to bring migrants to an area, to find them jobs and places to stay, and to provide them with a sense of social community. Annie Palmer, the social worker who chronicled the lives of the widows and their families, reported the following: Despina Sargetakis . . . related that in her home at Castle Gate four men, workers in the Number 2 mine were living. From her home on the morning of March 8, 1924, four men went to workâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;her husband . . . and [three] relatives. . . . From the wreck of the mine to the morgue, and on to the Cemetery they were all carried; and she with her babies came to the shelter of her sister's home.^

Despina, a woman of thirty-four, was left with five children, six years of age or younger.

A major motive for many young Greek men to leave their homeland was to find a way to provide income for their families in Greece, particularly for use in the financially crippling dowry required for a satisfactory marriage for their sisters. There is no way of knowing how many families in Greece were left destitute from the death of their provider, a son sent to challenge the dangers of life in a new country.

Unlike many of the other widows, Greek women did not, by custom, remarry.^ The prospect of life without a husband, particularly in 5See Helen Z. Papanikolas, Toil and Rage in a New Land: The Greek Immigrants in Utah (Salt Lcike City, 1974), originally published as the spring 1970 issue of Utah Historical Quarterly.

6A11 case histories cited herein are located in the Castle Gate Relief Fund collection in the Utah State Archives. ^Widows married only to have support for their children. Remarriage was considered demeaning to a dead husband's memory. Communication from Helen Z. Papanikolas.

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America where he provided a crucial link with mainstream society, was overwhelming to the young Greek widows. Old-country customs of modesty and strict social rules had isolated them from American life.

Their husbands had provided social and financial security by dealing with the outside world, working, buying food and other necessary items, and interacting with non-Greek acquaintances. Male and female domains were separate in Greece, and the association of the woman with the private arena of the home and the man with the public arena was often transplanted to and intensified in America.

For women such as these staying in America was an unwelcome option, and they determined to return to Greece with the help of the Castle Gate Relief Fund Committee. Annie Palmer described the case of Koula Camperides who was typical of these young, devastated Greek mothers: She seems so entirely unable to adapt herself to the condition . . . so helpless with her three babies, the oldest of them but three years. . . . She states that in Greece women do not remarry. She intends to devote her life to her children. There are good schools in all the towns in Greece.

Outsiders like Dr. Bruck of Castle Gate were also concerned about the helpless condition of these isolated women. He asked Palmer to visit Camperides, because he thought she was " a very superior woman and does not consider it wise to leave her in her unprotected condition."

Although the committee was initially opposed to providing transportation for anyone wishing to leave the United States, Palmer convinced them of the need to do so. In writing to Camperides after her arrival in Crete, Greece, Palmer states: I pleaded so hard for you to be allowed to go to your home country, when the committee had told me they did not favor sending anyone away from America. To me it seemed the biggest thing that could be done for you, to help you to those who could help you with your little onesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;those who were bound to you by ties of blood. 1 know that had I been left as you were left, that would have been the thing 1 should have wanted above all else. . . . 1 pleaded for them to help you to go home. The trip was no doubt hard. But that is now so long ago that you must try to forget it.

There are so many things that are not good to remember.

The committee helped six Greek women and their families return to their homeland, four of them departing together on July 5, 1924, by train from Castle Gate to Hoboken, New Jersey, and from there to Greece on July 12. For these women the journey home represented a

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Group of children orphaned by explosion at the Number 2 mine of Utah Fuel Company in Willow Creek Canyon east of Castle Gate. Courtesy of Utah State Archives.

return to safety and security, where family and, for some, minimal property were available. The compensation provided by Utah Fuel, barely adequate for life in America, would seem a lavish amount once Greece was reached.

Palmer reported on the condition of one Greek woman, Maria Bouzis, who chose to return with her five children to Crete: Like others of her countrywomen she seems unable to adapt herself to the condition that confronts her. She feels helpless and alone. Her people are in the homeland, anxious for her return. Her compensation will last at least twice as long for the children, if she is in her own country. It is the one great desire of her heart that she be helped to get back home.

In early June 1924 Palmer visited Sophie Kapakis and described her as a "woman as helpless as a woman could be, with a heavy winter coat on in midsummer. [She] begged Mrs. Palmer to stay and let her make coffee. [She] seems incapable of caring for her children."

In describing the final departure of these women on July 5, Palmer wrote: The big trunks were taken to the depot by employees of Fuel Company, everything was made as comfortable as could be for the departing women and children, and they left as scheduled. The women kept up bravely until the train was in and they began to get aboard. Then they broke down and women and children wept aloud as they bade farewell to the spot where the saddest hours of life had been endured.

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Many Greek widows seemed unable to decide whether to return to Greece or not. By the departure date of July 5, Palmer wrote, "more than half the original party had decided not to go." Some sought refuge with relatives in other parts of the United States before returning to Greece. Zoy Stavranakis left Castle Gate with her two sixteen-month old daughters immediately after the disaster to go to her brother's home in Evanston, Wyoming. Five months later she asked for and received funds from the committee to cover her return transportation and expenses to Greece. Chrissie Malax, pregnant and with a child fifteen months of age, went to Connecticut to be with her immigrant brother and sister. CaUiope Dallas, so distraught with the loss of her husband that insanity was feared, took her three young children and left for New Jersey where a cousin lived. She later returned to Greece, the committee having provided funds for her to do so. When Palmer arranged for her things to be sent to New Jersey, Dallas wrote that they had arrived but that "she did not care so much for the things as for J i m , " her lost husband.

For some Greek women the presence of other relatives and the opportunities available to their children were enough incentive for them to remain in America indefinitely. They, like their countrywomen, spoke little English and were largely unacquainted with American customs and the public arena but relied on a network of relatives and friends to support them until their children became old enough to take over this task. Despina Sargetakis moved back and forth between the home of her sister in Salt Lake City and her husband's brother in Helper; both her brothers-in-law helped with rent, medical expenses, and everyday financial needs. Mary Katsanevas, who at first wanted to return to Greece with her five children ranging in age from seven months to fifteen years, was persuaded by her oldest son (who feared induction into the Greek army) to remain in America. He was old enough to support the family through his work and to perform the social linking tasks Greek custom dictated should fall to the males of the family.

These Greek women continued to be conservative in dealing with the outside world despite the number of years they lived in America. Of Despina Sargetakis, Palmer wrote, " . . . she realizes that her children wiU have a much better chance in America." Within four years of the disaster, Palmer observed of the Sargetakis children: "Theodore and John are quite Americanized." Yet, for the mother, the customs relating to the loss of her husband remained strong: "Mrs. Sargetakis ex-

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plained that since four years are now past, she had taken down the black drapes, and that the children are happier. When asked about the black clothes, she states she will wear black until Theodore is sixteen."

Theodore would turn sixteen in 1934, ten years after the explosion.

Nevertheless, she continued to wear black until she died.

For the two remaining Greek women the proscription against remarriage, a Greek custom rather than a Greek Orthodox church requirement, was not as strong in America as in Greece. Even today, in many regions of Greece, a widow has little hope of marrying.

