Dissertation: International Peace and Development Studies

TITLE: Development and Peacebuilding: An examination of the relevance of community development -education projects on state policy toward sustaining peace in post conflict Sierra Leone

Author: Tosin Omiyale

A dissertation for Mphil International Peace Studies Trinity College Dublin August 2013

DECLARATION I certify that this dissertation, submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of M.Phil. has not been submitted for a degree at any other University, and that it is entirely my own work. I agree that the Library may lend or copy the dissertation upon request.

Signed: ...............................................

Date: .......................

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AKNOWLEDGEMENT

I am heartily thankful to my supervisor, Dr. Iain Atack, whose supervision, advice and support enabled me to develop understanding on this topic. Without his guidance, availability and patience, it would have been impossible to complete this thesis.

I am indebted to the members of my family for their support throughout the years and for the opportunity to pursue an Mphil degree in International Peace Studies.

I would like to thank the staff of Concern Worldwide, GOAL organisation, and the Ministry of Education in Sierra Leone for their support in completing of this research.

Lastly I would like to acknowledge my friends and exceptional colleagues in Sport Against Racism Ireland and The Integration Centre for their support and understanding throughout the development of this dissertation.

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ABSTRACT

In the debate of peace and development synthesis, community development approach is put forward as a model for achieving sustainable peacebuilding. In the field of peacebuilding, there is evidence that community development programmes have been used in post-conflict situations to build social cohesion between conflicting groups and across social cleavages. However sustaining peace in a post conflict environment is more than facilitating community relations. Sustaining peace requires that community development initiatives be linked to a legitimate government and its institutions. Advocates of community development approach claim that through the functions of bridging social capital and linking social capital, community development model can link state institutions to its citizens, and develop advocacy led by community groups to push forward socio-economic change. This claim signifies that community development can facilitate links between the micro-meso level and the macro level of a society towards policy change.

To examine this cross-relation claim between community and state level institutions in facilitating policy change, this research study using a qualitative case study method, focus its analysis on education programmes, implemented by two Irish development-aid organisations, namely Concern Worldwide and GOAL in Sierra Leone. The case study analysis revealed that community development approach in this case developed participation, cooperation and mobilisation within the community groups. However, it does not show evidence of connecting community groups to state institutions or macro level. In addition the case study revealed that education policy change in Sierra Leone may not be linked to the education programmes implemented by both development-aid organisations.

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LIST OF ABBREVATIONS

INGO

International non-governmental organisation

NGO

Non-governmental organisation

OCED

Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development

UN

United Nations

UNESCO

United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation

UN-HABITAT

United Nations Human Settlement Programme

UNICEF

United Nations Children’s Fund

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TABLE OF CONTENT

DECLARATION .................................................................................................................................... 1 AKNOWLEDGEMENT .......................................................................................................................... 2 ABSTRACT ........................................................................................................................................... 3 LIST OF ABBREVATIONS...................................................................................................................... 4 TABLE OF CONTENT............................................................................................................................ 5 LIST OF FIGURES ......................................................................................................................... 8 LIST OF TABLES ........................................................................................................................... 8 INTRODUCTION .................................................................................................................................. 9 CHAPTER 1........................................................................................................................................ 11 Background of Study ........................................................................................................................ 11 Causes of Civil War in Sierra Leone .............................................................................................. 14 Statement of problem .................................................................................................................. 16 Purpose of Study .......................................................................................................................... 18 Significance of Study .................................................................................................................... 20 Research Question ....................................................................................................................... 22 The Structure of Dissertation ....................................................................................................... 23 Research Design and Methodology ................................................................................................. 24 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 24 5

Qualitative Method ...................................................................................................................... 24 Qualitative Research Design ........................................................................................................ 25 Case Study ................................................................................................................................ 25 Sampling Element .................................................................................................................... 26 Recruitment of Participants ..................................................................................................... 28 Data Collection Procedure ....................................................................................................... 30 Interview: ............................................................................................................................. 30 Documents and Archival Records: ....................................................................................... 32 Data Analysis ............................................................................................................................ 32 Ethical Consideration ................................................................................................................... 33 Assumption and Limitation of Study ............................................................................................ 33 Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 34 CHAPTER 2........................................................................................................................................ 35 Literature Review ............................................................................................................................. 35 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 35 Definition of Key Terms................................................................................................................ 35 Peace: ....................................................................................................................................... 35 Peacebuilding: .......................................................................................................................... 36 Development:........................................................................................................................... 36 Community development approach: ....................................................................................... 36 Non-governmental organisations/ Development -aid organisations: ..................................... 37 Education: ................................................................................................................................ 37 Understanding Peace and Development Nexus .......................................................................... 37 Theoretical Framework ................................................................................................................ 42 Social Capital Theory: ............................................................................................................... 43 The Relationship between Social Capital and Peacebuilding ...................................................... 47 6

Peacebuilding Model and Integration of Cross-cutting Relation ................................................. 49 Community Development Approach ........................................................................................... 50 An Overview of Education System in Post Conflict Sierra Leone ................................................. 54 Pre civil-war:............................................................................................................................. 54 Post civil-war: ........................................................................................................................... 55 Irish Development-aid Organisations and Education Programme in Post Conflict Sierra Leone 57 Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 59 CHAPTER THREE ............................................................................................................................... 61 Case Study Findings .......................................................................................................................... 61 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 61 Decision making on Education in Sierra Leone ............................................................................ 65 Sierra Leoneans ............................................................................................................................ 67 Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 68 CHAPTER 4........................................................................................................................................ 70 Case Study Discussion and Analysis ................................................................................................. 70 Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 70 Social Capital Pattern Match Analysis of Education Programmes ............................................... 70 Central Research Question .......................................................................................................... 75 Other Research Questions ........................................................................................................... 78 Summary ...................................................................................................................................... 80 Conclusion ........................................................................................................................................ 81 Appendix I: ............................................................................................................................... 84 Appendix II: .............................................................................................................................. 85 Appendix III: ............................................................................................................................. 87 Appendix IV: ............................................................................................................................. 89 BIBLIOGRAPHY ................................................................................................................................. 91 7

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure 2.1

Dimensions of social capital………………………………………...45

Figure 3.1

Summary findings on Irish development Ngos……………………64

Figure 3.2

Summary findings on education policy making in Sierra Leone...66

Figure 4.1

Development-aid education programme and social capital pattern in Freetown and Tonkolili………………………………………………72

LIST OF TABLES

Table 2.1

Community development category and approaches……………….52

Table 3.1

An overview of the perspective of Sierra Leoneans on the benefit and issues of education………………………………………………68

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INTRODUCTION

The emerging concept of linking peace and development initiatives as an integrated approach in post conflict peacebuilding is gaining recognition among scholars and practitioners. In practice, there seems to be an underlying understanding that the end result of post conflict peacebuilding is considered as achieving peace beyond the absence of physical violence, which is associated with Galtung’s concept of positive peace.

In this view, development framework has been advanced as a measure that can contribute to sustainable peace. In addition, it is established in literature that without peace, development is unattainable and without development, peace is not sustainable (Hettne 2001). There is no doubt that violent conflict has development elements. For instance, research in conflict studies has highlighted economic and social issues as possible causes of violent conflict. At the same time, community development approach has been used as a people-centred orientation to provide local livelihood and social community needs in post conflict environments, through service delivery and social relation programmes (Paffenholz and Spurk 2010).

Community development is without a distinct analytical meaning, but has evolved over decades with different operational meaning. For the purpose of this research paper, the meaning adopted encompasses terms such as developing local

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capacity, increase in community participation, involving local community, grass root initiatives and addressing community needs.

Of particular concern is that today, community development approach has emerged from the discourse of linking peace and development, as an undisputed framework to enhance post conflict peacebuilding towards sustaining peace. This research paper therefore sets out to question the relationship between development and peacebuilding, by focusing on the effectiveness of community development approach, in relation to sustaining peace in the context of systemic change in Sierra Leone.

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CHAPTER 1

Background of Study The premise for integrating peace and development is from the perspective that economic factors contribute to intra-state wars and violent conflict, for instance competition over scare resources. In addition, the economy and environment of post conflict countries are usually characterised by poverty, socio-economic issues and break down of public service delivery. This indicates that situations in post conflict environments may have need for development initiatives to deal with these long term issues. As such development agencies get involved in post conflict peacebuilding with the aim ‘to reduce the role of the state in social sector and when state weakness is pervasive’ (Spurk 2010, p.16).

Even more so, in situations where economic and social factors have contributed to violent conflict, development strategies may be used towards socio-economic change. In this line of thought, economists, development researchers and practitioners have since argued and demonstrated that wars and violent conflict have dimensions of poverty and deprivation (Uvin 2002, Smoljan 2003). In other words alleviating poverty and deprivation of entitlements by including development strategies into peacebuilding strategies, may contribute to sustaining peace.

Similarly, conflict transformation theory proposes an integrated framework for 11

sustainable peace. Lederach suggests the interaction and interdependence of humanitarian response activities, reconstruction and development activities towards sustainable peacebuilding (Lederach 1997).

As one of the development strategies, development practitioners have put forward community development approach as a strategy that may sustain peace in post conflict countries. The fundamental argument for linking community development approach to post conflict peacebuilding framework is that it is considered to bridge divided cleavages that may exist across conflicting levels and groups in post conflict countries, promote advocacy, and strengthen the participation of local communities in peacebuilding and development actions (Paffenholz 2010, Haider 2009). More so, community development approach is claimed to be effective in building sustainable peace because it can promote social networks and good social capital among individuals and across different levels in the society, which encourages interaction and cooperation (World Vision 1998, Maru and Woodford 2005). According to Putman, ‘social capital refers to the features of social life, connections among individuals, social networks, the norms of reciprocity and trust that enable participants to act together more effectively to pursue shared objectives’ (Putman 1995a, pp.664-665). Most advocates of community development approach agree with this function of promoting social capital (Haider 2009, Adler and Kwon 2002).

In addition, community development model is put forward as an alternative initiative to the liberal peacebuilding intervention, which emphasises “top-down” 12

statebuilding and institutional reform towards sustainable peace. Critics of the liberal peace model claim that building democratic institutions driven by international actors, lead to institutions that are disconnected from the local societies, which undermines the participation of local societies in such institutions (Chandler 2007). For instance in Sierra Leone, the top-down approach to peacebuilding was condemned for limiting strategies to the leadership of the conflicting parties. It is documented that the drafted Abidjan peace agreement in 1996 failed because it was signed by heads of state and heads of the rebellion groups, but excluded the support of armed fighters in the field (United Nations 2006, Bartholomew 2008).

However for community development approach to contribute to sustainable peace, development initiatives need to be ‘conflict sensitive’. This means development programmes designed toward sustaining peace must consider bridging ties between conflicting groups (Paffenholz and Spurk 2010). It is also important that development initiatives are planned and implemented to connect conflicting groups existing at all levels of a post conflict society, thereby creating an opportunity to build trust, advocacy, communication and inclusion, with an overall mechanism pertinent to sustaining peace.

