VOL 46 ISSUE 3: The Politics Issue

VOL 46 ISSUE 3 NOV. 8, 2016

The Politics Issue

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The Plant Newspaper Dawson College 2C.10 3040 Rue Sherbrooke O, Montréal, QC H3Z 1A4 contact@theplantnewspaper.com Copyright 2016

Staff

Athina Khalid

Editor in Chief

Julia Crowly

Managing Editor

Chloe Wong-Mersereau

Copy Editor

Samantha Dagres & Camron Heshmati Calderón

News Editors

Hannah Gold-Apel

Arts & Culture Editor

Maud Belair & Zach Brookman

Co-Voices Editors

Sabina Elkins

Science Editor

Joey Roselli

Sports Editor

Gaby Drummond-Dupuis

Curiosities Editor

Vienna Pouliot

Cover Artist

Jeremy Allen

VOLUME 46 ISSUE 3 - TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 8, 2016

letter from the edito r

It’s finally election day — well, in the US at least. But the United States’ hegemonic role on the global stage means that we’ll all have to deal with today’s results.

There’s a lot of talk about the “apathetic youth” when it comes to politics. We apparently don’t care about governmental policy, social issues, or the economic prosperity of the state.

I don’t buy it.

Young people played a crucial role in Bernie Sanders’ popularity and in the result of the 2015 Canadian federal election. Hopefully, American youth will turn out in high numbers in today’s election. We won’t know until this evening, but youth voter turn-out will play a big role in tonight’s result. If they vote in high numbers, young Americans will have played a pivotal role in electing the first female president and in not electing America’s first Great Leader/President-for-Life.

Young people drive Black Lives Matter, LGBTQA+ rights, indigenous rights, and feminist movements. Last week, Media@McGill held a talk with NSA whistleblower Edward Snowden (via videoconference). Around 7,000 people clicked “going” on the Facebook event; another 15,000 clicked “interested.” Despite the fact that only about 600 people would be able to get in, thousands (mainly students) lined up across the McGill campus and up University Street for the chance to see Snowden projected in Leacock 132. Summer internship programs with the federal govenrment and the Prime Minister’s Youth Council receieved thousands of applicants. Clearly, we youths aren’t as apathetic as we’re reputed to be.

This isn’t to say that politics is completely accessible; political institutions can seem remote and irrelevant. By getting involved, young people can make politics deal with issues that affect our generation in particular.

It can be hard to know where to start with one’s political involvement. The most important part of political involvement is being critical and being aware of the real impact of one’s actions. For example, many reports suggest that geo-tagging oneself at Standing Rock did not actually affect the police’s attempts to locate #NoDAPL protestors. However, the social media phenomenon displayed broad public opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline, helped protesters on the ground and may impact political decisions. The cause itself is not the only important aspect of political engagement; it’s also how one engages.

It may feel like one person can’t change much. But collectively, individuals can catalyse a broad range of changes, from particular policies to overarching social structures.

We have the responsiblity to try.

Athina Khalid Editor in Chief, 2015-2016

index

Photographer

Alexandra Khalimonova

Arts Editor

Contributors

Adeline Guèdègbé Alexander Lutchman Adam Gwiazda-Amsel Shir Gruber Thomas Lima-Barbosa Nathanaël Fleuriné Xavier Kieffer Harrison Weinreb Yu-Hsuan Ko Cristopher Derfel

The Plant is an editorially autonomous student paper. All opinions expressed in The Plant do not necessarily belong to The Plant, but are those of individuals. All content submitted to The Plant or its staff belongs to the paper. We reserve the right to reject or edit all submissions for brevity, taste and legality. The Plant welcomes typed and signed letters to the editor under 400 words.

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EDITORS: Samantha Dagres & Camron Heshmati Calderón news@theplantnewspaper.com

Dawson Student Politics: Inside the DSU One-on-one interview with Chairperson Anthony Williams Athina Khalid Editor in Chief Anthony Williams, Chairperson of the DSU, and his Fresh Party slate were elected last spring. The Plant sat down with Williams for an interview last week..

Editor’s Note: the following interview has been edited for brevity and clarity.

What got you interested in student politics?

I’m not going to lie, I started out not being interested at all. I wanted to go to school, finish my three years, and get out. But getting involved with Legacy and the conflicts we had with the DSU was my main motivation. As cheesy as this sounds, I just wanted to make Dawson a better place!

You ran with the “Fresh Party” slate.

How did and do you distinguish yourself from the previous DSU? It was clear in our campaign. We showed pictures of what we looked like which was new. We were able to mobilize more than the past three, four Unions by physically going out there and being personable. At the end of the day, that’s what this is about: being able to connect with your people, giving back to what they need, and anticipating what they will need in the future.

What have you done so far to follow up?

A lot of the changes are internal. This year is the first year that there’s a student on [Dawson College’s] governing board. I was nominated by the Governing Board to represent them on the Executive Council.

That’s never happened before. We’re giving students a voice on every single committee we have.

Students don’t hear much about the school’s administration. Do you want to expand on the DSU’s relationship with the administration?

It’s all about placement and positioning.

Building relations and trust with the administration is important so that when students have emergency needs, we can better act on it. That’s something the Union’s never focused on. We also are trying to make things [that students need to coordinate with different administration bodies] easier. For example, we’re trying to make it easier to book rooms. With finances, there’s definitely a big difference; you’re not waiting two months to get a cheque. We were executives last year; we know when you need your money, you need it now!

How do you address criticisms which suggest the changes have only been superficial?

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The changes haven’t just been on the superficial, but surface changes were to reflect that we are more serious than Unions of past years. We changed the office to show people that it’s a working space. In order to show we were different, we had to make that drastic change.

How did the Fresh Party slate come together?

First of all, Shanti’s like my wife, so we knew we were going to run together. But most of it came together organically.

What is current dynamic like? How do you deal with criticism?

A lot of us are new to this, so we trust each other to have open lines of communication and to work together. Our dynamic is that of brothers and sisters; we can disagree while completely supporting each other.

We’re a really cohesive team. Everyone helps each other out in each of their roles.

As spokesperson, how do you communicate for all your executives?

Without sounding cocky, I feel like I have a natural rapport with people and I feel like I’m able to take risks. At the Governing Board meeting, I was able to find a balance between being confrontational and effective.

Do you feel that the DSU has good relation with the student body?

If we’re comparing ourselves to years before, then yes. If we’re comparing ourselves to the standards that I want us to meet, no.

We’re not even close to where I think we can be.

Where do you want to be? What are you doing to get there?

I want an open line of communication. We have relationships with clubs, but we don’t

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necessarily have that with the whole student body. In the coming weeks, we’ll be having more grassroots campaigns.