Eirine Markakis lost both her husband and a brother in the mine explosion. For the next six years she continued to live in Utah with her unmarried brother and a daughter born to her a few months after the disaster. In 1930 the social worker suggested "that she should seek employment among her countrymen. . . . She said there is no work that a Greek woman can do in Salt Lake. . . . [Palmer] suggested a remarriage. She said she had opportunities to remarry, but not of the men of her own section of Greece [Crete]."

The custom among both Greek immigrants and Greeks in the homeland was to marry someone who came from the same region of Greece so that the prospective spouse's background and family would be known. This knowledge was considered important for the proper selection of a husband or wife and determination of the future happiness and success of the family. When Palmer suggested that Markakis consider marrying a man from another part of Greece, she did so within two days of the suggestion, hoping she would not be criticized for an action contrary to traditional Greek practice.

Greek attitudes that prevented a woman from working outside the home also weakened in America. Georgia Paizakis, originally hoping to return to Greece in the company of the other women, changed her mind and remained in Utah for two years. In 1926 she moved to California to be with a cousin, claiming "she could get work at much better wages in California." Within two years she had remarried, providing a father for her three young children.

Significantly, none of the Greek women who remained in Utah undertook any form of wage labor outside the home or labor within the home involving close contact with outsiders, such as taking in boarders. Instead, they chose to remain in the private arena and female-centered space of their homes and to utilize close male relatives, their own children, or a new husband to provide the critical connection with the public sphere, without which they could not function.

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The widows of the Italian men killed in the Castle Gate explosion faced social isolation and antiforeign attitudes just as the other ethnic groups did, yet their comparatively longer experience in the United States and their awareness of opportunities outside of mining made it possible for them to consider remaining in Utah and to attempt to carry on some semblance of their life as it had been before the disaster.

Italians from both the north and south of Italy came to Utah five to ten years earlier than the Greek immigrants. Like the Greeks, opportunities in railroading and mining attracted them. By the time Greek workers began arriving, the Italian population was well established. Italians had a history of conflict, particularly labor conflict, in Utah. According to one source, "Utah's first important experience with labor strife occurred in the 1903 Carbon Country strike that involved, predominantly, Italian miners."^ By the time of the Castle Gate disaster in 1924 Italians were less involved for "labor violence and abuses led many Italians to leave mining and start businesses of their own or turn to farming."^ Following the 1903 strike Italians left Castle Gate, many settling on farms in the same area or taking up other kinds of work: Numerous immigrants had been apprenticed in various trades in the old country, and once an economic base had been achieved, they left the mines or railroads and embarked upon their craft. This was particularly evident in [the larger cities of Utah] . . . where shoe shops and tailor shops, as well as grocery stores and taverns, sprang up in Italian residential areas.*"

At Castle Gate that dismal morning, 22 of the 171 miners were Italian, the second largest separate ethnic group employed in the mine but less than half the number killed who were Greek and a third of those who were categorized as American.

None of the thirteen Italian widows returned to Italy. Some relied on networks of relatives and friends across America, as many Greek women had done, but the majority remained in Utah and remarried within a few months or years of the disaster. For Italian women, husbands provided a link with mainstream society, although to a lesser extent than for the Greeks in Utah. Lacking the proscription against remarriage that so profoundly affected the behavior of the Greek widows. ^Philip F. Notarianni, "Italianita in Utah: The Immigrant Experience," The Peoples of Utah, ed.

Helen Z. Papanikolas (Salt Lake City: Utah State Historical Society, 1976), p. 310.

9lbid., p. 313. loibid., pp. 313, 320.

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eight Italian women remarried and again obtained an important connection with the public sphere through a male.

Women who remarried forfeited any further compensation from the public relief fund, since the committee assumed the new husband would support the family. Utah Fuel Company cut by one-half to twothirds the remaining workmen's compensation when a woman remarried and often placed the money in a trust fund to be given to the children at the age of maturity. So, remarriage was not always a wise financial step and was certainly not undertaken on the basis of financial need alone.

Two Italian women remained in Utah without remarrying; they made and sold wine to support themselves and their families. This bootlegging operation, carried on during the prohibition era, was well supported by both immigrant and American populations and often ignored by law enforcement officials. Vittoria Cassela was said to have carried on a bootleg business prior to and after the death of her husband. The sheriff in Casde Gate commented, "Perhaps she seUs some wine . . . aU Italian women d o . " The other Italian widow who did not remarry, Mrs. Gionini, was known for the quality of her wine. She reported to the social worker that her income was in the thousands of dollars. Many Italian women in Utah produced wine, a culturally accepted way to acquire money in Italy, although illegal in the United States at that time. For these two Italian widows of the disaster, this business supplemented their income when the husband was alive and provided an important source of support after the mine disaster.

Four Italian women took boarders into their homes in the months that followed the disaster to alleviate the burden of rent payments, and some found a second husband among their boarders. The second husband did not always provide the support the Utah Fuel Company and the committee expected, however, and the committee continued to pay for medical problems and other occasional expenses. For example, although Brigida Ambrosia remarried in the fall of 1924, the committee provided funds for the care of her children, for clothing, and for medical expenses through 1926. Committee members recognized that jobs were difficult to find and to keep, particularly as the depression approached, and they hastened to reinstate monthly allowances to help in all ethnic groups when the second husband lost his job or showed signs of unwillingness to support the family fully.

Financial concerns aside, widowed women also had to face the difficult task of raising their children alone. Often they felt unable to deal

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with the problems and situations that arose as the children grew into young adults. Sometimes the children stayed out late, drove the family car without permission, and associated with friends the mothers saw as unsavory characters. T h e widows often found themselves unable to handle such situations with clear authority. For immigrant women the problem was compounded by differing cultural values, for the widows retained aspects of old-country mores while their children were assimilating into American society. In 1927, when Teresa Tallerico asked Palmer for advice on how to deal with her eight children, the social worker said that she and her children " m u s t both try to make adjustments as children are fairly Americanized and M r s . Tallerico is still foreign."

Although the first known Black traveled through U t a h in the 1820s and three Blacks came with the first permanent white settlers in 1847, their n u m b e r â&#x20AC;&#x201D; b o t h slave and freeâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;remained small in the early years of settlement. According to Ronald G. Coleman, " I n the period between 1920 and 1930, C a r b o n and Emery counties had a n u m b e r of Blacks working in the coal mines and other related industrial activities."^^ Discrimination and anti-Black attitudes were even stronger in U t a h at that time than feelings against southern European immigrants. Coleman noted: With immigrants from the Balkans and the Mediterranean initial discrimination was strong but of relatively short duration and never so virulent as that experienced by Blacks. Public opinion kept the new immigrants out of certain areas in towns and cities and frowned on intermarriage, but laws restricted Blacks in housing and public accommodations and through the Anti-Miscegenation Law (1898-1963) prohibited marriage with whites. ^2

Both the workers classified as Negro in the " n a t i o n a l i t y " census of those killed in the Castle Gate explosion left behind families. T h e two black women found little to keep them and their families in Carbon C o u n t y following the death of their husbands. Cora Willis, deprived initially of workmen's compensation because she was not legally married and her son was not the legitimate heir to Ed Willis, found herself without income of any sort. Palmer reported that Willis: Sold chairs to buy food. Now offering a small table for sale. Nothing in the house worth anything. A white woman living near brings loaf of bread 11 Ronald G. Coleman, "Blacks in Utah History: An Unknown Legacy," The Peoples of Utah, p.