This is not to say that community development approach has no recorded success in post conflict situations. Empirical evidence has shown that community based development projects in some post conflict situations has been effective in building local participation and strengthening community relations in conflict affected areas 13

(see Chr. Michelsen Institute 2006). While development approach has been acknowledged, it has also been criticised for focusing resources on service delivery in place of weakened state structures or institutions (Paffenholz and Spurk 2010). Other critics of community based approach are of the opinion that for sustainable peace to be achieved there is need for community based projects to be linked to a functioning legitimate government and its institutions (Popple 1995, Cubitt 2012). This argument emphasises the importance of strengthening government institutions and the need for community development projects to be embedded in mainstream institution and public services towards contributing to sustainable peace and development (Tschirgi 2010, Lewis 2006). Sierra Leone is an example of debated outcomes of development in peacebuilding interventions, particularly when development initiatives receive long-term funding from aid donors than peacebuilding initiatives. In the aftermath of war in Sierra Leone, the country remains highly dependent on multilateral and bilateral development aid support. This paper seek to investigate (in a narrowed manner) if sustainable peace in Sierra Leone can be attained through community development initiatives.

Causes of Civil War in Sierra Leone In March 1991, a decade-long armed conflict in Sierra Leone started, involving three major conflicting parties, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF); the Government of Sierra Leone (Sierra Leone People’s Party) and the Sierra Leone Army/ Armed Forces Revolutionary Council. The civil war, which was officially 14

ended in 2002, was characterised by three coups d’Êtat, five heads-of -state, two failed peace agreements, over 50,000 death toll and horrendous abuses.

It is agreed in academic literature that the civil war was ignited by the Revolutionary United Front (RUF); a rebel group made up of young people, which was led by Foday Sankoh. However several arguments have emerged over what instigated the RUF to violence against the government of Sierra Leone. For some, the RUF was a rebel group that engaged in war with economic objectives to gain control over the mining of diamonds in Sierra Leone (Mokuwa et al 2011).

Advocates of greed theory are of the opinion that RUF was motivated by greed, which was proven in Foday Sankoh’s demand to become the minister of mining in Sierra Leone (Peters 2011). Another explanation claims that the primitive local culture in Sierra Leone, influenced by over population and diminishing natural resources was the cause of the war (Peters 2011). Based on empirical studies, it is a key argument that underclass grievances and youth grievances triggered the armed conflict (see Peters 2011). The young people and peasants that were recruited by the RUF or joined voluntarily, claimed to have been socioeconomically marginalised by the government at the national level and neglected by the elites at the local level, both in educational and social dimensions( Peters 2011).

To compliment the aims of this research paper, I will focus on socio-economic and political marginalisation and state failure as determinants of the civil war, although there are other factors that may have contributed to the violent conflict.

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Regardless, this study would like to draw the reader’s attention to two specific issues in relation to the research problem. First, is the tension between the government and its citizens or the young people in Sierra Leone. Second, is the poor access to education. Due to the failure of public services, many young Sierra Leoneans were unable to complete an education and secure employment (Fanthorpe and Maconachie 2010), which further broadens the socio-economic gap between the young people and the elites. At this point, one can argue that if development education projects were to benefit sustainable peace in Sierra Leone, such projects should show evidence of addressing the issues of marginalisation. Importantly, projects should not just build relations between local conflicting groups, but also consolidate the gap among young people, the elites and government in Sierra Leone, to fit into broader imperative of preventing a reoccurrence of violent conflict.

Statement of problem

Development and peacebuilding practitioners have already established evidence of building local interaction between conflicting groups through community development projects. However, what needs to be further examined is the effect of development projects on institutional policy change i.e. the macro level.

Community development practitioners and scholars are of the opinion that the cooperation and participation formed between local communities in the early stage of community based projects can grow beyond the community level to develop advocacy (led by the communities) for improved services and change in 16

government institutions at a later stage (Haider 2009, Adler and Kwon 2002, The World Bank 2006). In an analysis of community development, Rothman criticised this assumption. He argues that community development should go beyond working alongside a community, to involve ‘working with policy-makers and service providers to improve services or alter policies’ (Popple 1995, p. 214).

So of paramount importance, for community development programmes to contribute to sustaining peace, there is need to focus projects on addressing the root causes of conflicts to contribute to wider peace process. In sustaining peace in post conflict countries, development projects need to strategically work to influence institutional policy coherence, and also bridge the gap between state institutions and citizens. This is essential in a post conflict situation such as Sierra Leone, where the government was a major player in the cause of the civil war, and citizens were marginalised from participation. But it appears that community development programmes in post conflict environments have a tendency of taking over the responsibility of the government in delivering services (Spurk 2010), thereby focusing on local needs and community social relations . Even in the thesis of social capital, Putnam differentiates between ‘bonding’ social capital – that is the value of trust, norms, networks and connectedness within homogenous groups; ‘bridging’ social capital – that is the value of trust, norms, networks and connectedness across diverse groups; and finally, ‘linking’ social capital – that is the value of trust, norms, networks and connectedness between groups with different levels of power and status (Lewis 2006, p.11). Putman further emphasises in his thesis of social capital that linking social capital with the levels 17

of power in a society is what influences the performance of government and institutions (Putman 1995a).

The problem is not that community development advocates disagree with the functions of a legitimate state and its institutions, but it is the assumption that community development programmes in post conflict peacebuilding should interact with state institutions and therefore is a potential in building sustainable peace.

For instance, Haider (2009) posited that in post conflict countries where public institutions are often weak, community development approaches can be used to re-connect the government with its citizens and to strengthen local governance.

The notion of social capital as a potential catalyst to sustainable peace is now upheld in community development framework without sufficient evidence of the level of its effectiveness in community development initiatives,

Purpose of Study

The questions that emerge from the debate of community-based development programmes and peacebuilding is, to what extent can community development programmes achieve sustainable peace? Are community development projects utilising their initiatives and potential for peacebuilding? In conflict analysis, the root cause of violent conflict is not always vested at the community level (Micro level). The root cause of conflict can also be at the government level (Macro level), which may have a ripple effect on the local society (e.g. civil war in Sierra Leone).

So can community development projects contribute to sustaining peace beyond 18

strengthening local community relations? Does the empowerment of developmentaid NGOs in the field of development influence peacebuilding at the government or macro level?

Against this background, this research paper seeks to examine the relationship between community development projects (with a focus on education) and government institutions (with a focus on policy change), to determine the level of effectiveness of community development projects on sustainable peace at a macro level in post conflict Sierra Leone. The research will place emphasis on providing clarity around the ambiguity on the influence of NGOs and development projects on state institutions. Using qualitative research methods, this research paper propose to examine a development project on education in Sierra Leone and analyse its relevance to sustaining peace.

Projects on education have a potential to contribute to peace in post conflict situations. Existing evidence shows that initiatives using schools have influence in building social cohesion between conflicting parties locally, and engaging the society in peace education (Paffenholz and Spurk 2010). However there is minimal evidence on how development projects on education connect local citizens with decision makers in order to influence policy change on education and its implementation, for greater and sustainable impact, which seek to affect the structure of the society. This research will therefore focus on examining education projects in Sierra Leone, delivered by two Irish based development-aid organisations; namely Concern Worldwide and GOAL. 19

Significance of Study A comprehensive review of literature on community development practice in conflict affected areas shows that the final stage of social capital, which is linking social capital – the value of trust, norms, networks and connectedness between groups with different levels of power and status, is under- researched and it requires more examination and evidence (Paffenholz 2010, Pugh 2009, Cubitt 2012). This research paper will therefore contribute to investigating the final stage of social capital, in relation to the assumption that community development projects alter institutional policies and reconnect the state to citizens in post conflict countries.

Lederach (1997) emphasises the role of non- governmental organisations (NGOs) across different fields, in long term sustainable construction of peace, across different levels and dimensions in the society. This paradigm compliments the assumption that NGOs, such as in the development field, execute functions toward conflict transformation, including toward structural or systemic change.

Accordingly, this research paper will contribute to empirical learning about the debate on the effectiveness of development-aid programmes by analysing community development projects to determine if such projects, which are projected as a definitive application to sustainable peacebuilding in post conflict situations, are indeed targeted towards sustaining peace

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Most of the existing evidence in literature about the role and the effect of development framework in post conflict environments are centred on micro or community level, and meso level (Paffenholz, Abu-Nimer and McCandless 2005).

Documented impact assessment of development initiatives towards sustaining peace, focuses on building community relations at the local level. Sufficient evidence on the effect of development initiatives on state level and institutional policy change in post conflict countries is yet to be established (Paffenholz, AbuNimer and McCandless 2005). This depicts a challenge in assessing the long term effects of development projects on sustainable peace. This research is therefore a significant contribution to examine the relevance of community development initiatives on institutional-policy change, which is integral to building sustainable peace in post conflict environments.

Also a critical gap that exists in practice is the evaluation of development project outcomes in post conflict countries, which is modelled around development measures. In post conflict environments, community development projects are hardly evaluated in the context of building peace. Against this background, this research study will serve as a connection to examine development projects in the context of peacebuilding, to contribute to learning about the potential assumption that community development programmes can sustain peace in post conflict regions.

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Research Question The research questions in this study are central to investigating the aforementioned research problems. To achieve the aims of this research study, the research questions are formulated to align with qualitative research methods, with a focus on describing the process education initiatives implemented by development –aid NGOs and policy makers in post conflict Sierra Leone.

In this view, the central research question is: 

What do development-aid NGOs do to inform state policy on education in post conflict Sierra Leone? and to what extent does state policy on education in Sierra Leone reflects on education development projects of development -aid NGOs ?

Other emerging research questions are: 

What relevance do education projects implemented by development-aid NGOs have on sustaining peace in post conflict Sierra Leone?



How do development-aid NGOs describe development projects in relation to building sustainable peace in post conflict Sierra Leone?

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The Structure of Dissertation This dissertation is divided into four chapters and a conclusion.

Chapter one sets the scene for a comprehensive background on the link between peacebuilding and development, the objectives and research questions of this research paper. The remainder of chapter one focuses on the methodology used in the analysis of the research issues under study, stating possible limitations and assumptions.

Chapter two provides the substantive theoretical framework of this research, conceptualising social capital theory to further examine conceptual? linkages to the research issues. This chapter also represents the relevant themes of argument existing in the body of literature related to the role of community development approach and social capital in post-conflict peacebuilding, and examining education as a peacebuilding initiative in Sierra Leone.

Chapter three focuses on the case study of education initiatives implemented by development-aid organisations in Sierra Leone and presents the findings of the research study.

Chapter four presents the analysis and discussion on the research findings in the context of social capital theory and peacebuilding assessment. The aim of this chapter is to address the research questions of this study, ending with a summary of the research study in a concise conclusion.

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Research Design and Methodology

Introduction The methodological framework explains the use of the method and research design appropriate to carry out the proposed research questions in this study. It discusses in detail the research process, sampling, data collection, analysis, possible limitations and ethical considerations to complete this research.

Qualitative Method

This research study makes use of qualitative research methods to focus on interpretative paradigm to provide an in-depth understanding of the research issues in this study, which is embedded in social relations. In broad terms, qualitative method allows the examination of people’s experience in detail. It allows the researcher to ‘identify issues from the perspective of the study population, and understand the meanings and the interpretations they give to behaviour, events and objects’ (Hennink, Hutter and Bailey 2011, p. 9). The research problem in this study can be better examined by seeking to understand the participants’ experience of development practice in a post conflict country, their perspective on development as a potential for sustaining peace, and the physical context in which activities take place. Qualitative method is also suitable in understanding social interactions among people, and processes, such as how

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people make decisions (Hennink, Hutter and Bailey 2011), which is definitely relevant to the research issues in this study.