Such as?

We have an upcoming “Bring Your Mug” campaign talking about sustainability and free trade coffee. For Halloween, we had a DSU Thriller. We’re trying to be out there and trying to communicate students.

How do you engage with people who seemingly don’t care—people who seemingly don’t want to be engaged with?

That’s such a tough question. I don’t know if it’s something we can do this year. But the more and more we’re out there, trying to be one with the students, the more students will be engaged.

Why was there low turnout at the DSU election?

Students didn’t see the changes the Union would make that could affect them. Last year, there was a focus on clubs. Now, we’re focused on the whole student population (e.g. with the Special Project Funding).

How would you address criticism that the Special Project Funding requirement of impacting 10% of the student body (approx. 1,000 students) is unattainable?

I disagree. An info session hosted by Legacy in the Lower Atrium last year impacted 2,000 students. The Peace Exhibition (note: see pg. 6 for more information) has so many people working on it. It’s not impossible; you just need to know how to do it. If you don’t know, come to us with your questions. If we could do it with Legacy, students can access 10% of the student body.

Past years have posted their budgets online. You’ve noted that transparency and communication with the student body are some of your priorities. Why is this year’s budget not online?

I’ll be honest with you; we just haven’t gotten to it. We just revamped the whole website and we’re trying to make it more accessible so it’s not just numbers thrown at you. We didn’t get the chance to do that over the summer, but we also only had a ratified budget in September.

Do you feel that the DSU has good relation with the clubs and services?

I know all the executives’ names! I like going down the 2C wing and having that relationship with people. I think that it helps us work together; EtCetera is working with SciFi to do a drag night. The Legacy, the Hive, and the DSU are working together on Aids Awareness Week. I think that’s because of the DSU’s push for community.

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There was a retreat in August to train executives and bring different clubs together. Cubs that were not aware of the retreat, were not able to attend, or had yet to form could not be active clubs if they were not present. How was the decision to take a strong stance in this regard made?

Our approach was simple. We wanted to make sure everyone had the same tools to start out with. Everyone who was a club last year had the information in May. For new clubs, they should have the chance to see the culture at Dawson first so they can see if similar clubs already exist. Many new clubs are forming and will be active in the winter semester, after attending the January retreat.

Any further comments regarding the trustee issue?

I just want to emphasize that we’re looking at the long term and that Clubs and Services are only privy to part of the situation. There are levels to this situation, and there’ll be a full campaign.

How do you bring the 2C wing culture to the rest of the college?

Clubs have to understand they’re there for student life. We’ve been holding more clubs fairs. People just don’t know how much is going on at the College, so we have to show them.

What is the DSU’s role in advocating for student initiatives?

The first part is listening and being open.

There are so many issues with ISEP that we’ve been pushing against. We as students have a lot of power to change things. We have more of a presence at administrative meetings. Plus, just having events, supporting our clubs, and being present allows us to advocate for students..

Any initiatives you want to flag?

We have our Sustainability for Students to make people aware of how they can be sustainable and how sustainability affects everyone’s lives. We have an anti-sexual harassment campaign in light of what’s been happening on campus, not only in club spaces, but also with students, teachers, etc.

Now, a month and a half later, the school’s acting as well.

What do you hope to gain from this experience?

Honestly, I don’t know. At first, I just wanted to give back to the school, but then I saw we could do so much more than that.

Other schools—Vanier, John Abbot—are asking us what our formula is. So I guess I just want to bring back that school spirit I felt ten years ago when I was at Dawson.

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VOL. 46 ISSUE 3 - NOV 8, 2016

EDITORS: Samantha Dagres & Camron Heshmati Calderón news@theplantnewspaper.com

Low Voter Turnout

Dawson’s Apathy Towards Student Elections Adeline Guèdègbé Contributor Last semester, an election was set to determine the next members of the Dawson Student Union executive team, but, due to extremely low voter turnout (only 4.6% of the eligible student body.), we can hardly say they were chosen by the students. The reasons for such low voter turnout remain unknown to the majority of students.

Océane Kounkou, a third semester student, says that she wasn’t aware that a vote was going to be held. “I didn’t vote because I didn’t know [about it]. I also feel like there [wasn’t] anything reminding us to vote. There needs to be more advertisement for it, they could show it on the TVs, I know I watch them,” she says.

Natacha Bwabwa and Sarah Razafintseheno, both third semester students, reiterated Kounkou’s reasoning: “I didn’t vote because I didn’t know,” and Bwabwa added that she would’ve only voted if she knew who or what she would be voting for – something she was also unaware of during the last DSU election.

Voter turnout is a relevant issue in every election, especially for the young people

in the notoriously ambivalent 18-24 age group.

Julia Nuro, a third semester student, disagrees with Kounkou, saying that she was made aware of the election through advertising on social media: “I saw a picture on Facebook that reminded me to go vote,

saying that the students didn’t know what they were voting about: “Your average student didn’t understand the issues, and if you don’t understand. you’re not going to vote.”

In school elections, new incentives could be implemented to ensure higher voter

but what really interested me was the fact that my friend was running and I wanted to support him.”

Vanessa Gordon, a professor in the Political Science department, explains the low voter turnout of the last DSU elections by

turnout. Online voting could be an option; it could be easily accessed through the Omnivox portal and administered like a survey to all the students of the college.

Deputy Chairperson of the DSU, Daly Sonesaksith, agrees that voting through

Omnivox would be a potentially effective way of inciting people to vote. “I think Omnivox is a possible solution because we all use it; a simple notification gets our attention quickly.”

Voter turnout is essential in maintaining democratic legitimacy in the results of the election. If the turnout only represents a sliver of the eligible student body, it is hard to say that the process was democratic - or that the student body as a whole is actually represented by the elected group of union representatives.

Increased voter turnout of certain groups can also play a role in drastically changing the outcomes of an election.

Obama, for example, beat out Romney because of minority and female votes. It is also argued that if all American youth had turned out to vote in the Democratic primaries, Bernie Sanders would have won the nomination.

The next DSU election is set to be held during the Winter Semester, and in the interim, Sonesaksith would like to see more information about it in the school. “I think there should be posters in bathrooms and on the tables of the cafeteria, everyone goes there.”

The Rise of State Espionage in Montreal Alexander Lutchman Contributor Waterlogged and wounded, Sal “The Ironworker” Montagna collapsed on shore after trying to cross the Assomption river.

Having attempted to take control of Montreal’s mafia, the man was gunned down and died from his wounds in hospital on the November 24th 2016. Six men pleaded guilty to a lesser murder charge thanks to a deal presented by the crown. Although gun-related fatalities are comparatively uncommon with respect to our gun-happy southern neighbours, court documents reveal shady surveillance practices common to both nations.

