Kidnappers of 20 NYSC Members Give Parents 24-hour Ultimatum to Pay N1bn Ransom Police locate abductors’ camp, IG mobilises DIG, CPs for rescue operation Tinubu’s alleged laxity emboldening terrorists, says Makinde
Linus Aleke in Abuja and Kemi Olaitan in Ibadan
The kidnappers of the prospective National Youth Service Corps (NYSC) members abducted in two
buses along the Owerri-Onitsha Road in Umunoha community of Mbaitoli Local Government Area
(LGA) of Imo State last Thursday have given the parents of the victims a 24-hour ultimatum to
pay N50million ransom for each victim, amounting to N1billion. This is just as the Imo State
Police Command has revealed Continued on page 5
Tinubu Saved Nigeria from Economic Collapse, Says Shettima… Page 5 Sunday, October 4, 2026 Vol 31. No 11501
www.thisdaylive.com TR
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Wike to Amaechi: Account for $39m Hospital, N68bn Monorail, N10bn Malaria Projects in Rivers See story on page 5
HAPPY INDEPENDENCE day @
G NIGER
66 N TI
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CELEBRA
One Nation, Undivided.
Bola Ahmed Tinubu, GCFR PRESIDENT, FEDERAL REPUBLIC OF NIGERIA
With Compliments from
High Chief (Dr.) Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo Grand Patron, PBAT Door to Door Movement
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Tinubu Saved Nigeria from Economic Collapse, Says Shettima FG to deploy 10,600 electric tricycles, 300 buses, taxis in North-east
Deji Elumoye in Abuja
Vice President Kashim Shettima yesterday declared that President Bola Tinubu saved Nigeria from an economy that was “teetering on the verge of collapse”, saying the country was already “on the road to Caracas” before the administration embarked on tough reforms. The vice president said 10,600 electric tricycles would be deployed across the North-east region alongside 300 buses and electric taxis under an e-logistics programme expected to be launched in the coming weeks to reduce the cost of transportation. Shettima, who spoke with journalists after visiting the President at his Lagos residence, said Nigerians should appreciate the difficult circumstances under which Tinubu assumed office and the far-reaching measures
subsequently taken to stabilise the economy. He acknowledged the hardship occasioned by the reforms but insisted that the removal of fuel subsidy and realignment of multiple foreign exchange rates were necessary decisions that prevented a deeper economic crisis. “The economy was actually teetering on the verge of collapse; he saved the economy. I want Nigerians to understand this fundamental truism. We are on the road to Caracas. He saved our economy. He saved the nation from falling to pieces”, the vice president said. According to Shettima, the administration inherited what he described as foreign reserves of about $3.9 billion, which he said underscored the severity of the economic situation confronting the government at inception.
He said Tinubu nevertheless demonstrated “the courage and the conviction” to take difficult decisions, particularly the withdrawal of fuel subsidy and changes to the foreign exchange regime. Shettima appealed to Nigerians to show understanding towards the president, stressing that the administration was conscious of the difficulties households had experienced as a consequence of its economic policies. “We appreciate the pains Nigerians are going through, but tough times do not last forever. Tough people do”, he said. The vice president disclosed that the federal government was rolling out programmes and projects intended to ease the cost-of-living pressure, including a major electric transportation initiative in the North-east. He said 10,600 electric tricycles
would be deployed across the region alongside 300 buses and electric taxis under an e-logistics programme expected to be launched in the coming weeks. “In the next couple of weeks, we are going to launch e-logistics in the Northeast. We are going to run 10,600 electric tricycles to ease the pains of the people in the Northeast, and 300 buses and taxis, e-taxis. All these were meant to ameliorate the sufferings of our people”, he said. The federal government had earlier announced plans for the deployment of electric tricycles through the North East Development Commission as part of efforts to reduce transportation costs and modernise the country’s logistics system. Shettima said the president remained particularly concerned
about the impact of the reforms on ordinary Nigerians and would continue to introduce interventions aimed at cushioning their effects. He cited the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) as one of the administration’s interventions aimed at ensuring that students from families with limited financial means were not denied access to tertiary education. “The president has empathy, a lot of empathy for the common man,” he said, assuring Nigerians that the government would “come up with programmes and projects to ease the pains of the people”, he said. Shettima also disclosed that he remained in regular communication with Tinubu throughout the President’s recent stay abroad, dismissing suggestions that his absence
had disrupted the business of government. According to him, advances in technology had made it possible for the president to remain actively engaged with developments at home. “We have been in regular contact. We speak almost every other day, and we are updating him. We are updating him on developments in the nation, and we are happy he’s back on the beat”, Shettima said. He said Tinubu’s return would herald further decisions designed to affect the lives of Nigerians, adding that the administration would not allow the gathering political momentum ahead of the 2027 elections to distract it from governance. “Politics is in the air, but we will combine politics and governance”, the vice president said.
Wike to Amaechi: Account for $39m Hospital, N68bn Monorail, N10bn Malaria Projects in Rivers Slams former Rivers gov for blaming Tinubu’s economic policies for mother’s death
Olawale Ajimotokan in Abuja and Blessing Ibunge in Port Harcourt
The political battle between the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Mr Nyesom Wike and the vice-presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Mr. Rotimi Amaechi, over the control of Rivers State has intensified as the minister yesterday challenged the former Rivers State governor to account for the $39million Justice Adolphus Karibi-Whyte Specialist Hospital, the N68billion monorail project and about N10billion allegedly spent on an anti-malaria fumigation programme during his tenure as governor. Wike issued the challenge while addressing members of the Uzugbani Ekpeye National Executive Council at Ekpeye House in Ahoada East Local Government Area, Rivers State. The FCT minister has criticised the African Democratic
Congress (ADC) vice-presidential candidate and former Minister of Transportation for linking the death of his mother to President Bola Tinubu’s economic policies. He questioned Amaechi’s record as governor for eight years, asking him to pinpoint projects his administration initiated and completed. Wike asked what became of the money committed to the specialist hospital project after the facility was not completed, noting that his administration instituted a Rivers State judicial commission to investigate the payment of $39.2million to a contractor for the project and its failure to materialise. Wike, who was incidentally the Chief of Staff to Amaechi, also questioned the fate of the monorail project, among the major infrastructure schemes initiated by Amaechi’s administration, as well as the alleged expenditure on the fumigation programme. He declared that such
considerations were relevant when assessing the records of political leaders seeking higher office. He roundly dismissed the Malaria initiative as a scam. He challenged Amaechi's record after spending eight years each as Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly, governor and Minister of Transportation. Wike said: "Ask him about the fumigation of Rivers State with people from Cuba, in which $10 million was allegedly spent. Ask him whether mosquitoes have stopped biting us in Rivers State. “Someone was Speaker of the House of Assembly for eight years, Governor for eight years, and Minister for eight years; that is 24 years in top leadership positions. What can anybody point to that he attracted to Ekpeye land in all those 24 years? Nothing! Not one single thing!” Wike added. He also questioned claims about Amaechi’s political influence in Rivers State, asking supporters
to examine his electoral record. “Since I left him in 2011, after 2011, mention one election that he has won in Rivers State,” he said. The minister also recalled their political relationship and past disagreements, including controversies surrounding appointments and business interests involving federal maritime agencies. He contrasted what he described as Amaechi’s approach with the Tinubu administration’s establishment of regional development structures and appointments involving people from the South-South. The minister urged the people of Ahoada East and West Local Governments to demand evidence of projects and political empowerment allegedly attracted to the area during his predecessor's years in public office. He insisted that leadership should be measured not only by offices held but by structures left behind, people empowered, and
legacy projects delivered. He contrasted Amaechi's tenure with his own, saying that he deliberately empowered people and developed political successors. The FCT minister, who criticised what he described as using personal and family tragedies for political purposes, also warned leaders against preventing others from rising. He said political disagreements should not descend into the exploitation of private grief, particularly matters surrounding the death of family members.
Wike Slams Amaechi for Blaming Tinubu’s Economic Policies for Mother’s Death Wike specifically criticised Amaechi for linking the death of his mother to President Bola Tinubu’s economic policies. Amaechi had, during an
interview, said Tinubu’s policies contributed to his mother’s death because the rising cost of medicines made it difficult for him to afford her drugs. “Tinubu’s policies killed my mother. Before Tinubu came to power, my mother was healthy. After 2023, it was difficult for me to buy drugs for my mother,” Amaechi said during the interview. Responding to the claim, Wike questioned how Amaechi, who had occupied several top political positions, could say he was unable to afford medication for his mother. He noted that Amaechi served as Speaker of the Rivers State House of Assembly for eight years, governor for eight years and Minister of Transportation for another eight years. “Again, you said it was Tinubu that killed his mother. It was Tinubu’s administration that led to not being able to buy drugs for his mother.
KIDNAPPERS OF 20 NYSC MEMBERS GIVE PARENTS 24-HOUR ULTIMATUM TO PAY N1BN RANSOM
that it had identified the location where the victims were being held, adding that security operatives delayed moving into the camp over fears that it was planted with improvised explosive devices (IEDs). The Inspector-General of Police (IG), Mr. Olatunji Disu, has, however, deployed a top Deputy Inspector General of Police (DIG) and commissioners of police (CPs) to Imo State to lead an aggressive search-and-rescue operation. Meanwhile, the Makinde/ Daura Presidential Campaign Organisation (MDPCO) has alleged that President Bola Tinubu’s laxity on security emboldened terrorists, bandits and kidnappers to attack, kill,
maim and abduct Nigerians. The victims' parents disclosed the 24-hour ultimatum yesterday when they visited the Olubadan of Ibadanland, Oba Rashidi Ladoja, at his private residence in Bodija, Ibadan, alongside the state Commissioner of Police, Olugbenga Abimbola, and the Aseyin of Iseyinland, Oba Sefiu Adeyeri. Speaking on behalf of the affected families, Alhaja Akande and Oyebola Akande said the abductors had been contacting them through the mobile phones of the kidnapped prospective corps members. “They have been calling us since yesterday (Friday) with a demand for N50million ransom each. They are threatening that
anything untoward will happen to our children if we fail to heed their request. “There is no way we can raise such an amount at this time. Baba, kindly assist us. Don’t let them kill our children,” the parents said. The parents appealed to Ladoja and the police commissioner to intervene and secure their children's immediate release. Responding, Ladoja assured the parents that efforts were underway to rescue the victims unharmed. He said, “I want to assure you that your children will be rescued unharmed. We will relate whatever information we gather to you. The police are working round the clock to secure their rescue. Don’t worry yourself; the police are up to the task, and nothing
will happen to your children.” Also speaking, the state Commissioner of Police, Olugbenga Abimbola, said he had contacted his counterpart in Imo State over the incident. “I had already contacted Imo State CP. We have been talking since the day of the incident, and he assured me that the victims would be rescued unhurt,” he said.
Makinde: Tinubu’s Alleged Laxity Emboldening Terrorists Against the backdrop of the abduction of the NYSC members travelling from Ibadan, Oyo State, to their orientation camps in the South-east and South-south, the
Makinde/Daura Presidential Campaign Organisation has alleged that Tinubu’s laxity on security has emboldened terrorists, bandits and kidnappers. In a statement by its Director of Strategic Communications, Richard Ihediwa, the MDPCO said the incident was another sad commentary on what it described as the failure of the Tinubu-led All Progressives Congress (APC) administration to secure Nigerians, particularly youths on national assignment. “It is profoundly saddening and heartbreaking that under the watch of the Tinubu-led administration, parents toil, make immense sacrifices and struggle through biting economic hardship to train their children through
tertiary institutions, only for them to be handed over to terrorists and bandits,” the organisation said. The campaign body said the incident was not isolated, but reflected a wider security crisis in which homes, communities, markets, places of worship, schools and highways were increasingly being overrun by criminal elements. It alleged that more than 600,000 Nigerians had been killed by terrorists, bandits and marauders in the three-and-a-half years of the Tinubu administration, while countless others remained in captivity. “Sadly, Nigeria under President Tinubu is fast degenerating into Continued on page 9
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NEWS
BRIEFING MR PRESIDENT ON UNGA…
President Bola Ahmed Tinubu (right), and Vice President Kashim Shettima when the vice president visited the president at his residence in Ikoyi, Lagos…yesterday
A Forecast is Not Verdict, ADC Rejects The Economist’s Projection of Tinubu’s 2027 Victory
Chuks Okocha in Abuja
The African Democratic Congress (ADC) Presidential Campaign Council has rejected a report by The Economist suggesting that President Bola Tinubu could retain office in the 2027 elections, despite widespread public discontent.
The Director of Strategic Communication for the ADC Presidential Campaign Council, Phrank Shaibu, said electoral forecasts cannot determine how Nigerians will vote. In an article titled “No forecast can overrule the people: Nigerians will vote out Tinubu and elect
Atiku”, Shaibu said that factors such as incumbency, political machinery, religion and voter turnout could influence the election but did not amount to public consent. He was reacting to a report published by The Economist on October 1, which examined
Tinubu’s prospects in the 2027 presidential election. The publication identified incumbency and access to ruling-party structures as factors that had benefited incumbents in previous Nigerian elections. It also pointed to opposition fragmentation, noting that ADC
Economic Activity Expands for Fourth Month as PMI Hits 53 Points Festus Akanbi
Nigeria’s economic activity expanded for the fourth consecutive month in September, with the composite Purchasing Managers’ Index (PMI) rising to 53.0 points, as stronger industrial performance supported continued growth across the three major sectors. Citing the Central Bank of Nigeria’s (CBN) September 2026 PMI report, Nairametrics reported that the index increased from 52.7 points in August, supported by improvements in output, new orders, employment and raw material inventories. However, the stronger
headline reading masked uneven performance, with nine subsectors contracting and input prices rising faster than output prices in services and agriculture. A PMI reading above 50 points indicates expansion in business activity, while a reading below that threshold signals contraction. According to the report, new orders recorded the greatest month-on-month improvement among the major components of the composite index, pointing to firmer demand during the review period. The Output Index stood at 53.9 points, while the New Orders and Employment indices
registered 53.7 points and 51.5 points, respectively. Raw material inventories also expanded, with the index reaching 52.1 points. The Suppliers’ Delivery Time Index stood at 52.7 points, indicating improved supplier response times. Across the economy, 23 subsectors recorded expansion, led by Educational Services. Nine contracted, with Chemical and Pharmaceutical Products recording the steepest decline. Industrial activity contributed more to September performance, as the sector’s PMI climbed to 52.0 points from 50.6 points in August, marking its second consecutive month of expansion.
The Industry Output Index rose to 53.2 points, while new orders and employment remained in expansion territory at 51.7 points and 51.1 points, respectively. Raw material inventories returned to expansion, increasing to 51.1 points from 49.4 points in August. The sector’s Suppliers’ Delivery Time Index stood at 52.7 points, reflecting faster deliveries. Ten of the 16 industrial subsectors surveyed expanded, with Water Supply, Sewerage and Waste Management recording the strongest growth. The remaining six contracted, led by Chemical and Pharmaceutical Products.
Lagos Bars New Diesel Buses from Regulated Fleet, Mandates CNG, Electric Vehicles
Sunday Ehigiator
The Lagos State Government has stopped admitting new dieselpowered buses into its regulated public transport system, directing operators to deploy compressed natural gas (CNG) or electric vehicles as it begins gradually replacing its diesel fleet. The Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of the
Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA), Mrs. Abimbola Akinajo, disclosed the measure while speaking to journalists at the handover of 20 additional high-capacity CNG buses under the Presidential Initiative on CNG and EV. Akinajo said the policy, effective since the beginning of 2026, formed part of efforts to reduce transport emissions and contain
operating costs, which have risen sharply following increases in diesel prices. “We will only work with CNG or EV buses, and this has been the policy since the beginning of the year,” she said. She explained that existing diesel buses would be progressively replaced with CNG and electric alternatives, with the regulated system ultimately expected to
operate an entirely electric fleet. According to her, transportation remains a major source of emissions, making the transition central to Lagos’ commitment to achieving net-zero emissions by 2050. Before receiving the additional vehicles, LAMATA had about 150 CNG buses in its fleet, alongside high-capacity and medium-capacity electric buses.
presidential candidate Atiku Abubakar and NDC presidential candidate Peter Obi would run under different political platforms. The report further identified religion and voter cynicism as factors that could influence voting patterns in the 2027 elections. Shaibu said the factors identified by The Economist could not determine the election outcome in advance. “These factors matter. But they are not the same as public consent, and none can tell us how Nigerians will vote in January. A forecast is not a verdict,” he said. He also rejected what he described as an interpretation of hardship and limited access to public services as political passivity among Nigerians. Shaibu said residents affected by insecurity and economic
hardship retained their political agency and would make their own decisions when they had the opportunity to vote. He said a resident’s appreciation for receiving medical assistance should not automatically be interpreted as blanket approval of the government’s record. Shaibu said the economic situation would remain an important issue for voters, arguing that Nigerians experience the cost-of-living crisis through food prices, transport fares, school fees, electricity bills and the cost of running businesses. He cited inflation of 15.39 per cent in August and food inflation of 19.57 per cent year on year. Shaibu said a slowdown in the rate of price increases does not necessarily mean food and other necessities have become cheaper.
Petrol Subsidy Financially Unsustainable for Nigeria, Lokpobiri Tells Obi, Atiku The Minister of State for Petroleum Resources (Oil), Heineken Lokpobiri, has criticised presidential candidates who support petrol subsidy, calling the policy financially unsustainable for Nigeria. Lokpobiri spoke at the weekend during a breakfast meeting with media practitioners in Yenagoa, Bayelsa State. In August, the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Atiku Abubakar, said he would restore the petrol subsidy if elected president in 2027. On September 28, the presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Mr Peter Obi, said his administration will restore the petroleum subsidy after tackling corruption in the country. Speaking during the event, Lokpobiri criticised the positions of both opposition presidential candidates who have expressed support for petrol subsidy.
“Where would the money come from?” he asked. “The money is expected to come from the same oil sector.” Lokpobiri said the subsidy regime consumed resources the country could no longer afford to spend on keeping petrol prices artificially low. “The point I am trying to make is that if that decision was not made on subsidy removal, Nigeria would have been like Venezuela,” the minister said. “God forbid, even Nigeria like Venezuela would not be able to gather here the way we are gathered today. Venezuelans queue even to buy bread. That is the level of poverty.” He said that when President Bola Tinubu assumed office, the federal government was projected to spend about N18.4 billion daily on petrol subsidy payments, citing figures previously presented to the national assembly by Zainab Ahmed, former finance minister.
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INSECURITY ON THE MINDS OF THEIR EXCELLENCIES…
L-R: Borno State Deputy Governor, Umar Kadafur; Bauchi State Deputy Governor, Auwal Jatau; Adamawa State Governor, Umaru Fintiri; Borno State Governor, Prof. Babagana Umara Zulum; Gombe State Governor, Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya; and Yobe State Deputy Governor, Idi Barde Gubana, during the 13th meeting of the North-East Governors' Forum in Maiduguri, Borno State…yesterday
North-east Governors Ask FG to Revive Oil Exploration in Borno as Kolmani Project Resumes Raise N10.8 billion to form regional airline
Michael Olugbode in Abuja
The North-East Governors’ Forum (NEGF) has called on the federal government to revive stalled oil exploration activities in Borno State, even as it commended President Bola Tinubu for the ongoing revival of the Kolmani
oil drilling project in Gombe State. The appeal was part of a communiqué issued at the conclusion of the 13th regular meeting of the NEGF, held at the Borno Government House in Maiduguri yesterday. The two-day summit, which ran from October 2 to October 3,
2026, brought together governors and top officials from the six North-eastern states—Adamawa, Bauchi, Borno, Gombe, Taraba, and Yobe—to deliberate on regional security, economic integration, and infrastructure. Reading the communiqué, the Forum’s Vice Chairman and
Governor of Adamawa State, Hon. Umaru Fintiri, urged the federal government to revisit petroleum exploration activities that had earlier commenced but subsequently stalled in the Magumeri and Gubio Local Government Areas of Borno State. The host Governor, Babagana
Fire Erupts Near Aramco Facility as Saudi-Houthi Conflict Escalates
Emmanuel Addeh in Abuja
A fire and heavy smoke erupted near a facility belonging to Saudi Arabia’s state-owned oil giant, Saudi Aramco, in Riyadh yesterday, as renewed fighting between Saudi-backed forces and Yemen’s Iran-aligned Houthi movement intensified. The renewed hostilities on Saudi pose a particular risk because its energy infrastructure is central to the economy and global oil supply, and any sustained disruption to major oil facilities or key maritime routes could further unsettle an already volatile international energy market.
A Reuters witness reported flames and a large plume of smoke near an Aramco facility in the Saudi capital. Saudi authorities had not immediately confirmed the incident, while Aramco had yet to comment. There was also no immediate claim of responsibility. The incident came amid a sharp escalation in hostilities between Saudi Arabia and the Houthis, who have in recent weeks claimed attacks against Saudi cities and energy infrastructure, including Aramco facilities in the Red Sea port of Yanbu. Saudi authorities have also reported intercepting missiles launched towards areas, including
Taif and Yanbu, although they have not confirmed damage to Aramco facilities in those incidents. The latest escalation coincided with intensified Saudi military operations inside Yemen, with loud explosions reported across the capital, Sanaa. Houthi-affiliated Al-Masirah television said Saudi airstrikes had targeted the city, while AFP reported hearing at least five blasts and seeing two warplanes firing missiles over Sanaa. Sources on both sides said about 80 combatants were killed in fighting around Taiz on Friday. The Houthis said
55 of their fighters were killed, while government sources cited by AFP put the number of troops killed at 26. The fighting has spread across several fronts, including highland positions overlooking coastal areas recently seized by the Houthis. Despite their gains, the group has not captured Taiz city, Yemen’s third-largest city after Sanaa and Aden. The Houthis have also reported dozens of Saudi airstrikes on areas under their control, while Saudi authorities said a Houthi projectile damaged a school in Najran, close to the Yemeni border.
2027: Labour Party Youth Leaders Move to Back Tinubu's Reelection Chuks Okocha in Abuja The Youth Wing of the faction of the Labour Party loyal to Mr Julius Abure has proposed an alignment with the All Progressives Congress (APC) and groups supporting President Bola Tinubu ahead of the 2027 presidential election. The proposal was contained in a statement issued yesterday by the Youth Leader of LP in Edo State, Ken Omusi, and posted on the party’s official X handle following
a virtual meeting involving the party’s National Youth Leader, Prince Kennedy Ahanotu, five national zonal youth leaders and 32 state youth leaders. According to the statement, the meeting was held on Friday to discuss the party’s political direction amid what the participants described as a prolonged internal crisis and the future of youth participation ahead of the 2027 elections. The youth leaders reportedly
mandated Ahanotu who was a former leader-turned presidential candidate of the Abure faction to begin consultations with the All Progressives Congress (APC), the Renewed Hope Movement, the City Boy Movement and Tinubu Support Groups on a possible political alignment and collaboration. The statement read, “During the meeting, several youth leaders expressed concerns about what they described as inadequate
recognition, total negligence, lack of engagements and no support for the youth constituency during and after the 2023 general elections where they laboured in vain for a presidential candidate who lacked the skills to consolidate. “They emphasised the need for a political platform and leader that would provide greater opportunities for youth participation, leadership development, economic empowerment, and inclusion in national decision-making.
Zulum, Governors Ahmadu Umaru Fintiri of Adamawa and Muhammadu Inuwa Yahaya of Gombe attended the meeting, while the governors of Bauchi, Taraba and Yobe states were represented by their deputies. The governors expressed deep appreciation to President Tinubu for renewed federal attention on key regional infrastructure projects. These include the Port Harcourt–Jos–Bauchi–Gombe– Maiduguri rail corridor, frontier oil exploration at Kolmani, and the Akwanga–Jos–Bauchi–Gombe– Biu–Maiduguri highway. Reflecting on its six-year journey since its inaugural meeting in Gombe in March 2020, the Forum touted regional unity as its most significant achievement, enabling a collective voice that has driven tangible developmental results. On energy, the governors
praised member states for shifting toward a regional energy agenda, highlighting the Dadinkowa hydropower plant, which now feeds the national grid, and encouraged states to leverage the new electricity law and abundant solar resources to expand mini-grid solutions. Also, the forum reiterated its call on the federal government to expedite the completion of the long-neglected Mambila Hydropower Plant, following the recent clearance of legal encumbrances through an arbitration ruling. To ease transportation costs and stimulate economic activities, the Forum announced a partnership with Green Ville Energy to establish more Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) and Liquefied Natural Gas (LNG) stations across the region.