Qualitative method is assumed by social researchers to provide more in-depth information to understand and interpret social interactions than quantitative research method. Moreover qualitative method has been used mostly in peace and development research to provide empirical evidence of social cohesion and the effectiveness of development-aid organisations at the local level through development projects.

Qualitative Research Design

Qualitative research design is ultimately described with six strategies to carry out a research process: Ethnography, Phenomenology, Grounded theory, Case study, Focus group and Historical research (Creswell 1994, p. 205). For the purpose of this research study, the researcher has identified case study as a suitable in-depth and holistic strategy for the qualitative analysis of the research problems in this study.

Case Study According to Baxter and Jack (2008, p. 543), The qualitative case study is an approach to research that facilitates exploration of a phenomenon within its context using a variety of data sources. This ensures that the issue is not explored through one lens, but rather a variety of lenses which allows for multiple facets of the phenomenon to be revealed and understood.

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A case study design is relevant when the focus of the study is to answer “how” and “why” questions and when a researcher wants to cover contextual conditions believed to be relevant to the phenomenon under study (Baxter and Jack 2008).

An explanatory case study is used in this research to inquire and explain the relationship between development projects on education and education policy in post-conflict Sierra Leone, providing an in-depth understanding of the issue under study. Explanatory case study allows the use of pattern-matching technique to analyse patterns and plurality of influence from case studies, and how it may relate to theoretical proposition (Berg and Lune 2012). As previously stated in this paper, poor education resources and marginalisation were established to have contributed to the armed conflict in Sierra Leone between the state and a representation of young Sierra Leoneans. So the focus of this research on education forms a remarkable experience to examine how community development projects in education may drive long term sustainable peace, using the social capital theory. The field of study i.e. Sierra Leone was chosen because it is a distinct post conflict country that was ravaged by a decade of civil war, and has also experienced a decade of post conflict peacebuilding since 2002. Also access to education and marginalisation are issues attributed to the instigation of civil war.

Sampling Element This research makes use of purposive sampling for the population included in this study. Three groups of participants were drawn in this research: Staff of the 26

development-aid organisations under study, education decision makers in Sierra Leone (national and local level), and Sierra Leoneans.

Firstly, two development-aid organisations selected for the case study are Irish international development organisations, which are “Concern Worldwide” and “GOAL”. Three individuals were interviewed from the two organisations; two member-staff from Concern Worldwide and One staff from GOAL. The participants are experts in education programmes in Sierra Leone. The organisations are chosen for convenience sampling and easy access to fit into the research time frame. Both organisations were selected in Ireland because they deliver education programmes in Sierra Leone. The two organisations classify themselves as humanitarian organisations. However this research sees both organisations as development aid organisations due to their objectives and projects, which have a focus on addressing development issues. In addition the organisations have been involved in development initiatives in Sierra Leone after the end of civil war, and one can argue that their programmes have since evolved from humanitarian objectives to long- term development.

Secondly, the individuals chosen for interview as decision makers in the education sector in Sierra Leone, are representatives from the ministry of education in Sierra Leone, and the local education offices in Freetown and Tonkolili district. The ministry of education is the national representative for education policy making, and the local education offices are meant to administer education services locally, since the government adopted a decentralisation system. Three participants from 27

this category were interviewed, each participant representing, the national ministry of education, and the local education offices in Freetown and Tonkolili. The local education offices in Freetown and Tonkolili were chosen because development projects are implemented in these places by the Irish-development-aid organisations (GOAL and Concern Worldwide).

Thirdly, four participants representing young Sierra Leoneans were purposely chosen and interviewed, from the target areas where education projects are implemented by the development-aid organisations studied in this research. The chosen Sierra Leoneans were directly impacted by the civil war. As a result of the focus of this study, the Sierra Leonean participants include two primary school teachers (one each from Freetown and Tonkolili, to provide urban-rural experience on education system), one college student and one ex-combatant in Freetown.

Recruitment of Participants The three different categories of participants chosen in this research were further selected using the following criteria: 

Staff of Irish Development NGO:

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Staff of development aid organisations must have a minimum of 3 years work experience in programmes and projects delivery in Sierra Leone

-

Selected staff may have worked on development programmes and projects or are currently working in this capacity in Sierra Leone

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Selected staff may not have worked in Sierra Leone, but have extensive knowledge in development programmes and projects drafted for Sierra Leone



Education policy makers in Sierra Leone:

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Selected individuals must be directly or indirectly involved in policy making nationally or locally in Freetown and Tonkolili

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Have extensive knowledge regarding policy making on education in Sierra Leone, with a minimum of 3 years work experience

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Individuals who may have previously worked in this capacity before or after the civil war



Young Sierra Leoneans:

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Participants are young people who experienced the civil war in Sierra Leone and resident in Freetown and Tonkolili

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Current ages range from 23-45 years. These include ex-combatant, primary school teachers, and college student

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Gender sensitivity is considered, so participants include male and female

After completing sampling of participants, a letter of consent, requesting permission for documents, information and data relevant to the research was sent to the development-aid organisations in Ireland (Concern Worldwide and GOAL), and the ministry of education in Sierra Leone (see Appendix I for a copy of 29

consent letter). A summary of the research aims was also sent with the consent letter. A request for interview was sent to supervisors and country director of programmes in Concern Worldwide and GOAL. The researcher also requested interview from the ministry of education in Sierra Leone (national and local). Local Organisations working with young people in Sierra Leone were contacted to gain access to Sierra Leoneans suitable for the aims of this study. Since this research study has a focus on education, which is considered available to public domain, with non-sensitive questions, there were no issues gaining access to participants.

All requested permission regarding documentation and access to participants were granted.

Data Collection Procedure Data gathering for this qualitative case study research centres on primary data collection using interviews. The use of primary data collection in this study excludes fieldwork observation in Sierra Leone due to time and financial constraints.

Interview: To carry out the primary data collection, the researcher chose semi-structured and open-ended interviews. With semi-structured interview, the researcher will have prepared a topic guide or questions to be covered with each participant. It also allows the researcher the freedom of asking for follow-up questions, which may allow useful information from the interviewee (Berge and Lune, 2012). The 30

researcher chose open-ended interviews as it allows participants to discuss their opinions, views and experiences in detail. In contrast, an interview with closed ended questions may inhibit participants to express their full opinions to the questions.

The researcher carried out a face to face interview with participants from Concern worldwide and GOAL development aid organisations. The interview with education policy makers in Sierra Leone were made with telephone conversations and over the internet with the use of Skype. The interview with young Sierra Leoneans was completed through telephone conversations. The interview questions for the development-aid NGOs consist of ten open-ended questions (see Appendix II for sample copy) and the interview lasted between 30-40 minutes. The interview questions for the decision policy makers and young Sierra Leoneans consist of six open-ended questions (see Appendix III and IV for sample copy) and the interview lasted for about 15-30 minutes, determined by the participant’s response to the questions. All questions used in the interview were uniquely developed by the researcher for the purpose of this study.

All interviews were audio-taped with permission from the participant to ascertain an accurate account of the interview which can be replayed for analytic purposes and anonymity will be assured during the course of the recording. The interviews were carried out over a period of two weeks, which allowed the researcher to reflect and make adjustments as necessary.

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Documents and Archival Records:

Official documents and archival records produced by the ministry of education sector in Sierra Leone, and also the development-aid organisations under study were carefully selected and examined. The official documents conveyed important and useful information served as data and guide for the research process.

Documents and archival record used from the development organisations in this research are: available annual reports (from 2008-2011), final evaluation of education programmes, education programme plans, and contextual analysis of education programme in Tonkolili district (published by Concern Worldwide).

National strategy for education and policy (2005-2010) document was consulted from the ministry of education in Sierra Leone.

Data Analysis All conducted interviews were transcribed into text for analysis and interpretation.

The researcher used the theoretical proposition (i.e. social capital theory) as an orientation to guide the case study analysis. According to Yin, ‘theoretical propositions stemming from how and why questions can be extremely useful in guiding case study analysis’ (1994, pp.130-131). The data generated was analysed into patterns and themes to explain the relationship and possible links between the variables studied in this research. Pattern-matching is a situation when pieces of information in a case may be related to theoretical propositions (Berg and Lune 2012). From the data generated from the interviews and 32

documents, the researcher developed and applied a coding scheme, to further identify themes and categories for analysis. A further explanation of unit analysis, categories and themes identified can be viewed in chapter three of this research.

Ethical Consideration The researcher took into account ethical considerations prior to the start of the study. Confidentiality of all data gathered was ensured and consent from participants was approved. The research also complies with the ethics policy and good research practice guideline provided by Trinity College Dublin.

Assumption and Limitation of Study In this study, it is assumed that professional participants will respond to questions accurately with an in-depth understanding due to professional knowledge, ethical considerations and the choice of anonymity. One of the limitations to this research is the absence of a field trip to Sierra Leone, which prevents an opportunity for non- participant observation of development-aid NGOs and education projects.

However the absence of field trip does not hinder the validity of the research study because the researcher anticipated that a field trip to Sierra Leone may not yield expedient results because the education projects in the context of study are near completion, which may not be of advantage to observing the process involved in delivering the projects.

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Another limitation to this research work is the difficulty in ascertaining that the causal effect of change in policy is directly related to development programmes delivered by development NGOs. Paffenholz, Abu-Nimer and McCandless (2005,p.2 ) also noted this same challenge; that ‘tracing the effects of peacebuilding and development programme on the wider or macro context has proved to be an elusive task for many evaluators given the difficulties of ascertaining causality’. The small population sample and use of qualitative case study approach in this research means that the findings in this study cannot be generalised and may not apply widely to other unit of analysis. It is also relevant to mention that the information and data available for this research may vary due to unforeseen circumstances.

Summary This chapter has explained the purpose and issues studied in this research, which is set against the background of the perceived link between community development programmes and their effectiveness in sustaining peace in post conflict Sierra Leone. The central aim of this study is to examine the relevance of community development programmes on education decision making in Sierra Leone (i.e micro-macro link).The research method used in achieving the aims of this study is qualitative case study approach.

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CHAPTER 2

Literature Review

Introduction This chapter will examine and discuss the relevant theoretical and conceptual framework underpinning the relationship between peacebuilding and community development in the context of the research issues in this study. The review of existing literature will examine in themes, the debates relevant to the research topic. Before proceeding to the detailed content of this chapter, it is important to provide the definition of operational terms adopted in this study.

Definition of Key Terms Peace: In this study, peace and sustainable peace are used in an identical sense, which depicts the idea of positive peace associated with Johan Galtung. Reychler (2001, p.12) refers to (sustainable) peace as the ‘elimination of unacceptable political, economic, and cultural forms of discrimination; a high level of internal and external legitimacy or support; self-sustainability; and a propensity to enhance the constructive transformation of conflicts’.

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Peacebuilding: External efforts and activities to help countries torn by conflict in their transitions form war to sustainable peace, including activities and programs designed to support and strengthen these transitions, such as the establishment of stable state structures (rule of law, democracy, human rights, and security), and the creation of the potential for peace within civil society, the media, cultural affairs, and education (Barnett et al 2007, pp. 38-39).