Much of the evidence collected by the RCMP came from text messages sent between the conspirators after the murder.

The controversial aspect of this case lies not in the act itself, but more so in the methods used to collect evidence. International Mobile Subscriber Identities are used to identify cellular users of any network.

IMSI catchers are devices that mimic service provider base stations that every cell phone within a certain radius (2 km in this case) must connect to. Without the user’s

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knowledge, the device then stores whatever data it collects, whether it be text messages or phone calls. These espionage tools may sound like they came from an Alex Jones fever dream, but they unfortunately exist in metropolitan centres and, according to documents released by the mounties, are all over Montreal.

In a murder case, targeted surveillance could be justified, but the fact is that these mobile device identifiers act like fishing nets; they catch all messages that pass through them indiscriminately. Officer Jocelyn Fortin testified in court that he had utilized IMSI catchers in over 30 secretive operations. Many of the court documents have elements redacted, making the exact extent to which these devices are used hard to grasp. The plea deal accepted by the mafiosos worked in concert for both the prosecution and the defence, as the line of questioning regarding the use of domestic espionage equipment ended.

As private citizens, many people are not even aware of the extent, or even the existence of routine espionage. Dawson Cinema and Communications student Jordan Tsering expressed his concern: “I’d say less than a third of people our age know about it, and the majority of those who know

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know very little and make “witty” comparisons to 1984.”

The Canadian Security Intelligence Service (CSIS), Canada’s CIA, will not reveal to what degree domestic surveillance is used, but recent revelations that half of American adults are included in a facial recognition database, along with Canada’s enthusiastic participation in the ominously named Five Eyes intelligence sharing alliance between Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the UK, and the US is cause for concern.

As revealed by whistleblower and pain in the ass to state power, Edward Snowden, Western governments have ramped up their domestic surveillance programmes in response to Islamic terrorism. Due to the secrecy of surveillance programmes, it is hard to know to what degree the existence of this mosque prompts surveillance, but thanks to increasing knowledge about the interconnectedness and paranoia of western intelligence agencies, it would not be unthinkable.

Snowden claims that “Canadian intelligence has one of the weakest oversight frameworks out of any western intelligence agency.” Despite the government’s insistence that the Security Intelligence

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Review Committee (SIRC) furnishes “robust” oversight, the organisation is at a loss for staff, especially since the passing of the Patriot Act-esque Bill C-51. In response to supporters of this controversial bill, which greatly expands the powers of CSIS, Snowden said “[that] we have a document here with [the CSIS] logo on it saying that information about Canadians is being collected on a mass and untargeted basis… and you’re saying you want to expand the way this information can be used.” Jordan Tsering chimes in saying “It’s literally impossible for C-51 not to be abused and if you think the government would use it responsibly, you’re either brain dead or have Harper’s d*ck in your mouth.”

Whether or not Canadian metadata is used to solve crimes, citizens should know what is going on. In order for a government to be truly democratic, it must remain accountable and transparent, neither of which can be achieved by depriving the population of information about surveillance practices, as well as its oversight committee of the necessary resources to do its job. In spite of the supposed freedom and equality western countries claim to champion, many are left wondering whether we are living in 2016 or 1984.

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EDITORS: Samantha Dagres & Camron Heshmati Calderón news@theplantnewspaper.com

VOL. 46 ISSUE 3 - NOV 8, 2016

Trudeau’s Not-So-Sunny Ways Year in Review of the Liberal Government Camron Heshmati Calderón News Editor

October 19th marks a year since the MP for Papineau was elected Prime Minister of Canada on the promises of “Real Change” and “sunny ways” progressivism.

Trudeau continues to ride high in the polls, and is described by a starstruck international press as a “Politician and Star of His Own Viral Universe,” and “a prime minister-slash-social media star on a political honeymoon,” as he was referred to by the New York Times. The Canadian media, apart from some mild rumblings countering the Trudeau narrative of his government’s ardent progressivism, has chosen to focus on issues from the petty to the inane. From trivial expense scandals, to #Elbowgate, it would seem that our PM is simply beyond reproach. Amidst such adulation for Trudeau and his government, it behooves one to inquire if it is indeed justified.

Complacency in Human Rights Violations Shortly after his election, Trudeau and his government proceeded to put into practice the feminist values that supposedly guide his political philosophy by allowing the sale of $15 billion worth of Light Armoured Vehicles (LAVs) to Saudi Arabia, a country whose greatest hits include executions for witchcraft, systematic repression of women, homosexuals, political dissidents and religious minorities, as well as the killing of Houthi civilians in its U.S.backed military coalition in Yemen with the arms we are kindly supplying to them.

As The Plant reported in August, in reviewing the export permit application, “no concerns were raised” by various government departments, including the Department of National Defence, while plainly acknowledging Saudi Arabia’s abysmal human rights record.

Eric David, professor of human rights law from the Free University of Belgium, argues that the deal is in violation of Canadian and international law.

Trudeau defended the deal by citing the potential loss of Canada’s credibility as a reliable global trading partner: “People have to know that when you sign a deal with Canada, a change in governments won’t immediately scrap the jobs and benefits coming from it because we’re not a banana republic,” he explained in an interview to the Toronto Star.

Clearly, to the “Sunny Ways” Prime Minister, the loss of human life is just the cost of doing business — a mere externality.

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Climate Change Another policy front often subjected to the neoliberal logic of the externalization of long-term, systemic risk is climate change. The dominant political discourse on climate change, from its very dismissal as an actual occurrence, to the lack of political will to affect ‘Real Change,’ leads to the same inexorable path to self-annihilation.

In Canada and abroad, political actors, in tow with corporate special interests, have failed to depart this from a self-destructive discourse that misrepresents or even denies the need for immediate action and have, as a result, failed to implement measures that could significantly curtail greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions.

The COP 21 Paris Agreement signed in April of 2016 set out reduction targets of 1.5° C above pre-industrial levels by 2030.

The treaty that will determine the fate of species survival was rendered toothless by the American government, whose Republican-controlled Congress torpedoed the possibility of a legally-binding agreement.

The treaty will therefore rely on the entirely voluntary goodwill of states to imple-

is to say that corporate interests trump the prevention of environmental catastrophe.

