ThePILLARS June 2020-May 2021

Ateneo needs new activist student leaders

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tudent leaders must be activists. We live in historic yet despairing times; Ateneans face threats to their rights and welfare within and outside the university. Only activist student leaders with firm convictions and hardline stances on students’ and peoples’ rights can help move our struggles forward.

In the years just before the pandemic and lockdowns, Ateneo saw a decline in organizational life and culture after the implementation of K-12.

Compounded by the education system’s neoliberal design, this resulted in the increased atomization of students. Their attention was redirected to curricular matters, lessening their involvement in the student and youth community. But the student leaders then were tireless in engaging the students, and as activists, were committed to raising the student body’s social consciousness.

Now, after years of distance learning, Ateneo returns to a mostly faceto-face setup. With the barrier to social interactions lifted, Ateneans are fully engaging again in the student community through its orgs and institutions.

Yet the student body finds itself with relatively inexperienced and uncertain leaders—they need reminding of the social gravity of student leadership and Ateneo’s history and tradition of vanguard activism.

Student orgs and institutions are crucial to collectivizing and consolidating students. They can be critical spaces that expose students to the social and political realities beyond the classroom. Orgs and institutions are thus essential for an empowered student body. Student leaders play a key role in setting the direction of these collectives or in mobilizing the student body when necessary.

Among the orgs and institutions, of chief importance in role and function is the Supreme Student Government. As the elected representative of the Layout by Edward Alipio

student body, it is tasked with helming the protection and advancement of student democratic rights without compromise. This also means that it should—it must—go beyond university-centered student activities. The SSG is vitally positioned to be the spearhead of a student movement.

Many of the gains for students’ rights and empowerment by Ateneo’s student movement were made under the leadership of activists in the SSG. Ateneo’s changing of its dress code policy allowing students to dress according to their gender started with the SSG’s research-backed proposal in 2018. The university’s first Pride March that same year was also organized by the SSG. During this period, they endeavored to tie and relate their programs to the broader social issues beyond the university. It hosted forums and political discussions while also co-organizing and leading mobilizations and protest actions with mass organizations.

Naga City’s biggest student mobilizations and youth protests in recent memory were led by activist student leaders in the SSG who were also part of mass organizations. They constantly coordinated with various organizations as well as student leaders from other schools. These protests along with small-group political discussions stimulate social consciousness and raise public discourse.

In times when student welfare conflicts with the university administration’s interests, uncompromising loyalty to the student body proves decisive.

During the first month of the 2020 lockdown, the university wanted to push through with the semester online. However, the students and faculty were still coping with the uncertainties and fears of the pandemic.

Students’ individual circumstances and the limited resources of some made the decision to move the semester online exclusionary and burdensome.

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After conducting a constituency check, the SSG submitted a position paper and letter calling on the university to end the semester and grant mass promotion. Despite receiving a rebuttal from the university administration, the SSG stood its ground and joined the tide of student clamor to end the semester until the university relented.

Ateneo’s history of genuine student leadership and militant activism goes all the way back to Arroyo’s crackdown on progressive groups, Estrada’s ouster, and the Marcos dictatorship’s martial law.

The student leaders during these periods were able to do the things they did because their commitment to student welfare and peoples’ rights were more than just words or individual advocacy. They were themselves intimately involved in the various peoples’ organizations and their political struggles. Backed by the mass, history, and principles of the national democratic movement, they stood on the shoulders of giants. One of the founding members of Anakbayan-Naga City, a national democratic youth mass organization, was an SSG vice president along with some SSG volunteers. A former SSG president was a representative of Gabriela Youth, a natdem mass organization for young women.

But now we come to Ateneo’s present student leadership. The officials currently sitting in the hallowed office of the SSG are a far cry from those who came before. Besides their recently demonstrated dubious understanding of accountability, their brand of student leadership has been passive charity and hollow advocacy.

The current SSG leadership has not been proactive in guarding students’ rights nor in raising awareness and discourse on the most pressing social and political

troubles confronting us. Perhaps most grievous of all, they have failed to oppose or rouse dissent against the recently proposed tuition and other fees increase (TOFI), a policy at odds with the principles of accessible education. This despite some having professed to be against it during their election campaign. Worse, they asked for an increase in their budget themselves during the TOFI consultation last March—something previous SSG administrations would have been ashamed to even consider.