Development: The meaning of development adopted in this study is established in the ‘alternative development theory’ proposed by John Clark. This means grassroot perspective, gender equality, empowerment and bottom-up participation are central to sustainable and equitable development process (Lewis and Kanji, 2009). It is also used in the context of international development and the agreed set of development indicators in the form of United Nations’ Millennium Development Goal.

Community development approach: Community development approach refers to grassroot and participatory model.

The approach seeks to empower local community groups and institutions by giving the community direct control over investment decisions, project planning, execution and monitoring, through a process that emphasises inclusive participation and management’ (Haider 2009, p. 4).

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Non-governmental organisations/ Development -aid organisations: This term is used in a narrow sense to refer to self governing, private and not-forprofit organisations that are concerned with the promotion of emergency relief and social, political or economic change internationally (Lewis and Kanji 2009). For example agencies associated with humanitarian, development and peacebuilding activities internationally.

Education: Education in this study refers to formal education in form of institutionalised teaching and learning carried out through the use of a curriculum, and informal education in form of vocational skills training. The formal education includes primary and secondary education, and tertiary institution.

Understanding Peace and Development Nexus There are two main poles of thinking identified in both theory and practice, on the relationship between development and peace. The first perspective is the exclusivist approach that advocate for the separation of peacebuilding from development. The second perspective maintains the inclusivist approach, integrating peacebuilding and development activities to achieve sustainable peace (Smoljan 2010). The exclusivist school of thought in the field of politics argue that armed conflict is an issue associated with security and state failure. Peacebuilding activities should therefore focus on statebuilding initiatives, which is separate from socio-economic activities identified with the development field (Pugh 2009).

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While the development community has not written widely on this stance, it is suggested from traditional theoretical and practical paradigm that issues of peace and security have always been approached separately from development. This separation is evident in the traditional conception that guides both the creation of the United Nations to promote international peace and security, and the Bretton Woods Institutions ( International Monetary Fund and World Bank) set up to rebuild post-war economies and promote international economic cooperation.

Some development practitioners support the exclusivist approach from the point of view that development practice has no conflict prevention mandate, and since introducing conflict sensitivity concerns to development, development activities have become more complex by trying to adapt to ad-hoc conflict sensitivity objective (Rogers, Aaron and Bamat 2010). So even though there are socioeconomic needs in shattered post conflict countries, the exclusivist-traditional thinking argues that such programmes should be separated from peacebuilding and conflict prevention, rather than equating underdevelopment to insecurity in a state.

However the event of the post cold-war saw increase in linking development and peacebuilding practices. The inclusivist thinking challenged the traditional separation of development and peacebuilding with the central claim that poverty and underdevelopment are threats to global order, particularly in post conflict countries (Scott 2007). Some authors argue from an economic theoretical perspective that economic causes, poverty and deprivation are dimensions of 38

insecurity and violence. In addition the lack of capacity of weak governments to carry out economic reconstruction in post conflict countries complicates attempts to restoring peace and evidently suggests the need for external development assistance (Smoljan2010, Uvin 2002).

Similarly, other scholars in development policy posit that peacebuilding is about creating sustainable peace, and since liberal statebuilding has been criticised for its failure to uphold to the principles of intervention and state sovereignty in international relations (Paris 2009, Hébert 2009), then development programmes can be used as an exit long-term strategy for statebuilding or peacebuilding initiatives (Scott 2007). However, the tension noted by peacebuilding scholars and practitioners is that development programmes have been found to exacerbate conflict, if such programmes are implemented without understanding conflict dynamics in post conflict situations (Paffenholz 2010). Hence, this has led to the delivering of ‘conflict sensitivity’ training to development practitioners, imperatively constituting to conceptualising the peace and development nexus. This is not to say that the development community has not challenged this peacebuilding responsibility. Indeed ‘public and non-governmental donor agencies fear that they will become an instrument of, and subservient to, foreign policy and defence establishment, should they assume peacebuilding concerns’ (Uvin 2002,p.6).

From a different view point, Pugh (2009) refutes the claim that development prevents violence and can bring about peace. Stedman noted that ‘…there is the tacit belief that while underdevelopment induces conflict, development is somehow 39

conflict-free. But this is not the case‌ transitions to political democracy and market economies are fraught with conflict’ (Uvin 2002, p.33). There are other issues that may deter establishing development activities as a guarantee to peace.

Many authors that advocate for development as a sustainable peace approach have neglected to question the structure of most development programmes, which are not designed to realise conflict prevention and peacebuilding outcomes. Also, institutionalising perspective of peace to development programmes is yet to be applied intentionally and systemically in many development-aid organisations (Rogers, Chassy and Bamat 2010). In cases where attempts have been made to mainstream development programmes toward conflict prevention and peacebuilding, there is requirement for development professionals to be prevention oriented as part of their normal professionalism or work closely with peacebuilding professional. This attempt has proved difficult due to bureaucratic pressure, incompetence in the other field, and poor inter-departmental coordination (Uvin 2012). Considering the criticism over the sustainability of development programmes, concerns should be raised on how effective dependent-driven development aid programme is able to lead to sustainable peace.

Nonetheless, international agencies such as the United Nations, World Bank and Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) continue to advance development as a prerequisite for peace. These international agencies have broadened peacebuilding to include issues of development based on the economic factors and its relevance to violent conflict. In the United Nations, the 40

advancement of human security shows a major shift in the concerns of security from exclusively military issues, to integrating development issues.

The World Bank further suggest that countries in intra-state wars are often characterised by weak social relations and cultural disintegration, which further complicates the rebuilding of economies and infrastructure (Smoljan 2003). Social capital is fundamental to development approach. The World Bank is one of the leading advocates of the relevance of social capital and rebuilding social ties in a post conflict country, which is claimed to be excluded from the activities of United Nations peace operations (World Bank 2006).

The World Bank has embarked on growing evidence of the impact of social capital on the process of development and violent conflict. Evidence shows increase in community relations locally, which is claimed to be viable to reintegration programmes in peace operations and in divided societies. The World Bank also recognises the need for social cohesion to include state power and have recommended projects to promote macro level social relations in post conflict environments. However, one major contradiction that needs to be signalled out is that the successful outcome of such projects depends on the participation of civil society, and the decentralisation of state power (World Bank 2007). This notion brings up the concerns established on the effective role of civil society, and the extent to which civil society can function in a developing or post conflict state. The civil society does not exist in a vacuum, and can only function within a consolidated democratic structure. For instance, the civil society in post conflict African states may not have the enabling environment to amplify their voice and 41

monitor governments for actual change. As such ‘the ability of civil society to help deepen democratic governance and put it beyond reversal remains in serious doubt (Boadi 1996, p.118).

The challenges faced by local civil society within post conflict states, take us back to considering the role of development -aid NGOs in building social capital in post conflict situations. Is it a responsibility or a possible task for development -aid NGOs? Where the World Bank has recognised the importance of connecting relations between the micro and macro levels of the society, developed efforts have been planned towards sustainable development. This pattern brings into focus, themes within the Millennium Development Goals. According to all available information at the time of this writing, there are no evident outcomes on the impact of social capital on state power to suggest link to sustainable peace. However, the aims of this research study fall within this identified gap; the extent to which development approach can contribute to peacebuilding beyond local relations, as expressed in the theories of social capital and conflict transformation.

Theoretical Framework

The underlying theory to this research study is used in different fields of study and it has also been used relatively in development study. In this research, social capital theory is discussed in the context of development, and how it has been proposed and used in post violent conflict states.

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Social Capital Theory: In emerging literature, different authors have examined the concept of social capital in an attempt to contribute to the meaning of the concept and how it can best improve its application to different fields of study. This makes the notion of social capital multi-dimensional in form, but with the same fundamental components and interrelated dimensions. This study will focus on comprehensive definitions related to the operational understanding proposed by Robert Putman, which relates to the field of development and politics.

From a starting point, two main forms of social capital are proposed by scholars.

Firstly, social capital as internal relations is defined as a form of trust, internal ties within a society. In this context, it is understood as the ability for groups and organisations to work together toward the same purpose (Fukuyama 1995, Woolcock 1998). Putman further elaborates on this connection to mean social networks, norms of reciprocity, trustworthiness and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit (Putman 1995b). Secondly, other existing definitions view social capital not only as internal social ties but also as external relations with other actors (Putman 1995b). However gaining access to external relations with other social actors is only possible if internal social network is developed. Colleta and Cullen (2000, p.3) made mention of the macro aspects of social capital, where ‘social capital includes not only trust, norms, and networks but also the socio-political environment’. This view incorporates more formalised 43

institutional relationships and structures such as the government, the political regime, the market, the rule of law, the court system, and civil and political liberties. Several attempts to conceptualise social capital has also evolved in several types or characteristics posited by different scholars. The definition of social capital concept in this research will focus on the level of analysis (micro, meso and macro levels), forms (structural and cognitive), and its functions (bonding, bridging and linking social capital).

There are three levels of analysis for social capital: micro, meso and macro.

Micro-level social capital refers to close ties to family and friends. Meso-level social capital refers to communities and associational organisations. Macro-level social capital consists of state and national-level connections (Halpern 2005).

Whether at the micro, meso, or macro level, the influence of social capital is as a result of the interactions between two distinct types of social capital— structural and cognitive. ‘Structural social capital ‘facilitates information sharing, and collective action and decision making through established roles, social networks and other social structures. Cognitive social capital refers to shared norms, values, trust, attitudes, and beliefs (Grootaert and Bastelaer 2001). It is more of a subjective concept.

Finally, most authors agree with the three functions of social capital - bonding, bridging and linking social capital. Putman and Halpern explain this distinction as: 

Bonding social capital – the value of trust, norms, networks and inward looking connectedness within homogenous groups

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

Bridging social capital – the value of trust, norms, networks and connectedness across diverse groups. It is outward looking and encompass people across diverse social cleavages



Linking social capital – the value of trust, norms, networks and connectedness between groups with different levels of power and status. It links people across asymmetric power relations and resources (Lewis 2006, p.11), (Halpern 2005, pp.19-25).

A comprehensive dimension of social capital is seen in the figure 2.1 below

Fig.2.1 Structural Macro level

Meso level C

Micro level

Institute of the state

Cognitive Governance

Local institutions community relations

Family ties

Trust, local norms, values

Trust and values

Note: Dimensions of social capital

It is important to note here that most scholars agree that the strength of social capital lies in the synthesis of macro structures with meso level causal mechanism or from the level of communities to the level of state power (Franklin, Holland and 45

Edwards 2006, Putman 1995a, Fukuyama 2001). Social capital is also important in the systematic functioning of a stable liberal democracy as a base for cooperation across sector and power differences (Fukuyama 2001).

The concept of social capital to some extent has thus influenced the support of voluntary organisations and NGOs in different states, under the notion of encouraging social networks, citizens’ participation and decentralisation to help policy making and to challenge socio-economic and political issues such as marginalisation. This concept has also been mainstreamed into community development framework for the claimed capacity to facilitate collective action and cooperation in a society. In community development approach, related emphasis on social capital is focused on community participation, social cohesion and capacity building. Most implemented development projects functions within bonding and bridging social.