Trudeau’s business-as-usual rhetoric portends a disastrous environmental policy, already foreshadowed by his government’s approval of the Pacific NorthWest LNG project, which is projected to “be one of the largest greenhouse gas emitters in Canada,” equivalent to the addition of one million new cars each year, according to the government’s own report, as explained by the CBC. To its credit, the Trudeau government acknowledges the existence of climate change and will be implementing a $15 national price on carbon by 2018. While arguably a significant departure from the climate-change-denying Conservatives, the amassing of brownie points from the Globe & Mail is not nearly enough to reach national reduction targets. Reduction targets set by the previous Conservative government, which have incidentally remained the same, also fall short in preventing the cataclysmic outcomes for the viability of human life during our current geological age of the Anthropocene.

ment GHG reduction measures. Members of the Republican Party readily deny the validity of climate change and regard it as a conspiratorial fabrication by liberal environmentalists, or in the case of their fascistic presidential nominee, a conspiratorial fabrication by “China.”

Trudeau, who most certainly would not take kindly to being aligned with the Republican Party, largely adopts their dismissive stance on the real dangers of global warming by remaining steadfast in his belief that one can “find a balance” between the environment and the economy, which

Corporate Lap Dog The Trudeau government currently supports international so-called “free trade” agreements which have very little to do with the reduction or elimination of tariffs, and contrary to the pro-corporate assumptions of both our current and previous PMs, are not a great boon to sustained economic development.

Instead, these agreements, namely the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA) and the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP) undermine democracy

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by signing away the sovereignty of parliament to unaccountable private corporations. Negotiated in complete secrecy by a cadre of corporate lawyers, these deals incorporate an investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) mechanism, which allows corporations to challenge government laws and regulations by suing states through an ad hoc tribunal comprised wholly of wellpaid corporate lawyers who adjudicate disputes in secret with no public input.

According to a 2015 report by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA), Canada has been the target of over 70% of all NAFTA claims since 2005, making Canada the most sued country in the developed world as a result of the ISDS mechanism found in Chapter 11 of the NAFTA, and has paid out damages totaling over $172 million of taxpayer money. Just recently, the government was ordered to pay out $28 million to Windstream Energy, an American corporation which sought to contravene Ontario’s moratorium on wind farms.

It was through a massive and vigorous campaign of popular outcry, mainly in the Belgian region of Wallonia, that CETA was renegotiated in late October of 2016 to include a permanent appellate tribunal to appeal decisions made by the aforementioned adjudication tribunal -- a small victory that has gone underreported by the mainstream press, which has characterized the self-governing region of Belgium comprising more than half of the country’s national territory, as a “small region in Belgium,” within which “left-wingers and cranks” are illegitimately holding back the deal.

This, just days after Trudeau threatened the European Union to approve CETA, which he referred to as a “progressive trade deal.” “If Europe doesn’t manage to sign this deal it will be a very clear message - not just to Europeans but to the entire world - that Europe is choosing a path that is perhaps not very productive ... that would be really sad,” Trudeau said to reporters after talks with the visiting French Prime Minister.

While the mainstream press continues to fawn over Trudeau’s carefully-crafted glitzy public persona, his policies, which include the complicity in human rights violations, his pro-business stance on climate change, and the signing away of political sovereignty, all in the name of the economic “national interest,” have illuminated the nature of Trudeau’s promise of “Real Change.” In a battle between the competing national (read: business) and public interest, the Trudeau government has sent a very clear message that it will side with his corporate clientele.

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6 EDITOR: Hannah Gold-Apel artsandculture@theplantnewspaper.com

VOL. 46 ISSUE 3 - NOV 8, 2016

The Dawson History Exchange

Exploring Ireland’s Political History Through Murals Adam Gwiazda-Amsel Contributor

and anti-British murals stretched across the whole city, with a particularly strong concentration along the Shankill and Falls roads. Analogies from Israeli-Palestinian to

Mandelan conflict colour (both figuratively and quite literally) the tension between culturally “Catholic” and “Protestant” factions in the Irish independence debate

Last year, a group of Dawson students visited Ireland as part of a history exchange. Along with many other historical sites visited by the group last year was the city of Derry/Londonderry in Northern Ireland. The venue of Bloody Sunday and the setting of much of the Troubles of 1968-1998, the city was expectedly filled to the brim with rich, fascinating historical culture. Along with various museums, walks, and other activities in Derry was a peculiar site in the city’s underprivileged Bogside area – expansive wall murals painted by the appropriately-named Bogside Artists.

According to their official manifesto (available online), the Bogside Artists feel that artists have “a social imperative to express that truth [of otherwise-unspoken violence] fearlessly”; it follows that “the work is also political” for these men.

Upon visiting the “People’s Gallery of Murals” in the Bogside, viewers can expect 12 heart-wrenching murals along Rossville Street, mostly of events which unfolded during the Free Derry protest of 19691972, the creation of a break-away state in the inner city. The gallery is completely free of charge, open to the public, and absolutely beautiful.

For the people of Northern Ireland, murals have been and continue to be integral parts of political discourse in the country. In Belfast, the other major city of Northern Ireland, we are treated to pro-

of Northern Ireland. Thanks to these murals, all citizens are able to participate in a sense of national pride, even if the last they heard of independence struggles was in high school (it is important to note that the groups are no longer putting bombs in each other’s mailboxes).

Though the Provisional Irish Republican Army (Provisional IRA for short) has not been active since 1998, the civil rights movement that affected Northern Ireland throughout the Troubles has not come to a close. Artists from U2 to The Cranberries continue to sing about strife in Northern Ireland, and the gates of security walls between many Catholic and Protestant neighbourhoods (also called “Peace Walls”) are still locked every night. In fact, a study by the University of Ulster found that 69% of inhabitants along these walls found their existence was still necessary to limit violence between the inhabitants of Belfast.

It is not often we get to travel with this sort of lens. Thankfully, rich murals helped me see another side of Northern Ireland.

I had the pleasure of travelling with Professor Catherine Braithwaite and the Class Abroad in Ireland, continuing on to Belfast after the group returned to Montreal.

Aside from the Titanic Museum and giant cranes, I was treated to the sight of over one hundred murals, stacks of wood being set out for the Orangemen’s bonfires, and a fantastic city recovering from decades (centuries, even) of violence and hatred. Professor Braithwaite is strongly considering a stay in Belfast itself during the exchange this year, an opportunity not to be passed up.

Adam Gwiazda-Amsel 2016

The Peace Exhibiton Student-run Exhibition Looking for Volunteers Shir Gruber Contributor This year, the first ever Dawson Peace Exhibition will be held on November 24th, 2016 at Dawson College. The Peace Exhibition, created in collaboration with the Dawson Peace Centre and the student-run Dawson Peace Conference, is dedicated to past and present victims of gun violence, their families and their communities. Their goal is to grow the Dawson community into a place that actively empowers indi-

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viduals to use education, critical thinking, speech, and art as tools to promote peace in the face of violence.