This is not the kind of leadership the student body needs.

The threats to students’ rights and welfare are resisted through collective vigilance and remonstrance.

But they thrive when student leaders are passive and apathetic.

We need a student leadership whose political resolve is adamant and understands that student welfare is tied to the larger democratic struggles of the nation.

With the return to power of the kleptocratic Marcos family and their emboldening clique of neoliberal and imperialist lapdogs, activist student leadership is needed now more than ever. This is a critical period for the student body to determine its trajectory in Ateneo’s history.

The SSG elections are fast approaching. If any aspiring student leaders are to head a genuine Supreme Student Government, they must take up the mantle of activism.

Student leaders must be activists.

FROM THE DESK | Who is ThePILLARS Pub? It has been three years since our last print release. ThePILLARS Publication acknowledges its shortcoming in failing to publish any print issues during the pandemic, and we apologize to the student body.

Before the COVID-19 pandemic and lockdowns, the publication was going through a process of rebuilding. After the implementation of K-12, we experienced a decline in our membership and critical vacancies in our Editorial Board. The lockdowns’ social restrictions prevented key operations such as productive trainings, field coverages, and physically obtaining funds for our activities. Like other school organizations, we were also personally confronted with challenges in terms of the social and emotional effects of the pandemic. These factors set back the publication’s pre-pandemic efforts to rebuild itself and crippled our functions.

Still, we persevered within our capacity to fulfill our basic journalistic responsibilities. We released news updates and online coverages through accessible digital platforms. These efforts have contributed to our drive to adapt to modern journalism. Now that we are at better capacity, we are in the process of developing our official website. Besides traditional print, our reportage will now be available on a digital medium.

Who is ThePILLARS Publication? We are the Ateneo student body’s issue-based news outlet. Our brand of journalism is pro-student and pro-people. We advocate the raising of social consciousness and advancing students’ and peoples’ rights as part of the nation’s democratic struggles.

This print issue represents our commitment to student journalism as part of students’ right to be heard, be informed, and to participate in the shaping of society.

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Gov’t drug probe appeals ‘jeopardize victims’ right to truth, justice, reparations’ – ICC ■ Abby Bilan

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nternational Criminal Court (ICC) Prosecutor Karim Khan expressed dismay over the repeated intervention of the Philippine government in attempts to halt the drug war investigation on the administration of former President Rodrigo Duterte which he requested the ICC pre-trial chamber to reopen twice.

In a statement released by the ICC on 21 March 2023, the Office of Public Counsel for Victims (OPCV) stands that these appeals delaying the probe only “jeopardi[z]e the victims’ right to truth, justice, and reparations.”

The ICC further issued a decision to allow the victims and victim groups to transmit views and concerns to the Appeals Chamber regarding the impeding of the drug probe.

appeal brief dated 13 March 2023 to the Netherlands-based court to suspend its investigation on the Duterte administration’s drug-related killings citing “legal errors.”

Despite the Philippines’ withdrawal from the Rome Statute, the treaty that established the ICC, the prosecution argued that the court “retains jurisdiction with respect to alleged crimes that occurred on the territory of the Philippines while it was a State Party from 1 November 2011 up to and including 16 March 2019” which is stated in Article 127.

Human rights groups say that there are more than 30,000 drugrelated killings, thus, questioning the official government figure of 6,248 deaths, in which only three managed to reach court convictions.

‘Playing games’

Pursuant to Article 18 of the Statute, the victims were allowed to participate in the appeal proceedings to “ensure that the rights and interests of victims are protected and duly taken into account.”

Prior to the ICC’s prosecution addressing the validity of the jurisdiction that Marcos earlier inquired, the government stood by its position that the investigation is a “threat to sovereignty.”

This was after the Philippine government lawyers, led by Solicitor General Menardo Guevarra, filed an

Marcos later admitted the abuses committed in the course of his predecessor’s bloody campaign

against drugs during a forum in Washington D.C. last 4 May 2023.

mabuhay. May pamilya. Mayo siyang karapatang magkitil nin buhay.”