Coulthard, Walker and Morgan (2001), claim that social capital emphasises partnership and participatory approach in sustainable development. However it is not in the scope of this research study to analyse the relationship or causal effect between social capital and sustainable development. Although documented experience in development practice shows how social capital may have contributed to sustainable development outcomes (Panjota 2000, World Bank 2007).

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The Relationship between Social Capital and Peacebuilding The question that is more relevant to this research study is how social capital is related to peacebuilding. Social capital as a concept embraced by the development community is also claimed to be relevant in post conflict situations.

Social capital can serve as a mechanism for reconciliation and peacebuilding in divided societies through the formation of diverse network and mitigation across conflicting groups ( Colleta and Cullen 2000). This includes the responsibility of NGOs and civic institutions to form new links across the existing conflict divide with efforts to mend relations. Elsewhere, authors in peace and development field have also cited case studies where socialisation and social cohesion is claimed to have contributed to building relations along social divides in a local community (see CMI 2006, World Vision 1998, Kew and Obi 2010, Paffenholz 2010).

In contrast to the evidence of bridging social capital, the empirical analysis of Bosnia and Herzegovina conducted by the World Bank shows that bridging social capital between the inter-ethnic conflicting groups was not a success. While there may be several reasons responsible for this failure, one dominant challenge common to development programmes in post conflict countries is that the determinant for bridging social capital is embedded in development dependent efforts and does not necessarily have a peacebuilding focus. For development assistance to be successful in post conflict areas, it must focus on building crosscutting relations and networks as integral part of sustainable peacebuilding, which includes initiatives to shape political and institutional structures, ensuring 47

responsiveness to continual needs and changes (Colleta and Cullen 2000).

Unfortunately, linking social capital has proved difficult to achieve by the development community in post conflict situations.

There are no documented outcomes of vertical social ties between citizens, civil society and government institutions in post conflict areas, resulting from development social capital. There is little evidence to suggest a link between social organisations or citizens and the existing political and institutional structures in a state. Colleta and Cullen (2000) mentioned that social capital at the macro level is observed in the intervention of Rwandan state government to reconcile people- groups through the initiation of Gacaca traditional and local court system, which the citizens trusted to provide justice to the victims of the genocide war.

However the Gacaca court system in Rwanda is embedded in traditional conflict resolution mechanism, and was initiated for the purpose of building reconciliation and trust (International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance 2008).

The initiation of Gacaca courts does not reinforce organised community advocacy (proposed in social capital theory), or suggest an initiative developed from community development approach. Although, the initiation of Gacaca court suggests a possible link between government and people relations, it can be argued that the formation of this link is an effect of bottom-up conflict resolution mechanism and not necessarily development social capital.

To justify the argument that development aid initiatives can lead to sustainable peace in post conflict areas through social capital, there is need of evidence in 48

cross-cutting social cohesion beyond community relations through development projects (whether economically or socially). The overall purpose of this research study is to contribute to the evidence of social cohesion and socialisation at the macro level, through community development framework. In peacebuilding study, there are approaches that agree to an extent with organisational linkages, and the macro level synergy with the micro level, similarly to the concept of social capital.

Peacebuilding Model and Integration of Cross-cutting Relation The liberal peacebuilding model emphasises building functioning institutional and state political systems in post conflict countries. There is general consensus in literature that a functioning institutional system has a fundamental relevance in sustaining peace, because democratic and political non-violent means can be facilitated through establishing institutional structures at the macro level (Wolff 2011). However the focus on institutional building has been criticised for neglecting representation and civil society participation, which are relevant to sustaining peace in a society. Critics of liberal peacebuilding propose an integrated link between institutional structures at the macro level and activities at the community level.

Similar to cross-cutting networks in bridging social capital, the work of John Lederach in conflict transformation suggest a long-term transformation of a warsystem to peace-system, which involves cross-networking between mid-level, top49

level and grassroot-level of a society. At the top level are actors such as elite leaders and decision makers; mid-level actors are leaders in the academia, religious and non-profit organisations; and the grassroot level are local and community leaders (Lederach 1997). Sustainable peacebuilding is therefore seen as a structure-process involving a comprehensive approach that integrates all three levels to support structural and social change.

In light of development programmes and sustaining peace in post conflict regions, the importance of institutional government synergy with the community level initiatives cannot be overemphasised. This means the common functions of development-aid NGOs that is relevant to peacebuilding, such as socialisation, poverty reduction, social cohesion, advocacy and participation should endeavour to bridge the gap between the macro and micro levels. Linking social capital in development programmes is also relevant to support the claims of certain authors (Zeter 2010, Scott 2007) that development-aid programmes can be used as longterm exit strategy for peacebuilding mechanisms. Most development-aid NGOs implement programmes in a bottom-up approach, giving priority to community and local actors, which can be better understood in the concept of community development approach.

Community Development Approach Community development is associated with different meaning and multifaceted practical characterisation. This research will provide a narrow conceptualisation of 50

community development, which provides the fundamental understanding to the implementation process identified with international development. Bhattacharyya (2005,p.5) explains that the basis of community development is to ‘create or increase solidarity and agency by adhering to three practice principles, namely, self-help, felt needs and participation’. Solidarity is about building a shared identity and code of conduct, while agency is capacity building and planning with people to take up new skills and knowledge to order their world (Hustedde and Ganowicz 2002).

An assessment of development-aid programmes shows that development-aid NGOs work within the two aspects of structure and shared meaning. This means NGOs in development community work to build new organisations (i.e. structure such as civil organisation), even though such efforts has been criticised for producing civil society that is too weak to effect change. Development-aid workers also strive to work within the cultural context of community groups, but in a limited manner. However, the third aspect of driving solidarity and capacity building in community development practice (i.e. power) is found wanting. The focus on power refers to relationship with resource controllers in a state. Hustedde and Ganowicz (2002, p.4) argues that if ‘community development is about building capacity for socio-economic change, then the aspect of power relation is essential’.

In a different explanation, two main approaches to community development that has focus on development assistance are also dominant in literature. Firstly, the 51

needs-based approach is a conventional strategy, used by United Nations Human Settlement Programme by adhering to three practice principles, namely, self-help, technical assistance and conflict resolution. This approach is a top-down strategy that reaches out for change through government policies, and by determining what poor communities need as defined by socio-economic deficits existing in such communities (UN-Habitat 2008). However, this approach was criticised for its topdown approach, and external interpretation of the needs of local communities, and not allowing local people to determine their own local needs.

As an alternative, experts in the development field proposed asset-based approach to community development. Asset-based approach include ‘physical capital and infrastructure (buildings, roads, open and public spaces such as parks and plazas);financial and economic capital; and the political and social capital inherent to local leadership and informal social networks’ (UN-Habitat 2008,p. 3).

This approach is common with development-aid organisations in implementing programmes. The relevance of asset-based approach is based on the assumption that it forms informal social support networks (social capital) and builds on the skills of local people, the power of local associations, and the support of local institutions, in order to organise existing community strengths and thereby build stronger, more sustainable communities (Kretzmann and McKnight 1993). A summary of asset-based and need-based approach is provided in table 1.1 below.

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Table 2.1

Community Development: Categories and Approaches

COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT APPROACH

SELF-SUFFICIENCY

TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE

CONFLICT RESOLUTION

•Need assessment

•Expert knowledge • Scientific rationality • Top-down based on universal needs • Master Planning • Problem-Solving with Universal Principles

•Regulation • Professional support • Government • Co-optation

•Local Knowledge and Expert Knowledge • Bottom-up/Grassroots • Partnership • Co-production of Knowledge • Technical Empowerment

•Interpretation • Participation • Organization • Community Design • Mutual Learning • Governance • Political Empowerment

NEED-BASED (Deficit Model)

• Urban renewal/slum Clearance • Gentrification

ASSET-BASED (Dynamic Model)

•Asset Identification • Mobilization of resources • Social Capital • Capacity-Building • Social Empowerment

NOTE- Adapted from: An Asset-Based Approach to Community Development & Capacity Building (UN-Habitat 2008, p.6)

From the perspective of sustainable peacebuilding, the strength of asset-based approach lies within bridging and linking social capital, in form of cross-cutting social cohesion. As already established in this paper, evidence of bridging social capital is needed in the practice of community development, to ascertain the role of sustaining peace in post conflict environments. Bhattacharyya (2004, p.27) agrees that building local organisation is necessary in community development, but ‘without some level of micro-macro coordination, local organisation alone is unlikely to be sufficient in dealing with instability issues, which is often linked to macro political economy’. Following this conceptual literature, the programme

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focus of this research study, which is on education, will now be briefly discussed as a development aid initiative implemented in post conflict Sierra Leone.

An Overview of Education System in Post Conflict Sierra Leone Pre civil-war: Diamond mining has long served as a driver of socio-economic development in Sierra Leone. Diamond trade in this small West African country is estimated at billions of dollars, yet poverty rate remains over 60 percent, with high level of illiteracy and poor education system.

The population in Sierra Leone is estimated at 5 million with children and young people making up a very large amount of the total population. Over 40 percent of the total population is below 15 years of age, and about 34 percent is between 15 years and 34 years (The World Bank 2007, p. 20). Collapsing public services and poverty left many young people unable to complete an education before the civil war. ‘Between 1980 and 1987 state spending on education declined by 60 per cent with large disparities between the rural areas and the capital city’ (Cubitt 2013, p.97). All levels of education at this period were not free in Sierra Leone. As previously mentioned in this study, grievances and discontent based on urbanrural inequalities, lack of opportunities to access education, and disenfranchisement of youth from political elites were cited as reasons for the involvement of many young Sierra Leoneans in the civil war.

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Education in Sierra Leone is modelled on the British-type education system. After independence in 1961, education was aimed largely at the urban middle class.

The system was biased and was aimed at nurturing civil servants and government administrators. Most Sierra Leoneans were unable to access formal education and were forced by circumstances to work before completing primary school. The education system became an elitist system that excluded the majority of the population (The World Bank 2007). In 1991, before the start of the civil war, primary education enrolment had declined from 400,000 in 1988 to 300,000 (The World Bank 2007). Education was a low priority on the agenda of the centralised Sierra Leone government. For instance, the government expenditure in security was higher by a larger margin compared to education.

However, it is should be mentioned that before the start of the civil war in 1991,The government of Sierra Leone was planning to introduce a free education system in adult literacy programmes, primary education and junior-senior secondary education. The civil war was detrimental to the achievement of these GOALs. Post civil-war: After a decade of war in Sierra Leone, the educational system deteriorated with many destroyed school buildings, which had negative impact on children and young people. However, since the commencement of post-conflict peace and development programmes, the joint effort of the government with other 55

international agencies have caused an impressive impact on the education system. Most of the changes in the education sector have developmental approach, with significant outcome that may sustain peace. Some of these changes are in government policies, such as decentralisation of government administration. Decentralisation is to ensure that power, service delivery and the management of education is administered through the local governments, which is meant to represent the needs of local people. Government expenditure on education has also increased tremendously, higher than expenditure on security.

Most importantly, in 2001, the government introduced free primary education policy and free junior secondary school education for only girls in disadvantage areas. The free education policy has increased primary enrolment to 1.3 million by 2005, which placed Sierra Leone at the top of low-income countries in Africa (World Bank 2007).