At the exhibition, there will be short films screened, an area reserved for the display of any medium of physical art (statues, couture, paintings, photography…) and a stage for performers.

All proceeds from this event will go to a Montreal-based non-profit organization helping rehabilitate youth on the streets: Dans La Rue (https://danslarue.org/).

To make the event possible, the organiz-

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ers are looking for your help. They are currently looking for volunteers and artists to organize and contribute to this event. One does not have to be a Dawson student to apply to be an artist or a volunteer for The Peace Exhibition; everyone is welcome.

They hope to make the Peace Exhibition a safe, inclusive environment that spreads positivity, sparks public dialogue upon a number of contemporary issues and connects people through artistic expression.

The organizers are currently looking to fulfill a number of positions in the organi-

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zational committee. Such positions include Co-Director of Marketing, Co-Director of Social Media, Graphic Designer, Content Creators, and Videographer.

In order to get involved and for more information about these positions, email thepeaceexhibition@gmail.com.

Specify whether you want to be a volunteer or an artist and the team will send you all the necessary information.

If you attend The Peace Exhibition on November 24th, you’re in for a day of art, music, food and conversation.

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visual arts On the Edge of the World

Vigil for Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women October 4, 2015

Credit: Athina Khalid

Promethean Pantoum

By Thomas Lima-Barbosa

By: Nathanaël Fleuriné

Don’t Go Walking

Il croula. Dieu changea la chaîne de l’Europe.

Il est, au fond des mers que la brume enveloppe, Un roc hideux, débris des antiques volcans.

Le Destin prit des clous, un marteau, des carcans, Saisit, pâle et vivant, ce voleur du tonnerre, Et, joyeux, s’en alla sur le pic centenaire Le clouer, excitant par son rire moqueur Le vautour Angleterre à lui ronger le cœur.

The Overpass

By Xavier Kieffer

He came to harvest But it was too soon too late In Memoriam

Born of a warm island, A stranger to a war-torn nation.

Oh! How they mocked Destiny’s hand!

Cannon fire echoes a genius’ inception.

Take a deep breath it’s your last The sound of grace as left your mouth A troublesome disposition carved you

Awaited heir to the Revolution!

Our muskets have tarried for too long!

The deafening blows of an unyielding nation Resound in the wake of Marianne’s song!

He stands but fails to understand Missing nothing, taking, puncturing, Cursing, falling face first on the pavement The passing penumbra decays before him Spilling his last words, only cemented thoughts His heart rate rapid as he feels himself leaving

Never does our march linger for long; Our conquest knows no bounds, In Alexander’s steps we press on!

The sun shines on victorious grounds.

He shattered like glass, on the dark overpass He was locked out of himself, on that dark overpass Youth has been stolen once too often, on that dark overpass

Has hubris ever known bounds?

Constant are their steps, steady is their advance; Blood spatters on winter’s grounds, Against them the elements dance.

Bless D.D. H.K. III

Scorched were the fields, heavy was the expense; Futile is the capture of an empty city.

The Coalition misses not this chance; The tragic retreat of a humbled army.

Unthinkable, his return stunned the city.

Again into battle they ride their steeds, A still-burning army takes its former glory.

In a blaze, the eagle’s flight takes the lead.

A final charge cannot break their creed; They face defeat with glory on their mind.

The swan’s song is a bitter one indeed.

War is thus finally repaid in kind.

East Block Courtayard, Parliament Hill July 2016

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Credit: Athina Khalid

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Now history faces this mover of mankind, Now they doubt not a legend so grand.

Far from the people I set alight, I find Death on a grey island.

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EDITORS: Maud Belair & Zachary Brookman voices@theplantnewspaper.com

VOL. 46 ISSUE 3 - NOV. 8, 2016

Donald Trump’s Threat to American Democracy Julia Crowly Managing Editor Donald Trump is a racist. Donald Trump is a misogynist. Donald Trump is a xenophobe. Donald Trump is a liar.

Donald Trump may even be an idiot. But no one can say that Donald Trump is not powerful. And one of the most lasting effects of this power may prove to be his threat to and erosion of democracy itself.

In the second presidential debate, Trump offered his opinion that his opponent Hillary Clinton should be thrown in jail, and would be if he were elected. This outburst violates the laws and morals that govern a president’s capabilities; Trump’s brash statement illustrates that he has no understanding of or respect for the democratic process. He seems to believe that

if elected to power, he would have the unlimited legislative, executive, and judicial powers of a dictator. As a president of the American republic, assuming that he behaved according to the rules, he would simply not have the capacity to jail his political opponents with no good reason or fair trial.

But Trump’s chilling promise has had repercussions beyond just illuminating his disregard for the proper carriage of justice. His statement has led to the normalization of this sort of totalitarian mindset – Trump rallies echo with cries of “Lock her up!” The Trump support base seems to have latched onto this flippancy in the face of democratic law and order that promises to forego democratic procedures in favor of immediate change – a worrying shift in the public perception of our political process that hints at long-term changes in the

ability of our democratic system to continue to run smoothly.

Yet another worrying mantra that both Trump and his supporters have latched onto is the idea that the entire election is rigged. Trump himself doesn’t seem to be quite sure of who the perpetrator might be – at times we are told that it is the entirety of the liberal media who is doing the rigging, sometimes it’s Hillary Clinton herself, or her “people”. But this isn’t really the point. The point is that Trump’s actions, as he desperately trying to preemptively place blame on anyone but himself for any dip in his success, have the nasty side effect of casting doubt on the credibility of the election, and of democracy as a whole. If a large percentage of the population doesn’t believe in the validity of the elected president, how can the government claim legitimacy or maintain control?

Trump’s rejection of the American political process due to his inability to consider his own failure, while transparently cowardly to many, is actually far more dangerous as it seems. Once the seed of doubt, mistrust, and disaffection is planted, the American democratic system will be hardpressed to recover. Trump has repeatedly stated that he will refuse to accept the result of the election if he loses, but that his win would prove the validity of the election process – a catch-22 that one would be best not to ponder too hard. But this denial of the legitimacy of the elected government would extend to many people, and for many years, beyond Donald J. Trump.

Political proceedings for years to come will have to battle to gain back the trust and support of disenfranchised Americans who were tempted into the path of denial by a fake-tanned pied piper.

We Cannot Trust Clinton’s Finger on the Nukes Either Harrison Weinreb Contributor Most of us hear it every day: Trump’s fingers will be on the nuclear launch buttons. We are constantly berated with how support for his fingers being in proximity to the bright red button would indisputably lead to the end of civilization as we know it. It is an unsettling notion for any one person to wield that much power, but if we’re discussing which candidate is more dangerous, militarily speaking and foreign policy-wise, it’s Hillary Rodham Clinton.