132. i2lbid., p. 136.

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and few potatoes each day, and Edith Hadfield, colored maid at hotel gives fifty cents occasionally for food."

Willis hoped to move with her friend Edith to Los Angeles where Edith's mother had promised them a place to stay until they found jobs. The committee provided $150 for transportation to California and to pay off the family's debts in Castle Gate. In October 1924 the Utah State Supreme Court found in favor of Willis and awarded workmen's compensation to her son John.

Following the mine disaster. Myrtle Henderson, the second Black woman, originally planned to move with her four children to New Mexico to live with her brother. She changed her mind, however, and moved instead to Ogden to be near friends. The welfare worker seems to have been predisposed to see this family as needing help in everyday affairs, and the evidence indicates that racial attitudes in the Utah community presented many obstacles for the Henderson family. Palmer reported that Ogden was " a hard place for colored people to get along" and that the family was a victim of "crooked deals" several times. The committee provided $75 for moving expenses to Ogden in September 1924 and $25 for transportation of the children to Del Carbon, Colorado, to join their mother in October 1925 when she remarried.

If the ways Greek, Italian, and Black women responded to the tragedy varied, there is little to distinguish the responses of most women whose husbands were categorized as English, Scotch, or Belgian from those categorized as American. These women, in general, spoke English, and their habits, customs, and appearance were similar to those of the surrounding majority community. Migrants from these areas came into an America in which those from northern and central Europe were better tolerated and accepted within the context of an increasingly diverse society.

A few women from the British Isles followed a response pattern similar to other, less tolerated ethnic groups, and left America. Georgina Dodd and her eighteen-month-old daughter Dorothy May departed for Scotland, and Mary Ellen Tryer and her son Walter, seven years of age, left for Lancashire, England. The committee provided each of them with $250 in transportation expenses. And Jessie Garrock, who had come to the United States from Scotland in 1923, took in boarders during the winter following the disaster and eventually rented out the front rooms of her home to families or schoolteachers so that she would not have to deal with men unknown to her. Palmer wrote: " T o her, life seems to be adl sorrowâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;a sorrow to which she

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clings, from which she has no desire to be separated." The social worker described Garrock as "heartbroken and disgusted about the women who have already remarried, before even the year has passed."

Throughout the years of taking in boarders and cleaning and caring for the company cottage at Castle Gate, she continued to express a desire to return to Scotland. In 1930 she married a man from her homeland and returned at last to Scotland. Her daughter Anna, thirteen years old by that time, presumably returned with her, but there is no mention of her older daughter, Margaret, age sixteen, who had completed high school in the United States and was of marriageable age by the time her mother left.

For the rest of the widows in these northern and central European ethnic groups and for those said to be American, a typical pattern of coping with the difficulties of life following the deaths of their loved ones emerges. Many younger women with children immediately moved in with their parents or with the parents of the deceased husband. For some, the move back into their parents' home was difficult.

For many immigrants, of course, moving into the parents' home was not an option, unless the immigrant had come to America in company with family or had later sent for parents.

Many widows took in boarders in the months and years that followed the mine disaster. Others provided meals for single men who lived in company boardinghouses or company homes. Although a few women were afraid of taking in unknown men as boarders, some had a more practical approach. When Palmer told Anna Curtis Pappas, an American woman whose Greek husband was killed in the explosion, "that is was not always wise for lone women to take strange men into the home," Pappas replied, "Money is what talks."

Some widows of northern European or American background found employment in local businesses, including work at the Castle Gate Amusement Hall, doing "beauty work," or cleaning homes or offices for company officials. Others pursued education at Brigham Young University or Henager's College of Business. Many husbands had left insurance or accidental death policies, and their widows and children received amounts up to $5,000 to help them through the initial shock and efforts to rebuild their lives.

Within the first several years for which there is information, remarriage was a viable option, depending on age at the time of the disaster; younger women were more likely to remarry. Of those women of northern and central European origins and those listed as American,

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89 percent under the age of 30, that is 24 out of 27, remarried. Of the 12 widows between the ages of 30 and 40 at the time of the disaster, 50 percent remarried. In the 40-50 age group, only 25 percent, or 3 out of 12, remarried. And of those 50 years of age and above, only 1 out of 9 married again.

Annie Palmer also noted the religious backgrounds of the widows and families. Among Mormon women more advanced in age, some considered moving to Salt Lake City to work in the temple, although none actually did so during the twelve years the committee kept records following the disaster. Women of the LDS faith received occasional aid from the church's Relief Society. Older women of all ethnic and religious backgrounds relied on working-age children to support them in the years that followed. Unmarried children often paid rent to their mothers; married offspring provided funds on rare occasions.

For women and children, regardless of ethnic, national, or religious backgrounds, the loss of family members was tragic and often followed by continuing difficulties. Laura Simpson, for example, had lost her first husband in the Winter Quarters mine disaster at Scofield in 1900. Her second husband and a married son were killed at Castle Gate, and a sixteen-year-old son was killed six months later when he inadvertently stepped onto the railroad tracks in front of an oncoming passenger train. Some women found the strain of dealing with the crisis or crises too great. The committee received notice that Mrs. Kapakis, who had returned to Greece with her children in 1924, had bowed to despair and insanity and died in 1927.

Beyond the grief and tragedy, however, some women and their families found the necessary strength to struggle with the vicissitudes of life. Among these were both immigrant and American-born women, who despite the loss of the male head of household, provided their families with emotional and financial support. Both the Sargetakis and Katsanevas families are respected in the Greek community of Salt Lake City today. Sarcih Thomas acquired a lifetime teaching certificate from Brigham Young University within two years of the explosion at Castle Gate and supported her seven-year-old daughter at the same time.

Many women took part of their compensation in a lump sum to purchase a house, reducing their monthly income to a level dangerously low but giving them the security of a home for their children. The examples are many.

The explosion at the Utah Fuel Company at Castle Gate, in March 1924, left 417 dependents. The ways in which those who lost

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family members in the disaster coped with the loss of husbands, fathers, sons, and brothers varied according to the culturally accepted customs of their diverse ethnic backgrounds. At a time in history when men provided the primary means of support and identification with the community, these women and their families were able to rely on relatives, company and relief fund support, and significantly, their own resources, talents, and strengths to survive a disaster in which so many lives were lost.