Despite evidence of change in education policy at the government level, it is yet to be established if these changes were instigated by development-aid organisations.

This research study aims to establish such relationship link, and the extent to which development-aid organisations can bridge social capital, before establishing sustainable peacebuilding function. At this juncture, an overview of the education programmes implemented in Sierra Leone by Irish development-aid organisations, namely, Concern Worldwide and GOAL will be discussed.

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Irish Development-aid Organisations and Education Programme in Post Conflict Sierra Leone Following the cessation of civil war in Sierra Leone, Concern Worldwide and GOAL organisations have focused on long term development programmes through multilateral aid assistance. GOAL and Concern Worldwide started implementing community development programmes in Sierra Leone in year 1999 and 2000 respectively.

GOAL organisation delivers education programmes mainly in Freetown, but other rural district benefit from the aid assistance. Education programme is designed and implemented as an integrated multi-sector approach to poverty reduction.

Education programme in GOAL, is implemented as a “Community Based Street Children's / Disadvantaged Children and Youth Programme” (DCYP) in the capital Freetown, and “The Integrated Child and Youth Welfare Programme” (ICYWP).

The ICYWP and DCYP work with street children and other vulnerable children and youth including commercially and sexually exploited children. The programmes reaches about 2000 children every year and GOAL supports children by providing drop in facilities, formal and non-formal education support, family tracing and reunification, health and hygiene education (including HIV awareness), and livelihoods support for older children and their families. Other education initiatives include school reconstruction and facilities, provision of books, bags, uniforms and payment of tuition fees to ensure the completion of education for street children.

For young people that have spent their childhood on the streets, GOAL provides skills training and the means to start up a business.

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Concern Worldwide organisation delivers education programme in Tonkolili district, northern region in Sierra Leone. Education programmes focus on improving formal primary school education with 96 schools across 5 chiefdoms of Tonkolili district. Concern organisation aims to contribute to the Millennium Development GOAL of achieving universal primary education by 2015, and the elimination of gender disparity in primary schools. Aside reconstruction of schools, education programmes are targeted at increasing enrolment and retention of the most vulnerable children, especially females, through reduction of blockages to access education; improving quality of teaching and learning through technical support to teachers; ensuring all children learn in a healthy, hygienic and safe learning environment; and supporting overall management, accountability, monitoring and evaluation for quality education delivery (Concern Worldwide 2012). Concern Worldwide works with two local NGOs in Tonkolili district, and support capacity building of Tonkolili District Education Office and Chiefdom Education committees.

Both Irish based development-aid organisations, approach education from a standpoint of reducing poverty and improving livelihoods of children. Differently, professionals in peacebuilding claim that education initiatives can contribute to peacebuilding through mainstreaming peace education and facilitating social cohesion between deeply divided communities. In addition, skills training can assist the re-integration of ex-combatants into the mainstream society, and education sector reform can encourage new forms of power relations (such as 58

decentralisation). It is also claimed that the influence of education can ‘extend beyond the school to support broader transformation in the security, political, social and economic sectors and a change in relationships and behaviours from the negative to the positive’ (Ellison 2012, p.6).

Summary In summary, two main line of thoughts are found in the debate of peace and development nexus, the exclusivist and the inclusivist perspectives. The exclusivist approach embraces the traditional perspective that separates development-economics from issues of security and armed conflict. On the other hand the inclusivist approach advocates for peace and development synergy, on the basis that there are economic causes of violent conflict, and economic initiatives are relevant in post conflict reconstruction. Consequently, community development approach has been put forward as an effective approach to sustain peace in post conflict countries. In community development framework, the concept of social capital is embedded in the sub-units of socialisation and social cohesion, which is assumed to have significant effects in post conflict situations.

The concept of social capital is further explained in three common forms; bonding social capital, bridging social capital and linking social capital.

Linking social capital emphasises cross-cutting networks between groups with different levels of power and status in a society. In terms of ensuring sustainable peacebuilding through community development approach, evidence of linking 59

social capital is essential, based on the premise that building community relations and local service delivery may not be sufficient to ensure sustainable socioeconomic changes without some level of cross-cutting and micro-macro relations.

This research study therefore sets out to examine community development programmes on education, implemented by two development-aid organisations, namely, Concern Worldwide and GOAL, in order to explore the extent to which community development approach can sustain peace, using the theory of social capital.

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CHAPTER THREE Case Study Findings

Introduction As already mentioned, the units of analysis in this research are development-aid organisation, decision makers and Sierra Leoneans. In total, 10 participants were interviewed; 4 women and 6 men. Their ages range from 23-45 years. The documents used as part of data collection were 4 in total. Both pre-test code and emergent code were applied in form of descriptive and conceptual coding on the data gathered, which was later grouped into categories and themes. The findings in this research will be reported according to each unit of analysis and underlying topics.

Irish Development-aid Organisations There are four underlying topics that guides the explanation of the data gathered for the two organisations, namely GOAL and Concern Worldwide. These topics are: details of education project in Sierra Leone (objectives, process and possible impact), relationship between education project and education policy making in Sierra Leone, contribution of education project to peacebuilding and perception of development projects as a potential to sustaining peace. The ‘figure 3.1’ below

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shows an overview of the findings, the applied categories and themes (see appendix V for sample coding scheme).

From figure (3.1), education programmes implemented by the Irish developmentaid organisations have a focus on improving primary education, and providing skills and training. These goals are achieved by “providing vocational and business skills training to disadvantage youth”, …“pay school fees for primary education and provide text books and school uniforms…” “…because the teachers are under-qualified, we provide distance learning education and training for the teachers to enhance quality of education and employment prospect”…

Through the education programmes, support services are provided to the state government by “assisting in achieving government’s policy on free primary education in Sierra Leone”. Support service is provided locally to the education districts in Freetown and Tonkolili; “we train local teachers, school management…”we work with primary schools in Tonkolili and give grant as incentives to school managements ”… Other support services provided include, support for communities and families through family reunification and community activities.

In terms of relationship with the macro and meso levels, the development-aid organisations get permission from the state government and national ministry of education to deliver support programmes in Sierra Leone. Both NGOs relate with the local education offices in Freetown and Tonkolili to implement education programmes locally; “we work with the local government educational office in Tonkolili district plan programmes and visit schools and facilities that needed 62

support and renovation”. There is also ongoing plan for the local government education office in Tonkolili to manage the staff management committee and the teachers’ resource centre developed by Concern Worldwide”. Disadvantage children that are educated through the support of GOAL are sometimes referred by the local education office in Freetown, local police station, and social care office in Freetown. Both organisations partner with other INGOs in Sierra Leone, as a part of educational committees established to advocate for education policy change nationally.

As mentioned by the interviewees, the possible contributions of development programmes to peacebuilding in Sierra Leone has a primary focus on addressing socio-economic issues, which is claimed to prevent reoccurrence of violent conflict. The perception of the interviewees on the potential of community development projects to sustain peace also centres on the long term socioeconomic impact of development programmes, the impact of social cohesion and capacity building training through implemented community projects.

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Fig 3.1 CATEGORY

TOPIC Education projectfunctions and possible impact

Education Initiative Support service Community empowerment Child Development Community mobilisation Participation/sociali sation Issues addressed

SUB CATEGORY Provide primary school education Provide training and vocational skills

THEME ME

Service delivery Capacity building

Mobilisation Economic issues Social issues Capacity issues

Participation & socialisation Socio economic impact

Relationship between education project and education decision making

Contribution of education project to peacebuilding

Links with Local government Links with other INGOs

Meso level link Address gender & sexual based violence Improve access to education Address poverty issues Address displacement of children Address marginalisation

Perception on the potential of community development in sustaining peace

Macro level link

Socio- economic causes of violent conflict Improved livelihood prevents violent conflict Community development promotes inter-community relations Capacity building enhances political and socio-economic change

Economic impact Social impact/ social equity Prevent violence against women

Socio-economic factor Social cohesion Capacity building

Note: Summary of findings on Irish development-aid NGOs

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Decision making on Education in Sierra Leone The three underlying topics that guide the explanation of this unit of analysis are: determinants of education policy making, relationship with INGOs in relation to policy making and education as a tool for sustainable peace in Sierra Leone. The ‘figure 3.2’ below, shows the overview of the findings and the applied categories and themes.

To explain in detail, post conflict needs in Sierra Leone is considered in education policy making. This is evident in the drafted ‘Education Act 2004’ and ‘Educational sector Plan 2007-2015’. Funding also plays an important role in education policy making. The funding aspect brings external relations into the context of policy making. The main funder of the national education plan in Sierra Leone is the UNICEF; …“the ministry of education partners with UNICEF in developing and implementing the educational sector plan..”. Other technical and financial support services are provided by UNESCO, World Bank, African Development Bank and Department for International Development (DFID) at the national level. At the local district level, “…support services are provided by development NGOs through programmes”... such services include, local capacity building, rebuilding of infrastructure and school facilities.

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Fig. 3.2

SUB CATEGORY CATEGORY TOPIC Determinants of education policy

Education sector plan & Education Act Needs Assessment Budget /funding

Free primary education Free junior secondary education for girls Decentralisation Increase in education budget

THEME ME Needs assessment Funding External relations

Curriculum development Relationship with INGOs in education policy making

Education sector plan Support services Funding

Influence policy change Support services

Steering group on education

Education sector plan Education measure and peacebuilding in Sierra Leone

Adult education in Sierra Leone Army Vocational training and education for ex-combatants Social equity through education

Improve in education Address marginalisation Reintegration of ex-combatant

Note: Summary of findings on education policy making in Sierra Leone

After introducing decentralisation of state power, local government took up the responsibility of administering education services locally in 2007, but decision making is minimal. Both the ministry of education and local education districts take into consideration the importance of addressing post-conflict issues through education initiatives; ‌�education initiatives since the end of the civil war have 66

targeted vulnerable and disadvantaged people in the society to address issues of marginalisation, unemployment and violence”…

Sierra Leoneans The findings in this unit of analysis illustrate perceptions of Sierra Leoneans on the education system and resources. The result is divided into two categories; benefits and issues, as shown in the table 3.1 below.

Generally education has improved in Sierra Leone since the civil war. The expansion of education system, increase in education support and free basic education in the rural and urban areas, are accepted as willingness and attempts to meet public demands on education. “We hated the Freetowners, they were educated crooks,… all I wanted was an education when I joined the RUF as a child soldier…The change in the educational system has created education and employment opportunities to an extent, especially for ex-combatant now in the Sierra Leone Army, having access to adult education. However education quality is a major issue; “the quality of education has deteriorated compared to the start of the civil war and it provides no satisfaction for us that went through the educational system as it was in those pre-war days”…Professional conduct is also a concern with the increase in sexual abuse of females in an interest to acquire education qualification. The introduction of peace education in educational system has contributed to sustaining peace;” with the introduction of peace education, the youths of the country are now aware of the causes and effect of armed conflicts 67

making them better prepared to face conflict situation and ignore them‌UNICEF was the main supporter of this initiative..�. Despite the hopes in decentralisation of power, the local government has been ineffective in managing education services and resources due to financial constraint and clientelism.

Table 3.1.