Whether it be her close friendship with, and praise of near-war criminals like Henry Kissinger, her support for virtually every war she’s ever encountered, her armament deal approvals that reek of corruption, or her hawkish stances toward other world superpowers, Secretary Clinton definitely fits the criteria for being a serious warmonger.

Although it has been the plight of almost every president in the last fifty years to engage in propaganda-driven warfare for oil or to “defeat” communism, judging by her record, Clinton will in no way be the one to end that trend. In fact, she could be much worse, and the military industrial complex is certainly betting on it. Since the election cycle began, Hillary Clinton has received five times the donations from military arms dealers like Lockheed Martin and General Dynamics than her opponent, Donald Trump, a telling sign considering the sector heavily favored republican candidates in previous elections. The breach of tradition isn’t without reason. The industry is

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likely counting on Clinton expanding her record of chauvinistic foreign policy and history of approving arms deals if elected commander-in-chief.

In the span of twenty years, Clinton has either been involved in or has supported military intervention in Iraq, Afghanistan, Honduras, Libya, and Syria, many instances of which occurred while she served as Secretary of State.

Clinton’s direct involvement in supporting or enabling warfare is not her only foreign policy red flag. She has managed to enable overseas conflict for her own personal gain by settling herself comfortably on the cushy sidelines of the State Department. Moreover, the presidential candidate has a disturbing record of approving weapons deals to Clinton Foundation donors. In 2011, Clinton, then Secretary of State, approved a striking $29 billion arms deal for F-15 fighter jets to Saudi Arabia. The deal

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came after the foundation received over $10 million dollars from the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and a subsequent donation of $900,000 from Boeing, one of the fighter jets’ manufacturers.

Although the armament agreement supposedly conflicted with the United States’ official stance on Saudi Arabia’s repressive policies, Clinton insisted the deal was in the best interests of both countries

Todd Diemer 2016

and a personal “top priority.” It should be noted that since the deal, which represents only a fraction of the $165 billion in weapons deals to 20 different countries whose governments have contributed to the Clinton Foundation, took place, Saudi Arabia has been engaged in controversial warfare throughout the Middle East. This troubling pattern of corruption shows a seemingly unconcerned Clinton who is willing

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to risk foreign military instability and external aggression for personal benefit.

The recent WikiLeaks revelations showcase some frightening examples of Hillary Clinton’s militaristic approach. In an email excerpting one of her private paid speeches, she reportedly told attendees she would “ring China with missile defense” if the country continued to lack involvement in ending North Korea’s nuclear program.

“We’re going to put more of our fleet in the area,” she later added.

WikiLeaks has previously reported that Clinton once considered assassinating editor-in-chief and journalist, Julian Assange, by drone. According to State Department sources, in a 2010 meeting discussing what could be done about Assange and incoming diplomatic cable leaks, Clinton reportedly asked, “Can’t we just drone this guy?”

She later refused to deny the claim. The query demonstrates Clinton’s trigger-happy tendencies to use military force whenever a problem arises. Although it is often Donald Trump who has been compared to autocratic figures such as Vladimir Putin, Clinton’s seeming interest in murdering journalists shows that the Russian President and the former American Secretary of State have something in common.

Of all of Secretary Clinton’s military endeavors, Libya is her most notorious “achievement”. The 2011 military intervention in Libya has been called “Hillary’s Iraq”. It has been her baby since day one, with relatively unclear motives. Although the country was a counterterrorist ally to the United States, and Qaddafi was no longer considered a threat, then-Secretary Clinton strongly urged the administration to intervene, initially by supporting Libyan rebels with a no-fly zone.

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EDITORS: Maud Belair & Zachary Brookman voices@theplantnewspaper.com (cont.) By the time Qaddafi was overthrown, the intervention had rapidly turned into a full-blown war. The once-thriving Libyan economy was in ruins. The country’s national budget went from an 8.7% GDP surplus to a 17.1% GDP deficit. The economy shrank by almost 42% and the country’s lucrative oil production fell by over 80%. Libya has since been deemed an unstable terrorist safe-haven for the Islamic State. Obama described the intervention as his administration’s “worst mistake,” whereas Clinton continues to label her leadership in the war as a testament to her valuable foreign policy experience.

Hillary Rodham Clinton has been a supporter, enabler, and leader of military aggression all over the globe. Her unscrupulous dealings with human-rights violating nations and profit-hungry war machine manufacturers demonstrate a lack of judgement and moral integrity. Her eagerness to use force represents a detachment and lack of concern for those on the other end of the gun and a total absence of consideration for potential unintended consequences. Over the years, Clinton’s hawkish tendencies have become so predictable that some have resorted to betting on her opponent’s unpredictability or to a third party candidate.

The Fight for the Right to Choose Cristopher Derfel Contributor Abortion is a controversial, hotly-debated issue that seems to divide a room whenever it’s brought up. Some are against it, citing moral or religious reasons, while others say that it’s a woman’s right to choose.

Personally, I agree with the latter—nobody, especially people in places of power, should be telling women what they can or cannot do when it comes to their own bodies. Unfortunately, perhaps because of our own fairly progressive regulations on abortion, most Canadians are not aware of abortion’s less-than-favourable legal position in (otherwise) modernized places around the world.

In Poland, for example, government-approved abortion is only permitted under specific circumstances, such as if the woman’s health is in danger, if her pregnancy is the result of rape or incest, or if the foetus is badly damaged. As recently as last month, however, the Polish government considered a proposal that would completely criminalize abortion, effectively tightening the predominantly Catholic nation’s already strict laws concerning the issue. The proposal came from a citizens’ group called Stop Abortion and gathered over 450,000 signatures, more than enough to be legitimately considered by the ruling conservative Law and Justice Party. However, the proposal was understandably met with massive public backlash, as many were furious that such a law was being considered. On Octo-

ber 3rd, 2016, in an event which has since been dubbed “Black Monday”, thousands gathered in the streets of Warsaw, Gdansk, Krakow and other major cities to protest the bill, causing the Law and Justice Party to back down from the matter. Lawmakers have since voted against it 352-58.

Though there is still more work to be done, this victory has motivated many Polish women to continue their fight and the country’s success has sparked similar campaigns in primarily Catholic countries, including Ireland, a nation that has been divided over the topic of abortion for years.