This Utah State Archives photograph was captioned, presumably by Annie Palmer: "Widow and children of Joe Tallerico. An Italian family. Left to right: Mrs. Tallerico; Marck, 6 months; Frances, 15 years; Mary 12 years; John, 9 years; Sam, 8 years; Amelia, 6years; Catherine, 3 years. Nick, 14 years old, was absent when picture was taken, to salvage the coat his father wore in the mine. "

Utah: A People's History. By DEAN L . MAY. (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987. xiv + 210 pp. Cloth, $25.00; paper, $14.95.)

Ten years ago, K U E D - T V and Instructional Media Services, in collaboration with Dean L. May of the History Department, University of Utah, produced a series of T V programs on the history of Utah. Out of his preparation for that series Professor May has now fulfilled his commitment to produce " a popular history of Utah that could be a companion volume to the T V series" (p. x). His point of view, he tells us, is to recognize the presence of a large and "varied procession of peoples who have played their p a r t " (p. x), besides paying due respect to "the importance of the Mormon presence and influence h e r e " (p. x), trying " t o be honest and fair to all" (p. xi).

In these and other goals, Dean May has done well.

Most of the subjects expected of a general work are treated, however briefly. Two-thirds of the text treat the period before statehood, and about half relates to the period 1847-1896.

The topical chapter, " T h e New Pion e e r s , " deals with ethnic groups in Utah from the time of the mountain men. Two or three chapters deal with the twentieth century, 15 to 20 percent of the text.

The author's use of flashbacks in early chapters may disturb some readers. For example, in chapter two, " A n Opening to E u r o p e , " we are told of the Spanish penetration, then given full descriptions of the Ute, Gosiute,

and Southern Paiute Indians, followed by a short treatment of the mountain men. Similarly, chapter three, "White Settlement," opens with Mormon beginnings, but when the exodus is about to take place we are given an account of the prior overland emigrants and J o h n C. Fremont, followed by an account of the Mormon pioneer company of 1847.

The television presentations may have influenced the author's style in writing a "popular and personal" history, for the book carries a certain light touch, picturesque language, and a charm revealing the scholarship, the personality, and the feelings of the author. However, at times those assets get in the way of tight organization with clear topic sentences that head paragraphs of supporting evidence, and lead to writing about the history rather than narrating what happened, slighting the necessary use of names and dates.

The generalist is inescapably impaled on the horns of a dilemma: to treat all subjects fairly, so briefly that there is little more than mention by name (a fair characterization of parts of the book), or to select some subjects and treat them more extensively and thus lend veracity, feeling for the time, and greater understanding of movements (something that might well have happened more frequently). We need to remember the second ideal Thucyd-

294 ides set for the historian: relevancy.

Tangential digressions are out. Each story told, each fact presented must have direct relevance to the whole, and be in the right place. Does each chapter have a theme that all paragraphs support? Is there plot? Is there tension? If there is, it should be kept in, even built upon as the foundation, and not spoiled by the author who knows beforehand the outcome. This means a disciplined selection of what is reported. To try to cover it all in a general work draws one into word- and name-dropping, and sometimes a display of erudition in a recondite manner.

Utah Historical Quarterly While the book thus has some problems of organization, be it remembered it is not a textbook or an encyclopedia, but a relatively short general essay. It can stand alone, independent even of the television series. It will serve as a useful introduction for the uninitiated and while there is only a little that is new, readers will be rewarded with new insights in several chapters. The suggested readings at the end of each chapter will be found quite useful too.

S. GEORGE ELLSWORTH

Logan, Utah

Salamander: The Story of the Mormon Forgery Murders. By LINDA SILLITOE AND ALLEN ROBERTS. (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1988. xiv -i- 556 pp. $17.95.)

The morning of October 15, 1985, two pipe bombs exploded in Salt Lake City, killing two leading citizens and opening to the public a bizarre, fascinating, and troubling chapter in Utah history. Salamander, a title understood by all who now are familiar with the story of Mark Hofmann's career, begins with the death of Steven Christensen and Kathy Sheets on that autumn day. The story unfolds in section one in much the same way as the public saw it but primarily through the eyes of the team of police investigators and prosecutors who eventually sent Mark Hofmann to prison.

Amid the confusion that followed the bombings that day and the next when a third bomb injured Hofmann, the police quickly solved the murders.

From evidence gathered at the Hofmann home, eyewitness accounts, and inconsistencies in Hofmann's own statements, the investigative team soon began to suspect him. Lacking a motive, however, the prosecutors were unwilling to press charges. Because

Hofmann was under investigation and because of his notoriety as a dealer in Mormon documents, rumors about the case spread throughout the community. The press, both local and national, reported what it knew and speculated about what it didn't know: the motives and the various dealings and activities of a wide range of players in the story, including the Mormon church and its hierarchy. This section introduces the players and their roles in the drama. The reader continues to follow the investigation until the case isâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;to quote one of the investigatorsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; "made in the shade."

The five-month period before Hofmann faced a preliminary hearing on April 1986 was one of high anxiety.

Those who knew and trusted him, especially those in the Mormon historical community with whom he had dealt, were skeptical, if not downright hostile and contemptuous of the police and their methods. The investigators responded in kind. The academicians' apparent lack of scholarly detachment

D.

Book Reviews and Notices and objectivity suprised them. A mutual distrust quickly developed.

Without the assistance of the historians, the investigators nevertheless found the motive. It was in Hofmann's long career as a forger of Mormon documents. How they came to establish Hofmann as a forger is an intriguing story, told in several of the chapters and in the appendix, " A Forensic Analysis," prepared by document examiner George Throckmorton. Early in his investigation, working largely on his own, Throckmorton was able to elicit the cooperation of Dean Jessee, the leading authority on Mormon documents. Much to the credit of each of them, they avoided the rancor that infected the relationships of other scholars and investigators. Throckmorton's role was pivotal to solving the case.

Section one also provides insights into the politics within Ted Cannon's county attorney's office and the power struggles and jurisdictional disputes that took place among the investigative units.

It is the motive, not the murders, however, that makes this story so important. It reveals much about Mormon historical scholarship and the informal network of scholars and history buffs who exchanged ideas, rumors, and sources. It tells about the superheated trade in Mormoniana among faithful Latter-day Saints and outlines the collecting practices of the Mormon church during a decade of intense interest in church history. The impact of Hofmann's criminal career will long influence Mormon history. He has planted forged documents and thus tainted unknown numbers of collections. The willingness to accept these documents and the interpretations that so readily flowed from these new and provocative sources has, unfortunately, called into question the credibility of some Mormon historians.

295 Why did he do it? Section two addresses this question. Biographical sketches of the bombing victims precede a revealing portrait of Hofmann and his activities since childhood, up to the time of the murders. Hofmann's life stands in sharp contrast to that of one of his victims, Steve Christensen.