BENEFIT Curriculum review Peace and conflict resolution education at all educational levels Free primary education for all Adult education for excombatant Expansion of education system Grants and scholarship available in tertiary education to an extent Free primary and junior secondary education access for girls in the rural areas Employment in education sector Advocacy awareness and access to the media

ISSUE Free education only at the basic level Unequal access to education in the rural areas Ineffective local government Insufficient support services locally Poor education quality Salary payment issues for workers in education sector Increase in professional conduct issues in the educational system Sexual abuse

THEME Improve in education system Peace education

Support service Poor education quality Issues of decentralisation Financial constraint

Professional management issues Disparity in access to education

Insufficient resource material

Note: An overview of the perspective of Sierra Leoneans on the benefits and issues of education

Summary In summary, it is clear from my study that the mainframe actors in the delivery, policy development and future planning of education in Sierra Leone are UNICEF 68

and the National Ministry of Education. The role of the Irish NGOs, Concern Worldwide and GOAL is largely confined to trying to address social and cultural issues that impinge on a clear and successful path to the pursuit of knowledge within the formal and informal structures of education.

Fundamental to the challenges presented to the Irish agencies is the issue of the lack of social equity in this post conflict society. Firstly, identifying the barriers to equality can be extremely complex. Secondly, understanding the severe urbanrural divide, the marginalisation of people with severe disabilities, both physical, in the case of amputees and mental, as in the case of ex-combatants and their former victims suffering from post-traumatic stress.

In examining the role of GOAL, it is their focus on the welfare of street kids and their working relationship with the local authorities and police that has shown connection to macro level. In tandem with this, the work of Concern Worldwide, in developing infrastructural programmes in school renovation and the teachers' resources centres has resulted in the achievements of reaching children in the primary sector.

In interviews with ex-combatants, it was evident that their needs were of such a complex nature that great sensitivity was required to bring them in from the margins. This included psychological counselling, carefully planned family reunification and societal integration. In many ways these requirements were actually addressed by a combination of military and vocational training offered by the reformed Sierra Leone Army to former members of the RUF.

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CHAPTER 4

Case Study Discussion and Analysis

Introduction To complete this case study analysis, the researcher will use pattern matching technique. The themes from the unit of analysis (development aid-organisations) will be examined to identify patterns similar to the social capital theory. The pattern uncovered is then discussed in relation to the research issue and questions, and in the social context of the interviews. Social capital theory is described in its three functions- bonding social capital, bridging social capital and linking social capital, and levels - micro, meso and macro. It is not within the scope of this research to measure the effect of social capital on the education programmes.

Social Capital Pattern Match Analysis of Education Programmes From the data analysis of the development-aid organisations (Concern Worldwide and GOAL), a pattern match similar to social capital theory emerged from the implementation of education programmes in Freetown and Tonkolili district (Sierra Leone), as shown in figure 4.1 below. The emerging themes from the process and outcomes of education programmes suggest that development- aid organisations 70

relate with the macro, meso and micro levels of the society in which they operate.

In addition education initiatives are concentrated at the meso level, which is an added advantage in building social capital through capacity building (Grootaert and Bastelaer 2001). As already established in literature, social capital can contribute to peacebuilding through bridging social capital and facilitating social cohesion across social cleavages. In addition linking social capital-connecting to state power or institutions can have profound impact towards sustaining peace.

In this case study however, there is no evidence of bridging social capital outside homogenous groups, and none of the education programme outcomes suggest cross-cutting social cohesion across the historical regional divide existing in form of socio-economic marginalisation in Sierra Leone. As shown in figure 4.1, the education development programmes remain at the stage of bonding social capital both in Freetown and Tonkolili. This is not to say that education programmes do not aim to address marginalisation. Both programmes in Freetown and Tonkolili address marginalisation issues locally, but the central point of focus is on balancing social equity by providing education to vulnerable families and rural residence, and does not show evidence of ‘peace sensitivity’.

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Fig 4.1.

EMERGING THEMES FROM EDUCATION PROGRAMME IMPLEMENTATION Service delivery

------------------------

Capacity building

Community mobilisation

Socialisation & participation

Macro level

Meso level

Bonding social capital

Micro level

Bonding social capital

Meso level

Meso level

Micro level

Bonding social capital

Bonding social capital

Meso level

KEY is transform to is degraded to relates with

NOTE: (Concern and GOAL) Development-aid education programmes and social capital pattern in Freetown and Tonkolili, Sierra Leone 72

There seems to be an assumption that educating marginalised groups will directly end ethnic and/ or regional tensions between the urban and rural inhabitants, when in fact, marginalisation is embedded in the existing social relations. This means marginalisation can’t be separated from the broader social interactions and structures in Sierra Leone. It is therefore important that for education initiatives to address marginalisation in a peace transforming manner in Sierra Leone, such initiatives should consciously facilitate cross-community and regional cohesion to minimise competition between the regional groups. Otherwise, even with equal access to education, there is a possibility that competition over other scare educational resources will re-emerge into regional social tension.

The effectiveness of education programmes in sustaining peace should also facilitate participation and cooperation between communities and formal institutions. As shown in figure 4.1, the only established macro element(service delivery) is not linking local community groups to state institutions, thereby diminishing the effect of vertical bridge across power resources to local community networks (i.e. bonding social capital). To further explain, from the qualitative data gathered, Concern Worldwide relates with the local government education office in Tonkolili district during programme planning for support services, and visit to sites that needs renovation and reconstruction of facilities. Programme planning is exclusive of other local power brokers and community members. A more interrelated network involving local decision makers, elites and local community groups during planning of education programme will have provided an opportunity for 73

network formation, building of trust and participation along vertical or linking dimensions of social capital. Similarly, the GOAL organisation work with the local police and social welfare office in Freetown to provide education support for disadvantage children and reunite street children to their families. This initiative also omits relationship building between local institutions and local communities. A report on decentralisation in Sierra Leone, noted the distrust existing between local authorities and local communities in the provision of local services. Local groups are familiar and more satisfied with support services coming from development-aid organisations (Fanthorpe, Lawali and Sesay 201). In this manner the relationship gap between local institutions and communities will continue to widen, which poses a threat to sustaining positive peace. Perhaps this is one of the challenges of a community development approach model. Bottom-up development initiatives have a tendency to focus on local levels with delivering services in place of the state, which is not a sustainable approach.

The findings of the social capital pattern from this research provide a contrary argument to the assumption that the cooperation and participation formed between local communities in the early stage of community based projects, can grow beyond the community level to generate advocacy for improved services and change in government institutions at a later stage (Haider 2009). In this case study, education initiatives succeeded in mobilising community groups locally, but not for advocacy purposes, rather for community services and participation. For education initiatives to generate advocacy change, community mobilisation has to be more strategic in bridging inter-communal relations and networks across 74

districts and regions in Sierra Leone. A further case study analysis from the research findings will now focus on the research questions.

Central Research Question What development-aid NGOs do to inform state policy on education in post conflict Sierra Leone and the extent to which, state policy on education in Sierra Leone reflects on education development projects implemented by development -aid organisations ?

As already mentioned above(see figure 3.1), development-aid organisations (Concern Worldwide and GOAL) relate with the macro level and meso level of the society in Sierra Leone, but this connection may have minimal or no impact on education policy change or advocacy in Sierra Leone. Both organisations have a relationship network at the macro level with the local government education offices in Freetown and Tonkolili district. However, the local government education offices since decentralisation in 2005, is yet to accede to the position of decision making on education locally. Education policy making in Sierra Leone is currently a centralised responsibility and as of time of writing this research, both Irish development-aid organisations do not have a direct effective network with the national level, at least enough to influence education policy.

Both organisations only get access from the national government to carry-out their mandate in Sierra Leone. Another interesting point to note, is that the aims and objectives of these development-aid organisations is centred on supporting Sierra 75

Leone national government in achieving its national policy and plan on education locally, and not necessarily on policy change. Also, the objectives of these development organisations reflect the support on achieving Millennium Development Goals (MDG) on free primary education for all by 2015.

This doesn’t mean there is no interest in participating in education national advocacy. There are attempts at the meso level to contribute to national policy advocacy. Both Irish development-aid organisations partner with other development-aid organisations in education consortium in Sierra Leone to push forward education advocacy at the national level. For instance Concern Worldwide partners with other organisations in Sierra Leone such as IBIS education for development (a Danish NGO), International Red Cross, Save the Children, and PLAN.

This partnership is an opportunity for smaller organisations such as Concern Worldwide to feedback local education issues to the national authority. Since there is several education partnerships operating regionally in Sierra Leone, with issues of coordination, organisations are likely to compete for presence at the national level toward policy change or advocacy, which is considered by development donors as important toward sustainable development. As such, major funders of education at the national level in Sierra Leone (such as UNICEF) are better positioned to influence policy or structural change. At the same time, through this education partnership, the Irish development-aid organisations may contribute indirectly, or in a minimal extent to policy change and advocacy 76

nationally. However, claiming policy changes to achieved outcomes becomes difficult for these organisations. In the published documentation of both organisations, there are no records of successful education advocacy nationally, or national recommendations on education. Having said this, Concern Worldwide in its latest evaluation report was advised to focus on macro level relations. The education programme for Sierra Leone in 2013/14 has highlighted macro level elements and target on national advocacy as one of its goals. A national advocacy officer for Sierra Leone will also be appointed to achieve this focus.

The analysis above gives an idea of the extent to which state policy on education in Sierra Leone may be instigated by the development-aid programmes in this case study. To further elaborate on this proposition, from the data analysis (see figure 3.2) on the relationship between education policy makers and INGOs in Sierra Leone, it is evident that education policy in Sierra Leone is influenced by external actors. The question is who are these major external actors? The emerging themes from the data analysis (figure 3.2) suggest that post conflict needs assessment, the national education plan and funding are major determinants of education policy in Sierra Leone. Through qualitative inquiry and as documented, the national ministry of education in Sierra Leone worked together with UNICEF in drafting the national education plan, inclusive of policy for post conflict Sierra Leone. In addition UNICEF coordinates external intervention on national education programmes in Sierra Leone and is the main funder of the state government.

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Other main actors include UNESCO, World Bank and African Development Bank.

This is to suggest that the following larger international institutions with broader plans to address national structures (top-bottom approach) with available funding are likely to drive education policy changes in post conflict Sierra Leone.

To synthesise the analysis above to community development approach and its implication on macro level, in the case of education programmes implemented by GOAL and Concern Worldwide in Sierra Leone, mobilising local communities to advocate nationally for education changes has not proved successful. The alternative argument by community development practitioners, is the assumption that community development programmes in post conflict situation should interact with state institutions to sustain long term peace. This case study is a contradiction to this assumption. Linking social capital has to be a strategic element in community development programmes to assume the role of sustaining peace in post conflict environments.

Other Research Questions What is the relevance of education projects on sustaining peace in post conflict Sierra Leone, and how development-aid organisations describe development projects in relation to sustainable peace in post conflict Sierra Leone?

As in this case study, there is similarity between the relevance of education projects implemented by the development-aid organisations in Sierra Leone, and the perspective of development professional on development and peacebuilding.