Irish lawmaking has seen very little progression over the past 50 years, with Caiomh Doyle of the Abortion Rights Campaign contributing Ireland’s strict abortion laws to political parties pandering to their largely Catholic supporters. Doyle notes, “The two main parties in Ireland see their conservative voter base as anti-abortion and so neither of them want to be seen as the party who ‘introduced’ abortion.” In fact, it was only in 2013 that a law was introduced that allowed women to get legal abortions—but only in cases where the mother’s life was at risk. This law was put in place after a 31-year-old woman named Savita Halappanavar died after being denied a possibly life-saving abortion during a miscarriage.

Before this, many Irish women would travel to Britain, where abortion is legal, in order to undergo the procedure—but not everyone can afford the trip.

Luckily, the pro-choice movement is still vocal in Ireland, with campaigns such as.

“Repeal the 8th”, which aims to abolish the country’s 8th amendment, a constitutional ban on abortion, gaining new ground with growing international support.

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VOL. 46 ISSUE 3 - NOV. 8, 2016

Algonquin Land Claim and Self-Identity A Dawson Professor Recounts her Experience Yu-Hsuan Ko Contributor On October 18, 2016, an agreement-in-principle of Algonquin land claims was signed. If the subsequent negotiations were to go smoothly, 117,500 acres of lands would ultimately be transferred to Algonquin ownership and $300 millions of settlement capital would be provided by the governments of Canada and Ontario. The would-be treaty was signed by three parties: the Government of Canada, the Government of Ontario and the Algonquin of Ontario (AOO).

Representatives of the AOO were chiefs from ten Algonquin communities, including Pikwakanagan, the largest First Nation reserve in the territory. They aimed to find a compromise over Crown Lands in Ontario that had been claimed by Algonquin people since the mid-1980s. Unfortunately, after the agreement-in-principle was signed, chiefs from a number of Iroquois and Algonquin Indigenous groups not included under the Algonquins of Ontario umbrella announced that the AOO does not accurately represent all Algonquin people. In my opinion, these chiefs are correct as, frankly, a significant number of First Nations people who were and are attached to the lands discussed in the 2016 agreement are plainly excluded from it.

The current eligibility criteria for the Algonquin land claim includes being of direct lineal descent from an Algonquin ancestor, having a recent ancestor who was part of an Algonquin Collective from 1897 to 1991, and being culturally or socially connected with an Algonquin collective.

In other words, if an applicant is capable of demonstrating their genetic connection to an Algonquin ancestor, they are qualified for the land claim. These criteria automatically include people who do not necessarily observe any Indigenous traditions anymore. According to Robert Potts, the principal negotiator of the AOO, “The inclusion of non-status descendants of Algonquins is intended to correct a historic

injustice wherein many bands were never recognized under the Indian Act.” However, while this agreement tries to correct a historic injustice, it creates a contemporary problem: while the requests of several Iroquois and Algonquin First Nations were ignored, seemingly arbitrary individuals, like Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, who can trace his Algonquin ancestry back eight generations, for example, are eligible for the land claim.

Four Algonquin First Nations chiefs who were not included in the AOO bargain claimed the treaty illegal and denounced the deal because the treaty includes almost 900,000 acres of their own land. Among others, Lance Haymond, chief of the Kabaowek First Nation, argues, “The vast majority [of the AOO] are not Algonquin at all, but non-indigenous people who claim a loose connection to an Algonquin root ancestor.” In reality, not that many of the beneficiaries of the treaty have had any intermarriage with Algonquins for more than 200 years. On the other hand, as Haymond mentions, indigenous people who have tied themselves to their lands for decades were marginalized.

The Iroquois Caucus, which represents seven Iroquois communities in Ontario and Quebec, also claimed the agreement fraudulent. Joe Norton, Grand Chief of Kahnawake notes, “The claim involves lands continuously occupied by the Iroquois, yet they have more or less been pushed aside for people who have no right to any of this territory.” Norton is right: a large portion of the 117,500 acres involved in the treaty are actually the traditional land base of Iroquois First Nation and not the Algonquin.

While another five years of negotiations are needed before the final agreement is settled, it is crucial to resolve these conflicts amongst Canada’s First Nations, specifically the Iroquois and the Algonquin. It is also necessary to reexamine and redraft the treaty so that it does do justice to all Algonquin-related indigenous groups. Indeed, as Lance Haymond points out, “the Algonquin of Ontario do not have the moral or legal obligation to negotiate away all the rights of the Algonquin people.”

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science & spo rts

EDITORS: Sabina Elkins & Joey Roselli science@theplantnewspaper.com; sports@theplantnewspaper.com

VOL. 46 ISSUE 1 - SEPT. 13, 2016

Powering Canada

Our Energy Sector’s Bad Habits Sabina Elkins Editor While maybe not on your top ten list of dream vacations, the Manicouagan reservoir in Northern Québec is a fascinating spot. The Manicouagan crater, as it is sometimes called, is one of the oldest and largest impact craters on Earth. The general belief is that is was caused by a meteor five kilometers wide some 214 million years ago, during the Triassic Period. Since then, scientists at NASA estimate that is has eroded one full kilometer due to glacial changes. Today, it resembles a ring, with the Réne-Levasseur island occupying the centre.

Hydro-Québec, a state-owned enterprise, has decided to make use of this reservoir and fill it. We’re talking about 138 cubic kilometers of water. That’s over 55 olympic swimming pools. Julie Dubé, a representative of Hydro-Québec, says that storing water like this is comparable to “une batterie pour nous. C’est de l’énergie potentielle qui va nous servir à produire au moment où on en aura besoin.”

They are investing in the future energy production of the province, which aids us both in the monetary compensation we get

from selling excess energy to our neighbours, like the US, and in the simple fact that our lights turn on when we flick the switch. However, what about the devastating effects on Manicouagan? The area will be flooded, which will damage existing infrastructure (including cottages, hunting camps, and a science center) and countless organisms in the region will be killed. Effects of flooding is one of the biggest arguments against hydroelectric power, and Hydro-Québec is doing it ‘just in case.’

All of this begs the question, why was there not a bigger push back against Hydro-Québec’s announcement? In the 1960s, the cabinet of ministers within the Canadian government created an order that mandated that Hydro-Québec was free to do with the reservoir as they pleased, or at least to flood the area to a certain maximum altitude. So despite the negative impacts this will create, Hydro-Québec has done absolutely nothing wrong in the eyes of our government.

This apathy to environmental damage could be interpreted as a choice of the lesser of two evils, as we all know that hydroelectricity is considered a renewable resource in comparison to the alternatives.

We could even blame it on the fact that this order was granted over 50 years ago and

today’s government, along with its environmentally conscious promises, has nothing to do with it.

However, our government is currently debating an expansion project on the Kinder Morgan Trans Mountain pipeline.

This pipeline extends from the middle of Alberta through British Columbia to cities bordering the Pacific ocean. Liberals have said that they will decide on the possible expansion by mid-December, but many are unhappy even with the mere proposal.