Born within the same year, these two young men are superficially very much alike. Both came from active LDS families and served missions for the church; both attended college but did not earn their degrees; both married LDS women and fathered several children; both were successful businessmen; both had deep interests in Mormon history. In short, both presented to the world the image of the ideal LDS man. Obviously very bright, their preoccupation with the Mormon past led them to question, even to doubt. Herein is the contrast: Christensen dealt with his questions openly, honestly, with humility, and with a delightful wit. Hofmann turned his questions into answers that fit his world view. He sought through deceit to alter Mormon history to fit his version of the truth. A nonbeliever since his early teens, he nevertheless maintained all of the appearances of devotion to the church.

He enjoyed magical tricks and discovered the ability to fool people. This skill was finely honed during the height of his career as a forger and con man until by the time of his arrest he easily passed a lie detector test. The book speculates on Hofmann's personality, suggesting that he may be a sociopath, certainly a reasonable conclusion based on the evidence presented. However, the authors wisely avoid a poppsychology approach to understanding Hofmann.

Much to their credit the authors also avoid making judgments about the group dynamics of the culture in which Hofmann so successfully operated. It is

296 true that the tension existing between those who would limit access to historical documents and those arguing for openness explains much of his success.

This tension made it easier for Hofmann to play various parties against each other. But it is unfair and inaccurate to say that he duped the church and other collectors and scholars because of the naivete of the Mormons.

He also successfully fooled a large group of well known eastern document authenticators and collectors, some of whom still stand behind the authenticity of Hofmann-produced documents.

No one individual, group, or society is responsible for Hofmann's crimes except Hofmann himself, an amoral deceiver, forger, liar, con man, and ultimately, murderer.

Still this reviewer is surprised by some of the apparent lapses of common sense reported in the book. The rare books dealer who discovered an obvious anachronism in one of the forgeries and refused to pay Hofmann's asking price, yet bought the document "for its signatures," is one example. Letters sent from one person to another are not ordinarily found in the papers of the sender, but in the papers of the addressee. Those who believed Hofmann's claim that he had found a letter from Thomas Bullock to Brigham Young in the possession of the Bullock

Utah Historical Quarterly family missed this point. More shocking is the statement attributed to a member of Hofmann's ward: "Other than two incidental murders, Mark didn't do anything all that b a d " (page 508).

The book concludes in section three with the legal skirmishes, including the preliminary hearing, the gathering of additional evidence, the controversial plea bargain, Hofmann's less than complete debriefing held at the prison, and, finally, his appearance before the Board of Pardons to hear that he may spend the rest of his life behind bars.

The authors, both skilled writers, are part of that circle of Mormon intelligentsia central to the story. Sillitoe, a former reporter for the Deseret News, followed the story of the bombings in that capacity. Roberts, an architect and insightful observer of the Mormon scene, was a friend of Steve Christensen. As a contemporary account of a topic that should be of interest to students of Utah and Mormon history, this is a very good book. It is a complex story that could have easily become bogged down in detail. As it is presented here, the story of the Mormon forgery murders becomes the dramatic tragedy that it, indeed, was.

M A X J . EVANS

Utah State Historical Society

Stone House Lands: The San Rafael Reef. By JOSEPH M . BAUMAN, J R . (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987. xii -^ 225 pp. Paper, $14.95.)

Joseph M. Bauman, J r . , was introduced to the San Rafael wonderland following the completion of a section of 1-70 linking Green River and Salina and opening a shortcut between the Midwest, Denver, and Los Angeles.

Judging from the tone of his excellent book, his infatuation with this compelling country was instantaneous.

For the next fifteen years he spent uncounted time exploring the twisted and colorful landscape, often alone, sometimes with his wife and son and other friends. He explored mostly on foot, and one thing that makes his prose lively is that he takes the reader on walking tours. He shows rather than tells. The reader sees striking

Book Reviews and Notices colors, the knobs, the mesas, cliffs, escarpments, the sudden canyons, the buttes, the sandstone fins. He hears the twittering of birds, the mutter of thunder in the distance, the nocturnal yapping of coyotes. He can taste the lukewarm water in the canteen.

Stewart L. Udall phrased it well in the foreword in which he wrote: " T h i s is not an ordinary book about the outof-doors. What makes Bauman's book special is that it is a lingering, fifteenyear love affair with a little-known, mystic stretch of the American earth.

The author has called the San Rafael landscape " a magic country outside of time."

The San Rafael, and therefore the book, are so multifaceted, that a brief review can only hint at their riches.

The book stands on its own merits as a lyrically descriptive story of a varied stretch of terrain from the prehistoric past to the present. As the author mentions, the San Rafael is a composite of all of Utah's world famous parks. But beyond that, the book is a salvo in Joseph's crusade (and the crusade of likeminded people) to protect and preserve this magic place.

And, as Bauman describes it so eloquently, it is well worth preserving.

Shaped like a giant sickle, roughly northeast to southwest in sparsely populated Emery County, the Reef is a fifty-six-mile rugged sandstone ridge.

On its western, concave side, marked by vertical drops, it faces the eastern and southerly edges of a 900-squaremile domelike uplift called the San Rafael Swell. Severed from the main Reef by the slash of the canyon through which the Muddy River flowsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;when it flowsâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;is another ridge tapering off into Wayne County, actually a part of the Reef. Despite some geologic differences, the three are one entity.

High points are Temple Mountain

297 about in the middle of the Reef, and the 7,921-foot San Rafael Knob, dominating the western side.

Rainfall is only about five inches a year, but Bauman explains that there can be heavy storms and flash floods, and these, sluicing off the Swell, have cut a strange pattern of canyons through the Reef. Some are wide, others narrow enough so the hiker can reach the walls with outstretched arms.

Once, the San Rafael was a tropical island, Bauman's expert sources have informed him. H e has found petrified oysters in the Swell.

In daytime heat, the hiker may see only ants, lizards, and an occasional bird. But in evening's coolness a surprising number of wild creatures are aprowl, including rabbits, coyotes, cougars, deer, antelope, and even bighorn sheep. Bauman has seen swifts, swallows, and chukar partridges in places where vegetation is heavy and water available.

The author has chronicled this wonderland's invasion by man. Ancient Indians searched the slopes for seeds, nuts, and game. They left a record of their beliefs painted in ocher on cave walls and cliffs. Traces of the Old Spanish Trail show paths made by the first Europeans to penetrate the country. Capt. John W. Gunnison explored it in 1853. Butch Cassidy and his Wild Bunch rode through the canyons. Uranium miners thronged into it in the 1950s, leaving wooden and tin shacks, doors now banging in the wind. Settlers tested it, and cattle ranchers still use it.

The invasion of the off-road vehicles is among the things that have aroused Bauman and others to battle for the area's protection. Arriving " i n hordes," especially on the big holidays, they are gouging the delicate skin of the San Rafael, and soon, he warns, it will be too late to save it.

298 In chapter 16, he writes: " N a t u r e has been shaping the canyons for at least the past thirty-five million years.

Now, the tawny, curving sandstone shelves are being broken. Skid burns remain where wheels buzzed over petrified sand dunes.

"Something more important than the thrill of blasting across slickrock on a hot bike is at stake here. . . . The San Rafael country may be the best remaining unprotected desert land. Yet it teeters on the edge of destruction."