Gov Idris to Establish Military Base in Bagudo to Address Banditry in Kebbi
Onuminya Innocent in Sokoto
Following the recent bandit attacks on some communities in Bagudo Local Government Area (LGA) of Kebbi, Governor Nasir Idris has assured residents of the affected communities of his administration’s plan to establish a military base in the area as part of intensified measures to curb persistent insecurity in the state. The governor gave the assurance yesterday when he paid a condolence visit to the District Head of Kaoje, Alhaji Mustapha Usman, over the death of the Village Head of Lafagu and other victims of the recent attacks. Idris described the attacks as
barbaric and deeply disturbing, assuring the people of the government’s collaboration with security agencies, to flush out bandits ravaging the area. He said his administration would not relent in its efforts to protect the lives and property of citizens, stressing that every necessary measure would be taken to restore peace and enable displaced residents to return safely to their communities. “I am not going to relent in ensuring that my people are protected. My government is working hard with the security agencies to ensure that the internally displaced persons return safely to their villages,” the governor said.
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NEWS
STRATEGIC MEETING…
L-R: Former Vice President and the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar; the National Chairman of the ADC, Senator David Mark; and the Chairman, ADC Presidential Campaign Council (ADCPCC), Mallam Kashim Imam, at the close of a crucial meeting in Abuja … weekend
Makinde Mounts Home-front Challenge against Tinubu, Takes ‘Reset Nigeria’ Campaign to Katsina, Nasarawa Faults president’s Independence Day address
Kemi Olaitan in Ibadan
Oyo State Governor, Mr Seyi Makinde, has mounted a direct challenge to President Bola Tinubu, combining sharp criticism of the federal government with a town hall campaign built around his “Reset Nigeria” agenda, from his South-west home front to Katsina in the North-west and Lafia, Nasarawa State, in the
North-central. Makinde is the presidential candidate of the All Progressives Congress (APC), while his running mate is Lawal Musa Daura. Makinde-Daura Presidential Campaign Organisation has also dismissed President Tinubu’s Independence Day broadcast as a “rhetorical exercise” that failed to provide concrete answers
to Nigeria’s economic hardship, poverty and insecurity. In a statement by its Director of Strategic Communications, Richard Ihediwa, the campaign said Nigerians had expected specific, measurable and binding commitments on the economy and national security but were instead offered broad assurances without timelines, targets or clear policy commitments.
“It is indeed disappointing that the president’s address failed to present specific, measurable and binding economy and security policy commitments for which Nigerians can hold him accountable,” the organisation said. “Instead, the speech remained vague and failed to provide concrete answers or direction on major national issues.”
Musawa: June 12 Must Be Remembered As a Day of Sacrifice for Nigerians Olawale Ajimotokan in Abuja
The Minister of Art, Culture, Tourism and the Creative Economy, Hannatu Musa Musawa, has said beyond its symbolic status as a public holiday, June 12 must be remembered as a sacrifice that gave Nigerians democracy. She stated this yesterday at the national premiere of "MKO", a film on Chief Moshood Abiola, held at the Wole Soyinka Centre for Culture and Creative Arts, Lagos, to mark Nigeria's 66th Independence anniversary. Musawa noted that although
33 years after June 12, 1993, many young Nigerians know it only as a holiday, but the film has turned it back into memory. She said: "For too many young Nigerians, June 12 is simply a public holiday. This film tells them that our democracy did not arrive by chance. It was fought for. It was defended. It was paid for. This documentary is in honour of the heroes of June 12, the men and women who gave their lives for the mandate of June 12, 1993 and for the democracy Nigeria enjoys today". The minister applauded President Bola Tinubu, who
was the premiere's chief host for his participation in the June 12 struggle and paying the price in exile, adding that Nigeria's creative industry will keep telling the story of its democracy with courage. "Through film and the creative economy, Nigeria will preserve its history. A nation that forgets its past loses its way to the future. Nigeria has a story and our story deserves to be told," she said. Earlier, the director of the investigative documentary, Ose Oyamendan, said the film was in honour and memory of heroes who fought for Nigeria's democracy.
"There was Hope '93 and now there is Renewed Hope. There was a man who sacrificed his life so we may have democracy and there is a man who almost lost his life fighting for democracy who is now helping build a lasting democracy. "There was a great man called Bashorun MKO Abiola and there is now another great man called Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu. Democrats. Nationalists. Nation builders. Leaders of men and women. We must never forget our story. We must always honour and remember our heroes," Oyamendan said.
Irresponsible Use of Social Media Fuelling Iinsecurity, Say NIPR, NSCDC
The Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) and the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), have warned that irresponsible use of social media and the spread of misinformation are worsening insecurity in the country. They spoke yesterday during a nationwide roadshow organised by the NIPR in Abuja ahead of the 2026 World Public Relations Forum (WPRF) scheduled for
November. The NIPR FCT chapter commenced its sensitisation from the Zoological Garden, Area 1, Abuja, to encourage responsible communication and verification of information before sharing. FCT Commandant of the NSCDC, Dr. Olusola Odumosu, said circulating unverified content could trigger panic and attacks on innocent citizens.
“Somebody would just wake up from somewhere, bring a video that is as old as 20 years, where maybe a crisis happened, and you just tag it as happening now in Kano State. Such irresponsible communication heats up the polity,” Odumosu said. He said many Nigerians share content without confirming its authenticity, warning that such acts endanger public safety.
“People should get to know that it is not too good to send out information that can heat the polity, send out information that can make people start attacking themselves, send out information that can encourage banditry or kidnapping and all of that,” he said. Odumosu said the theme of the WPRF, “Responsible Communication: The Voice of the World,” was timely.
Tinubu defended his administration’s economic reforms, saying Nigeria had moved beyond painful adjustments toward shared prosperity. But Makinde’s campaign rejected that assessment, arguing that the removal of petrol subsidy and the floating of the naira had sharply increased the cost of living, weakened household purchasing power and placed severe pressure on businesses. It cited increases in the prices of petrol, transportation, food, healthcare and other essential goods, as well as business closures and the departure or restructuring of multinational companies, as evidence that the administration’s policies had failed to produce prosperity for ordinary Nigerians. The campaign also faulted the government’s response to
Nigeria’s infrastructure deficit and questioned its strategies for agriculture, industrialisation and local manufacturing. It further criticised the administration’s reliance on foreign borrowing amid a rising debt burden. On security, the organisation said the President’s speech offered little comfort to communities suffering killings, kidnappings and other violent crimes. “It is saddening that the Independence Day speech had no soothing or reassuring words to millions of Nigerian families and communities who are victims of the daily killings, maiming and abductions going on under the APC administration,” it said. Makinde and Daura have begun a series of town hall meetings to introduce the “Reset Nigeria” agenda, gather citizens’ views, and incorporate the concerns of the six geopolitical zones into their manifesto.
Washington, DC Proclaims October 1 as ‘Nigeria Day’ at 66th Independence Day Dinner Michael Olugbode in Abuja
The District of Columbia has proclaimed October 2026 as “Nigerian American Heritage Month” and October 1, 2026, as “Nigeria Day” in the city, recognising the contributions of its Nigerian community. The Secretary of the District of Columbia, Kimberly A. Bassett, presented the proclamation on behalf of Mayor Muriel Bowser at the 66th Independence Day dinner hosted at the Nigerian Embassy in Washington, DC. “Nigeria holds a very special place in our city. This is why we are also celebrating the incredible contributions of the Nigerian community
here in DC. Nigerians have built businesses, served our neighbourhoods, and enriched our city through their culture and traditions,” Bassett said. She thanked Nigeria’s Ambassador to the United States, Kayode Are, and his wife, Ngozi Are, for hosting the event. Bassett noted that Ambassador Are “has taken the city by storm with his work with our public schools” and has opened the Embassy to the DC community, describing the engagement as both exciting and rewarding. She also commended the Nigerian Centre for educating and helping new Nigerian immigrants acclimate to their new home.
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INTENSIFYING WAR AGAINST PIRACY…
L-R: Head of Anti-Piracy, ESA/PSA, MultiChoice, Kiaren Bentley; CEO, MultiChoice Nigeria, Kemi Omotosho; Director-General, Nigerian Copyright Commission, Dr. John Asein; and Executive Vice President, MultiChoice, Dr. Keabetswe Modimoeng, at the NCC national seminar on copyright, cybersecurity and Nigeria’s creative and digital economy in Abuja…recently
Appeal Court Upholds Nullification of CAMA on CAC Powers over Religious Groups, Others
Alex Enumah in Abuja
The Abuja Division of the Court of Appeal has upheld a Federal High Court judgment nullifying several provisions of the Companies and Allied Matters Act (CAMA), 2020, that gave the Corporate Affairs Commission (CAC) powers over incorporated trustees, including religious and other associations. A three-member panel, in a unanimous judgment, held that sections 839, 842, 843, 844, 845, 846, 847 and 848 of CAMA infringed upon constitutionally protected rights to freedom of thought, conscience, religion, association, and peaceful assembly. The court also affirmed that Emmanuel Ekpenyong, a constitutional lawyer with Fred Young & Evans LP, had legal standing to challenge the provisions after he argued they infringed his fundamental rights. The controversy over the amended CAMA began almost immediately after the late President Muhammadu
Buhari signed it into law in August 2020. Although the Act introduced several reforms to Nigeria’s corporate environment, its provisions on incorporated trustees, which cover churches, mosques, charities, NGOs and other associations, drew strong objections from religious organisations and civil society groups. At the centre of the controversy was Section 839, which gave the CAC powers to suspend trustees and appoint interim managers where certain conditions existed, including alleged misconduct or mismanagement, fraud or where intervention was considered necessary in the public interest. Religious organisations feared the provision could give the government excessive control over their internal affairs. The Christian Association of Nigeria (CAN) called for the law to be amended. At the same time, the CAC maintained that it would not arbitrarily suspend trustees
and that its actions remained subject to judicial review. Amid the ensuing controversies, Ekpenyong instituted the suit on August 31, 2020, at the Federal High Court in Abuja. He sued the National Assembly, the CAC, and
the Attorney General of the Federation (AGF) over provisions of CAMA that he argued violated his constitutional rights. In his suit, Ekpenyong challenged the disputed sections, urging the court to rule that they infringed
his freedom of thought, conscience and religion; freedom of association and peaceful assembly; and his right of access to court. He relied on Sections 38 and 40, among other provisions, of the Nigerian Constitution. Justice James Omotosho
agreed with Ekpenyong in his judgment delivered in April 2023, ruling that the powers granted to the CAC to regulate and administer incorporated trustees under sections 839 to 848 were excessive and infringed on his constitutional rights.
Taraba APC Dares Wike’s Allies, Vows to Deliver Tinubu, Other Ruling Party’s Candidates in 2027 Wole Ayodele in Jalingo The All Progressives Congress (APC) in Taraba State has declared its readiness to mobilise voters and deliver President Bola Tinubu and other party candidates in the 2027 general election. The APC's position in Taraba State conflicts with the objective of the Rainbow Coalition, a multiparty platform sponsored by the Minister of the Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Nyesom Wike, to deliver victory for the APC only in the presidential election. The state chairman of the APC, Alhaji Abubakar Bawa, gave the
assurance during the inauguration of the state chapter of the PBAT Door-to-Door Movement, a campaign group established to mobilise grassroots support for the Tinubu-Shettima ticket in 2027. Bawa said the APC had no doubt about its prospects in the state and assured the party leadership that its structures would work to deliver party candidates at all levels during the elections. The declaration came as the movement commenced a door-to-door mobilisation campaign designed to take the
APC’s message to households, communities, churches and mosques across the state. Also speaking at the event, the Director-General of the Tinubu/Shettima campaign organisation in Taraba State, Hon. Danladi Baido, said the party would build on its performance in the 2023 presidential election. Baido recalled that Taraba placed third among states in the North-east in the 2023 presidential election and said the state campaign organisation would again mobilise substantial support for the APC in 2027.
The founder and convener of the PBAT Door-to-Door Movement, High Chief Government Oweizide Ekpemupolo, better known as Tompolo, urged people of the state to support Tinubu for a second term, saying continuity was necessary to consolidate the administration’s reforms. Tompolo argued that federal government policies needed time to produce lasting results, adding that another term for Tinubu would also give Governor Agbu Kefas an opportunity to continue implementing his development agenda in the state.
KIDNAPPERS OF 20 NYSC MEMBERS GIVE PARENTS 24-HOUR ULTIMATUM TO PAY N1BN RANSOM
a failed state where the primary constitutional duty of government, which is to ensure the security and welfare of citizens, has collapsed,” the MDPCO said. The organisation acknowledged the sacrifices of security personnel. Still, it alleged that the Tinubu Presidency had failed to demonstrate the capacity to manage an effective, intelligencedriven security system capable of guaranteeing Nigerians' safety. It urged Tinubu to take a cue from APM presidential candidate Seyi Makinde's security approach in Oyo State, which it said emphasised coordinated operations, intelligence, stronger collaboration, preventive measures, and rapid response. The campaign organisation expressed solidarity with Nigerians
affected by insecurity. It urged citizens to remain steadfast as it works towards what it described as a reset and a new beginning under a Makinde/ Daura administration.
Police Locate Abductors’ Camp Giving an update yesterday on the search-and-rescue operation, the Commissioner of Police in Imo State, Audu Garba Bosso, disclosed that the police had located the kidnappers’ den. Bosso said the police used drones on Friday to locate the suspected camp after security operatives trailed the abductors into the bush. He, however, said the security agencies were being cautious
because intelligence indicated that the camp had been mined with IEDs. “Any moment, we’ll still move into the bush. Yesterday, we were in the bush; we trailed them up to a particular location. “But then, we couldn’t move into where the coordinates showed us. We ran drones yesterday. And the drone actually showed us exactly their location. “But our predicament is that with the intel we have, the IED is—the camp is mined with IEDs,” the commissioner said. Bosso said the security agencies were preparing to move into the area with heavy equipment, including bulldozers and armoured personnel carriers, in an effort to rescue the victims safely.
“We are moving in there with high - you know, high-velocity vehicles, that is, bulldozers; we’re moving in with bulldozers and APCs to see how we’re going to rescue these victims unhurt,” he added. Gunmen abducted the prospective corps members travelling from Ibadan, Oyo State, to orientation camps in Abia and Akwa Ibom states. The victims were travelling in two buses when the attackers struck along the Owerri-Onitsha Road in Umunoha, Mbaitoli LGA, Imo State, on Thursday. The Managing Director of Uko Akwa Ibom Motors Nigeria Limited, Isiah Akpan, said the abductors took 19 passengers, all prospective corps members, into the bush.
He said the drivers escaped and alerted security personnel at a nearby checkpoint, prompting security agencies to commence a search of the area.
IG Orders Top DIG, CPs to Imo for Rescue Operation Meanwhile, the IG, Disu, has deployed top police chiefs to Imo to lead an aggressive search-andrescue operation. The Force Public Relations Officer, CSP Anietie Iniedu, disclosed this in a statement issued yesterday in Owerri. The statement said Disu ordered DIG Shehu Nadada, in charge of Operations, to take over tactical operations in Owerri immediately. The statement read: “Nadada
arrived in Imo alongside two Commissioners of Police to conduct an on-the-spot assessment and review the deployment of operational assets across identified criminal hideouts. “The tactical assessment was executed alongside the Imo State Police Commissioner, Mr Audu Bosso, and Federal Operations Chief, Mr Akpan Anifiok, among other commanders. “The search-and-rescue operation has been further intensified with additional deployments of tactical teams and intelligence-led tracking of the suspects.” It further stated that Nadada assured the public that the force remained resolute in securing the safe rescue of all 20 victims and apprehending the perpetrators.
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A WORTHY RECOGNITION FOR NIGERIA….
Nigerian Ambassador to the United States, Kayode Are (left), and the Secretary of the District of Columbia, Kimberly A. Bassett, during the Nigeria’s 66th Independence Day dinner in Washington DC where she proclaimed October 2026 as ‘Nigerian American Heritage Month’ and October 1, 2026 as ‘Nigeria Day’ in the city, in recognition of the contributions of its Nigerian community.
RCCG Evacuates Another 105 Nigerians from South Africa The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) has repatriated another 105 Nigerians from South Africa, bringing the total number of distressed Nigerians brought home under the church’s humanitarian intervention to 205, following the renewed xenophobic and Afrophobic attacks against Africans in the country. The latest returnees, comprising 55 adults, 45 children and five infants, arrived in Lagos as part of the church’s planned evacuation of 500 Nigerians stranded in South Africa. The intervention followed an appeal from Nigerians in South Africa and the Nigerian High Commission, prompting the General Overseer of RCCG, Pastor Enoch Adeboye, to approve the church’s intervention on humanitarian grounds. RCCG has committed $ 265,265.854 to buy one-way tickets to evacuate the 500 Nigerians. Speaking on the intervention, Chairman of the RCCG Task Force on the Reception of Nigerian Returnees from South Africa and Special Assistant to the General Overseer on Special Duties, Pastor Belemina Obunge, said the exercise was a humanitarian contribution to complement the federal government’s efforts. Obunge said the church made
the decision after receiving what he described as an “SOS clarion cry” from Nigerians in South Africa, which the Nigerian High Commission later echoed. He said, “The RCCG’s efforts basically are a humanitarian contribution towards the efforts of the federal government in making sure that Nigerians who were stranded in South Africa are brought back. “There was an SOS clarion cry by Nigerians in South Africa. The High Commission in South Africa echoed it; it reached the ears of the General Overseer, and he, with a heart of compassion, determined that the church should intervene. “It was resolved that 500 Nigerians stranded in South Africa should be brought in and airlifted, sponsored by the church.” According to him, the first batch of 100 Nigerians returned last week, while the latest 105 constituted the second batch, with about 300 more expected to return after completing the necessary documentation and clearance procedures. Obunge explained that the Nigerian High Commission, in collaboration with South African authorities, profiles affected Nigerians before forwarding their names to the relevant authorities for clearance and eventual transport to Nigeria.
Benin Heritage Takes Centre Stage at Lisbon Exhibition
A museum exhibition exploring the historical relationship between the Benin Kingdom and Portugal is scheduled for October 2 to 9, 2026, in Lisbon. The exhibition, announced under the theme “Benin Kingdom and the Portuguese”, is being organised in collaboration with the Embassy of the Federal Republic of Nigeria in Lisbon. According to the event
notice, the exhibition will take place at Avenida com Vasco da Gama, Restelo, 1400-127, Lisbon, Portugal, with visiting hours between 11 a.m. and 5 p.m. The programme places the Benin Kingdom’s relationship with the Portuguese at the centre of a cultural presentation in the Portuguese capital, offering a platform for engagement with this aspect of Nigeria’s historical heritage.
He said the returnees were not selected on the basis of religion or RCCG membership, stressing that the intervention covered Nigerians regardless of their ethnic or religious backgrounds. “Our national anthem says, ‘Though tribe and tongue may differ, in brotherhood we stand.’ We believe in that anthem,” he said. “Those being brought in are from different tribes, speak different tongues and practise different religions. They are not all members of the Redeemed Christian Church of God. In fact, we
don’t even know whether any of them is a member of the Redeemed Christian Church of God. “They are wonderful Nigerians and, by the grace of God, they are part of those to whom we have an assignment.” Also speaking at the reception, a representative of the National Emergency Management Agency (NEMA), Azeez Afuku, commended RCCG for complementing the Federal Government’s efforts. Afuku said NEMA and other government agencies had been involved in receiving Nigerians returning from SouthAfrica, adding
that the church’s intervention was welcome. Some of the returnees recounted harrowing experiences in South Africa, including alleged harassment, police arrests and attacks on their businesses. One of them, Pauline Ijeoma, who said she had lived in South Africa for several years, described the situation as increasingly unbearable. “Every time you go out, the police must arrest you,” she said, adding that even Nigerians with valid documents were allegedly subjected to repeated questioning
and demands for money. Ijeoma, who said her husband died in South Africa, expressed relief at returning home with her family. Another returnee, Chukuma Agustin Ayoka, said xenophobic attacks and the destruction and looting of Nigerian-owned businesses had made life increasingly difficult. He said many Nigerians could no longer leave their homes freely or run their businesses, prompting them to seek help to return home.
Russia Warns Diplomats, Foreigners to Leave Kyiv Russia yesterday issued a new call for diplomats and foreigners to leave Kyiv, warning the Ukrainian capital of new “massive” strikes, in a statement by its foreign ministry. Moscow has been pummelling Ukraine with drone and missile barrages throughout its offensive and in the past weeks has stepped up the strikes against Kyiv, targeting
key infrastructure. In a statement, the Russian foreign ministry said it “had previously urged foreign nationals and diplomats in Kyiv to leave the city and refrain from visiting Ukraine.” “We note with concern that not everyone has heeded these warnings, and that individuals are knowingly exposing themselves to mortal danger,”
the ministry said. “The Armed Forces of the Russian Federation will continue to deliver massive retaliatory strikes,” it warned. It also stated that “responsibility for any potential negative consequences rests entirely with those who ignore this warning.” On Friday, Kyiv mayor Vitali Klitschko said the
city should now be on a war footing as the enemy was “tearing Kyiv apart” with strikes on bridges and energy infrastructure. President Volodymyr Zelensky accused his Russian counterpart, Vladimir Putin, of ripping up the rulebook of armed conflict by sanctioning massive attacks on civilian areas, an accusation the Kremlin has rejected.
Abians Will Resist Any Attempt to Rig Otti’s Re-election, LP Chieftain Warns Wale Igbintade A chieftain of the Labour Party and youth advocate, Engr. Nwabueze Onwuneme, has warned opposition politicians against any attempt to manipulate the forthcoming governorship election in Abia State, saying the people are prepared to resist efforts to undermine their votes. Onwuneme, who spoke during a meeting with some Abia professionals in the diaspora, urged all political parties and their supporters to allow the electorate to freely determine who governs the state through a peaceful and
credible electoral process. He specifically warned against any attempt to rig the election or compromise officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC), saying Abians had become increasingly conscious of their political rights and were prepared to defend their votes through lawful and democratic means. According to him, “The people are watching, and they are determined to protect their votes.” Onwuneme said the growing support for Governor Alex Otti was not restricted to any particular section of the state, but cut across
communities and professional groups. He attributed the support, among other factors, to what he described as the administration’s visible achievements in infrastructure and socio-economic development across the state. The Labour Party chieftain said many Abians who had endured years of inadequate development were now witnessing significant infrastructure projects within a relatively short period. He argued that the development had generated what he described as strong grassroots and elite support for the gover-
nor, adding that many citizens would not want anything to interfere with their opportunity to determine their political future through the ballot box. Onwuneme also commended Otti over his reported directive to the Commissioner of Police to ensure a level playing field for all political parties and politicians during the electoral process. He recalled Otti’s experience during the 2015 governorship election, alleging that the governor’s campaign activities were disrupted by thugs and that he was prevented from campaigning freely.