Protesters took to Parliament Hill on October 24th in an effort to show their discontent that the creation of new oil infrastructure is even up for discussion. The police issued 99 trespass citations to the demonstrators, even putting some people in handcuffs to lead them away. Yet, for all intents and purposes it was a peaceful demonstration. Protesters said that getting arrested was the point, as it draws the public eye to their cause.

When asked about the protest, Jim Carr, our Natural Resources Minister, quipped: “dissent is the hallmark of democracy.” He declared that Trudeau’s government has “been saying all along that environmental stewardship and economic growth go hand-in-hand in Canada.” Which is not false, but neither are the protester’s ban-

ners flying with slogans like ‘Climate Leaders Don’t Build Pipelines.’

After signing the Paris climate treaty at the UN in April, Justin Trudeau boldly claimed that “We’re making these investments and we’re following through on our commitments because it’s the right thing to do.” Yet, adding to the already large amount of infrastructure for oil in Canada does not coincide with the promised reductions in the carbon dioxide emissions of our country. And flooding vast regions of northern Québec, while mostly unrelated to CO2 emissions, is also not very environmentally conscious. The consequences of our actions now will have a great effect on what we have left in the future.

As future leaders in society, we must prompt those currently in charge to invest in the environmental and economic stability of our country. Maintaining our natural resources and the health of our ecosystems is of utmost importance to our personal livelihoods.

So go join the protests, and write to your MPs to express your discontent with the state of things. Talk about why our needs for energy should not trump our future prospects. Do not let the Liberal government go back on its promises from Paris.

Masella consoled him.

Fortunately, Sorel-Tracy had no chance to capitalize on that power play.Sorel-Tracy were the first to hit the scoreboard, making it 1-0 for them at 6:28 in the second period.

This goal really infuriated the Blues, which caused them to receive another two penalties, one after another. Benoit was well aware that he needed to think of the right words in order to communicate with his boys during the intermission to calm them down and essentially focus on winning the game.

Benoit said, in a spirited manner, “Every period is a new period.

Whatever happened, good or bad, doesn’t matter.”

Both teams were enlivened for the third period. Nothing happened for the first eight minutes of the period, until Dawson’s number 16, David Kronish, took a four-minute (double minor) penalty for spearing. Mercifully, Sorel-Tracy didn’t have a chance at scoring but Dawson luckily did at 18:12 in the third. The Blues camaraderie celebrated that last-minute tying goal, knowing they accomplished their

first task of the game, which was to score.

Extra Time Needed The RSEQ (Réseau Sport Éducation Québec) decided to take initiative —for once— and update their overtime regulations to be transitioned into the same format as the NHL’s (3v3). The overtime was nothing spectacular since it seems that neither teams have thoroughly practiced playing 3v3. The only highlight was Dawson’s number 9, Coleton Cianci who had a breakaway but skyrocketed the puck over the net.

The shootout was the real highlight of the game since shootouts are exceptionally rare in the collegial level. Jeremy Deschenaux attained the first shootout goal while Yannick Ethier scored the winning goal and netminder Felix-Antoine Leblond stopping the last shot to lead his team to victory.

The Blues then sadly loss the next night to Sainte-Foy 5-1 at home. They had three games on the road after that but come back home on Friday, November 18 to play against Saint-Laurent at 8 p.m. at Westmount arena.

Blues Come Out on Top Friday Night’s Recap Joey Roselli Sports Editor Coming off a tough 8-3 loss versus Champlain-St Lawrence, the Dawson Blues Men’s hockey team was eager to trounce their next opponent in order to avoid dropping in the standings and falling in last place in their division (Sud-Ouest).

Opponents’ Summary The Sorel-Tracy Rebels, who are 3-3 on the road, were seeking to begin a winning streak after coming off a 7-4 win versus the Saint-Hyacinthe Lauréats (Winners) the previous week, on October 23rd. After accomplishing the victory versus the Lauréats, it put the Rebels tied for third place in their division (Centre du Québec) with their archrivals, Saint-Hyacinthe. In order to surpass Saint-Hyacinthe in the standings and put themselves in second place, a win was on their must-do list.

Current Summary Dawson was desperate for victory since they were in a drought with one win in

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their last seven games. Head coach Carl Benoit and his troopers were focused on the bout and knew they had no choice but to get back on track. They had a five-day break from the previous demolishment, which gave them more than enough time throughout the week to develop new tactics and hopefully enhance the power play that is probably one of their worst factors this season.

Game Recap It was a great start to the game in favour of Dawson. The puck control, the direct passes, the shots taken - it was as if the pieces had been finally put together.

Dawson controlled the first half of the first period until team captain Brendan Peacock took the first penalty of the game at 9:43 in the game. This put the Rebels on their toes and eventually brought them back into the game by missing a shot from the point and almost taking a lead in the midst of the first. Three minutes and nine seconds later, Peacock then took another penalty for interference and expressed his frustration with himself and with the team inside the penalty box. Assistant coach Larry

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curiosities

VOL. 46 ISSUE 1 - SEPT. 13, 2016

EDITOR: Gaby Drummond-Dupuis curiosities@theplantnewspaper.com

Donald’s Dictionary LITTLE CHOKER LOSER CLOWN LOW-LIFE CONFUSED NASTY CRATERED NUT-JOB CROOKED PATHETIC CRUDE PHONY DOPE POCAHONTAS DUMMY RIDICULOUS FIGURE SAD-SACK FLUNKIE SLEEPY-EYES FRAUD SLEEZEBAG GRUBBY SLOB IRRELEVANT theplantnewspaper.com SLOPPY JOKE THUG TOTAL-DUD WACKO DUMB-MOUTHPIECE LIGHTWEIGHT

edito rs of the month vienna pouliot

What’s your position for the plant?

Cover Artist What program are you in?

Arts & Culture What’s your favorite thing about working for The Plant?

I get to explore a variety of themes for each cover.

Name a political figure you like and tell us why!

Ruth Bader Ginsburg; she is a rad lady with a socially just agenda.

How would you describe yourself in three words?

Often (always) confused

maud belair

What’s your position for the plant?

Voices Co-Editor!

What program are you in?

Arts & Culture What’s your favorite thing about working for The Plant?

The Staff, everyone is so wonderful! And getting to read some really interesting opinions to get them out for others to read.

Name a political figure you like and tell us why!

Winston Churchill. He was just a really down to earth prime minister that did all he could for the United Kingdom.

How would you describe yourself in three words?

Forty-percent coffee

contact@theplantnewspaper.com By: Nathanaël Fleuriné

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starting riots

since 1969