Declaring that wilderness protection is not enough, Bauman says that a new national park embracing the entire Swell is the only solution. It should be a new type, an ecological park, he maintains.

Udall vigorously supports this. He sets forth in the foreword that if the San Rafael were in any other state, local pride and national public opinion would have given it park status long ago: " I s it too much to hope that Joe Bauman's eloquent book might galva-

Utah Historical Quarterly nize Utahns to cooperate, and get Congress to convert the San Rafael into the tiebreaker park that would restore Utah to the scenic national pinnacle where it belongs?" (California has, in effect, five parks now, the same number as Utah has.)

A random sentence from the book is convincing: " F r o m the Ridge Overlook in the northern part of the Swell, you can see a little Grand Canyon that is more scenic, to my eyes, than the actual Grand C a n y o n . " A dozen handsome color photographs of this strange land adorn the book, two of them of pictographs, one panel of which has been desecrated by vandals. They are by Conrad Bert, who also drew sketches of the formations for the book. The index is competently done, and the eight-page bibliography assuredly will satisfy the scholar.

JEAN R . PAULSON

St. George, Utah

Stokes Carson: Twentieth-century Trading on the Navajo Reservation. By WILLOW ROBERTS. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987. xxii -i- 225 pp. Cloth, $24.95; paper, $12.95.)

The nature of biography is to take a person's experience and worth and reflect upon it in order to explain a subject or a period of time. Willow Roberts's biography of Stokes Carson and his family does just this: it examines the life of the Carsons as a means to describing the evolving Navajo-trader relationship and the outsider's view of the Navajo trader's world.

Her narrative outlines how the Carsons got started in the trading business and the day-to-day operation of the posts, including those at Carson's, Oljato, Shonto, Two Grey Hills, Huerfano and Inscription House. The family problems and celebrations, the store's physical setup, the hard work

and long hours, the changing merchandise sold to the Indians, the anecdotal stories about dances, bad weather, and violence, and the exchange of such commodities as wool, sheep, jewelry, baskets, and rugs for hardware, fabric, shoes, and clothesâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; all this is basic trader life material and it is aptly interwoven throughout the text.

In addition, she discusses trader business problems in an anthropological/historical context. She sees trade as a critical point of exchange between two cultures, a mutually dependent relationship between trader and customer that neither party particularly enjoys nor can do without. The Ian-

Book Reviews and Notices guage and cultural barriers between the Carsons and their customers were never fully bridged. They had only a rudimentary knowledge of the Navajo language and never fully integrated nor understood the people they served.

The uneven distribution of power and goods, as well as the problems associated with pawn and the system of credit extended to customers, are also discussed with varying depth and understanding.

Thoughout, she trys to enlarge upon Stokes Carson's life with a general background of reservation history, such as the oil politics of the twenties, the hardships of the depression, the New Deal program of stock reduction in the thirties, and the war years. But her material and analysis are painfully thin throughout each of these periods until she reaches the late 1960s and early 1970s. The later chapters of the book explain how at this time all reservation trading operations came under fire by antitrader political activists such as Peter MacDonald, the tribal chairman, and Petersen Zah, the DNA representative. First, DNA (an O E O sponsored legal service for tribal members) filed suit that trading posts car-

299 ried inferior goods, charged high interest rates, used dishonest weights, overcharged customers, and monopolized commerce. Later, the Federal Trade Commission investigated traders, including the Carsons, and new regulations were drawn up to curb many of these practices and to bring trading posts under tribal control.

Roberts courageously defends the traders, who she feels do not deserve the dubious reputation acquired by them in this later period. According to the author, the Carsons were not exploitative, but caring and charitable people. And based on their family trading history, she concludes that the majority of early twentieth-century traders among the Navajos were moral businessmen. Generalizing from one case is a dangerous historical fallacy, especially when the Navajo view of the Carson posts was not told through customer oral interviews. Nevertheless, this volume should be considered necessary reading to the growing body of works on trade on the Navajo Reservation.

ANTHONY GODFREY

Salt Lake City

Personal Voices: A Celebration of Dialogue. Edited by MARY LYTHGOE BRADFORD. Lake City: Signature Books, 1987. xiii -t- 268 pp. Paper, $8.95.)

This select anthology of some twenty-four essays does in fact celebrate effectively twenty years of the publication of Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought. The "personal voices" include scholars and writers of distinction who are well known to the Mormon history community and perhaps also in official LDS church leadership circles.

The committee that selected these particular articles chose well, and both Mormon and non-Mormon readers will find the essays interesting and

(Salt

challenging. Their themes range across a broad spectrum of human experienceâ&#x20AC;&#x201D; from history to death, from Black religious life in civil rights to childbirth, from healings (including cars) to a 10 percent logical testimony, from service to sinning, from honesty to priesthood authority, from leadership/management to Native American Mormons and family scriptures. And, while the settings are Mormon, the issues are universal, a compliment to the maturing of some Mormon writings. It is also an invitation to a wider ranging

300 audience than merely the M o r m o n community.

T h e reviewer is t e m p t e d to use the excellent introductory essay by M a r y Bradford as the review for this book.

She gives b o t h definition to the medi u m (essay) a n d insight into the writers a n d their writings included in her book. T h e editor a n d the book itself succeed very well in doing w h a t they intended to do in this celebration. T h e title suggests there are reasons to "cele b r a t e " twenty years oi Dialogue. T h e m a g a z i n e ' s survival itself p e r h a p s merits a celebration, b u t the question of what the publication has accomplished is less obvious.

N o doubt there have been m a n y " d i a l o g u e s " a m o n g M o r m o n s who have found some dissatisfaction a n d " l a c k s " for t h e m within the official voices of the L D S church. T h i s fellowshipping a n d the a t t e n d a n t c a m a r a d e rie have been very satisfying to most of those who have participated in t h e m .

Surely Sunstone, M H A , a n d other parallel voices owe m u c h to Dialogue a n d to "dicilogue."

Utah Historical Quarterly H o w e v e r , these activities r e m a i n ancillary, if not wholly outside mainstream M o r m o n i s m . It is difficult to show evidences of " d i a l o g u e " impact from these kinds of writings on either the m o r e traditional believers or officialdom within the M o r m o n church.

T h e r e have been reactions, but generally these are very critical c o m m e n t a r ies a b o u t the heresy or near heresy of such essays a n d their authors. W h i c h reaction stikes this reviewer as rather ironical, since he reads these articles as personal essays by believers on their faith in G o d a n d in M o r m o n i s m and its mission to m a n k i n d .

It is also quite obvious that M o r m o n i s m translated t h r o u g h such a Saint as Lowell L . Bennion is far m o r e palatable to these " p e o p l e in dia l o g u e " than is some of the M o r m o n ism generated in m o r e official L D S publications.

MELVIN T . SMITH

Mount Pleasant, Utah

Command of the Waters: Iron Triangles, Federal Water Development, and Indian Water. By DANIEL M C C O O L . (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987. xii -i- 321 p p . $38.00.)