SUNDAY, OCTOBER 4, 2026 • T H I S D AY
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I’m Not at War with My Predecessors, Says Otti Abia State Governor, Alex Otti, has said he is not at war with his predecessors over any matter in the administration of the state. The governor stated this in a statement signed by his Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, Mr. Ferdinand Ekeoma, following allegations that he had abandoned the ‘Okezuo Abia flyover’ built by the Dr. Okezie Ikpeazu administration at Osisioma Ngwa, along the Enugu-Port Harcourt expressway. A portion of the ‘Okezuo Abia flyover’, which was built by the Ikpeazu administration, had developed a pothole, causing motorists to avoid one of the lanes. The statement noted that the state government has taken note of the situation and is putting measures in place to make a lasting intervention. It added that the state government has ignored utterances that it wants to discredit the former governor that built the flyover and has never made any comment against the former administration. The statement read, “In the last few weeks, we have seen and read all kinds of petty narratives concerning the Okezuo Abia Flyover. “This time around, the anger is that the government has not moved in to protect the flyover from collapsing.
“The funniest narrative is that the present government left it unattended to so as to humiliate Ikpeazu. “The toxic critics have suddenly “realised the need for the government to intervene and save the flyover – a flyover that is just 4 years old. What hypocrisy! “My message to these critics is that this government is not petty. The assumption that there is a war between this government and its predecessors, including the immediate past government, is a facade created by some idle persons who use their poor narratives of such an imaginary war to advance their political and economic interests. “The government has since taken note of the serious integrity issues surrounding the flyover and, as usual, is putting measures in place to make a lasting intervention. “The government is not interested in any narrative aimed at painting any individual or government black; however, the government will not hesitate to ask serious questions and take necessary actions to correct whatever was wrongly done, if need be, given the fact that the flyover cost the state enormous resources and the people stress throughout the five years it took to build it. “Since assumption of office, Governor Alex Otti has in practi-
cal terms demonstrated his strong belief in the philosophy that “government is a continuum” by either completing projects that were abandoned for several years or by rebuilding and remodelling those that were poorly built. “During one of our State Executive Council meetings shortly after the Governor assumed office, a certain commissioner stood up to talk about what needed to be done to sanitise the surroundings of the Okezuo Abia Flyover from the chaos and
lawlessness seen around the area. The Governor interrupted him because he called it “Osisioma Flyover” and demanded that he properly call it by the name it was given, “Okezuo Abia Flyover”. “The said commissioner corrected himself and called it “Okezuo Abia.” The governor further responded and said, “Yes, that is the name. We are not interested in erasing anyone’s legacy, so we cannot call it by a name different from what the
man that built it named it. “In 2024, I accompanied the Commissioner for Works, who boasts massive experience from the Federal Ministry of Works and who was Federal Controller and Executive Director of FERMA before retirement, to the Okezuo Abia Flyover following signs of failure observed on the flyover. “Accompanied by some other engineers from his ministry, they inspected the flyover and made some observations.
“The commissioner later reported that though there were a few errors, they didn’t pose any serious threat. A few days later, work was done on it, with a promise that his ministry would keep monitoring it. The government did not make any comment against the government that built it, but all we read were toxic and condescending utterances suggesting that the government wanted to discredit the governor that built it. We ignored the noise.”
60 Passengers Rescued in Benue LG Boat Bishap, Says LG Chairman The Chairman of Buruku Local Government Area of Benue, Mr Raymond Zege, said more than 60 passengers were rescued following a boat mishap at the Buruku crossing point. Zege said this in a telephone interview with journalists yesterday in Makurdi, adding that the incident occurred when a boat ferrying passengers developed an engine fault while crossing the river at about midnight on Friday. He said the occupants struggled to control the boat after the engine failed, while others tried to rescue them with other boats. According to him, strong waves and the weight of passengers complicated the
rescue operation as they were moved to safety. Zege said the exact number of people who might still be missing had yet to be established, as rescue personnel were still working to ascertain the number of passengers aboard the boat. The chairman said rescue efforts were ongoing, with other boat operators mobilised to assist in the operation. He also called for strict compliance with maritime safety regulations, particularly the use of life jackets by all passengers using the crossing. Zege said life jackets had been provided for commuters, but some passengers
often resisted wearing them, making enforcement difficult for maritime officials. He said maritime authorities had also conducted enforcement operations at the crossing to ensure compliance with safety regulations. Meanwhile, the Commissioner for Marine and Blue Economy, Mr Denis Iyaghigba, said the state government had commenced efforts to rescue passengers involved in the incident. Iyaghigba, in a statement yesterday, said preliminary reports indicated that a strong water current swept the passenger boat into an abandoned barge at a corner of the river. He said the impact caused
the boat to tumble, prompting an immediate search and rescue operation. The commissioner urged members of the public, particularly families of possible passengers, to remain calm and await verified information from the authorities. He assured the public that no effort would be spared to ensure the safety of those involved in the incident. Iyaghigba said he had directed boat operators and their union downstream to mobilise and assist in the ongoing search and rescue operation. He said he would share further details as the rescue operation progressed.
T H I S DAY, Th e S U N DAY N e w S PAPe r •OCtober 4, 2026
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Perspective
Glo’s 23 Years of Innovation Stops Consumers from Settling for Less Kayode Akinyemi
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lobacom’s “Never Settle for Less” campaign is sparking a nationwide conversation, and it means something special to everyone. While for an average Nigerian, it’s about giving their best to beat the odds and reach success with the spirit of never settling for less, for Glo’s current and prospect subscribers, it’s about finding the best deal without compromising on quality or fair prices. Even though the message hits different notes, it all comes together to bring real value. Whether it’s a satisfying solution, a helpful fix, a boost to daily life, or a one-of-a-kind experience, that’s what “Never Settle for Less” is all about. In the Globacom world, “Never Settle for Less” means Glo customers make the most from latest, standout products and services, bring unique experiences that feel special and come with unbeatable perks. Since the inception of Globacom it has always been about aiming higher. Back in the day, for instance, while all established telcos were stuck with per-minute billing Glo came with innovative breakthrough Per Second Billing. The deal wasn’t just tempting; the innovative spark behind it helped solve real problems and save money, which is why so many people joined Glo. Nobody wanted to settle for less. Recently Glo has enriched their portfolio with new offerings with distinctive features and benefits that embody innovative, problemsolving value propositions aligned with the “Never Settle for Less” philosophy. The four latest additions to Glo’s suite of high-impact products and services are Revamped Glo Café App , the enhanced “Glo Talkmasta Reloaded ,” “Welcome Bonus Reloaded,” and the “Magic Data Bundles.” The revamped Glo Cafe app is a big step forward for Glo’s self-service platform, giving subscribers more control and a smoother experience right at fingertips. The revamped Glo Café App lets you buy airtime and data, borrow credit, Data gifting – sharing, managing subscriptions or to pay postpaid bills, any of these can be done in just three clicks. App users can Pay via cards, transfers, USSD, and more payment options. More than an update, the latest Glo Café App is a friendly digital space blending connection, convenience, fun, support, and value. The most innovative of which is Gloria; Glo’s AI assistant: she understands and responds to text and verbal queries and offers answers in English, Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa, French, and Spanish
Besides the innovative features, Glo Café App has plenty of offers, starting from new users getting a 100GB data for registration. Users also get 100% recharge bonus, 10% extra data on data bundles starting from N100–N20,000 purchases, and exclusive Café Special bundles (N200, N300, N500, N2,000) only on Glo Café . These App only offers, over and above all other offers ensure Glo users don’t have to settle for less. Glo has also enhanced the popular Glo Talkmasta, also known as “6 for 6”. Before, subscribers got six free minutes and 50 MB of data for every six minutes of use. Now, besides those six free
minutes, a bigger bonus of100 MB of data (that’s 50 MB more). It’s indeed a great value! Smart users who choose this plan aren’t settling; they’re getting the most out of every benefit. This offer is one of a kind in Nigeria’s telecom world, offering top value and showing why Glo is the network that gives more talk time and free data every time every day. The new enhanced Welcome Bonus, is the perfect way to welcome new customers on the Glo Network. Every new subscriber who buys and activates a Glo SIM now gets perks worth N2,100. That includes 2 GB of free data, 20 minutes of calls to all networks, and a free one-month access to GloTv Premier Movies. It’s perfect for anyone who wants voice and data service with the latest movies without settling for less. Last in the list is, the “Magic Data Bundle” a fun new way to get more from every purchase! Every bundle gives guaranteed data plus an automatic Magic Bonus. So subscribers get guaranteed what they expect, plus an extra magic bonus. For example, a ₦1,600 Magic Bundle gives 2.5GB guaranteed plus a bonus ranging between 500MB and 7.5GB, totaling a minimum 3GB to maximum 7.5GB valid 30 days. It’s another unbeatable deal that lets you live the “Never Settle for Less” spirit. The Magic Bonus turns a regular data bundle into a rewarding surprise, the subscribers get a minimum set volume and can look forward to extra data every time. Both current and new Glo customers can grab these bundles through the Glo Café App or by dialing *312#. With 23 years of fresh ideas and standout value, Globacom has built a legacy of innovation and empowerment in Nigeria’s telecom world. Globacom’s rich tapestry of innovation, pacesetting, needs satisfying and unique customer experience suite of products and services continue to unfold, setting new standards and template of unique customer experience. While the telecom industry is awash with generic products and services, Globacom has long been know for its “first of its kind” trail blazing offering with high utility value and unequaled user experience. Globacom proudly represents the Nigerian spirit to Never Settle for Less. •Akinyemi, a Fellow of Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (FNIPR), writes from Lagos.
News
We Received Funds for Constituency Projects During Emergency Rule, Says Rivers Lawmaker Blessing Ibunge in Port Harcourt
The lawmaker representing Emohua State Constituency at the Rivers State House of Assembly, Mrs. Justina Emeji, has revealed that the lawmakers got funding to execute projects during the period of emergency rule declared in the state by President Bola Tinubu. Emeji, who is the deputy chief whip of the 10th Assembly, made this disclosure during the inauguration of one of her constituency projects, Echonwere Royal Hall in Okporowo Ogbakiri Clan in the Emohua Local Government Area (LGA) of the state. Emeji in her address commended President Bola Tinubu and the Minister of Federal Capital Territory (FCT), Chief Nyesom Wike, for their
efforts in ensuring the development of the state. Emeji said, “I want to thank President BolaAhmed Tinubu. It was during the emergency rule that this money was released to us. “When we got the money, our speaker (Martin Amaewhule) asked me to go and put something on the ground so that my people would remember me. That was how I came home to do this.” She disclosed that aside from the commissioned town hall, she had seven other people-orientated constituency projects going on across the 14 wards of the LGA. She said the projects, which included a lodge for corps members at Oduoha Ogbakiri, a market at Isiodu Emohua, six classroom blocks at Ibaa Community, teachers’ quarters atAkpabu, six classroom
blocks at Egbeda and another six classroom blocks at Ovogo community, would impact positively on the people. Emeji further empowered 150 persons from the 14 wards of the LGA with N30million as an empowerment fund. However, the Speaker of the State House of Assembly, Hon. MartinAmaewhule, hailed Emeji for being a dependable member of the 10th Assembly, adding that she has not failed her people. He said, “We are here to commission one of the projects nominated by Hon. Justina Emeji for her constituency, which is this town hall right behind me. She nominated these projects after consulting with her people, and they said they want these projects.
“She ensured that the project is supervised and completed, and today this town hall is ready for use,” Amaewhule said. Amaewhule stressed that representation is a core mandate of a legislator, involving identifying the needs and aspirations of constituents and working with government to actualise them. He noted that before the 2027 general election, the state would witness a harvest of constituency projects across all constituencies. He said, “Let me also re-emphasise that she has seven other projects that are ongoing. That shows that she is representing her people well. The 10th Rivers State House ofAssembly has members that are representing our people effectively and delivering on their mandates.”
I’ll Remain Committed to Inclusive Governance, Says PoliceTakeover Minna Central Motor Oyebanji, Canvasses Muslims’ Support forTinubu Park Over Crisis BetweenTwo Unions Gbenga Sodeinde in Ado Ekiti Ekiti State Governor, Mr. Biodun Oyebanji, has declared that he will sustain the principles of inclusive governance in his second term by ensuring that all stakeholders in the Ekiti project participated actively in his government. Governor Oyebanji stated this at the weekend at the special Jumat thanksgiving service held at the Central Mosque,Ado-Ekiti, as part of activities marking his second term in office. The service brought together Muslim faithful, government officials, traditional and community leaders and other stakeholders. Speaking at the service, Governor Oyebanji ex-
pressed appreciation to God for the opportunity to serve the people of Ekiti State for another term. He also expressed his appreciation to the Muslim community for their prayers and support for his administration, stressing the importance of peace, unity and religious tolerance in sustaining governance and development of the state. The governor said his administration would remain committed to inclusive governance and programmes aimed at improving the welfare and living conditions of the people. He further emphasised the need for continued collaboration among government, religious institutions and citizens in building a peaceful and prosperous Ekiti.
Laleye Dipo in Minna The police have taken over the Minna Central Motor Park in Niger State amid a crisis between two transport Unions, the National Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO) and the Road Transport Employers Association of Nigeria (RTEAN). Members of the two unions had drawn daggers over the management of the Mobil Motor Park, resulting in injuries to some of their members. According to eyewitnesses, one of the unions claimed they owned the garage, being indigines, so its members should load ten of their vehicles
before the members of the other union. Members of the other union reportedly rejected the arrangement, leading them to approach the courts for intervention. However, the issue boiled over last Friday, resulting in a free-for-all during which dangerous weapons and charms were used on each other by members of the unions. The disturbance attracted the police, who tried to restore peace, but the crisis escalated, resulting in two union members being injured and rushed to the nearby Minna General Hospital. The police also deployed several canisters of tear gas to send motorists and union members away from the motor park.
14
BUSINESS
T H I S DAY, Th e S U N DAY N e w S PAPe r •OCtober 4, 2026
Editor: Festus Akanbi 08038588469 Email: festus.akanbi@thisdaylive.com
When Independence Meets the Harsh Reality of Survival As Nigeria turns 66, the drums of celebration are muffled by the harsh rhythm of survival. Festus Akanbi examines why soaring living and business costs, shrinking incomes, and inadequate palliatives have left millions asking: what is there to celebrate?
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or a country whose independence anniversaries traditionally evoke celebration, Nigeria’s 66th anniversary comes at a difficult moment. The flags are flying, and government officials can point to improvements in some economic indicators, yet beneath the ceremonies, the population increasingly judges economic progress by what remains in their pockets after paying for food, transportation, electricity, rent, and school fees. That disconnect largely explains the subdued mood. Signs suggest the economy is emerging from the turbulence triggered by the removal of the petrol subsidy and foreign exchange reforms. Headline inflation moderated to 15.39 per cent in August 2026, while the Centre for the Promotion of Private Enterprise (CPPE) noted that real GDP growth strengthened from 3.38 per cent in 2024 to 3.87 per cent in 2025 and reached 4.43 per cent year-on-year in the second quarter of 2026. Revenues, reserves and exchange-rate stability have also improved. But macroeconomic stabilisation has yet to translate sufficiently into household recovery.
When Falling Inflation Does Not Mean Falling Prices
A decline in inflation does not mean prices have returned to previous levels. It merely means they are increasing more slowly. This distinction is crucial to understanding why improving economic statistics have generated little excitement among ordinary Nigerians. The Lagos Chamber of Commerce and Industry (LCCI), in its Independence anniversary assessment, acknowledged encouraging signs of stabilisation but stressed that recovery would ultimately be judged by improved welfare, stronger purchasing power, lower production costs and more jobs. Its President, Mr. Leye Kupoluyi, noted that food, transportation, housing, healthcare, education and energy continued to consume an increasing proportion of disposable income. For households already battered by successive years of price increases, slower inflation offers little comfort when incomes have failed to recover in tandem.
Petrol and the Cost-of-Living Chain
Perhaps nothing illustrates the pressure more vividly than energy prices. The Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) said petrol was selling at about N1,430 per litre or higher in major cities, arguing that transportation costs had become a major transmission mechanism for inflation. The consequences extend beyond filling stations. Farmers pay more to transport produce; manufacturers spend more on haulage and alternative electricity; traders adjust prices to recover logistics costs; commercial transporters increase fares; and workers surrender an increasing proportion of their wages to commuting. For businesses, the pressure is equally severe. LCCI reported diesel above N2,000 per litre in parts of the country, while manufacturers and MSMEs continue to contend with high electricity, logistics and financing costs, imported raw materials, regulatory expenses and multiple taxes. Businesses therefore confront a difficult combination: rising operating costs and consumers whose purchasing power has weakened.
Wages Losing the Race
Workers face a similar predicament. The NLC maintains that inflation had already eroded the N70,000 national minimum wage before implementation and has demanded that negotiations begin immediately for a new wage standard expected in 2027. Its position captures Nigeria’s economic paradox. GDP can grow, reserves can improve, and inflation can moderate, but recovery remains abstract to workers whose real incomes purchase considerably less than they once did. This matters because food, transportation, rent, and electricity are unavoidable household expenses. For millions of Nigerians, therefore, Independence Day competes with the more immediate challenge of daily survival.
Palliatives Versus the Scale of Hardship
Federal and state governments have responded with food distributions, cash transfers, wage awards, subsidised transportation and compressed natural gas initiatives. These measures have provided relief to some Nigerians, but questions remain over their scale, reach and sustainability. The CNG initiative's limitations illustrate the problem. The federal programme has expanded vehicle conversions and refuelling infrastructure, but the 120,000 vehicles reported as converted remain a small proportion of Nigeria’s vehicle population. Conversion costs, inadequate refuelling stations and geographical concentration also constrain its ability to transform transportation costs nationwide. Some states have introduced useful interventions. Kaduna operates free CNG buses on selected routes, while subsidised transport schemes have emerged elsewhere. Yet refueling programmes cover only a fraction of commuters. Outside selected routes and major cities, millions remain dependent on privately operated petrol-powered vehicles. Food distributions face similar limitations. A bag of rice or grain can provide temporary relief but cannot permanently restore household purchasing power. Wage awards also largely bypass millions working in the informal economy. The problem is not that palliatives are entirely ineffective; it is that their scale is overwhelmed by the economic shock they are expected to cushion.
Rising Revenue, Rising Expectations
The hardship has inevitably sharpened questions about what Nigerians receive in return for rising government revenues. BudgIT’s analysis showed that the federal, state and local governments received about N10.97 trillion in the first half of 2026 under the allocations it tracked: N3.28 trillion for the Federal Government, N4.65 trillion for states and N3.04 trillion for local governments. A broader examination of Federation Account records showed about N17.07 trillion distributed to the three tiers and other statutory
beneficiaries during the period. For citizens, however, higher allocations matter when they produce better roads, affordable transportation, functional hospitals, improved schools, greater security, and conditions that enable businesses to operate more cheaply. Hence BudgIT’s warning that “allocations without implementation do not translate into development.”
Taking Recovery to the People
None of these difficulties invalidates the gains from economic stabilisation. Sustainable prosperity cannot emerge from fiscal instability, uncontrolled inflation or a dysfunctional foreign exchange market. But stabilisation is ultimately a means to improved welfare, not an end in itself. The CPPE argues that the next stage should focus on productivity: reliable electricity for manufacturers, security and irrigation for farmers, efficient ports and logistics, affordable working capital and stronger consumer purchasing power. Without improvements in these areas, it warned, growth would remain too weak in jobs and real incomes. LCCI similarly wants lower transportation costs through mass transit and CNG deployment, alongside stronger food production, lower energy costs, protection of workers’ purchasing power, and better-targeted social protection. These realities explain the restrained mood surrounding Nigeria’s 66th anniversary. For the trader struggling to replenish stock, the manufacturer battling energy and financing costs, the worker spending an increasing share of wages on transportation, and the family struggling with food and school fees, economic recovery remains unfinished. At 66, therefore, Nigeria’s challenge is no longer merely to demonstrate that its reforms are producing better macroeconomic numbers. The bigger test is whether those gains can travel from official statistics to factories and markets, from government revenues to public services, and ultimately into the pockets and living standards of ordinary Nigerians. Only then will renewed economic hope become something citizens can genuinely celebrate.
T H I S DAY, Th e S U N DAY N e w S PAPe r •OCtober 4, 2026
15
Telecoms
The Task Ahead of STN as National Telecoms Licence Operator in Nigeria After 28 years of operating skeletal telecoms services under the umbrella, Swift Telephone Network (STN) has become a full-fledged telecoms operator after being granted the Universal Access Service License (UASL) to offer voice and data services in Nigeria. The development, no doubt, poses a big but surmountable task for STN in navigating a competitive telecoms market, writes Emma Okonji
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he beginning was humble. The desire to provide quality telecommunications services, no matter how austere, propelled Swift Telephone Network (STN) to initiate certain moves in the telecoms space under a makeshift arrangement, even though nobody gave the company the desired chance. But with dogged zeal and determination, it navigated storms and hills with resilience that is out of this world. Today, this never-backpedaling company has been granted a Universal Access Service License (UASL) by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC), to offer Nigerians quality data and voice services. For many, business must start big with venture capital. For Swift Telephone Network, the beginning was humble and small: an umbrella, a table, and a single telephone. But it has since grown into a major telecoms operator providing voice and data services to millions of Nigerians across the country.
The Humble Beginning
It dates back to 1998, before the advent of GSM telephony in 2001, when telecommunications in Nigeria was a scarce service, and there were endless queues at offices of the Nigerian Telecommunications Limited (NITEL), which operated a monopolistic telecoms market at that time, and access to telecoms services was reserved for the privileged few. That was when STN opened a modest business centre to support the National University Games (NUGA Games) at the University of Lagos, Akoka, Yaba. That small setup—founded by the late Mrs. Clara Adetuyi- laid the foundation for one of the nation's most resilient telecom stories. Driven by an unwavering belief that "impossible" was not an option, she refused to despise small beginnings, fuelling the enterprise with a clear, ambitious vision. Nearly three decades later, STN has been granted a Unified Access Service Licence (UASL) by the Nigerian Communications Commission (NCC). This milestone represents more than regulatory approval; it is the culmination of setbacks, pivots, and an abiding belief that world-class institutions can be built right here in Nigeria.
Pioneering Access
Under Mrs. Adetuyi’s initial leadership, STN operated as a modest call service, but the underlying mission was always broader: expanding access and bringing people together. By 1999, the business introduced voicemail services to the University of Lagos community—a novel offering on a Nigerian campus at the time. A breakthrough arrived in 2003, when STN became the first provider of digital landline services in Yaba through a franchise agreement with Independent Telephone Network (ITN). At a time when neither NITEL nor the emerging GSM operators had deployed digital telephony in the area, STN connected local homes, schools, and enterprises. That same year, STN helped develop and power the infrastructure behind WAEC Direct. This landmark platform enabled millions of Nigerian students to check their examination results via scratch card instead of waiting in line at regional offices. Soon after, STN was providing mission-critical connectivity to high-stakes institutions, including the Nigerian Military, the World Health Organisation, and key public agencies across Yaba.
Adetuyi
Navigating Independence and Adversity
Growth inevitably forces tough choices. When ITN entered acquisition talks with Visafone, STN’s initial franchise agreement drew to a close. Rather than being absorbed into a larger corporate structure, STN chose independence, trading initially as YOBOC & Co. Ltd while applying directly to the NCC for its own operating licences. By 2005, the company secured its independent regulatory approvals and formally transitioned to Swift Telephone Network Limited in 2008. To protect its customer base during the shift, the NCC allocated the numbering prefix 01343XXXX, allowing subscribers to retain their lines uninterrupted. Yet, as with many Nigerian enterprise stories, severe headwinds soon tested its success. In 2009, shortly after securing growth funding, STN faced boardroom disputes, ownership shifts, and devastating infrastructure damage. Operations ground to a halt by November 2010.
Rebirth and Transformation
What seemed like the end proved to be a pause. In February 2017, the company reopened its doors under the leadership of Oluwole Adetuyi, the founder’s son. Rebuilding meant addressing significant legacy hurdles: the original operating licence had expired in 2015, and
years of regulatory obligations remained outstanding. Joined by Yetunde Okafor, the duo set out to restore the company. In 2018, they confronted the backlog directly, clearing tax liabilities and operational levies accrued between 2010 and 2016. Convinced by their compliance and commitment, the NCC officially reinstated STN’s operating licence in 2019, paving the way for a full operational launch by September of that year. When the COVID-19 pandemic hit in 2020, corporate reliance on traditional office landlines and Private Branch Exchange (PBX) systems plummeted. Recognising that the future of telecom lay in integrated mobile, broadband, and data services, STN adapted once again. On February 22, 2022, the company formally applied for the NCC's Unified Access Service Licence (UASL).