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The indentified themes in this case study show that both education programmes in post conflict Sierra Leone, address socio- economic issues, marginalisation, displacement and gender based violence. However the case study reveals that all these outcomes are locally situated, and does not show cross-networks involving other communities or asymmetric power relations. To place this case study in the context of positive peace, these education initiatives have insufficient impact on structural and social change deemed necessary for sustaining peace. This does not mean that the programme outcomes have no relevance to peacebuilding. As suggested in the peace and conflict impact assessment of development projects, a development programme may have positive peacebuilding impact at different range of levels, from micro-macro levels. The most important factor is having a positive outcome (whether intentional or intentional) that foster and support sustainable structures and processes which strengthen the prospects for peaceful co-existence and decrease the likelihood of outbreak, re-occurrence, or continuation of violent conflict.

Differently in this case study, the Sierra Leoneans that were interviewed are of the opinion that having peace education introduced in the education curriculum in Sierra Leone is a major factor to ascertaining sustainable peace, even though the importance of equal access to socio-economic opportunities and resources is also relevant to their situation. Similarly, the interviewed development professionals see socio-economic impact as a major contribution to peacebuilding. The interviewees argued from a premise that economic initiatives can strengthen weak equitable socio-economic structures or processes caused by violent conflict. It is assumed 79

that access to socio-economic opportunities such employment, public service and education can foster a peaceful society. As already established in scholarly literature, the case study reveals that social cohesion and capacity building element of development programmes is accepted to be relevant to peacebuilding because of the possible impact on strengthening community initiatives and social networks.

Summary In summary, In order to unlock the full potential of education to act as a force for peace in Sierra Leone, a fully coherent strategy must be developed building on work done by the State sector and Irish ngos, Goal and Concern Worldwide. From my study, it is clear that major gaps in the development of a comprehensive education system from 'cradle to grave' have not been filled. There is evidence that external actors such as UNESCO have influence on education policy in Sierra Leone. Unless a fully agreed strategy for education for all is agreed, the society, already traumatised by the brutality of conflict, will slide into a new abyss.

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Conclusion This research study was sets out to examine community development programmes as potentials to sustaining peace in post conflict environments. The focus of this research case study analysis is on education programmes implemented by Concern Worldwide and GOAL (Irish development-aid organisations) in Sierra Leone. This study seeks to know whether community development programmes can link local communities to the macro levels of power, or can work with local communities to develop advocacy for social change at the state level. If community development programmes were to sustain peace in post conflict regions, it should do more than enhance local participation, but connect communities to state institutions and advocate for policy changes at the state level.

The general scholarly argument on this topic is that community development approach can sustain peace through bridging social capital and linking social capital. The underlying theory to this argument is in social capital theory. Bridging social capital emphasises the value of trust, norms, networks and connectedness across diverse groups and social cleavages, and linking social capital emphasises building networks and connectedness between groups with different levels of power and status. The relevance of community development approach is in the ability to develop social cohesion across different groups and enhance community cooperation and participation, which can grow to develop advocacy (led by the 81

communities) for improved services and change in government institutions. In addition community development approach can connect the micro-meso levels of the society to the macro level, thereby re-connection local communities to the state in post conflict countries.

To examine this argument the central question posed in this research study is: 

What do development-aid NGOs do to inform state policy on education in post conflict Sierra Leone? and to what extent does state policy on education in Sierra Leone reflects on education development projects of development -aid NGOs

The case study findings in this research study reveal that the education programmes implemented by Concern Worldwide and GOAL development organisations in Sierra Loene, focus on providing support services to local communities. In addition both education programmes show evidence of facilitating community participation, cooperation and community mobilisation in the communities. However, there is not enough evidence to suggest advocacy led by the local communities to advocate for change at the state level, where education policy is made.

The case study also suggests that both development-aid organisations have no strong relations with the national government in Sierra Leone and that education policy change in Sierra Leone may not be necessarily linked to the education programmes implemented by both organisations.

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The implication of these findings is that linking social capital and building social cohesion across divided cleavages is not evident in the case of education programmes implemented by Concern Worldwide and GOAL. The education programmes did not realise the assumption of connecting the state to its citizens.

Rather in both cases, the education programmes revealed a tendency to provide support services locally, in place of the state.

In conclusion, this research study has offered an empirical perspective on the effect of community development programmes on macro-state level, and in this case study, the education programmes have not justified a sustainable approach to peace in Sierra Leone.

Word count: 15,500

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Appendix I: Copy of Consent Letter to Organisations

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN I’m a research student in Trinity College, Dublin currently preparing a dissertation, which is examining the impact if any that development NGOs have made towards sustaining peace in Sierra Leone through educational projects they have implemented.

In order to assist me in my research I would appreciate please if you could assist me if possible in supplying the following – 

Details of the type of education projects you have in operation, how long have they been in existence, their objectives and their outcomes



Availability of any evaluation reports on such projects or any other relevant information that may assist in determining their successes or shortcomings.

I would appreciate if it would be possible to organise interviews with relevant personnel who are currently involved in the implementation of education projects in the field or who would have experience in implementing such projects in the past.

It would be greatly appreciated if you reply to my request at your earliest convenience as any assistance on this topic would surely facilitate me in bringing a successful conclusion to my research.

My contact details are as follow: Email – tosinomiyale@yahoo.co.uk Mobile: No. 0894016071

Yours faithfully,

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Appendix II: Sample Interview Plan with Development-Aid Ngos

Introduction of Interview: The focus of this interview is on education project in Sierra Leone (S.L). During the interview I would like to discuss the following topics: details of education project, the relationship between education project and state policy on education, the contribution of education project to peacebuilding, and the perception of development projects as a potential to sustain peace in post conflict countries. ____________________________________________________________________________ Introduction of Interviewee: 

Before we proceed with interview, can you please mention your current professional position and the years of work experience in development project in Sierra Leone?



Can you please give a summary description of the work you do as an individual in this field, and in relation to S.L? Interview Questions Outlined in Four Topics:

Details of Education Project in S.L Main Question Additional Question

Probing/clarify Question

Can you please describe the education project you implement in S.L ?

-What, where, when, who, how?

- The process involved in delivery of education project/ initiatives

Could you tell me more about…

-what stage of implementation is the project currently at?

-Contribution of education project to development in S.L -Possible outcomes of the project Relationship between Education Project and State Policy on Education Main Question Additional Question

Probing/clarify Question

 Do you relate with the state government in S.L at any stage of delivering education initiatives?

- If yes, in what way please?

Could you tell me more about…

- If yes, in what way please?

Yes, and then…

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 Do you relate with the ministry of education as well?  In what way has the education project you deliver informed decision makers on education policy in S.L?

-Does your work extend to informing policy change on education?

-what process is involved in influencing education policy change and its implementation in S.L?

Do you think it is part of your responsibility to ensure education policy change and implementation?

Contribution of Education project to Peacebuilding Main Question

Additional Question

Probing/clarify Question

 In your work in S.L, do you come across issues that may have resulted from the causes of the civil war?  How do you consider the experience of civil war in S.L in delivering education initiatives?  In your opinion, does the education initiatives have an impact on sustaining peace in S.L

- If yes, in what ways has implemented education initiatives been able to address such issues?

Could you tell me more about the issues?

OR how does the experience of civil war in S.L fit into the delivery plan of your education project?

How come…

If yes, in what way please?

Perception of Development Project as a Potential to Sustain Peace in Post Conflict Countries Main Question Additional Question Probing/clarify Question  What are your views on the thought that development project have a role in sustaining peace or preventing reoccurrence of armed conflict in post conflict S.L?  How would you describe your work in development project in relation to ensuring sustainable peace in S.L?  In your work, in what ways would you say development projects have contributed to peace or preventing reoccurrence of armed conflict in post conflict S.L?

Could you tell me more about the issues?

-Is it part of your project development objectives to focus on achieving sustainable peace in S.L?

How come…

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Appendix III: Sample Interview Plan with Policy Makers on Education In Sierra Leone

Introduction of Interview: The focus of this interview is on education policy making process in Sierra Leone (S.L). During the interview I would like to discuss the following topics: the procedure of policy making on education, relationship with INGOs towards policy making in S.L., and education as a tool to prevent future violent conflict in S.L. ___________________________________________________________________________ Introduction of Interviewee:  Before we proceed with the interview, can you please mention your current professional position in relation to policy making in Sierra Leone? 

Can you please give a summary description of the work you do as an individual in this field?

Interview Questions Outlined in Three Topics: Procedure of Policy Making on Education Main Question Additional Question

Probing/clarify Question

 Can you please describe the procedure involved in decision making on education in S.L?

-What it is?

 What are the major positive changes in education policy that has been made since post civil war?

In your view, would you say that the policy changes may have been put forward by INGOs?

-Who are involved in the process?

Relationship with INGOs towards Policy Making Main Question Additional Question

Could you tell me more about…

Probing/clarify Question

 Is there any relationship between decision makers and INGOs in relation to policy making?

If yes, in what way?

 Do INGOs communicate with you

If yes, in what way? and can

Could you tell me more about…

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regarding policy issues on education and possible changes required?

you please give examples?

Education as a Tool for Sustainable Peacebuilding in S.L. Main Question Additional Question

Probing/clarify Question

 Do you take into account the previous experience of the causes of civil war in S.L in determining the focus of decision making on education?

If yes, please explain in what way?

Could you tell me more about…

 What measures have you introduced since post civil war, that may have impact on youth grievances on marginalisation and poor education services?

Other Information: Gender: Years of experience in decision making : Currently working/previously worked in this capacity?

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Appendix IV: Sample Interview Plan with Young Sierra Leoneans

Introduction of Interview: This interview has general questions about the benefit of education to you, and towards peace in Sierra Leone.

Introduction of Interviewee: Please provide the information: Age range, occupation, gender Were you resident in Sierra Leone during the civil war?

Main Question

Interview Questions Additional Question

Probing/clarify Question

 Are you satisfied with the education system and education resources in S.L. compared to before the armed conflict?  How has education resources been of benefit to you as an individual?

-If yes, please state in what way -Can you mention some practical changes you have noticed?

Could you tell me more about…

 Do you know of any NGO from foreign countries working on development projects in S.L?  In what way would you say that education project planned by foreign NGOs have contributed to peace in S.L.? OR prevent future conflict?

-If yes, can you please try to name a few?

 In your opinion, do young citizens of S.L have the freedom and capacity to advocate for socio-economic change from the state government in a non-violent manner?  Do you still feel marginalised from elders and state representatives?

Could you tell me more about - How has foreign NGOs been able to address the gap between young citizens and state representative?

Other Information Age range, Occupation, Gender: Were you resident in Sierra Leone during the civil war? Yes/ No 89

Appendix V: Sample Coding Scheme- Development-aid organisation

QUESTION

What they do

The process involved in carrying out project(HOW?)

Outcome

CONCEPT/THEMATIC CODE

-support service to government -support service to communities -service delivery -improve primary education -improve quality education -empower communities

- worked in deprived area - support primary education activities -Build infrastructure and school facilities -provide textbook for children -distance learning training for teachers -support child welfare at community level -address gender based violence - community awareness

- Address issues of marginalisation -Address gender inequality - Address gender based violence - Employment for teachers - minimise poverty - Child development - Community mobilisation - Community empowerment - Teacher qualification - Increase child enrolment

Relationship with national government

Relationship with district office

- support government policy on education -get access to implement programme -support government service

-programme planning -visiting of schools 90

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