C o m p a r e d to the importance of water to the economic development of the West, everything else pales into insignificance; every western interest group a n d constituency tenaciously guards its access to water. In the history of the West no other economic issue has so consistently sparked a n d shaped political debate. In Command of the Waters: Iron Triangles, Federal Water Development, and Indian Water, Daniel M c C o o l has focused on the struggle for water rights between Indians a n d n o n - I n d i a n s in the developing West. T h e book is carefully researched, intelligently conceived, well written, a n d i m p o r t a n t .

M c C o o l has laboriously m a d e his way t h r o u g h the archival labyrinth of the D e p a r t m e n t s of J u s t i c e a n d the Interior, the Bureau of I n d i a n Affairs, the B u r e a u of R e c l a m a t i o n , the A r m y C o r p s of Engineers, tribal records, and state a n d federal court d o c u m e n t s . T h e result is a careful analysis of why A m e r i c a n I n d i a n s have generally been u n a b l e to m a i n t a i n their access to adeq u a t e supplies of water.

T h r o u g h the nineteenth century, the federal g o v e r n m e n t promised Indians that the small r e m n a n t of their traditional l a n d s â&#x20AC;&#x201D; r e s e r v a t i o n s â&#x20AC;&#x201D; w o u l d not be taken from t h e m , including the wa-

Book Reviews and Notices ter that gave the land value. But at the same time, the government was encouraging settlers to move West and take up residence, and it clearly sanctioned their right to water. Water law developed at the state level, and those settlers received water allocations which they promptly put to use. While Indian tribes tried to preserve reservation water supplies on the basis of potential future need, state governments were allocating it to non-Indians based on current demand. Over the years the federal government consistently deferred to what the states called the "prior appropriation doctrine," and in the process the Indians lost much of their water base.

The vehicle McCool uses to explain the long-term failure of Indians to protect their water rights is the idea of the "iron triangle"â&#x20AC;&#x201D;the symbiotic political alliances of bureaucrats, legislators, and interest groups. In the stuggle for water rights in the West there were two separate iron triangles. The most powerful one represented non-Indians.

It was a political alliance between the Bureau of Reclamation, the Army Corps of Engineers, commercial farmers, land developers, and their legislative agents in Congress. Indian

301 water rights were promoted by a far weaker iron triangleâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;the Bureau of Indian Affairs, the various tribes, and isolated Indian rights advocates in Congress. While non-Indians enjoyed huge amounts of money from large farmers and construction companies to promote their lobbying efforts, Indians suffered from a dearth of resources.

While non-Indians enjoyed a large voting constituency, Indians lacked the right to vote historically or were too few in number in recent years to influence electoral outcomes. And while non-Indians could bring a consensus opinion to Congress and the courts about their need for water resources, Indians were beset by intense interand intra-tribal disagreements. Given this set of circumstances, Indians had little hope of maintaining their water rights, even though they had been solemnly guaranteed long ago. Historians, political scientists, and anthropologists will find McCool's book an important contribution to western history, public policy development, and Indian studies.

JAMES S . OLSON

Sam Houston State University

The Women's West. Edited and with introductions by SUSAN ARMITAGE AND ELIZABETH JAMESON. (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1987. xii -i- 323 pp. Cloth, $24.95; paper, $12.95.)

The Women's West is based on papers presented at the Women's West Conference held in Sun Valley, Idaho, in August 1983. The purpose of the conference was to address the omission of women not only in western history but in American history as well and to generate a new body of information that could be used to reexamine the history of the West.

The book contains twenty-one chap-

ters arranged in five sections. The first section is entitled " M y t h s " and discusses the past stereotypes of women that have been derived through visual images. The editors state that "the crucial step in women's history is to see women as actors, not as onlookers in history" (p. 7), which is how most visual images have portrayed women.

By studying women as they are portrayed in visual images one can see

302 how stereotypes of women roles have developed and then attempt to view their lives more realistically.

The second section, "Meetings," deals with the native inhabitants of the West and their interactions with the pioneers. The three chapters in this section discuss Indian women and the fur trade; army officers' perceptions of Indian women; and cohabitation and cultural differences in Arizona mining towns.

Section three, "Emotional Continuities," attempts to explore through literature the personal and emotional attitudes pioneer women brought with them to the West. Chapters in this section discuss such subjects as "Western Women as Portrayed by Laura Ingalls W i l d e r " and "Violence against Women: Power Dynamics in Literature of the Western Family."

Section four, "Coming to Terms in the West," deals with the question of how the westering experience changed the lives of women, with discussions of

Utah Historical Quarterly family and work roles, prostitution, homesteading, and child rearing. Section five, "Expanding Our Focus," explores the enlargement of woman's role in the twentieth century through entrance into the work force and politics.

As a whole this book covers a wide range of subjects relating to women, some extremely esoteric, such as the images of men and women in cowboy art, to others of more general interest, such as the involvement of women in Kansas politics. But because of the diverse subjects explored in this book readers will be able to better understand the role women have played in the settling and stabilization of the West. Plus The Women's West has added one more source from which a more complete understanding of western history can be achieved.

LINDA THATCHER

Utah State Historical Society

Book Notices Salt of the Earth: The History of the Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, 1776-1987.

By BERNICE MAHER MOONEY. (Salt Lake City: The Catholic Diocese of Salt Lake City, 1987. xiii + 528 pp. $25.00.)

During the many years since the appearance of W. R. Harris's The Catholic Church in Utah (1909), students of Utah ecclesiastical history, and especially Utah Catholics, have increasingly felt the need for a more modern, comprehensive study. Such a study is still needed in spite of the massive scope of Bernice Mooney's work, but we are now an immense distance closer to it, and future scholars will thank her heartily for her energetic mining of the diocesan archives and other sources for the basic details of Utah Catholic history.

Salt of the Earth is not a narrative, interpretive history except in its early chapters and in the brief general sketches that introduce each of the chronological sections. For the most part, it consists of tables giving the chronological development of each parish, each school, each religious order that has served the diocese, and seemingly of every other aspect of diocesan history that lends itself to tabular compilation. As such, it makes a very handy and useful reference tool, though straight front-to-back reading is a bit tedious.

It would be an even more useful and reliable reference tool if proofreading and typesetting had been more consci-

entious. Even the extensive errata list that accompanied the review copy (and to which, presumably, general readers will not have access) does not exhaust the errors, so even as a ready source of basic historical facts, the book must be used with caution.

Escape from Death Valley: As Told by William Lewis Manly and Other '49ers. Edited by L E R O Y JOHNSON AND JEAN JOHNSON. (Reno: University of Nevada Press, 1987. xvii -i- 213 pp.

Cloth, $25.00; paper, $14.95.)