The Next Chapter
Now officially granted, the national UASL empowers STN to operate fixed, mobile, voice, and data services across Nigeria. As STN prepares for its national rollout, leadership has outlined several core commitments to create local value: Talent Development: Training Nigerian engineers and digital specialists to build technical capacity locally. Domestic Partnerships: Prioritising local vendors, contractors, and SMEs across network deployment and maintenance. Knowledge Transfer: Partnering with international technology providers while keeping intellectual property and skills rooted in Nigeria. Digital Inclusion: Expanding infrastructure into underserved regions to bridge the digital divide. Enterprise & Job Creation: Driving employment through distribution networks,
customer support, and value-added service roles.
The Rollout Plans
Chief Executive Officer of STN, Oluwole Adetuyi, said: “This UASL is not just a licence. It is a new chapter. It represents where we started, what we have endured, how we have evolved, and where we are going. We are building in Nigeria, for Nigeria.” Reflecting on STN's resilience, Adetuyi said the milestone would reinforce a larger truth: Nigerian businesses can stand the test of time. “Telcos can evolve, compete globally, and build institutions of lasting value from Nigeria. At a time when the digital economy is central to national growth, STN is proof that local ambition, backed by resilience, can deliver world-class infrastructure”, said Adetuyi. According to him, as STN enters the new phase, the company is committing to building a truly Nigerian telecommunications ecosystem. “Our ambition is simple: to help build Nigeria’s digital economy from the ground up. This licence gives us the platform. Nigerian talent, Nigerian partners, and Nigerian innovation will give us the momentum,” Adetuyi further said, adding that STN will, in the coming weeks, announce strategic partnerships, infrastructure rollout plans, and programmes to engage investors and stakeholders as it begins commercial operations under the UASL. From a single campus telephone stand in 1998 to a nationally licensed operator today, STN’s trajectory reflects the persistent spirit of Nigerian enterprise. Led by Oluwole Adetuyi, Yetunde Okafor, and the management team, the company enters its next phase honouring the legacy of its late founder, carrying forward the principle that no hurdle is insurmountable.
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T H I S D AY SUNDAY OCTOBER 4 2026
KABIR ADAMU urges the government to establish a transparent framework for security performances
TINUBU’S ANNIVERSARY SPEECH AND NATIONAL SECURITY
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n October 1, 2026 President Bola Ahmed Tinubu delivered a national speech, where he reviewed his administration’s reform trajectory and focused primarily on transitioning from emergency economic reforms to delivering shared and widespread prosperity for Nigerians. The speech was principally about moving Nigeria from an “age of reform” into an “age of prosperity.” The speech represents a notable change in the way the Tinubu administration publicly frames Nigeria’s security challenge. The language of “national security emergency” that dominated the government’s messaging in late 2025 has given way to a narrative in which security is increasingly being presented as an enabler of economic productivity and prosperity. This shift is significant. On November 26, 2025, President Tinubu declared a nationwide security emergency, authorised additional recruitment into the Armed Forces and directed the police to recruit another 20,000 officers, bringing the planned recruitment to 50,000. He also ordered the deployment of trained forest guards and called for stronger cooperation between federal and state authorities. Seven months later, in his June 12, 2026 Democracy Day address, security remained an immediate national concern. Tinubu linked democracy directly to security, declaring that “democracy without security is not solid enough.” He highlighted the abduction of children in Oyo and Borno, the recruitment of more than 50,000 police officers and thousands of military personnel, and the 5.41 trillion allocation for defence and security in the 2026 Budget. In subsequent messages and actions, he progressed the state police effort and the creation of additional military divisions as well as the stocking of military equipment repositories. But in his October 1, 2026 Independence Day address, the President adopted a markedly different emphasis. Security was acknowledged, but largely as a condition necessary for economic activity, most clearly in his vision of a Nigeria where farmers can cultivate their land safely, produce at lower cost and earn a decent return. Thatevolutiondeservescloserexamination. The President did not say that Nigeria’s security crisis had been resolved. Nor did he announce a new security operation, a new security emergency, or a new major security policy. Instead, insecurity appeared within a broader historical reflection on Nigeria’s experience of war, economic crises, military rule, political upheaval and insecurity. He also paid tribute to members of the Armed Forces and other security personnel who put themselves in harm’s way to protect citizens. This distinction matters significantly. The absence of a detailed security assessment or attribution in the President’s speech should not be interpreted as evidence that the security situation has become insignificant. Rather, the President appears to have deliberately placed security within a broader prosperity narrative. The progression is striking. In November 2025, security was framed as an emergency requiring mobilisation. In June 2026, security was framed as an active threat to democratic life and national stability, accompanied by operational claims and significant resource commitments. In October 2026 security was framed primarily as an enabler of prosperity, particularly through agriculture, investment and productive economic activity. This is not necessarily a contradiction. It may represent an attempt to move from crisis response towards normalisation and development. But such a transition should be supported by evidence. The administration’s own 2026 Budget provides an important standard against which this transition can be assessed. The Budget allocated 5.41 trillion to defence and security and explicitly stated that security investment would be accompanied
by “clear accountability for outcomes.” It also identified modernisation of the Armed Forces, intelligence-driven policing, joint operations, border security, technology-enabled surveillance, community-based peacebuilding and conflict prevention as priorities. The President also described the government as “resetting the national security architecture” and establishing a new national counter-terrorism doctrine based on unified command, intelligence, community stability and counterinsurgency. This creates an important policy obligation: Nigerians should increasingly be able to see what these investments are producing. This shift has several strategic implications. The central question for Nigeria is not how much the government spends on security or how many personnel are recruited but whether these investments produce a measurable security dividend. That dividend should be visible in safer communities, reduced kidnapping and terrorism, improved protection of schools and critical infrastructure, safer agricultural areas, better intelligence outcomes and faster responses to emerging threats. The President’s October 1 emphasis on farmers is particularly important. Food security and agricultural productivity cannot expand sustainably where farmers are unable to access their land safely. Roads, markets, transport corridors and rural communities require a security environment that allows economic activity to take place predictably. Security and prosperity are therefore mutually reinforcing. The administration’s own messaging increasingly recognises this nexus. In June 2026, the Minister of Information and National Orientation, Mohammed Idris Malagi similarly argued that shared and inclusive economic growth is part of the enduring solution to Nigeria’s security challenges. But the relationship also runs in the opposite direction: persistent unemployment, weak local governance, poverty, illicit economies, unresolved communal grievances and ineffective justice systems can continue to generate insecurity. This means Nigeria cannot afford to interpret economic development as a substitute for security reform. The most important necessary outcome from the October 1 Presidential speech should be a public security-performance scorecard. The November 2025 emergency declaration generated major expectations. The December 2025 Budget committed substantial resources. The June 2026 address reported operational progress. By October 2026, a few months before national elections, Nigerians are increasingly asking what measurable difference have these interventions made from a governance and accountability perspective. Nigerians want to know if kidnapping declined nationally and in the main affected corridors and locations, whether terrorist groups are losing territorial and operational capacity?
Dr. Adamu is the Managing Director of Beacon Security and Innovations Limited.
What are the political parties offering Nigerians? asks SAMUEL AKPOBOME OROVWUJE
POVERTY, POLITICS AND THE 2027 ELECTIONS
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s Nigeria approaches the 2027 general elections, the most important political conversation should extend beyond personalities, alliances and the calculations of the treacherous political elites. It should focus on the everyday economic reality of Nigerians: poverty, food insecurity, unemployment, inadequate public services and the rising cost of living. The scale of the challenge is difficult to ignore. Nigeria’s National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) 2022 Multidimensional Poverty Index found that 133 million Nigerians, representing 63 per cent of the population, were multidimensionally poor. The index goes beyond income to capture deprivation in education, health, living standards, employment and access to basic services. Rural Nigerians were particularly affected, with multidimensional poverty recorded at 72 per cent compared with 42 per cent in urban areas. For the 2027 elections, therefore, the central question should be straightforward: where do Nigeria’s political parties stand on poverty, and what precisely are they offering the millions of Nigerians whose daily lives are defined by economic hardship? Nigeria currently has a large number of registered political parties. INEC maintains an official register and publishes the constitutions and manifestos of political parties, providing an important basis for citizens to examine what parties actually say they intend to do. The governing All Progressives Congress (APC) enters the 2027 contest with the advantage of being able to point to an economic reform programme already being implemented. The administration of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has pursued major reforms, including fuel-subsidy removal, exchange-rate reform, revenue mobilisation and efforts to stimulate investment and production. The APC’s challenge, however, is that Nigerians ultimately judge economic policy through its effect on household welfare. Macroeconomic reform can create the conditions for growth, but the political question is whether that growth translates into affordable food, jobs, reliable electricity, better healthcare, productive agriculture and increased purchasing power. For the ruling party, therefore, the 2027 campaign provides an opportunity to explain how the reforms of the present administration will be consolidated and how their benefits will reach poorer households. The issue is not simply whether reforms were necessary, but whether citizens can see and feel their benefits. The African Democratic Congress (ADC) has sought to position itself as an alternative political platform ahead of 2027. Its 2026 manifesto places considerable emphasis on citizen-focused governance, structural reforms and what it describes as humane implementation of policies. It proposes a production-driven economy and a livingwage approach. The significance of the ADC proposition is its emphasis on changing the structure of the economy rather than simply distributing the consequences of poverty. Its programme points towards agriculture, industrial production, employment and institutional reform. But Nigerians should ask the ADC the same difficult questions they should ask every party: How much will the programme cost? What are the sources of funding? What institutions will implement it? What are the targets? And how quickly should citizens
expect measurable improvements? The Labour Party (LP) enters 2027 with its own political history and the experience of having emerged as a significant national electoral force in the 2023 presidential election. Its policy conversation has continued to emphasise human capital, social welfare, institutional reform and a peoplecentered approach to governance. For Labour, however, the challenge is to translate the broad language of social justice and people-centered development into a detailed, costed and implementable programme. Poverty is multidimensional, and consequently requires more than a single intervention. Education, healthcare, housing, employment, food security, energy and social protection must operate as interconnected parts of a national development strategy. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) has been more explicit in putting poverty in the title of its 2027 presidential policy programme. Its presidential candidate, Adewole Adebayo, recently unveiled a blueprint titled Farewell to Poverty and Insecurity. The document focuses on human development, economic productivity, infrastructure and institutional reform. The SDP blueprint proposes twelve presidential missions, including security, innovation, transparent government, cooperative federalism and public accountability. It also proposes public performance dashboards and greater transparency in government finances and procurement. The NDC is positioning itself for 2027 around economic hardship, poverty and the need for better governance. Its challenge will be to translate its promises into credible policies on jobs, food security, social protection and improved living standards for Nigerians. Similarly, The Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), the Allied peoples Movement (APM) and other parties may not command the same national political machinery as the major parties, but their policy proposals should not be dismissed simply because of their size. Indeed, the existence of numerous parties raises a larger democratic question. Are Nigerians choosing parties because of clearly differentiated policy programmes, or primarily because of personalities, ethnic and regional calculations, political alliances and electoral structures? Orovwuje is a public affairs analyst, orovwuje50@gmail.com
41 T H I S D AY SUNDAY OCTOBER 4, 2026,
EDITORIAL
Editor, Editorial Page PETER ISHAKA Email peter.ishaka@thisdaylive.com
ISSUES IN BORROWING FOR CONSUMPTION
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A new report puts numbers to the increasing battle for survival
he recently released 2026 Access to Financial Services in Nigeria (A2F) Survey has revealed a major structural shift in the country’s credit ecosystem. Conducted by Enhancing Financial Innovation & Access (EFInA) in collaboration with the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS), the survey covered a sample of 18,679 adults across the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) and tracked changes in borrowing behaviour between 2023 and 2026. The survey established a rise in consumption borrowing corresponding with a noted drop in credit channeled into farming, starting a business, or capital expenditure. It also found a significant distress among the borrowers. About 45.8 per cent of formal credit users reported some or serious repayment stress, while 83.8 per cent experienced ongoing financial stress. The increase in the percentage of those borrowing for personal needs (as against business needs) is concerning. But the base, the starting point, was already high in 2023. This points to an underlying challenge that has gotten worse. When people borrow to pay rent, school fees and medical bills, that signifies low savings, low disposable income, limited insurance cover and low social protection. As the Governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria ((CBN), Mr. Olayemi Cardoso explained recently, inflation remains a major obstacle to meaningful financial inclusion because it erodes the purchasing power and savings while increasing borrowing costs. Going by the survey report, approximately 41 per cent of formal borrowers used loans for coping and consumption, a sharp rise from 31.7 per cent in 2023. The 9.1 percentagepoint increase made coping and consumption the largest purpose of formal credit, overtaking productive enterprise borrowing, which fell from 40.2 per cent to 34.3 per cent during the same period. Such consumption patterns centre around basic essentials, including food, rent, school fees and medicals, among others. The data highlighted how mounting macroeconomic pressures and the rising cost of living are forcing consumers to utilise credit to meet daily household necessities rather than for economic expansion. It is troubling that such a huge number of Nigerians now secure loans from formal financial institutions mainly for coping needs, as rising financial pressures
increasingly push credit away from productive activities. A similar report, the Direct Nigeria Consumer Credit Insight 2025, had also revealed that most Nigerians borrow for basic living essentials rather than for business expansion. That report identified the primary drivers within consumption borrowing to include rent, emergency medical bills, and school fees, highly concentrated among formally employed adults earning under N200,000 monthly. The fact that the structural reforms in the economy introduced by the President Bola Tinubu government since May 2023 has stabilised the macroeconomic fundamentals cannot be controverted. However, the consequences of the reforms are severe for most ordinary Nigerians. There are clear indications that the side effects of the reforms have increased the vulnerability of Nigerians, especially the poorest, who do not have collateral for formal loans and sometimes forced into the arms of loan sharks. The erosion of the purchasing power has also pushed millions of people into the poverty trap. This much was underscored in a recent report by Agora Policy, which revealed that the removal of petrol subsidy significantly worsened poverty levels, pushing the national poverty headcount to about 63 per cent. According to the report, household consumption declined across the board, following both the removal of fuel subsidy and electricity tariff adjustments. The 2026 Access to Financial Services in Nigeria Survey is therefore another wake-up call for the government, at all levels. It is trite that consumption borrowing yields no economic multipliers, and absorbs scarce financial resources needed to stimulate economic growth. As things stand, Nigeria is currently faced with an existential affordability crisis for essentials. As a result, most people are desperate to survive the hard times while awaiting the promised Eldorado by politicians. After all, investment in business growth and further wealth creation is for the living. But as many analysts also contend, Nigeria must move beyond simply counting the number of people with access to financial services and examine whether such access is improving well-being by building their productive capacity. An economy canånot be said to be recovering when people borrow merely to survive.
When people borrow to pay rent, school fees and medical bills, that signifies low savings, low disposable income, limited insurance cover and low social protection S U N DAY N E W S PA P E R EDITOR DAVIDSON IRIEKPEN DEPUTY EDITORS FESTUS AKANBI, EJIOFOR ALIKE MANAGING DIRECTOR ENIOLA BELLO DEPUTY MANAGING DIRECTOR ISRAEL IWEGBU CHAIRMAN EDITORIAL BOARD OLUSEGUN ADENIYI EDITOR NATION’S CAPITAL IYOBOSA UWUGIAREN THE OMBUDSMAN KAYODE KOMOLAFE
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LETTERS
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RESPECT THE OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT
ormer Vice President Atiku Abubakar is entitled to criticize President Bola Ahmed Tinubu. He is entitled to challenge his policies, question his decisions and make the case that he would govern differently. Nobody expects otherwise from the leader of the opposition But calling a sitting President simply “Bola” repeatedly, particularly in a formal national address, is another matter. Atiku was Vice President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria for eight years. He understands better than most that there is a distinction between the individual occupying an office and the office itself. When you address
the President of Nigeria, you are not merely addressing the politician or the individual. You are addressing the person constitutionally entrusted with the office of President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. That office represents Nigeria’s leadership. This is why the lame double down that “Bola is the President’s name” misses the point. Protocol exists precisely because public office is bigger than the individual occupying it. You can disagree with the President without stripping away the institutional dignity attached to his office. Interestingly, Mr Akin Osuntokun, a former presidential spokesman
and former director-general of Peter Obi’s 2023 campaign, made essentially the same argument. He said Atiku was entitled to criticize Tinubu however sharply, but objected to his repeated decision to call him “Bola,” describing it as a needless display of disrespect and an affront to the office. And I agree. Atiku should know better. He knows what it means to occupy an office that carries the authority and dignity of the Nigerian state. I do not recall anyone addressing him in that manner when he was Vice President and arguing that because “Atiku” was his name, there was nothing wrong with it.
You can call out President Tinubu’s economic policies. You can question his decisions. You can demand accountability. You can even argue passionately that Nigerians should vote him out. None of these requires calling him “Bola” in a formal address. Criticize the President for what it is worth. But respect the Office. Because when you disrespect the office of the President, you are not merely taking a swipe at the man occupying it. You are diminishing an institution that belongs to the Nigerian people. Chiechefulam Ikebuiro, chiechefulamikebuiro@gmail.com
A
WEEKLY PULL-OUT
4.10.2026
BASHIR FAKOREDE Breaking Glass Ceilings Bashir Fakorede did not inherit the empire he now commands. From modest beginnings at the markets of Obalende, he ventured into the world of business, gradually establishing himself as an astute entrepreneur and oil industry player. He recently opened up to Adebayo Adeoye about how he built his empire at his Ikoyi mansion. EDITED BY: VANESSA OBIOHA/vanessa.obioha@thisdaylive.com.
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COVER
My Father Abandoned us when I was Four
Fakorede and his wife
T
The oil guru, Bashir Fakorede, is known for a measured manner, a preference for substance over noise and a business instinct honed over decades. He is also a man who enjoys good company, the pleasures of travel and a celebration worthy of an occasion. His family’s gatherings, from a daughter’s wedding festivities in Lagos and London to more recent milestones, have brought together friends and members of Nigeria’s social and business circles in signature style. Before the business interests, the high-profile gatherings and the London celebrations, there was Obalende, and a young boy watching his mother, a trader, work to provide for the family. She sold provisions and food in Obalende market. His father had abandoned them and relocated to Port Harcourt, and, over time, they lost contact. “I never knew my father because he abandoned us when I was a child and never came back. There was no silver spoon,’’ he says during a recent encounter.
As a young man, he moved to Apapa to live with his uncle who was intent on keeping him focused. He sent him to Marine Beach to work with an independent petroleum marketer. It was an apprenticeship in the most practical sense: the daily rhythms of the trade, the demands of customers, the movement of products and the intricacies of supply. “I started from the grassroots,” he says. “I learnt the business practically. I learnt how to deal with people, how to manage the business and how the petroleum business works.” He later worked with a businesswoman and became involved in the construction and operation of petrol stations around Badagry. By absorbing the business from the ground up, he kept learning, saving and preparing for the chance to build something of his own. That opportunity came in 1996. Fakorede was 26 when he was offered the opportunity of a lifetime to operate an African Petroleum station in Obalende. The required capital was N1.2 million. He had saved N700,000; his mother-in-law came to his rescue when she loaned him the remaining N500,000.
“That money meant a lot to me because it gave me the opportunity to take that first major step,” he stated. The station was a beginning, not a destination. One of his early challenges was the unreliability of third-party transporters. Delayed deliveries could mean shortages, so Fakorede set about bringing transportation under his own control. He could not afford to buy a complete tanker outright. Instead, he assembled one over time: first the truck head, then the tank, axle and tyres. “I didn’t have the money to buy everything at once,” he says. “So, I built it gradually.” It was an ingenious solution to a practical problem, and an early expression of the entrepreneurial instinct that would shape his career. “I realised that if I could control transportation, I could reduce the problems we were having with thirdparty transporters. It also gave me another margin.” From Obalende, the business grew to Idiroko, Badagry and beyond. The Ikate station, commissioned in 2011, became another significant landmark. At its peak, it reportedly sold as many as seven truckloads of fuel in a day. As the business expanded, so did Fakorede’s thinking. He was not interested in just generating income; he wanted to preserve it, grow it and convert it into lasting assets. Land became an important part of that strategy. “I have always believed that you should not spend everything you make,” he says. “You have to put something away. Landed property was one of the ways I preserved value and created another source of capital.” His interests have since reached beyond petroleum into real estate, agriculture and dredging. Public profiles have also associated him with businesses including Enyo Retail & Supply, 2B5M Limited Agricultural firm, and High Link Royal Castle Development. For all the breadth of his portfolio, however, it is the fundamentals of the petroleum business that still animate him. Ask about supply chains, transport or the workings of the trade, and the reserved businessman becomes a lively authority. One of the most striking chapters in Fakorede’s story unfolded in the classroom. After decades of building enterprises, he returned to the United Kingdom to pursue a master’s degree in Business and Entrepreneurship at Northumbria University. The decision was personal. His five children had all earned master’s degrees, and he realised he was the only one in the family who had stopped at a first degree. “I looked at my children and realised that all five of them had master’s degrees,” he says with laughter “I was the only one with just a first degree. So, I said to myself, ‘Why don’t I go back to school?’” The choice was not about adding another credential to his business profile. It was about curiosity and fulfillment. “I did it for myself. It was for selfdevelopment and self-actualisation. I believe that one never really stops learning.” In September 2025, he celebrated his convocation at Central Hall, Westminster. The occasion offered a fitting expression of his character: he appeared in a full Aso-Oke Danshiki and matching Kembe, bringing Yoruba heritage into the heart of London. Family and friends cheered him on as he took the stage. The celebrations continued at his London residence, where guests gathered for an evening of fine food, champagne and good company. His wife, Chief Mrs. Tayo Fakorede, played a prominent role in hosting the celebration.
It was quintessentially Fakorede: a London address, Nigerian culture, family at the centre, and a milestone marked with elegance. For all his influence and wide circle of connections, Fakorede says he has no political ambitions. “I don’t have any political ambition,” he says. “I am a businessman. I know what I am good at, and I want to concentrate on what I do best, business.” It is a clear-eyed answer from a man who has built his life around recognising an opportunity and committing himself to the work it demands. Philanthropy is another part of his public life. Fakorede has spoken about the values instilled in him by his parents and his desire to support young people, including aspiring entrepreneurs. His advice is rooted in his own experience: success is rarely instant. It is built through patience, discipline and a willingness to learn. His own journey bears that out. Obalende led to Apapa; Apapa to Marine Beach; and the lessons of the petroleum trade to the first station, the first tanker and a widening business portfolio. In time came land, real estate, further study, and now, a granddaughter. There is a quiet shift in emphasis when Fakorede speaks of family, knowledge and legacy. These are the things that sit beyond the metrics of business. The arrival of his first granddaughter seems to have brought them into sharper focus. “It makes you appreciate life differently,” he says. “You realise that family is very important.” His London birthday celebration, then, was more than another occasion on the social calendar. It was a moment to honour the distance travelled: the boy from Obalende who refused to be defined by circumstance; the young entrepreneur who turned a single petrol station into the foundation of a diversified enterprise; the father who watched all five of his children earn master’s degrees; and the student who decided there was still more to learn. The values that carried him from one chapter to the next remain strikingly simple: work hard, save, learn, invest, build relationships, give back, and never stop growing. But perhaps the most instructive part of Fakorede’s story is not the fortune he has accumulated, but the practical problems his years in the downstream oil business taught him to solve. One of the clearest was the perennial problem of customer confidence in fuel retailing, particularly the suspicion among motorists about whether they were receiving the quantity they paid for. Through Enyo Retail & Supply, a business with which Fakorede has been closely associated, customer feedback was used to identify that concern, leading to the “Our litre is a litre” proposition and a stronger emphasis on transparency, customer service and properly equipped retail stations. The company also approached another familiar challenge in the downstream market: access and distribution. Rather than treating a filling station as simply a place to sell petrol, the business expanded its retail footprint, moving from its first station in Ibadan in 2017 to a network that was reported to serve more than 60,000 customers daily and supply close to two per cent of Nigeria’s PMS demand at the time. His experience offers a lesson that goes beyond the familiar story of hard work: entrepreneurs create lasting value when they understand the frustrations within their market, turn those frustrations into business opportunities and build systems capable of serving the solution at scale. “My advice to aspiring entrepreneurs is simple: know the industry from the ground up, listen to your customer, solve a real problem before chasing expansion, and build an organisation capable of delivering that solution consistently’’ Fakorede has accumulated many titles along the way: businessman, philanthropist, husband, father and now grandfather. After the boardrooms, filling stations, properties, convocation halls and celebrations, it may be the newest one that brings him the greatest pleasure. Being a Grandpa!
T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R OCTOBER 4, 2026
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HighLife
with KAYODE ALFRED 08116759807, E-mail: kayflex2@yahoo.com
...Amazing lifestyles of Nigeria’s rich and famous
Jani Ibrahim’s Rise MC EdoPikin Calls Out Okpebholo Over Ravaged Roads to West Africa’s Business Frontline A comedian’s punchline has done what months of complaints from motorists could not: force a public conversation about the state of roads in Edo’s capital. The person in question is MC EdoPikin, who simply asked, “Where is the city in Benin City?” The result is wave after wave of discourse, enduring longer than most political statements have managed. The gist settles around Upper Adesuwa, Ihama Road, Golf Road, Ugbor Road, Amagba, Aiguobasinmwin, Commercial Avenue and Etete, which have reportedly deteriorated into potholed, flood-prone corridors that turn ordinary commutes into daily obstacle courses for drivers and pedestrians alike. Since coming into office in November 2024, the state governor, Monday Okpebholo, has repeatedly promised to turn Edo into what he calls a construction site. His favourite argument is that his administration inherited failed infrastructure from his predecessor, Godwin Obaseki, and that whatever gets built under him will last.
Some projects back that claim. The Okpagha-Amufi road network has reportedly improved connectivity for communities along that corridor, and the governor has pledged to reconstruct the Uwasota-Uwelu Road within Benin City itself. For residents navigating potholes every morning, though, inherited problems and ongoing promises carry less weight than what is actually beneath their tyres today. That gap between administrative explanation and street-level experience is precisely what EdoPikin’s video has exploited. It calls to mind old tales of how this administration handles pressure. For example, when violent protests over insecurity broke out in Ekpoma, Okpebholo dismissed them as politically motivated rather than engaging the underlying grievance. Benin City is Edo’s administrative and commercial centre, not a peripheral town waiting its turn. Whether the governor treats a comedian’s viral question as noise to outlast
Okpebholo
or as a signal worth acting on may say more about his second year in office than any official statement could.
For Tunde Rahman, Honours Keep Coming Ibrahim
Jani Ibrahim’s career has followed an unusual arc: engineer first, industrialist second, institution builder last, each stage quietly funding the next. In September, that arc reached West Africa, when he was elected President of the Federation of West African Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FEWACCI). The election happened in Abidjan, at FEWACCI’s 11th Annual General Assembly, placing a Nigerian at the head of a body coordinating chambers across the region. Ibrahim arrived already serving as National President of NACCIMA, Nigeria’s chamber federation, a post he has held since June 2025. Before either title, though, there was a workshop floor. Ibrahim graduated with First Class Honours in Mechanical Engineering from Greenwich University in London on a British Petroleum scholarship, before working through Nigerian corporate roles including Managing Director of Nigeria Airways and Stallion Properties. Entrepreneurship followed. He founded Lubcon Group, whose flagship company became the first indigenous lubricant blender in Nigeria to earn ISO certification, later expanding blending operations into Ghana and Ethiopia. Lubcon has since grown into financial services, construction, hospitality and agriculture. That diversification has something to do with his current mandate. A businessman who built an indigenous manufacturer in an industry once dominated by multinationals brings particular credibility to conversations about strengthening African trade rather than simply talking about it. With advocacy that has been consistent, Ibrahim has pushed for greater participation by Nigerian small and medium enterprises in the African Continental Free Trade Area, and NACCIMA under him signed a cooperation agreement with Togo’s chamber earlier this year. At FEWACCI, that advocacy now carries formal weight across borders. His mandate includes strengthening cooperation among West African chambers and advancing the regional economic integration that AfCFTA was designed to deliver but has struggled to implement at scale. From a factory floor in Kwara to a boardroom in Abidjan, Ibrahim’s trajectory reflects an argument he has made for years: that Nigerian enterprise, done properly, does not need to stay confined within Nigerian borders.
Rahman
There are honours that come with the office, honours that come with age, and then there are those that follow a man simply because of the footprints he has left behind. For Chief Tunde Rahman, the honours appear to be arriving in quick succession, and interestingly, from two constituencies that matter greatly to him: his people and his professional family. Barely six months after the respected journalist and top presidential aide was
installed as the Ba’aroyin of Iwoland, otherwise known as the Generalissimo of News, another major recognition has come knocking. This time, it was his colleagues in the media who rolled out the red carpet. Last week in Enugu, at the 22nd All Nigeria Editors’ Conference organised by the Nigerian Guild of Editors, Rahman was conferred with the prestigious fellowship of the Guild and admitted into its Hall of Honour. For a man whose professional life has been spent in the newsroom, shaping stories, mentoring younger journalists and occupying some of the most influential editorial positions in the country, the recognition must have carried a particularly sweet ring. And the gathering was certainly not short of the industry’s heavyweights. Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State was in attendance, alongside some of the biggest names Nigeria’s media profession has produced, including Uncle Sam Amuka, Aremo Segun Osoba, Chief Onyema Ugochukwu and Chief Folu Olamiti. It is not every day that a man receives honours from both the palace and the newsroom within such a short space of time. On April 4, the ancient city of Iwo had already witnessed an elaborate celebration in Rahman’s honour when the Oluwo of Iwo, Oba Abdulrasheed Akanbi Telu 1, bestowed the prestigious title of Ba’aroyin on him. The occasion was actually a threein-one affair, combining his Diamond
birthday celebration, the chieftaincy installation and the launch of his foundation, the STRIDES Initiative for Development and Support. The guest list alone was enough to turn the event into a talking point. Governors, ministers, senior government officials, traditional rulers, editors, media executives, friends and associates all converged on Iwo. The question was not who attended but who did not. And perhaps that is the most telling part of Rahman’s story. The latest honours are coming not merely because of the positions he has occupied but because of the goodwill he has accumulated over decades. Rahman is no stranger to the upper reaches of Nigerian journalism. He was Political Editor at the old Daily Times, Group News Editor at The Punch and later Editor of THISDAY Newspaper, where he edited two of the three titles in the stable. He has also maintained strong links with international media organisations and travelled extensively, building the kind of professional network that has made his name familiar far beyond Nigeria’s shores. Two major honours in barely six months, one from his traditional home and another from his professional home. For Ba’aroyin Rahman, the applause is clearly coming from both sides of the fence. And perhaps there is no greater compliment for a man than to be celebrated by the people whose company he keeps and the people whose story he has spent a lifetime telling.
Pantami’s Second Coming: Former Minister Secures PDPTicket Again in Gombe In 2014, Isa Pantami led congregational prayers calling curses down on the PDP and the Goodluck Jonathan government he led. This week, that same party handed him its ticket for the 2027 Gombe State governorship race, for the second time in five months. Pantami polled 2,054 votes in Monday’s rerun primary held across all 11 local government areas, comfortably defeating Khamisu Mailantarki (who scored 389) and Usman Garry (who managed 112). The result was formally announced by Johnbull Shekarau, chairman of the PDP’s governorship primary election committee. The rerun happened because the first one collapsed
under legal scrutiny. Pantami had emerged in May through voice affirmation, a process rivals challenged in court, and the Federal High Court in Gombe nullified it on September 24, ordering fresh polling among all three cleared aspirants. His path to that ballot was itself unconventional. Pantami first sought the APC’s 2027 governorship ticket, withdrew under protest in May after the party settled on businessman Jamilu Gwamna through a consensus arrangement, and crossed to the PDP soon after. That trajectory raises a question about consistency, one his career has faced before. As Minister of
Communications and Digital Economy, he pushed through the NIN-SIM linkage policy and Nigeria’s 5G rollout, then survived #PantamiMustGo in 2021 after old recordings showed sympathy for AlQaeda and the Taliban, views he later renounced. The man has weathered controversy before and emerged with his political capital largely intact. Whether Gombe voters treat this reversal, from PDP critic to PDP candidate, as pragmatism or opportunism will likely influence the contest more than the vote count did. Mailantarki has already rejected Monday’s result, calling Pantami legally ineligible and promising a fresh court challenge. Patami
T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R OCTOBER 4, 2026
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HIGHLIFE
Why Ondo’s Two Political Power Centres Must Find Common Ground for Tinubu’s
Tinubu
Both Ondo State Governor, Lucky Aiyedatiwa and Minister of Interior, Olubunmi Tunji-Ojo, owe their current political standing to the same man, which makes their present friction in Ondo something closer to a family dispute than an ordinary rivalry. Or so observers say.
But the case can be made more easily for Aiyedatiwa, especially his survival. As deputy governor in 2023, he faced an impeachment attempt backed by all 26 members of the Ondo Assembly, driven by factional fighting around the late Governor Rotimi Akeredolu. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu summoned both sides to Abuja and ordered it dropped. That intervention let Aiyedatiwa remain in office, succeed Akeredolu upon his death, and later win a term of his own. Tunji-Ojo’s path ran differently but traces back to the same source. The man in question was a federal lawmaker with regional influence until August 2023, when Tinubu appointed him Minister of Interior. The ministry gave Tunji-Ojo, popularly called BTO, a national platform he had not previously held, visible through his clearing of passport backlogs and the automation of immigration systems. Both Aiyedatiwa and Tunji-Ojo, in other words, hold their current positions because Tinubu decided they should. And it is a debt that analysts argue has not produced a shared strategy.
Aiyedatiwa is building Ondo for Tinubu 2027 through the machinery of incumbency, while Tunji-Ojo funds parallel groups, including the Grassroots Movement for Tinubu, drawing on federal resources and independent mobilisation networks. Ondo APC chairman Babatunde Kolawole has called both men brothers working toward the same goal, a description meant to lower the temperature around a dispute that has already disrupted the party’s National Assembly consensus arrangements in the state. The practical argument for cooperation is straightforward. Aiyedatiwa controls party structure and government machinery. Tunji-Ojo controls grassroots networks that reach voters formal party channels often miss. Combined, they cover more ground than either does alone. Whether that combination happens will depend less on statements from party elders than on whether either man is willing to let the other’s network operate without trying to absorb or outshine it. Benson
Tinubu 2027: Will Adeleke Stand by His Promise of Support? Governor Ademola Adeleke of Osun State has repeatedly promised something unusual for an opposition governor: his support for President Bola Tinubu’s re-election bid in 2027. The commitment has held steady through political crises and a governorship election of his own. In March 2026, Adeleke said turbulence around Osun’s local government structure would not change his earlier decision to back Tinubu. After winning re-election in August, he reaffirmed that support, describing the President as a son of Osun. He has since gone further, telling APC National Secretary Ajibola Basiru in Osogbo that he does not make empty promises and urging Osun politicians to set differences aside for Tinubu’s benefit. Adeleke frames the alliance around regional solidarity, arguing that the South-west should unite behind Tinubu, a Yoruba president, to maximise the region’s political influence
heading into 2027. He also ties the relationship to practical gains, crediting Tinubu with expanding federal allocations to states and linking his cooperation to the completion of projects like the Ibadan-IleIfe-Ilesa Expressway. Critics see something less flattering in the arrangement. Adeleke campaigned actively against Tinubu in 2023 under the PDP banner, and some now call his reversal opportunistic rather than principled. To other people, it is a deeper betrayal. Osun elders and grassroots stakeholders have cautioned that an opposition governor’s primary loyalty should rest with the voters who elected him, not with the presidency he once campaigned against. There is also a structural concern. Political analysts warn that when opposition governors endorse ruling-party candidates, it fractures coalitions and weakens the checks a functioning multi-party democracy depends on.
Babajimi Benson’s Empowerment Record
Adeleke
Adeleke’s endorsement remains, for now, a statement rather than a campaign. Whether he mobilises his political structure behind Tinubu, and whether Osun’s electorate follows him there, will only become clear as 2027 approaches.
Monaco Moment: Mike Adenuga Makes Rare Public Appearance
Adenuga
Mike Adenuga Jr. does not do public appearances often, which is precisely why one in Monaco recently drew attention across Nigeria’s business circles. For a man this private, stepping into view is itself the story. Adenuga built his fortune through Globacom, the telecommunications company he founded, which transformed Nigeria’s communications landscape and became one of the country’s most recognisable corporate brands. His interests extend well beyond telecoms into oil and gas, banking and other strategic sectors, placing him among Africa’s wealthiest and most consequential private investors for over two decades. What sets him apart from many contemporary billionaires is a near-total avoidance of publicity. Where others cultivate visible personal brands, Adenuga has built institutions while staying largely outside celebrity culture. That reclusiveness was not always by design. According to some sources, a violent
armed robbery at his Lagos home in 1982, followed by a chaotic EFCC raid on his compound in 2006, pushed him further from public view and toward the guarded life he maintains today. His wealth still surfaces in ways he cannot fully conceal. He is among the largest individual backers of African football and Nigerian sport, and has awarded record endorsement deals to entertainers while donating N1.5 billion during the COVID-19 pandemic. Before the billions, his life was anything but private. While studying for an MBA at Pace University in New York, Adenuga worked as a taxi driver and security guard, returning to Nigeria to make his first million by age 26. The Monaco appearance, brief as it was, offered another rare glimpse of a man whose influence stretches across industries and borders, built quietly, and guarded just as quietly ever since.
Wasiu Sowami Fresh Moves Wasiu Sowami built his name selling petrol. With his next move in view, one can only conclude that he wants to be remembered for something else entirely. And what is this move? An Ardova-led consortium, including Diadem Energy, has agreed to buy Powergas, in a deal expected to close by late 2026. Powergas runs what the industry calls a virtual pipeline, compressing gas and trucking it to industrial and commercial customers beyond Nigeria’s conventional pipeline network. It operates mother stations in Lagos, Rivers, Delta and Ondo, and its Ebedei project in Delta turns flared gas into usable fuel. What Powergas lacks, Ardova already has: a nationwide retail footprint, existing customer relationships and distribution built over years of selling petrol, diesel, LPG and aviation fuel. Sowami put the logic plainly, saying Nigeria’s next era of energy development will be built on gas, and built at scale. The clearest sign of where this is heading is Ardova’s plan to install CNG infrastructure
at 100 refuelling sites within 24 months of the deal closing. Vehicle availability has been one obstacle to Nigeria’s CNG transition, refuelling access the other. Ardova plans to fold that access into filling stations it already runs, rather than build an entirely new network from scratch. This is not Sowami’s first restructuring. He emerged at the centre of Forte Oil’s transformation into Ardova Plc, later took the company private by buying out minority shareholders, and added Enyo Retail & Supply to strengthen the network. Powergas extends that pattern into gas. Ardova also plans to expand Powergas’ compression capacity across gas-producing corridors, adding offtake for gas that would otherwise be flared, and has signalled interest in eventually carrying the model into other West African markets. The deal still needs regulatory approval before any of this becomes real. But the direction is already visible: a filling station that once
Sowami
sold only petrol and diesel could soon sell CNG too, turning familiar forecourts into something closer to energy hubs.
In May, Babajimi Benson’s constituency office began paying out N50,000 business grants to 600 market traders and small business owners across Ikorodu. It was one more entry in a ledger the federal lawmaker has been building for years. That ledger runs through the iCare Foundation, the vehicle behind most of Benson’s welfare work. Its FoodBank reaches roughly 500 residents monthly, including widows, elderly people and persons with disabilities. The programme, his office says, has run continuously for eight years. Other figures point toward livelihoods rather than relief. An earlier constituency report recorded 205 residents receiving items such as motorcycles, freezers, sewing machines and grinding machines, alongside entrepreneurship training for more than 350 youths with startup capital attached. Benson’s own website puts the empowered figure closer to 2,500. The consistency is something to boast about, truly. Plus the range of activity: business grants, vocational training, solar installation courses run with the Nigerian Armed Forces Resettlement Centre, and monthly food support. Infrastructure claims sit alongside the welfare figures: more than 65 roads constructed, an 80-bed Mother and Child Hospital in Imota, and a Light Up Ikorodu project covering 18 transformers and thousands of solar streetlights and household installations across the constituency. In April, he commissioned new classroom blocks in Ikorodu West and North, including a sixclassroom building at Isawo Junior High School, and his office also counts a community radio station, IKD 106.1 FM, among its legacy projects. A grinding machine handed to a trader or a solar training slot given to a young technician only matters if it outlasts the news cycle that reported it. Ikorodu’s residents, not Benson’s press releases, will eventually be the ones who answer that. And they are already doing just this, joyously.
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T H I S D AY, T H E S U N D AY N E W S PA P E R OCTOBER 4, 2026
LOUD WHISPERS
with JOSEPH EDGAR (09095325791)
Aigboje Aig-Imoukhuede: The Joy You Bring This super fantastic human being celebrated his 60th last week and brought Lagos to a standstill. The massive bowl of the elegant Eko Hotel was filled to the brim. Usually, you get that kind of crowd from concertgoers but this time instead of people in T-shirts and tattoos, what you get were superbly dressed gentlemen and sweetly contoured ladies in the finest behaviour gathered to celebrate one of the most impactful individuals in this country. Aigboje is a lot of things to many people, and this could easily be glanced at by the sheer colour of attendees. Business, governance, philanthropy, entertainment, finance and even politics were all represented. My eyes nearly fell off from the huge personalities that converged like plumages off the back of a very beautiful peacock. Chief Olusegun Obasanjo led the coterie to honour Aigboje. I saw Aliko Dangote, James Ibori, Bukola Saraki, Adams Oshiomhole, Dere Otubu, Niyi Adebayo, and Olumide Akpata. Entertainment was superb with Bovi and
Aig-Imoukhuede
OMOYELE SOWORE: LEAVE US ALONE Anyone who follows this one will enter trouble o. You see some people, when they were born, they put them in a calabash and cooked them alive. This is why they come out so stubborn and troublesome. That is what I think must have happened to Sowore when he was born. Or how would you explain his reported statement that President Tinubu is in hospital, and the very next minute, we see the same Tinubu crawling out of a very big plane? You see, that is how Sowore misled us once again. Come and see the way he spoke so confidently, “My sources say President Tinubu is in hospital.” If not for the advice Mr. KekereEkun had given me one time, long ago, that I should be calming down before I jump on a matter, I would have jumped on the bandwagon, not knowing that this was “fabu”. President Tinubu put a very big lie on Sowore’s assertion when he came back, crawled out of the plane
and croaked to one reporter on the tarmac – I am jumpy, ready to go and will bite some peoples ears. As he spoke, his son, the very influential and powerful Seyi Tinubu, was on the tarmac dancing in joy that his father was back. Crawling or not, he was back, and the music would continue. These are very, very sensitive times. I think going forward we should stick to that kind of label they used to put on packs of cigarettes on all of Sowore’s declarations. The man can give “fabu” ehnnnn. Kai!
Sowore
Jordan Wike
JORDAN WIKE: SCION OF A WITHERING DYNASTY You know I had predicted the end of this dynasty last week. Well, the second milestone has been hit, the first being the attack by the APC governors on his Rainbow Coalition. The second now being the travails his stone-faced son is going through the system with his matter in court. We have seen reports that indicate that his always frowning young son is facing authorities on a bungled land matter. Reports say that the
young man is being accused of demanding and collecting the huge sum of $2.1m to facilitate a land deal. Well, according to court documents, the young man is said to have gone “incommunicado” immediately after the sum was handed over. Young “Pacino” in his defence says he was not in the country and the court has asked for his American passport to be tendered which his defence have alleged to have said that the passport is with the American Embassy. A new twist has, however emerged – Odinkalu, the international human rights figure has asked the judge to recuse himself, because of his alleged closeness to the Wike family. that one is not my problem, as my issue is to continually track this descent with the hope of executing a stage play on the matter. We are still watching and observing. As soon as the fall is complete, I will call for auditions so that the process of the stage play will commence immediately. Kai, I
Hamzat
a host of others. The man even dropped Kirk Franklin, the American multi awardwinning Grammy Award artist who pranced up and down the stage like a grasshopper, confusing the well-heeled audience who did not know what to make out of the whole wahala. A beautiful documentary was showcased. The reel took us through the life of the young man whose life was delineated according to the documentary, with an incident that saw him being left behind on the Tarmac. Brilliant tributes from his wife, Chief Obasanjo and others filled the room with warmth such that by the time Aigboje came on stage, the audience was already on its knees waiting to hear from the king of the night. He looked dashing in a brilliant tuxedo, confidence radiating as he spoke very deliberately about his life and purpose. It was a brilliant and inspiring night; you should have been there. I tell you.
cannot wait. I tell you. POLICE: PLEASE STOP THE OVERZEALOUSNESS I can swear on my right testicles that President Tinubu is not on this matter. We have seen reports that five people have been arrested and charged in court and possibly remanded for wearing ‘Tinubu must go’ T-shirts. The Tinubu I know will never sanction this one. He can abuse people and call them “Eleyi”, but he is not this intolerant. This is certainly the work of some high-energy sycophant trying to show that he is more City Boy than Seyi Tinubu. Even Atiku Abubakar has weighed in on the matter, asking that the boys should be released. This is certainly a human rights issue, as what they have done or alleged to have done sits perfectly within the premises of their freedom to express their views. ‘Tinubu must go’ is not treason, just as ‘Tinubu should stay’ is not treason to those who can’t stand the man. Tinubu himself has said that no matter what he does, people will
Karim
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abuse him, and he too is abusing people all over the place. So, it is two fighting. You cannot be holding one side and be allowing the other side to be abusing other people na. So please, release the boys abeg and face more credible issues like insecurity where the threat is much more than wearing a T-shirt saying ‘Tinubu must go’. KOLA KARIM: SUPER CHARGED AND ROARING TO GO Kai! When I saw this sharp gentleman at Aigboje’s party, I hadn’t heard that he had just secured a $500m facility in Qatar to exploit his oil well. If I had known, I would have quickly tendered my CV and begged to work for him in any capacity. Mr. Karim has been a brilliant fixture in the Nigerian business community. He first blazed his trail when he and his family acquired the giant Costain West Africa, and from there I think they berthed Shoreline – not sure of the sequence though, but ever since, he has built enough respect and stature to join the league of super respected businessmen in this clime and beyond. I like his diction. When he talks, I used to think it was King Charles talking. His diction is distinctly British aristocratic. You will be wondering how this Ibadan man came up with this type of accent. He will just be talking and talking, and I will just be listening and smiling and be afraid to carry my Akwa Ibom/Ijebu/ pidgin enter and scatter the matter. Anyways, let me send my heartfelt congratulations to this great son of Ibadan for his continued massive stride in business and humanity. Congrats egbon. OBAFEMI HAMZAT: IT’S THE MESSAGING Our candidate Obafemi Hamzat, also known as ‘incoming,’ is on the trail again. He is “shalaying” all over again. It was first the storm over the increasing house rent in Lagos. His position threw him and his team into turbulence, and he rode it and came out fine. Now, at my friend Tosin Adefeko’s podcast – I facilitated his attendance- he ran into another turbulence. This time it was on his views on the famous Lagos traffic, where he was quoted as saying that it is a lifestyle or something like that. Once again, he found himself in another turbulence, and he ran again into the “shalaye” mode. Shalaye, for those of you who do not know, is “explaining”. In discussions with a very prominent Cabinet member in Lagos, it was agreed that there was a problem with his messaging and the blame was dropped squarely on his communications team. Senior PR experts that I have conferred with are also of the same opinion. This is a very brilliant candidate, but the gaffes are just too many, and this is taking a toll on his image and positioning in the market. Not enough to affect his chances, but troubling enough to be giving him sleepless nights, judging by the way he goes on a “shalaye” train anytime it happens. Incoming, deal with this urgently before we start hearing stories that touch. Thank you. OLU JACOBS: SUPER FAREWELL Last Wednesday was a brilliant day within the arts and culture
community. The community came out in all their finery to bid farewell to iconic figure Olu Jacobs. It was such a brilliant and momentous day that there were no tears. Fun recollections, powerful renditions, and beautiful tributes all marked the day, and there was no time to cry at all. From Prof Ahmed Yerima’s recollection to Richard
Mofe Damijo and Kate Henshaw, the hall could not get enough, such that by the time Yinka Davies came on stage, angels from heaven started descending. Chigul also scattered ground, and one choir, I think from the Anglican Diocese, held their own o. Then one group of confusing people in all black came and sang like fire.