One hundred years after its first publication, William Lewis Manly's original account of his rescue of the Bennett and Arcan families, who took a " s h o r t c u t " across the G r e a t American Desert in 1849-50, has been made accessible to a new generation of readers. Manly's classic narrative, Death Valley in '49, has been reprinted several times since 1894, but his 1888 initial account of the adventure, published in monthly installments, has not been readily accessible. The earlier account includes valuable information not found in Death Valley in '49.

The Bennett and Arcan families left the hundred-plus wagon train led by Capt. Jefferson Hunt south along the Old Spanish Trail to Los Angeles for a "shorter" route through Death Valley. The authors propose a compelling theory that attempts to settle the longstanding controversy over the exact routes taken by these Argonauts.

304

Utah Historical Quarterly

Platte River Road Narratives: A Descriptive Bibliography of Travel over the Great Central Route to Oregon, California, Utah, and Colorado, Montana, and Other Western States and Territories, 1812-66.

By

MERRILL J .

MATTES.

( U r b a n a : U n i v e r s i t y of Illinois Press, 1988. xiv -i- 632 p p . $95.00.)

C o v e r i n g almost one h u n d r e d institutions a n d containing 2,082 entries, a r r a n g e d chronologically, this bibliogr a p h y focuses o n t h e Platte R i v e r and its major tributaries as the t r u n k or prim a r y route of westward expansion.

T h e inclusive dates of this bibliography are 1812, w h e n t h e first white m e n of record discovered t h e Platte route, to 1866, the last significant year of transcontinental wagon travel before the completion of t h e connecting U n i o n Pacific a n d C e n t r a l Pacific railroads.

Each entry includes the h e a d i n g which gives t h e a u t h o r ' s n a m e ; types of narrative represented, i.e., diary, j o u r n a l , letter, recollections; rating system as to its historical a n d literary value; p u b lished or unpublished; pages; a n d r e pository. Also given a r e t h e route a n d chronology, content highlights, a n d compiler's c o m m e n t s .

Owen Wister's West: Selected Articles. E d ited b y R O B E R T M U R R A Y D A V I S . (Al-

b u q u e r q u e : U n i v e r s i t y of N e w Mexico Press, 1987. 170 p p . P a p e r . ) T h e fugitive essays collected here are rarely read a n d discussed in studies of O w e n W i s t e r ' s view of the W e s t , yet they reveal a searching a n d wide-ranging m i n d . Even several familiar pieces included b e a r rereading, a n d D a v i s ' s general a n d individual introductions a d d greatly to o u r appreciation of Wister, who is too often r e m e m b e r e d only pejoratively as the inventor of the popular W e s t e r n .

The New West of Edward Abbey. By A N N R O N A L D . ( A l b u q u e r q u e : University of N e w Mexico Press, 1982. R e print. R e n o : University of N e v a d a Press, 1988. xvi -i- 255 p p . Paper, $8.95.)

R o n a l d ' s 1982 study was strictly confined to a r e a d i n g of A b b e y ' s novels a n d collections of essays t h r o u g h Good News (1980). T h i s N e v a d a reprint includes only the most m i n o r revisions a n d is not u p d a t e d to discuss subseq u e n t Abbey writings a n d critical litera t u r e . Still, it is t h e only book-length study of A b b e y ' s work a n d is indispensable r e a d i n g for students of that increasingly influential writer.

Through White Men's Eyes: A Contribution to Navajo History. By J . L E E C O R R E L L . ( W i n d o w R o c k , Ariz.: Navajo Heritage C e n t e r , 1979. Six vols., 2,832 pp. $225.00.)

T h i s chronological record of the Navaho as reflected in t h e d o c u m e n t s of Hispanics a n d Americansâ&#x20AC;&#x201D;military m e n a n d civil s e r v a n t s â&#x20AC;&#x201D; w h o h a d direct contact with t h e m . M o s t of the records cited a r e eyewitness accounts of c o n t e m p o r a r y events a n d are reprod u c e d v e r b a t i m . A l t h o u g h t h e accounts establish Navajo history only from a white m a n ' s point of view, they nevertheless preserve t h e life of a people who d i d n o t keep a written history of themselves. T h i s massive collection is indispensable to a n y serious research in Navajo history a n d will surely be used b y historians, anthropologists, a n d others for years to come.

T h e University of Arizona Press is n o w the distributor of this m o n u m e n tal work. It is sold only as a set. Printed in a large format (11 x 8 ^ ) , each volu m e has a separate index and bibliogr a p h y . T h e set is illustrated with 47 line drawings a n d 167 photographs.

UTAH STATE HISTORICAL SOCIETY Department of Community 2ind Economic Development Division of State History BOARD OF STATE HISTORY T H O M A S G . A L E X A N D E R , P r o v o , 1990

Chairman L E O N A R D J . A R R I N G T O N , Salt Lake City, 1989 Vice-Chairman M A X J . EVANS, Salt L a k e City Secretary D O U G L A S D . A L D E R , St. G e o r g e , 1989

P H I L L I P A. B U L L E N , Salt Lake City, 1990 E L L E N G . C A L L I S T E R , Salt Lake City, 1989 J . E L D O N D O R M A N , P r i c e , 1990

H U G H C . G A R N E R , Salt Lake City, 1989 D A N E . J O N E S , Salt Lake City, 1989 D E A N L . M A Y , Salt L a k e City, 1990 A M Y A L L E N P R I C E , Salt Lake City, 1989 S U N N Y R E D D , M o n t i c e l l o , 1990

ADMINISTRATION M A X J . EVANS, Director J A Y M . R A Y M O N D , Librarian S T A N F O R D J . L A Y T O N , Managing Editor W I L S O N G . M A R T I N , Preservation Manager D A V I D B . M A D S E N , State Archaeologist P H I L L I P F . N O T A R I A N N I , Museum Services Coordinator J A M E S L . D Y K M A N , Administrative Services Coordinator T h e U t a h State Historical Society was organized in 1897 by public-spirited U t a h n s to collect, preserve, a n d publish Utjih a n d related history. T o d a y , u n d e r state sponsorship, the Society fulfills its obligations b y publishing the Utah Historical Quarterly a n d o t h e r historicjil materials: collecting historic U t a h artifacts; locating, d o c u m e n t i n g , a n d preserving historic a n d prehistoric buildings a n d sites; a n d m a i n t a i n i n g a specialized research library. D o n a t i o n s a n d gifts t o t h e Society's p r o g r a m s , m u s e u m , o r its library a r e encouraged, for only through such means c a n it live u p to its responsibility of preserving the record of U t a h ' s past.

This publication has been funded with the assistance of a matching grant-in-aid from the Department of the Interior, National Park Service, under provisions of the Nationjil Historic Preservation Act of 1966 as amended.

This program receives financial assistance for identification and preservation of historic properties under Title VI of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and Section 504 of the Rehabilitation Act of 1973. The U.S. Department of the Interior prohibits discrimination on the basis of race, color, national origin, or handicap in its federally assisted programs. If you believe you have been discriminated against in any program, activity, or facility as described above, or if you desire further information, please write to: Office of Equal Opportunity, U.S. Department of the Interior, Washington, D.C. 20240.