EMIR MUHAMMADU SANUSI: BURDEN OF LOYALTY I have been wondering if Emir Sanusi will continue to sit on his throne and keep quiet as his bosom and extremely loyal friend continues to languish in avoidable jail. The man has been refused bail for a completely bailable offence. One technicality or the other is being thrown up to keep him out of circulation, and Nigerians, knowing full well the role he played during Emir Sanusi’s time, have begun to wonder just what the very influential Emir was saying or doing. Just in case some of you have forgotten, this is how it played out. One morning, that man they used to call Ganduje just woke up and dethroned my favourite Emir. He not only dethroned him but banished him to one far-flung place where they still use pit latrines. This, by the way, was a major issue for me, because normally, when you see the Emir in full robes, you would be wondering how he used to pee with all the robes that accompany him. Anytime I see him, I used to look closely, wondering how many robes he would set aside to get to the zip, and that is if there is a zip in those things, to pull out his royal willy to pee. You can now imagine what would happen in a situation where we are dealing with a pit latrine. Kai! That would have
Emir Sanusi
been a complete disaster. Nasir, knowing this wahala and with immunity, jumped into his jeep, rushed to the place, rescued the Emir and got him spirited to Lagos, where his other friends gathered to get him an apartment with real toilets. So now that Nasir is in trouble, Emir Sanusi’s silence was traumatic, and as expected, the public started asking questions. Just as the questions started reaching some heights, Nasir’s family came out in a statement that the Emir was with them. The Emir, too, in a brief interview, asked a very telling question – is this still a fight over corruption or a political one? Whatever the case is, should realise that Nasir did whatever he did under the cover of immunity. To the best of my knowledge, Emir has no immunity, and they have already deposed him once, carved his Emirate into four and even as we speak, there is still another pantomime Emir in his backyard bidding his time, so let’s not push Emir Sanusi to go and bite more than he can chew because those in power will put him where he can only defecate, in the Lagoon, if you know what I mean. It was Fashola who said, “May your loyalty not be tested.” Mbok, let’s leave Emir Sanusi alone o.
The men looked like women, and the women carried something on their hair that I didn’t understand, but their talent was crazy. Oh, Uncle Olu died well o. Come and see the crowd. Alibaba, Funke Akindele, Yemi Shodimu, Nobert Young, Patrick Doyle, so many to mention. Even that troublesome woman — kai, I have forgotten her name o, but they used to call her Toyin tomato — was there too, and she spoke. Joke Silva, the widow, who had tried so much for Uncle Olu, sat elegantly, soaking up the atmosphere in total fulfillment of the saying “till death do us part.” She did it, and it was her night. Kai! ROTIMI AMAECHI: SUNSET AT DAWN This one is the running mate to a consistent and regular runner Atiku Abubakar. In desperation, he railed to women leaders of his party, ADC, that if President Tinubu wins, his generation of leaders would retire. Mbok, don’t let me laugh this morning that hungry is catching me right now. Of what use has his being in politics been to Nigerians? One of the longest political careers in the country, which started in the Rivers State House of Assembly, leading to him being Speaker and then governor of the harried but very rich state, to becoming minister and now running mate. Who has his career helped, as they say on the streets? If not that this Tinubu own sef worry, I would have prayed for that one’s success so that this grasshopper and his colleagues can jump and go. But will they go? You must be very dumb to believe that they would just leave the scene. Career politician? They will just morph into something else and continue to leech on the system. What we are seeing here, as it is in their circle, is a cry for access to our collective wealth – no ideology, no binding faith in common good, just a baby crying for breast milk with the sense of entitlement that comes with it. Kai! DUKE OF SHOMOLU FOUNDATION: 10 YEARS A TODDLER Recently, I was at LASU, sitting in their multimillion-naira hub and having a conversation with the brilliant Professor Tunji Azeez on my new book project. We are compiling a 1,000-page book on Nigerian theatre using my 72 plays as a trigger. Yes, I have produced 72, the largest number by any Nigerian ever. That was how it dawned on us that we have done this in 10 years. Oh my God! We are 10 years old, and we did not even remember to celebrate it. But how can we remember when we are riddled with so much work? Eight plays this year – Dora, Kokoro, Obey, Zik, Dein of Agbor, Hafsatu, Princess Inikpi, Makamba - in London and Lagos; how will someone remember to rest, let alone remember to celebrate? My people, it has not been easy o. If you see the abuse and humiliation we have received in the course of seeking sponsorships, you will pity me. In fact, someone even stole over N50m from us in this matter and many more challenges. But the joy on the faces of the actors and the audiences makes it all worth it. I thank all sponsors and huge stakeholders who have stood by us in all these years. Kai, I thank God. Only God. See you in December for the new plays. Thank you.
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Who Wins Big Brother Naija S11 Tonight?
BBNaija S11 finalists
Vanessa Obioha
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ever in Big Brother Naija’s history has it been so difficult to predict the winner. Unlike previous seasons, when fans could often identify the likely winner weeks before the finale, Season 11 has changed the
script. No one can say for sure which of the remaining nine finalists — following Keivo’s disqualification during the week after a physical altercation with fellow housemate Tram — will eventually emerge
Olu Jacobs, RMD, Chioma Ude Honoured at US-Nigeria Creative Industries Awards
as the winner. Barry, Bluethopia, Sheba, Aikou, Flora, Temi Nkem, Ricky, Oyin and Tram have each held their own, but none has emerged as the clear favourite. Not even the BBNaija aficionados can confidently call it. That uncertainty makes tonight’s finale even more intriguing as the curtains fall on another season. While many have argued that the season hasn’t generated as much buzz as the last one, its unpredictability is undeniable. Even the housemates have often been difficult to read. Few would have expected Keivo, who appeared playful and easygoing, to lose his cool and physically confront Tram. The young man has since taken responsibility for his actions.
Tems, Runtown and the ‘Surround Sound’ of Intimacy
Vanessa Obioha
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ollywood figures Richard Mofe-Damijo, Kunle Afolayan and Chioma Ude were among the honourees at the US-Nigeria Creative Industries Reception and Awards held at the US Consul General’s Residence in Ikoyi, Lagos. The reception, themed ‘Reels of Connection: From Hollywood to Nollywood’, celebrated individuals whose work has shaped Nigerian storytelling locally and globally, including through US government-funded exchange programmes. The new US Consul General, Brandon Hudspeth, acknowledged the talents within Nigeria’s creative industry and the growing partnership between Nigeria and the United States, particularly in film and television. “This is a natural partnership, and nowhere is this partnership more alive than in the film and television sector. This embodies the strength of this partnership, and we see it in the people who are around us today. Some of these individuals are builders of the strongest bridges that link our two countries,” he said. Hudspeth said the US Mission would continue to champion partnerships that open up American markets, capital and audiences to Nigeria’s creative industry. He added that the next chapter of US-Nigerian relations “won’t be written by the government alone. It will be written by storytellers and creatives.” The event also paid posthumous tribute to the late Olu Jacobs, whose celebrated career helped bridge Nollywood and Hollywood. His sons received a Legend Award on behalf of their father. Mofe-Damijo received the Cinematic Icon Award, while Ude was honoured as Global Film Visionary. Afolayan received the Excellence in Storytelling Award, while Bolanle Austen-Peters was presented with the Creative Vision and Cultural Impact Award. Other recipients included Uzoma Dunkwu, who received the International Excellence in Animation Award, as well as Josh Olaoluwa and Zulu Oyibo.
Perhaps the most interesting part of the Show Ya Sef season, however, has been its eviction surprises. Not a few viewers expected Mercedes to be the first housemate evicted, while Chimsom Chuka was also not widely expected to miss the finale. The bottom three have continually changed over the course of the season, with some housemates who appeared vulnerable earlier never returning to that position. Tonight, that unpredictability reaches its climax. Whoever takes home the N160 million grand prize may not be the name most viewers expected when the season began.
Runtown and Tems
Iyke Bede
Over the course of two days, Nigerian music stars Temilade Openiyi, famed as Tems, and Douglas Agu, popularly known as Runtown, performed songs from their discographies on Spotify’s Surround Sound to a select group of Premium users. Surround Sound is Spotify’s live performance format, launched in Sub-Saharan Africa, with the aim of bringing artistes and fans closer through an intimate setting that allows them to appreciate live performances and experience a deeper dimension of their artistry. Staged at Livespot, Lagos, on September 25 and 26, Tems indulged her audience in the sultry rhythm and blues that characterises her music on day one, while
Runtown captivated with his distinct Afrobeats sound on day two of the series. Tems, that evening, performed songs from her 2020 EP ‘For Broken Ears’: ‘Ice T’ and ‘Damages’, alongside earlier singles ‘Mr Rebel’ and ‘Try Me’. She also thrilled with recent songs in her catalogue: the groovy ‘Love Me JeJe’ and the soul-stirring ‘What You Need’. In a heartfelt moment, she turned to the crowd for an assist to sing along to the lyrics of ‘Burning’. Surrounded by fans around the circular stage, which gave both her and the audience a panoramic view, Tems, perched on a stool, reflected on her musical journey and the distance she has travelled to reach the global stage. “I remember making ‘Free Mind’ on my bed, on my laptop, experimenting with chords and seeing what stuck. The first two chords sounded so good, and it ignited melodies in me. Those melodies I made on my bed are what is in the song right now.” Donning an all-black ensemble and dark shades, and flanked by dancers, Runtown opened the second night with the highoctane track ‘Lagos to Kampala’, progressing through a medley of songs before arriving at ‘Gallardo’. Other notable moments included his performances of ‘For Life’, ‘International Badman Killa’ and ‘Unleash’. His hit song ‘Mad Over You’ proved a crowd favourite, earning an encore from an enthusiastic audience. “Th live room is intentionally intimate and has a fixed capacity,” said Rifumo Mdaka of Spotify. “We use listening signals to reach selected Spotify Premium listeners in Lagos directly rather than running a public ticket sale. The aim is to create a close artist-fan experience while keeping the room suitable for the performance and film capture.”
4.10.2026
In Lisbon, Ndikama Museum Reconnects with Benin’s Golden Age
Long before the tragic looting of 1897 defined its image in the West, the Benin Kingdom negotiated with Europe from a position of absolute strength. A new exhibition at Lisbon’s Ndikama Museum rewinds the clock to this earlier era, showcasing a sophisticated African superpower meeting Portuguese explorers on its own terms. Okechukwu Uwaezuoke reports
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or her refreshing exhibition, Benin-Portugal: Encounters, Art & Cultural Exchange, in Lisbon, Portugal, which offers another narrative of the Benin Kingdom, Eyamba Dafinone, director of the Ndikama Museum, deserves plaudits. Hitherto, no exhibition of that ancient kingdom’s bronzes in recent memory has transcended the tale of the 1897 British invasion, which led to the destruction of the palace and the removal of thousands of objects, many of which are scattered across museums and private collections outside Nigeria. Indeed, the one-week exhibition mounted for Nigeria’s Independence anniversary takes the viewers, who include ambassadors , government officials, and Nigerian business representatives in Portugal, to a time when Nigeria did not yet exist as a country. The symbolism of its opening at the Nigerian Embassy, tucked away in the Restelo neighbourhood among the diplomatic residences of western Lisbon, on Avenida D. Vasco da Gama should not be lost on the cognoscenti. For while Ambassador Erelu Angela Adebayo received guests with the flags of Nigeria and Portugal fluttering in the background, the bronzes were there too, carrying the story much further back. There is something about standing before these bronzes, depicting leopards, elephants and aquatic creatures, that brings home the sophistication of the Ancient Benin workshops. A closer look reveals the leopard associated with the Oba, or Benin king; the elephant possibly suggesting power; and aquatic imagery pointing towards Olokun, the water deity, and the wealth of the sea. Then there are the figures of the Portuguese soldiers, their unfamiliar dress and weapons giving Benin artists something else to look at, and to work with. Isn’t it ironic that these bronzes made during the Benin-Portuguese encounters have once again crossed the water and arrived in Lisbon? That coincidence could easily be glossed over, but it leaves nagging questions about the world that made the objects. How did the workshops function? Who trained the artists? Who paid them? What happened to that knowledge when the system that sustained it was broken? The exhibition, on until October 8, does not attempt to answer them. Rather, it highlights the bronzes, which attest to the fact that the Portuguese did not step into some cultural wilderness when they arrived on the West African coast towards the end of the 15th century. When they eventually made contact with the Kingdom of Benin, they found a wellorganised society with its court, its army, its trading networks and, most conspicuously for anyone standing before these objects, its artists. Under Oba Esigie, the relationship with the Portuguese became particularly significant. Brass
and copper goods, coral and firearms found their way into Benin in exchange for ivory, pepper, textiles and other goods. Portuguese soldiers even fought alongside Benin forces, as some of the bronzes depict. There are also Portuguese figures among the courtly figures, and they are not difficult for viewers to recognise because their clothes give them away. So do the weapons, some of which bear the unmistakable hallmarks of European military equipment. Portuguese figures also appear on bangles and knives and in hunting scenes. Yet the Oba has not been displaced from the centre merely because these strange-looking visitors have arrived. The established hierarchy remains intact. The foreigner may have been given a place in the composition, but not the whole composition. Indeed, the Benin artist did not have to become a European artist in order to depict a European. He simply added the newcomer to a visual world that already had rules of its own. It is also known that the interaction with the Portuguese rubbed off on the Benin kingdom through Christianity, which found its way to the royal court. Then there was the language, which, somewhere along the line, inveigled its way into Nigerian Pidgin. Thus, the Portuguese saber, meaning “to know”, became “sabi”. Of course, the usual account of Benin’s encounters with Europeans was not just a male affair: Oba, Portuguese visitor, soldier, trader. Queen Idia was also in the picture. She was a powerful political figure and warrior and was honoured by Esigie as the first Iyoba, or Queen Mother. This is where the exhibition becomes more than an illustrated history lesson. It not only takes its audience back to the earlier encounter, before British conquest, when the Benin court was dealing with Europeans as visitors to its world; it also allows Benin to appear in the story with rather more agency than the old colonial accounts usually permitted. While exhibitions about Benin that begin with 1897 and end with restitution remain important, what happened before the looting, the dispersal and the arguments over where the objects now belong is even more important. Aficionados need to be reminded of the meeting, on equal terms, between a European maritime power and an African kingdom. The bronzes, among the surviving witnesses, attest to this. And in them, the Portuguese can still be seen, standing where the Benin artists placed them.
Visitors at the reception and exhibition opening at the Nigerian Embassy in Lisbon, Portugal
A bronze relief plaque from the Kingdom of Benin (modern-day Nigeria), depicting three equestrian figures carrying muskets or firearms
A central cast metal platform depicts an Oba (divine king) surrounded by attendants, figures playing instruments, and small animal figures like leopards framed by two large, intricately carved ivory tusks standing on decorated bronze or brass bases with figural reliefs
EDITOR: Okechukwu Uwaezuoke/ Okechukwu.Uwaezuoke@thisdaylive.com
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Adebayo Adeoye bayoolunla@gmail.com; 08054680651
SOCIETY WATCH
Tony Elumelu’s 15 Years of Planting Seeds of African Enterprise There is something quietly distinctive about Tony Elumelu’s philanthropy. It is not philanthropy of grand gestures alone, nor one built around handing out cheques and walking away. For the urbane businessman, investor and celebrated philanthropist, giving has become a deliberate instrument for changing lives, creating opportunities and, ultimately, reshaping the future of Africa. Fifteen years after he founded the Tony Elumelu Foundation, Elumelu’s most compelling legacy may increasingly be found not in the boardrooms where billion-naira decisions are made, but in the stories of young Africans who were given a chance when they had little more than an idea and the courage to pursue it. Founded in 2010, the Foundation has grown into a pan-African philanthropic platform focused on entrepreneurship across all 54 African countries. Its flagship programme, launched in 2015, was born from a bold personal commitment: Elumelu and his wife committed $100 million to identify, train, mentor and fund African entrepreneurs. That decision captured something fundamental about Elumelu’s approach to philanthropy. He
Fasuyi
Habeeb Fasuyi: The Man Flying High on Business Acumen
For Habeeb Fasuyi, success appears to have become less of a destination and more of a lifestyle. Ever on the move and seemingly always flying high, the Maryland, US businessman has built a reputation around sharp intellect, entrepreneurial instinct and an uncommon ability to spot opportunities where others see only challenges. Those who knew him early in life would hardly be surprised by the trajectory he has taken. A Chartered Accountant and serial entrepreneur, Fasuyi demonstrated an impressive combination of intelligence, discipline and business curiosity from his formative years. That instinct has become a defining feature of his entrepreneurial journey. When Fasuyi ventured into business many years ago, he was not interested in building another company. His ambition, according to those familiar with his journey, was to create a financial services business distinguished by innovation, accessibility and a deep understanding of the needs of its customers. Today, that vision continues to find expression through Options Financial Services, where he serves as Chief Executive Officer. The latest evidence of his entrepreneurial thinking is the company’s Car-for-Cash initiative, an innovative lending product designed to allow vehicle owners to unlock the financial value of their automobiles without surrendering possession of the cars. Unveiled at the Radisson Blu Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos, the facility offers eligible individuals and businesses an opportunity to use their vehicles as collateral for financing while continuing to drive and use the automobiles in their everyday lives. The concept is deceptively simple, but its commercial logic is significant: an asset that ordinarily sits in a driveway or spends its days navigating Lagos traffic can also become a source of liquidity when its owner needs capital. The product, which carries an interest rate of 4.5 per cent, was developed against the backdrop of increasing demand for flexible financing among Nigerians seeking funds for business expansion, working capital, urgent financial obligations and other needs. Prospective customers are required to satisfy stipulated eligibility conditions and provide the necessary documentation, while their vehicles undergo valuation before financing is approved. Loan limits, repayment structures and other conditions are determined within the framework of the facility. For Fasuyi, his entrepreneurial story is also intertwined with a long-standing commitment to giving back to society. Having embraced the culture of philanthropy early in life, he has increasingly sought avenues through which business success can translate into wider economic opportunities.
When exactly will former Governor of Osun State and Minister of Marine and Blue Economy, Adegboyega Oyetola, forgive Governor Ademola Adeleke? It is the kind of question whispered in political drawing rooms, discussed over leisurely dinners and dissected by those who understand that Nigerian politics is often as much about relationships as it is about elections. The latest chapter in the Adeleke-Oyetola saga has, however, taken a decidedly softer turn. After securing his second term in the August 2026 governorship election, Adeleke appeared determined to lower the political temperature. The governor has extended an olive branch to his erstwhile rival, signalling that the fierce contest should not permanently define the relationship between two men whose political destinies have become inseparably intertwined. Then came Oyetola’s 72nd birthday. What could ordinarily have been another routine congratulatory message suddenly acquired the trappings of a political peace offering. Adeleke praised the former governor and incumbent minister for his contributions to the development of Osun State and Nigeria, while making a passionate case for unity among the state’s political class.
does not appear to see young Africans simply as beneficiaries of charity, but as potential employers, innovators, wealth creators and community builders. Businesses backed through the programme have collectively generated more than $4.2 billion in revenue and created over 1.5 million direct and indirect jobs. More than 2.5 million young Africans have also accessed business-management training through TEFConnect. This is where Elumelu’s philosophy of Africapitalism meets his philanthropy. His argument has consistently been that Africa’s private sector, especially its entrepreneurs, must be central to the continent’s economic and social transformation. Rather than simply addressing poverty in its aftermath, his Foundation seeks to attack one of its roots: lack of opportunity. By putting capital, knowledge, mentorship and networks in the hands of entrepreneurs, Elumelu has attempted to turn philanthropy into a multiplier. For Elumelu, the most satisfying reward may not be seeing his name attached to a foundation, but seeing the beneficiaries of that foundation eventually become philanthropists themselves.
Elumelu
And therein lies the beauty of his legacy: the seed he planted was meant to produce another generation capable of planting seeds for others. Fifteen years on, that harvest is becoming increasingly visible across Africa.
Will Oyetola Finally Open the Door to Adeleke’s Dove of Peace?
Adeleke
“Politics should unite rather than divide us,”
he declared. But it was his most evocative gesture that stole the show. According to Adeleke, his “beautiful gift” to Oyetola was “a dove of peace and unity.” For those who follow the intricate choreography of Osun politics, the symbolism was hard to miss. A dove is not merely a birthday gift. It is an invitation. A gentle proposition to move beyond yesterday’s quarrels and make room for tomorrow’s possibilities. And perhaps Adeleke, having won the political battle, understands that victory also comes with another responsibility: the search for reconciliation. Oyetola, meanwhile, remains the intriguing figure in this unfolding drama. Will the former governor reciprocate the gesture, or will the political wounds of the recent campaign require more time to heal? For now, Adeleke has made his move, publicly and elegantly. The dove has taken flight, and Osun is waiting to see whether Oyetola will open the window.
Maureen Tamuno: From Diplomatic Grace to Investment Glory
Tamuno
Some appointments are made; others are inspired. And when the Federal Capital Territory Minister, Nyesom Wike, picked Ambassador Maureen Tamuno to steer the affairs of Abuja Investments Company Limited, it was perhaps a case of putting the right woman in the right room. Two years down the line, Tamuno has proved that the confidence reposed in her was anything but misplaced. At AICL, the former Nigerian High Commissioner to Jamaica has brought her own distinctive stamp to the saddle, combining diplomacy, enterprise and an unmistakable appetite for results. As the first woman to occupy the coveted position, Tamuno has broken a significant glass ceiling, but rather than basking in the symbolism of the historic appointment, she appears more interested in what can be achieved from the seat. Under her watch, AICL has witnessed renewed attention to strategic investments, innovative partnerships and initiatives aimed at connecting the company’s commercial ambitions
with the broader development aspirations of the Federal Capital Territory. Her leadership has increasingly positioned investment as an instrument for creating opportunities and driving economic growth. But Tamuno’s pedigree predates AICL. A woman of many chapters, she has traversed diplomacy, public service and leadership with a poise that has earned her recognition both within and beyond Nigeria. Her career has been decorated with awards and accolades, while her successive appointments have underscored the confidence placed in her abilities. For those who have followed her journey, Tamuno’s AICL story is hardly surprising. She has always understood that leadership is not about occupying the highest chair in the room, but about leaving the room better than she met it. And two years on, her footprints at AICL are becoming increasingly difficult to ignore.
When Abuja Glitterati Gathered for Zacchaeus Akinadewo For one glittering evening in Abuja, business took a back seat to celebration as the city’s corporate and advertising elite converged at the Chelsea Hotel to toast a remarkable milestone. The occasion was the celebration of Zacchaeus Akinadewo’s GRAZA Media Limited at 10, a decade of building visibility, creating platforms and making its presence felt in Nigeria’s competitive Out-of-Home advertising space. It was, naturally, an evening of polished suits, elegant appearances, warm embraces, animated conversations and the inevitable exchange of industry gossip that often gives Abuja social gatherings their special flavour. But beneath the glamour and celebratory mood was a more serious story, the story of a company that has survived the uncertainties of business and emerged after ten years with its sights firmly fixed on the future.
For the man of the moment, Akinadewo, however, there was little of the usual CEO theatrics. Akinadewo appeared remarkably relaxed, moving between guests, exchanging pleasantries and soaking in the goodwill. Yet those who listened closely soon discovered that the man celebrating 10 years was already mentally somewhere in the next ten. Akinadewo’s vision is to position GRAZA at the intersection of Out-of-Home advertising, technology, data and audience intelligence, transforming the traditional business of visibility into something more sophisticated, measurable and commercially valuable. As the evening gathered momentum, guests continued to mingle, conversations stretched across tables, and congratulations flowed freely.
Akinadewo
T H I S DAY, Th e S U N DAY N e w S PAPe r •OCtober 4, 2026
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Editor: Ejiofor Alike SMS: 08066066268 Email: ejiofor.alike@thisdaylive.com
IN THE ARENA
Nigeria: A Nation Still Crawling at 66 Sixty-six years after Nigeria's independence, the country remains a giant still crawling under the weight of economic hardship, religious and ethnic bigotry, systemic corruption, insecurity and a flawed political system, Davidson Iriekpen writes
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ast Thursday, Nigeria marked her 66 years of independence from British colonial rule. It was marked by the usual tradition of offering special prayers in mosques and churches across the country for peace, unity, and national stability. President Bola Tinubu used the occasion to acknowledge some of the problems of the country, and vowed to tackle them, especially the exacerbating poverty. Over several decades, Nigeria’s history has been characterised by democracy, economic prowess, military takeovers, civil war, corruption, and protests amid the strive for development across governance, education, health, infrastructure, foreign relations and security. While a considerable part of Nigeria's journey of statehood witnessed military rule, the return to democracy did not bring the much-desired development that will make the people happy and give them the assurance that there is hope in the horizon. No doubt the country celebrated the 66th anniversary at a difficult moment for many households. Despite the federal government’s emphasis on economic reforms, poverty, food insecurity and pressure on household incomes remain serious concerns. For instance, in June, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) reported that 63 per cent of Nigerians were living below the national poverty line, while an estimated 27 million Nigerians faced food insecurity in late 2025. Once nicknamed the “Giant of Africa,” Nigeria had once upon a time stood out for its impressive figures - population, landmass, language diversity, economic potential, and abundant natural resources - putting it ahead of most other African nations. Over time, however, many of these figures have diminished when viewed through the data lens. Comparisons with other countries reveal Nigeria’s stunted growth. Countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, and South Korea, which shared the same levels of economic indices in the 1960s, have become industrial and economic powerhouses. At the heart of the paradox is the country’s long history of missed opportunities. A country endowed with oil, gas, fertile land, minerals, and one of the most vibrant youth populations in the world has repeatedly fallen short of expectations. While crude oil revenues once promised prosperity, the overreliance on petroleum exports stunted diversification. Manufacturing remains shallow, currently contributing an average of three per cent to the country’s GDP; agriculture is undercapitalised, and infrastructure gaps limit productivity. At the same time, infrastructural development remains stunted, especially in critical areas like electricity, healthcare, and transportation. Despite its oil wealth,
Tinubu Nigeria generates just 4,000 to 5,000 MW of electricity, far below the demand of over 28,000 MW for a population of over 200 million people. This has left millions without reliable power, stunting economic growth and productivity. Energy poverty remains one of Nigeria’s most pressing yet under-discussed challenges. This issue permeates every facet of Nigerian life, and its impact reverberates throughout the economy. Energy prosperity is critical for any nation aiming for development. Additionally, healthcare remains underfunded and understaffed, with Nigeria’s doctor-to-patient ratio standing at one doctor per 5,000 citizens, far below the World Health Organisation (WHO) recommendation of 1 doctor per 600 citizens. Sixty-six years after independence, Nigeria's deplorable roads, inadequate seaports and other failed infrastructure are a reflection of a failing state. Despite recent anti-corruption drives, corruption continues to plague Nigeria at every level of government. The country has continued to rank poorly in successive Transparency International’s Corruption Perception Indexes. Elites siphon public funds while essential services remain
underfunded, leaving the populace to suffer the consequences. As inflation rises, so does the cost of living, making essential goods and services increasingly unaffordable for the average Nigerian. The price of everything, from bread to transportation, is indirectly linked to the cost of energy. Insecurity has deepened the hardship facing Nigerians, with thousands killed and kidnapped each year for more than a decade. The North remains the worst affected, but the ripple effects are increasingly being felt across the South. For over 15 years, the North-east has battled Boko Haram and ISWAP, while groups such as Mahmuda, Lakurawa, Ansaru and al-Shabaab have emerged or gained ground in other parts of the country. Marauding bandits have also continued to attack communities, kidnap residents for ransom and loot property. The consequences are far-reaching. Farmers struggle to access their fields, highways have become danger zones, and kidnapping has evolved into a thriving criminal enterprise. For many families, daily life is now marked by the fear of abductions, raids and killings, further worsening poverty and hardship.
POLITICAL NOTES
While Nigerians grapple with these challenges, the government shows little sign of reducing its expenses. The cost of governance in Nigeria remains among the highest in the world, with legislators among the best-paid public officials globally; setting world records only in lavish expenditure. Despite promises of fiscal discipline, government spending continues unabated, with few, if any, sacrifices from the ruling elite. The disparity between the suffering of the masses and the opulence of those in power is a glaring contradiction that erodes the trust between the governed and the government. Another critical issue that remains unresolved after 66 years, is the absence of free and fair elections. Despite decades of promises and reforms, the country has yet to achieve the electoral standards befitting a true democracy. Irregularities have continued to mar successive elections. At each election cycle, billions of naira are spent in preparation for the polls that only produce fraudulent results. The aftermath of each election cycle sees a surge in court cases, as numerous candidates challenge the results. While it is not bad for the courts become the last resort for resolving electoral disputes, it is however sad that they have also become the primary avenue for determining election outcomes. One of the fundamental flaws in Nigeria’s electoral system is the lack of a runoff provision for candidates who fail to secure at least 50% of the vote. This loophole allows candidates to assume office with only a fraction of the population’s support, creating a weak mandate. Compounding this problem is the failure to resolve election disputes before swearing in elected officials. Governors, lawmakers, and even the president often take office while their election results are still being contested in courts. This situation gives the incumbent an undue advantage, and places the opposition at a significant disadvantage, further undermining the credibility of the electoral process. Nigeria is a great nation but her potential remains untapped. After 66 years of independence, her progress is hampered by economic hardship, tribalism, systemic corruption, insecurity and a flawed political system. It is time for the country to redefine its direction and set a course for true independence that uplifts its people and fosters sustainable development. For many who have witnessed the country’s 66-year journey from Independence, everything seems to be going down, with little hope for the new generations. This is why the leaders must go beyond their usual platitudes and enthrone the culture of genuine commitments to building a country where democracy translates into security, dignity, economic opportunity, accountable governance and a better quality of life for all Nigerians.
Akpabio’s Ridiculous Denial of PDP
Akpabio
Last week, the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio, publicly denied ever being a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), despite previously holding elective political positions of two-term governor and Senate Minority Leader on the party’s platform. Akpabio spoke during last Tuesday’s plenary while responding to a motion seeking to honour the late former governor of Kogi State, Ibrahim Idris. The motion was sponsored by the senator representing Kogi East, Jibrin Isah, who recalled that Idris was a member of the PDP and told Akpabio that they had all belonged to the party at the time. Isah described Idris, who governed Kogi State from May 29, 2003, to January 27,
2012, as the longest-serving governor in the state’s history. Akpabio, however, interrupted the senator and rejected the reference to his membership of the PDP. “I was never in the PDP. My spirit might be there, but my heart was never there. I have always been a progressive,” the senate president said. While he was saying this, he perhaps forgot that he once served as a commissioner under PDP-led administration in Akwa Ibom State, as well as the governor of the state from 2007 to 2015 and chaired the PDP Governors’ Forum during his tenure. He was also elected to the senate in 2015 on
the platform of the PDP and served as Senate Minority Leader between 2015 and 2018. Akpabio, however, defected from the PDP to the All Progressives Congress (APC) in 2018 and since then, he has exorcised everything PDP, a party that gave him everything in politics. What he failed to realise is that he can still defect to another political party that wins the presidency in the future and deny the APC. Nigerian politics encourages opportunism and lacks honour and principle. To demonstrate honour and integrity, politicians should always celebrate and identify with the people and platforms that made them who they are, no matter the circumstances.
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T H I S DAY, Th e S U N DAY N e w S PAPe r •OCtober 4, 2026
BRIEFINGNOTES
As NDC, O-K Movement's Feud Deepens Despite the recent Appeal Court judgment delivered in favour of the Nigeria Democratic Congress, the controversy over the appointment of former Secretary to the Government of the Federation, Babachir Lawal, as the leader of the party in the North-east, and the dispute between the leadership of the party and the Obi-Kwankwaso Movement, have raised concerns over the party's readiness for the 2027 elections, Ejiofor Alike reports
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hen the Court of Appeal in Abuja nullified the judgment of the Federal High Court in Lokoja, Kogi State that ordered the deregistration of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), political analysts had thought that the opposition party would focus on its preparations for the 2027 general election. In June, a Federal High Court in Lokoja, presided over by Justice Isah Dashen set aside its December 10, 2025 judgment, which compelled the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) to register NDC as a political party. The judgment ordering the INEC to deregister the NDC came less than one month after the former presidential candidate of the Labour Party (LP) in the 2023 general election, Mr. Peter Obi, defected from the African Democratic Congress (ADC) to the NDC. The judgment was therefore perceived in some quarters as part of the alleged plot by the All Progressives Congress (APC) to use the judiciary to deny Obi a platform to challenge President Bola Tinubu in the 2027 presidential election. The controversial judgment also strengthened the suspicion that the ruling APC was using the judiciary and INEC to destroy the major opposition parties and promote a one-party system. Obi and the former Governor of Kano State, Rabiu Musa Kwankwaso, who emerged as his presidential running mate in NDC, joined the party on May 3, less than one month before the controversial judgment of the Federal High Court. When the Court of Appeal in Abuja, in a split decision of 2-to-one, reversed the judgment of the Federal High Court, analysts had thought that the party would focus on its preparations for the 2027 polls. Unfortunately, the major opposition party has continued to be enmeshed in internal crisis largely due to perceived indiscipline and lack of internal cohesion, raising concerns about the capacity of its leadership to manage the diverse interests in the party. First, the Senator Moses Cleopas-led leadership of NDC seems not to be in control of Obi and Kwankwaso’s supporters, a support group better referred to as the Obi-Kwankwaso (OK) Movement. Second, the party's leadership has been accused of taking sensitive decisions without consulting widely with critical stakeholders. For instance, the NDC leadership was said to have hurriedly appointed the former Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF), Babachir Lawal as the coordinator of its campaign activities in the North-east zone just a few days after he joined the party. The appointment, which was allegedly done without wide consultations, ignited discontent in Lawal’s home state of Adamawa and the entire
Obi
Kwankwaso
Dickson
North-east zone. In a statement issued, the six governorship candidates of the NDC in the North-east swiftly rejected the appointment on the grounds that the key stakeholders were not consulted. The statement was signed by Aishatu Dahiru Ahamed of Adamawa State, Ibrahim Muhammad Kashim of Bauchi State, Rear Admiral S. Kashim Ibrahim (rtd.) of Borno State, Dr. Babayo Ardo of Gombe State, Prof. Mohammed Sani of Taraba State and Ibrahim M. Shitu of Yobe State. The disagreement deepened when the former SGF reacted to the news of the governorship candidates' protest in what the candidates considered as "crude" language. Lawal, in a post on his Facebook page, alleged that the protest was being orchestrated by a female governorship aspirant of the party in Adamawa State. He was obviously referring to Senator Aisha Binani, the governorship candidate of NDC in Adamawa State, whom he accused of supporting the presidential candidate of the African Democratic Congress (ADC), Atiku Abubakar. The former SGF disclosed that two of the governorship candidates, Professor Mohammed Sani Yahaya of Taraba and Dr. Babayo Ardo of Gombe, had reached out to him to dissociate themselves from the protest, claiming their names and signatures were inserted without their authority. In a swift response, the Senator Aisha Gubernatorial Campaign Organisation described Lawal’s choice of words as “highly erratic, abusive, and self-serving.” In a statement signed by its Media Directorate,
the campaign accused Lawal of arrogantly referring “to duly elected, high-stakes gubernatorial candidates — the actual faces of the party on the ballot — as ‘nincompoops’ and ‘so-called candidates.” According to the statement, "a true leader builds bridges; they do not enter a zone by throwing insults at the very candidates who have spent their resources keeping the party alive.” It dismissed Lawal’s allegation that the six governorship candidates were moles for external interests, and accused him of lacking the temperament for zonal leadership, citing his use of what it called crude and misogynistic language against a female leader. Indications that NDC was heading to internal crisis first emerged when Obi and Kwankwaso’s supporters under the aegis of Obi-Kwankwaso (OK) Movement announced a 59-member Presidential Campaign Council. The council named the O-K Movement’s DirectorGeneral, John Ughulu, as its Director-General, while the movement’s National Secretary, Saadatu Sani, was also listed among the leaders. However, the NDC National Chairman, Senator Moses Cleopas, rejected the appointment of the campaign council and warned that no individual, candidate or support group was authorised to constitute or announce any campaign council or structure in the party's name. Later, the party’s National Publicity Secretary, Osa Director, said in a statement that Obi and Kwankwaso had been given a free hand to make nominations into the campaign council to be set up by the party. But the O-K Movement insisted that the campaign
council it constituted remained valid, and operational, and reaffirmed its independence from the NDC. On his part, an angry Dickson berated the movement, describing its decision to set up a campaign council as “nonsensical”. Dickson noted that as the name implied, support groups were expected to provide support for the political party sponsoring candidates, and should not play the role of political parties, act as critics, or compete with the political party in which they belong. Earlier, Dickson had urged Obi’s supporters to stop attacking the party or its leaders, noting that such actions undermined the political vehicle carrying their preferred candidate. Speaking on ARISE Television’s Prime Time programme, Dickson dismissed suggestions that the NDC should be grateful to Obi, or any other political figure for joining the party. “If you are genuinely supporting Peter Obi and you are disparaging me, the leader, or the platform itself. That is nonsensical,” he added. According to the party leader, the NDC adopted Obi and his running mate without internal disputes. “Nobody paid shishi,” he said. With this unending bickering, NDC is increasingly demonstrating inadequate capacity to build a formidable platform that can wrestle power from the ruling APC. With only a few months to the 2027 general election, the question agitating the minds of NDC’s supporters is: Can the party be able to resolve its internal differences and still have sufficient time to build strength for the elections? Nigerians are watching.
NOTES FOR FILE
FG’s Disruption of Hierarchical Progression in Paramilitary Agencies
Kemi Nanna Nandap
Lately, the Presidency has continued to weaken the Nigeria Police Force (NPF), Nigeria Customs Service (NCS) and Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) by truncating career progression and replacing merit with personal loyalty and ethnic affiliation. Under former President Muhammadu Buhari and President Bola Tinubu, tens of deputy inspectors general of Police and deputy comptroller-general on Immigration and customs were compulsorily retired before and after attaining the mandatory 60 years of age and 35 years in service. As a result, competent officers have been forced into premature retirement mainly due to stagnation, political interference, favouritism and nepotism. The tenures of the Comptroller-General of NCS,
Bashir Adewale Adeniyi; Comptroller-General of NIS, Kemi Nanna Nandap and the Inspector General of Police, Mr. Kayode Egbetokun, were extended, forcing many of the officers who would have succeeded them into stagnation or retirement. When the heads of these agencies attain the mandatory retirement age of 60 years or reach 35 years in service, whichever comes first, they will retire, according to the law. This would enable their deputies to succeed them. But lately this rule has been altered by successive presidents, causing some senior officers to leave the service without the opportunity for them to get to the peak of their careers. When people enter any service, they expect to
rise through the ranks and eventually reach the peak of their careers. Refusing to allow those who have attained the mandatory age to retire undermines progression, particularly when competent officers are waiting to advance. It can also breed frustration and weaken morale among officers who see limited opportunities for advancement despite years of service. These officers could have been left to retire and later be considered for other strategic positions, without obstructing the career progression of those coming behind them. The agencies need to be strengthened by creating opportunities for career progression, not weakened by decisions that undermine their institutional structure.
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OCTOBER 4, 2026 • T H I S DAY, T H E S U N DAY N E W S PA P E R
B AC K PAG E C O N T I N UAT I O N DISTURBING SIGNALS FROM THE GAMBIA for “a detailed action plan and timeline for achieving compliance”. May I, at this point, declare that I do not have anything against any country wanting to empower its citizens with skills or encourage transfer of knowledge. That is a natural progression for any country that wants to develop. The problem is when the rules of engagement seem to have been subverted and unilaterally torn to pieces, leading to suspicion of a hidden motive. For example, the CBG directive said it relied on Guideline 9 it issued in May 2011. I have read the guidelines again and again. It deals only with the composition of boards and senior management. It says a majority of board members must be Gambians or foreigners legally resident in The Gambia. Fair enough. “Senior managers” are the MD, executive director, general manager, financial controller, company secretary or anyone in a “position of influence”. Expatriates among them are limited to three, unless the bank gets a dispensation and has a plan to train local successors. Guideline 9 does not appear to regulate non-Gambian employees generally. The guidelines also let parent banks second staff and top up their pay. On the face of it, therefore, the CBG appears to be relying on Guideline 9 for a directive considerably broader than the guideline itself. How can the CBG quote its own guidelines out of context? This is not about illegal immigration,
otherwise I wouldn’t be commenting at all. More worrisome is the questionable application of the Labour Act 2023 by the CBG. Agreed, Part V does give The Gambia a legal basis to limit foreign workers. We have a similar law in Nigeria. Employers need an “expatriate quota” clearance, with fines of at least D500,000 (about $6,800) for not having one. Every expatriate must be paired with a Gambian understudy. No quota is granted where the skills are available locally. This is understandable. The Act defines an “expatriate” as a non-Gambian that possesses skills that “are rarely available in The Gambia”. However, it does not order the removal of all foreign staff by a fixed date, as the central bank is set to do with this directive. Section 177, contained in Part XIX of the Act, is where the directive is weakest. Section 177(1)(b) requires the minister, labour officers and the industrial tribunal to “guarantee equal opportunity and treatment for a person who is a migrant employee… lawfully within The Gambia.” Indeed, Section 177(3) expressly prohibits discrimination on grounds of nationality in matters including termination of employment. Section 177(7) puts the burden of proof on the employer. Section 177(6) makes breach a criminal offence. Section 177(4)(c) says it is not discrimination to “employ a citizen in accordance with the national employment policy”, but that clause covers hiring citizens.
Furthermore, it does not clearly cover dismissing lawfully employed foreigners because of their nationality. The glaring implication of this is that banks could be caught between a regulator ordering the dismissals and a labour law that may make those dismissals unlawful. Although the stated concern involves foreign employees beyond recognised expatriate arrangements, the CBG instruction refers broadly to replacing “existing non-Gambian staff”. It does not expressly preserve approved expatriate positions or specify exemptions. Does the CBG intend to enforce existing quotas or require a substantially broader removal of foreign employees? This is looking like a blank cheque. There is a reason I am raising this issue. This is how anti-foreigner sentiments start. What looks like an innocuous directive may actually prepare the ground for hostility towards foreigners, whether or not they are legally in The Gambia. Also, it is banking today; it can be replicated in other sectors tomorrow. Most disturbingly, this may encourage copycat policies by other countries. It doesn’t look harmful initially until unintended consequences set in. Everything must be done with a good motive and within the law. If any Nigerian-owned bank violates the rules and regulations, the offender must face the regulatory sanctions. No bank is above the law, whether owned by Nigerians
or Gambians. But these are the issues. One, legal inconsistency. The directive applies to all non-Gambian staff, while the guideline it cites deals only with senior management. It also seems to conflict with Section 177’s protection of lawful migrant workers. Two, regional obligations. Nigeria and The Gambia belong to ECOWAS, whose free-movement regime recognises the rights of citizens to reside and seek employment in other member states, subject to national laws and regional rules. Three, precedent. Ghana’s restrictions on foreign retail traders and the store closures that followed, and the repeated anti-foreigner violence in South Africa, show how economic nationalism can harden into policy. Nigeria must, therefore, raise the matter diplomatically. The CBN should engage the CBG directly. Nigeria should coordinate regulatory and diplomatic engagement, request the underlying study and precise legal basis, establish how many Nigerians are affected, and seek protection for lawful employment and approved expatriate positions. The Gambia is entitled to set its labour policy, even at a cost to itself. But it must do so within its own laws and its regional commitments, and Nigeria must protect its own interests. May The Gambia not be another country where we have invested so much financially, technically and politically only for us to be rewarded with passive aggression. Amen.
STRAIT OF PAINS With US President Donald Trump sucking the whole world into the stress of his unnecessary war with Iran, energy prices are rising. There are complaints all over the world as oil prices keep spiking as a result of the disruption in the Strait of Hormuz which has affected the global economy. From the US to Europe, from Ghana to Nigeria, citizens are crying as pump prices rise, worsening the cost of living crisis. With elections approaching in Nigeria, the situation has encouraged campaign promises of restoring petrol subsidy, which many Nigerians understandably find attractive. I honestly don’t know the solution to the soaring prices, but there just has to be some succour somewhere. Harsh.
PILOT SCHEME It used to be that terrorists would break into the cockpit of an aircraft, hold the pilots hostage and hijack the flight. The 9/11 hijackers took a step further by flying the planes into buildings. Strict measures were introduced to prevent sharp objects on board and restrict access to the cockpit. But what happens if a pilot is a hijacker? Last Wednesday, on a Flydubai flight from the UAE to Israel, the co-pilot reportedly stabbed the captain with an emergency axe, took control of the flight, and the aircraft plunged. A bloodied Smit Machchhar, the captain, said he quickly opened the door and called for help. Two offduty pilots took charge and landed the aircraft safely in Tabuk, Saudi Arabia. Scary.
BOLA OR TINUBU? This is an election season and I am aware that whatever I write will be interpreted one way or the other, but it still won’t stop me from saying it is out of place for Alhaji Atiku Abubakar to keep calling the President of the Federal Republic of Nigeria by first name. It is contemptuous, in my opinion. In 1999, Atiku specifically requested that we call him by his first name when he reversed the order of his name from “Abubakar Atiku” to “Atiku Abubakar”. That is his choice. But we have to respect the office of the president. It is not about whether or not we like the person. You don’t have to call him “his excellency”, but addressing him by first name in official communications is ungentlemanly. Low.
NO COMMENT In 1999, when Chief Olusegun Obasanjo and Chief Olu Falae went head-to-head in the presidential race, northerners devised a way of northernising their names during the campaign in their region. Olusegun Obasanjo became “Baba Sirajo” while Olu Falae was rendered as “Auwalu Falalu”. Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje, the former governor of Kano state and former APC national chairman, has come up with a similar device for 2027. Addressing APC supporters in Hausa, he said Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu was from Kano, going on to northernise his Yoruba name. He said: “The ‘Asiwaju’ means ‘Ashiru’, ‘Bola’ is ‘Bala’, ‘Ahmed’ is ‘Ahmadu’, and ‘Tinubu’ means ‘Tanimu’.” Hahahaha…
had no choice but to annul the election, the reason why he allowed Abacha to stay behind despite the promise that he would leave with all the service chiefs on 27th August 1993, and whether Abacha and Abiola were taken out or not in 1998. However, the MKO documentary illuminates many things for even some of us who, as journalists, covered the dark aftermath of the infamous annulment of the election regarded as a watershed moment when Nigerians put their real and imagined differences aside to vote across ethnic and religious lines. The documentary also reinforces duality of that special moment in Nigeria’s
history: how a rare of show of unity became a source of division and how sacrifice and opportunism easily commingled. The first time Oyamendan told me about the documentary was in early 2009. He shared the treatment document with me, complete with proposed budget and a list of 27 people he was planning to interview. His plan then was to commence production in August 2009 and release the documentary in the first quarter of 2011. The working title was “A Crack in the Rainbow.” That was not to be but he stayed the course. He got a start in 2012 and changed the title to “Hope Betrayed.” The production stalled for many years, mostly because some of those involved in the story would rather not want it told. But he persisted, eventually interviewing almost everyone involved (except two Americans who declined to be interviewed), ending up with more than 50 exclusive interviews. The final documentary, titled “MKO”, is almost two hours and is now showing in major theatres in Nigeria. We need to properly document and interrogate our history so that we can understand what transpired, put events and personalities in proper perspective and learn the right lessons. A graduate of Mass Communication from the University of Lagos and of Film from the University of Southern California, a journalist of many years in Nigeria, an exile from military dictatorship and now a Hollywood filmmaker, Oyamendan has performed a great duty which should inspire many others to probe and document other important parts of our national history.
And Four Other Things…
MKO, JUNE 12 AND HISTORICAL DUTY are: General Ibrahim Babangida (whose administration annulled the election but who said that he had looked forward to Abiola’s presidency), General Abdulsalami Abubakar (the Head of State when Abiola died in custody), President Olusegun Obasanjo (who stoutly defended his statement that Abiola was not the messiah), President Bola Tinubu, Professor Wole Soyinka, Professor Humphrey Nwosu (who was head of the electoral commission that conducted the 1993 election), Ambassador Walter Carrington (the US ambassador to Nigeria at the time), Ambassador Thomas Pickering (who led the American delegation that was meeting with Abiola when he had the medical emergency that led to his death), Ambassador Kingibe, Alhaji Bashir Tofa (Abiola’s opponent in the 1993 election), General Jeremiah Useni (General Sani Abacha’s confidant who was with him a few hours before his death) and Dr. Doyin Abiola (publisher of National Concord and one of Abiola’s wives). Oyamendan’s ability to get all these personalities on camera and ask the right questions spoke to his tenacity and talent. The documentary opens with a clip of Abiola’s interview with BBC after his arrest and closes with accounts of his last days and moments. In between, portraits of the man Abiola and the history of his country serve as background to the 1993 transition, the plots to prevent the election from holding, the actual election, the emerging results, the annulment, the crisis that ensued, the interim government arrangement, Abacha’s takeover, Abiola’s naivete in his dealings
Abiola
with Abacha and some foreign powers, his Epetedo declaration and arrest, the daylight assassination of his wife, Kudirat Abiola, and Abacha’s full-blown dictatorship which resulted in the detention, the exile and the killings of those who stood in his way, a poignant reminder of how nasty military dictatorship can be especially to those who lately have been romanticising the return of military rule. The documentary does not answer all the questions of that epoch, as clearly no single account can. But the viewers can fill in the gap on whether Babangida actually
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Engagements
with Chidi Amuta
email: chidi.amuta@gmail.com
Democracy in an Affordability Crisis
P
resident Tinubu delivered a mostly predictable Independence Day address to the nation. In one respect, the speech was somewhat different. It sang about the new statistics of economic recovery that Western media and domestic economics elite have recently been rehashing. The external reserve has climbed to the neighbourhood of $50 billion, a record in recent times. The straspheric exchange rates of the Naira of the major world currencies has cooled to a more stable but nonetheless high range. Speculations about increased foreign investor interest are sporadic. On the whole, the President saw these signals as evidence that the “reforms” he introduced on ascension in May 2023 have begun to yield positive results towards a recovery in the Nigerian economy. Most of those who heard the word ‘recovery’ in the President’s speech looked at each other in consternation. Was this speech about Nigeria? Was it addressed to our nationals or a foreign audience? The spirit of speech was in conflict with the reality on the ground. It evoked the usual argument between trickle down market economists and social democrats. Does macro economic statistical improvement equate economic recovery? Are statistics the same as the lives of real people? When will Tinubu’s Nigeria get to that point of convergence between statistics and the real life experiences of people? On the contrary, the vast majority of Nigerians who have remained victims of the Tinubu reforms hardly listened to the presidential address. The statistics on which the optimism of the president was founded sounded alien to them. Gasoline prices still hover around N1,500 per liter. Electricity remains unaffordable where it is available. The cost of urban intracity and intercity transportation has escalated. Children of many honest parents have dropped out of school because parents can hardly pay school fees on wages that can only guarantee near starvation existence. Those with terminal ailments have surrendered to the Almighty as they wait to die since the hospitals are mostly open to the rich. Gradually, the affordability crisis in Nigeria has crossed the border between what is affordable and who can afford to survive. In the last few days, the labour unions have issued a new wage related ultimatum to the government and organized employers. Labour unions are seeking a new minimum wage of N500,000 even with the knowledge that most states have not yet paid the N70,000 agreed on over three years ago. In addition, labour is insisting on a fixed pump price of no more than N500 per liter for PMS. No one knows how and where negotiations on these issues will take us. A combination of government-labour face-off and partisan brawls over the 2027 elections opens up a nightmare scenario that only the courageous dare contemplate. There have been more frightening revelations on the economy in recent days. Figures released by the
Tinubu National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) in collaboration with Enhancing Financial Innovation & Access (EFINnA) has indicated a more alarming trend. Nigerians now borrow money from banks and financial institutions to finance their daily consumption needs. Very little of the borrowed funds are being deployed to productive ends like capital expenses and business development and enhancement. In summary, an estimated 41% of formal borrowers applied their credits to coping and consumption. These are not consumption for luxury or capital good acquisition but for basic needs such as feeding, school fees, and healthcare. An economy in which such a large percentage of formal borrowing is dedicated to household items cannot be said to be recovering by any definition. Mere improvements in macro economic indicators cannot be deemed economic recovery when the material conditions of daily life of the majority continues to deteriorate. Elsewhere, the things that signal economic recovery are not hard to see. Registration of new cars, upswing in retail demand and sales, new housing developments and registration of new small to medium businesses etc. Nigeria’s affordability crisis is not quite like those
being witnessed in other countries especially the developed economies of the West. Spain has been witnessing a series of street protests over housing shortages and unaffordable rents. Similar living cost protests have also taken place in France. We may recall that it was the affordability crisis that recently powered the rise of Mamdani to win the New York City mayoral election, thus empowering a social democratic uprising in US politics. Nigeria’s affordability crisis is different. What is happening in the West is the inability of those who were living tolerable lives to continue to afford the rising costs of basic goods. On the contrary, the Nigerian affordability crisis is substantially different. It is the deepening of the pauperization of the majority poor. It is the added deprivation of the majority who had nothing before from basic access to the most elementary things that make life liveable. Those who have had nothing are being denied access to anything whatsoever. Worse still, it is the erosion of any hope whatsoever that these people will ever migrate from Poverty Land to anything better in one life time. The little hope and access they once had has been snatched and eroded by ‘grab and run’ politicians through the removal of all sorts of subsidies on fuel, power, tariffs and food. These subsidy removals and utility price hikes, now dubbed ‘reforms’, were introduced without due consultation, homework or any form of systematic thinking before they were inaugurated. There were no war games about the scenarios, no calculations, no projections and no considerations of consequences. And yet, campaigns for general
elections are raging. The campaigns are dominated by a single item-removal of subsidy on petroleum products. Each of the major contenders has pitched his tent on the matter. For Tinubu, retention of subsidy removal is an item of political survival. If he loses the 2027 elections, out goes his petroleum subsidy removal with full consequences. Atiku is rooting for total abrogation of the subsidy removal regime and its replacement with sale of Nigerian crude to refurbished Nigerian refineries in Naira to force down gasoline pump prices. Peter Obi is not quite sure where he stands on this matter. Initially he would stick to subsidy removal to be reviewed after he must have defeated corruption. Now he is on the side of those who insist on immediate subsidy restoration. Obsessed with this single item in the 2027 campaign, the political elite is in a pitiable quagmire. The nation is stuck in the politics of people I earlier referred to as ‘petrol attendants’. The politics of laziness is fixated on oil and gas incomes and subsidies. Above this, it is all about election as political duel, not as a mandate revision exercise to re-imagine governance and renew service delivery. No one is looking at strategies and ideas to explore other possibilities to seek solutions to the many challenges that confront the nation. As things stand, if your wards need jobs, wait for petrol subsidy money to be collected and reinvested. If you cannot pay your hospital bills, wait for petrol subsidy money. If your village school is in disrepair, wait for the petrol man!
T H I S DAY, Th e S U N DAY N e w S PAPe r •OCtober 4, 2026
55
Perspective
Working Class Solutions to PMS Price Increases and Fuel Subsidy Removal
Izielen Agbon
T
here is a need for a working class perspective on fuel subsidy. Like minimum wage, fuel subsidy is going to be one of the most contentious issues in the upcoming 2027 elections. The current national debate on fuel subsidy began when Taiwo Oyedele, the Finance Minister declared that N15.8 trillion was saved between June 2023 and December 2025 from the removal of fuel subsidy or PMS price increase. This was surprising given that the former Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy, Wale Edun, had stated during his the presentation of the Accelerated Stabilisation and Advancement Plan (ASAP) report that “At current rates, expenditure on fuel subsidy is projected to reach ₦5.4 trillion by the end of 2024. This compares unfavorably with ₦3.6 trillion in 2023 and ₦2.0 trillion in 2022”. Furthermore, NNPCL’s 2024 audited accounts had reported ₦8.67 trillion as ‘under-recovery’ which is the company’s terminology for fuel subsidy. The Finance Minister tried to explain where the N15.8 trillion fuel subsidy savings had gone. He claimed that N5.4 trillion of the fuel subsidy savings went to the federal government, while N10.4 trillion was shared among state and local governments. Nigerian workers did not accept this explanation. Neither did opposition politicians. The African Democratic Congress presidential candidate and former Vice President, Atiku Abubakar, demanded proof of tangible benefits for citizens from the so called fuel subsidy savings. He promised to restore petrol subsidy if elected president in 2027 by selling crude oil to local refineries at preferential prices. He argued that the Tinubu administration implemented the subsidy removal policy suddenly and without sufficient preparation. He would introduce a gradual transition combined with refinery production subsidy, anti-corruption measures and targeted support. However, a production subsidy will not result in lower PMS prices in an oligopolistic market. Rather, it will only increase the oligopolistic profits of Dangote Petroleum Refinery and the PMS importers (international traders and indigenous marketers.) The presidential candidate of the Nigeria Democratic Congress (NDC), Peter Obi, maintained his support for the removal of petrol subsidy. He plans to remove the fuel subsidy in an organized manner, and invest the subsidy savings appropriately for the benefits of the masses. He criticized the Tinubu administration for not utilizing the fuel subsidy savings to improve health care or our sovereign wealth fund. The Social Democratic Party (SDP) presidential candidate, Adewole Adebayo , argued that President Bola Tinubu’s abrupt removal of the fuel subsidy was poorly planned and executed without adequate economic groundwork or prior stakeholder consultation. He was for a planned subsidy removal as part of an overall energy production costs reduction strategy in Nigeria. All the above opposition candidates were in support of the IMF program of PMS price increase or fuel subsidy removal. They were only opposed to how the APC Tinubu administration implemented the policy and the resulting poverty it has caused the Nigerian masses. Former Cross River State Governor and presidential candidate of the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP), Donald Duke, insisted that no real subsidy ever existed and declared that Nigeria’s fuel subsidy was a scam. He pointed out that there are many petroleum products derived from a barrel of crude oil. A refined barrel (42 gallons) of crude oil gives 45 gallons of petroleum products. The 45 gallons of petroleum products consist of 4 gallons of LPG, 19.5 gallons of gasoline, 10 gallons of diesel, 4 gallons of Jet fuel/kerosene, 2.5 gallons of fuel oil and 5 gallons of Bottoms. Hence, it is economically feasible and profitable to sell other products at commercial rates and PMS at N200/litre. Donald Duke was a member of the Professor Sam Aluko National Economic Intelligence Committee in the mid-1990s. The committee examined the Abacha regime imposed PMS price of N11/litre and found out that there was no subsidy. The production cost based PMS price was N5.68/ litre. All extra funds received from the sale of PMS at N11/litre was saved in the Petroleum Trust Fund (PTF). General Muhammadu Buhari managed the PTF operations. The PTF was used for the rehabilitation of urban and rural roads, expansion of railways and telecommunications systems, provision of essential
Tinubu drugs, hospital equipment, renovation of healthcare facilities nationwide, distribution of textbooks, provision of classroom furniture, infrastructure upgrades across educational institutions, construction of boreholes and rehabilitation of urban water supply systems. Nigerian workers could see the visible projects that some of the money was spent on. The presidential candidate of the African Action Congress (AAC), Omoyele Sowore maintained his opposition to the removal of fuel subsidy, devaluation of the Naira and other IMF sponsored policies. He has always insisted that fuel subsidy was a ruling class scam organized by the oil cabal (international traders and Nigerian petroleum products marketers). He argued that high PMS price increased economic hardships for the Nigerian masses and only benefitted the political elite and State governors. He claimed that corruption was the real problem and removing subsidy only transferred the corruption costs to the ordinary citizens. He promised to reduce PMS prices and revive Nigeria’s four government owned domestic refineries if elected president. He concluded that “in the first place, they’re still paying subsidies. They’re just changing the name of what they call it.” NNPCL’s 2024 audited accounts reported ₦17.5 trillion in energy-security costs and PMS under-recovery. In response to all these criticisms, the Tinubu administration pointed to its cash transfer and palliatives programs for poor households. These programs included the Compressed Natural Gas (CNG) Initiative and Direct Cash Transfer. Although a nationwide natural gas distribution pipelines network was absent, 81 companies were licensed to retail CNG. CNG prices were fixed at N380/SCM for cars and buses and N450/ SCM for commercial trucks. A fleet of 64 CNG buses were donated to trade unions and student unions and more CNG refueling stations were built. More than 120,000 private and commercial vehicles, out the estimated 15 million registered motor vehicles in Nigeria, have been converted to CNG. Past CNG programs had failed due to limited pipeline/road infrastructure, standardized conversion centers and inconsistent natural gas utilization policies. A CNG pilot program was initiated in 2003. In 2010, Edo State built a CNG plant in Benin City that supported more than 5000 vehicles. The NNPC launched many failed CNG programs after 2010. Nigerian workers believe the current CNG program will failed given that the constraints of limited pipeline/road infrastructure, standardized conversion centers and inconsistent natural gas utilization policies have not been addressed. The Tinubu administration also initiated a new $1 billion household prosperity and economic social protection project (HOPE-SP) under its IMF sponsored
Direct cash Transfer Programs. The project would improve the identification, targeting and support of poor households. Under the program, 7 million poor households with valid National Identification Numbers (NIN) will get a one-off digital cash transfer of N40,000. It has also approved a N600 billion fund for the Renewed Hope Women and Youth Development Programme to disburse N50,000 monthly to targeted households in Q4, 2026. The Tinubu administration claimed to have paid 15 million poor households N75,000 split into three monthly installment of N25,000 since June 2023. The Ministry of Humanitarian Affairs records only about 10 million households. Independent audits reported that more than N33.75 billion went to 3.29 million fake households. The audits found N36.74 billion were processed with unaudited 215 payment vouchers while ₦4.616 billion lacked supporting vouchers. The whole programme was backed by an $800 million World Bank facility credit line under its National Social Safety Net Programme-Scale Up (NASSP-SU) program. The World Bank has disbursed $744.61 million leaving only $55.39 million in the account. The World Bank also approved an additional $1.25 billion loan under the Nigeria Actions for Investment and Jobs Acceleration program of its Broader Country Partnership Framework (2026–2032). The program failed because of corruption and mismanagement. A lot of poor Nigerians have no bank accounts. Direct Cash Transfers were supervised by new bureaucracies such as the National Social Safety Nets Coordinating Office (NASSCO), the National Steering Committee (NSC), National Cash Transfer Office (NCTO), state steering committee (SSC), state operations coordination unit (SOCU) and state cash transfer units (SCTU) whose establishment were required as part of the condition for the $800 million loan. The federal government has established many failed cash transfer programs in the past. The COPE program transferred cash to poor households with school-aged children or maternal health requirements. Under the National Social Investment Programme (NSIP), the NCTO ran the Household Uplifting ProgrammeConditional Cash Transfer (HUP-CCT) with little or no impact on Nigeria’s poverty levels. In 2013, a study of SURE-P programs concluded that many of the palliatives and the N20,000 cash disbursements funds meant for poor Nigerians were diverted, hoarded and stolen. In 2020, under the COVID-19 Relief Cash Transfers, the N20,000 meant for poor households were stolen and the palliatives were hoarded. The Nigerian masses had to force open the warehouses physically and appropriate the hoarded palliatives. Nigerian workers do not see any benefits with IMF/ World Bank cash transfer and palliatives programs
meant to protect poor households from the negative economic impact of PMS price increases or fuel subsidy removal. They demand that PMS should not be sold at international prices. There are two basic methods for determining PMS prices. These are the production cost pricing (PCP) method and the import parity pricing (IPP) method. The production cost pricing method assumes that the PMS price is based on the cost of crude oil production, refining, transportation and distribution in the domestic market. This method implies that the crude oil is produced and refined in the country. In this pricing method, the PMS pump price is the cost of crude oil at the refinery gate, the refining cost, the distribution and marketing cost and the taxes. Most oil producing nations use the production pricing model for PMS prices in their domestic market. The production cost pricing method is used in USA for the determination of fuel prices. In Texas, USA, the cost components of PMS shows that crude oil cost makes up 51% of the PMS prices, refining cost make up 21%, Distribution and Marketing make up 11% and Taxes make up the remaining 17%. The cost to produce one barrel of crude oil in Nigeria ranges from $31 to $48. This is significantly higher than the global average of $12 per barrel and is affected by aging infrastructure, insecurity, sabotage, theft, and the high cost of imported oilfield inputs. The NUPRC plans to reduce future crude oil production costs to $20 per barrel. Refining costs range from $38/MT to $115/MT and Transport (Road Trucking-Gantry) costs range from $20/MT to $35/MT. The average earnings before interest, taxes, depreciation and amortization (EBITDA) is 20% and the Gross refining Margin (GRM) range from $20 per barrel to $25 per barrel. Under the Nigeria Tax Act effective January 1, 2026, domestic sales of refined petroleum products from local refineries and depots are exempt from Value Added Tax (VAT). Thus, for NNPCL owned refineries, the production cost pricing method should give a PMS pump price between N435/litre and N687 per litre (at N1333/$1 exchange rate). Form a working class perspective, the production cost pricing method enables NNPCL to replace Dangote Petroleum Refinery as a base PMS price setter and the PMS supplier of last resort in the Nigerian petroleum products market. The import parity price method assumes that the production and refining of crude oil are done overseas and the PMS imported into Nigeria. The imported petroleum products are transported by pipelines, vessels, and barges to domestic storage facilities. The petroleum products are then transported by road tankers to domestic petrol stations. The method assumes that all input prices are equivalent to international import prices. There should be no barriers between the international and domestic PMS markets. The import parity price method consists of three components. The first component is the opportunity cost of getting the fuel to the consumers. This is the cost of importing the fuel into the country and transporting it to the consumers. This cost is viewed as revenue foregone by consuming the fuel domestically rather than exporting it. It does not matter if the crude oil was produced at a cost far below its export price and refined in the country. The second component is the environmental cost associated with the fuel consumption. The third component is a consumption/sale tax aimed at raising revenue. There are not environmental costs or consumption taxes imposed on PMS prices in Nigeria. Nigerian workers successfully resisted the attempt of the Tinubu administration to impose a 5% sale tax on PMS. The implicit fuel subsidy is the product of the volume of PMS consumed nationally and the difference between the import parity price and the actual PMS pump price in the country. The IMF economic premise that the import parity pricing method should govern petroleum products sales in Nigeria and other oil-producing nation is incorrect. It discourages self-sufficiency in refining and petroleum products supply to meet national demand. The method does not recognize the concept of comparative advantage for oil and gas producers/ exporters. It does not capture the negative effects of eliminating the barriers between the international and domestic markets with respect to long term sustainable economic development.
•Agbon writes from Lagos See concluding part on www. thisdaylive.com
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Disturbing Signals from The Gambia
S
omething is brewing in The Gambia, our fellow West African country. Ordinarily, it looks like a simple, routine banking regulation exercise which should not worry any observer, but I fear there may be more to it — and Nigerians may be at the receiving end yet again. I hope I am proved wrong at the end of the day, but I want to raise my voice and draw the attention of the Nigerian authorities to it before whispers turn into shouts and push comes to shove. We must remember that for years, Nigerian immigrants suffered resentment in South Africa until the xenophobic attacks exploded. Also, Ghana has been hurting the interests
President of Gambia, Adama Barrow
of Nigerian businesses while, at the same time, smiling with us.
WAZIRIADIO
On September 16, 2026, the Central Bank of The Gambia (CBG) sent a letter titled “Directive on the Recruitment of Non-Gambian Staff” to the MDs of all banks. It was signed by the second deputy governor, Dr Paul J. Mendy, who, I understand, was trained by the Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN). It followed a meeting with bank chiefs on August 27, 2026, which, I heard, ended abruptly and resulted in the directive. The CBG, in its directive, said its industry study found that banks employ “a relatively high number of non-Gambians… in addition to recognised expatriate staff”. It said this breaches the Labour Act 2023 and Guideline 9 of its Management and Technical Services Agreement Guidelines.
All banks are to replace their existing nonGambian staff with “suitably qualified Gambian nationals”. The deadline is December 31, 2026 — about 15 weeks after the letter was issued. This has been well reported. The directive is addressed to all lenders, but Nigerian banks have a large share of the Gambian market and may be disproportionately affected. So you know, there are 11 banks in The Gambia and four are subsidiaries of Nigerian banking groups: Access Bank, FirstBank, Guaranty Trust Bank and one other. Two of them are among their biggest banks. The CBN has now written to the Nigerian parent banks asking Continued on page 53
GUEST COLUMNIST
MKO, June 12 and Historical Duty
O
n October 1st, the national premiere of a documentary titled “MKO” was held at the Wole Soyinka Centre for Culture and Creative Arts in Lagos with President Bola Tinubu in attendance. The documentary is built around the historic electoral victory, the surprising defiance, and the sudden death of its eponymous character, Bashorun Moshood Kashimawo Olawale Abiola, fondly known as MKO. But it is much more than that. It is a commanding retelling of the story of the June 12, 1993 presidential election which held so much hope for many reasons and
whose befuddling annulment set in motion a chain of events that plunged the country into a compounding crisis for five years. The documentary is written, directed and narrated by Ose Oyamendan, journalist and filmmaker, who is eminently positioned to tell this story and who has discharged a historical duty worthy of special commendation. June 12 has been duly recognised as Nigeria’s Democracy Day and as a national public holiday since 2019. In 2018, President Muhammadu Buhari officially acknowledged Bashorun Abiola as the winner of the historic election and posthumously conferred the two highest national honours on Abiola and his
running mate in that election, Ambassador Baba Gana Kingibe. Despite all these and the passage of time, the story of June 12 was still not properly documented. Yes, there were a few personal accounts. Yet, June 12 remained a contested part of our history and many questions still cried for answers for even those who lived through the era not to talk of the majority of our population either too young then or born after the historic election. Oyamendan’s “MKO” addresses this critical gap. Through rare footage, deft recreations, and revealing interviews, he revisits the tortuous odyssey of the precursor of the current democratic dispensation in the
country, yielding critical insights and vital lessons. He interviewed more than 50 subjects on camera, virtually everyone who was alive and had anything to do with or had meaningful things to say about the June 12 saga during the more than 10 years it took to make the documentary. The rich cast of the documentary includes former heads of state, military generals, leading politicians, pro-democracy activists, foreign diplomats, national and foreign journalists, and aides and children of Abiola. Some of the notable interviewees Continued on page 53
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