“In my view, what had happened in the previous administration is that we focused very much on enforcement.

And because of that, it could be said that there were abuses by certain elements in the government and that has caused some concern with many, in many quarters, about the human rights situation in the Philippines,” he said.

Regarding the resumption of the drug probe, Karapatan-Camarines Sur expressed for now that the positive development brings satisfaction to the victims and human rights advocates.

Human Rights Watch Deputy Director Phil Robertson urged Marcos to “stop playing games with justice” and should instead decisively apprehend the perpetrators within the security forces.

Local killings In Bicol, human rights group Karapatan recorded 783 documented incidents of human rights violations including 134 extrajudicial killings and 76 political prisoners from July 2016 until November 2022.

A family of a drug war victim in the region said in an interview, “Sana ngani po mataw-an na man hustisya gabos na naging biktima kan administrasyon ni Duterte. Kasi mga tao po ang saiyang pigpagadan, may karapatang

“Sana nga po ang mga taong sumusulong ng ganiyang imbistigasyon ay ‘wag sumuko na ipaglaban kung ano ang tama para sa mga taong naging biktima at sa mga katulad nating mahihirap at maliliit na mamamayan,” the kin added.

In September 2019, Defend Bicol Stop the Attacks Network was launched through a broad alliance to stand against attacks on human rights. This was a year after Duterte consecutively ordered the deployment of more state forces in Bicol and the establishment of National Task Force to End Local Communism and Armed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) through Memorandum Order 32 and Executive Order No. 70, respectively.

The latter is also the same institution that red-tagged multiple universities, youth organizations, campus publications, and progressive groups.

End the War. Activists from various progressive groups protest against the dictatorial regime and government neglect of the Duterte administration during the 35th anniversary of the EDSA People Power Revolution at the Plaza de Nueva Caceres in Naga City on 25 February 2021, at Plaza de Nueva Caceres, Naga City. Photo by Cedric John Torres Layout by Edward Alipio

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Slow Day. Organization offices at the Student Center are seen empty during a mundane school-day afternoon with the implementation of the blended online learning modality. Photo by Jocel Tyrone Trinidad

Org life declines in ‘AteNEO Normal’ ■ Hazel Ann Aligando & Pauline Jean Barcia

membership,” Rubio said.

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Hon. Ma. Christena Merano of the Student Congress eventually authored a resolution on 21 April 2021 determining that the SSG general elections be held on 18-19 May 2021 for the succeeding batch.

ven before the pandemic, the Supreme Student Government (SSG) and other curricular organizations reported problems with replenishing members and adjusting work relations due to the introduction of the K-12 curriculum.

Merely recovering from such significant changes, the transitions to the university’s “AteNEO normal” and back to unrestricted in-person classes once again challenged student institutions and organizations.

No elections The SSG found itself struggling to conduct annual elections and maintain its officials for the past few years.

In 2021, the COVID-19 pandemic prompted the council to postpone the election. Then-President Kris Abigail Mendoza issued a memorandum appointing Jose Maria Rubio, the incumbent internal vice president, to the top office last 6 May 2020. A year later, Rubio also resigned, designating Angela Araneta as the officer-in-charge president on 1 March 2021.

The SSG raised that they were in the process of rebuilding the council even before the pandemic. Rubio also pointed out that they were yet to fully adjust to the hurdles of implementing the K-12 curriculum which minimized student enrolment to a great extent for two years.

The pandemic later kept them from doing so, especially with member recruitment.

“Yung shift from... from prepandemic to pandemic, kumbaga mas’yadong naging mahirap ulit for SSG kasi yun nga, parang nabalik yung... yung dating challenges as to recruitment and Layout by Edward Alipio

In the 2021 General Elections last August, Jenivie Novio was elected as the president of AdNU-SSG. However, just after seven months in office, Novio announced her resignation due to incapacity to fulfil her duties because of “personal challenges and circumstances” that arose. Following Novio’s resignation in March 2022, then Internal Vice President Christobal Cambe, was appointed to serve as the president during the unexpired term.

Then College of Business and Accountancy Rep. Mary Charlagne Thomas, the current president, ran for the said position, and despite the low voting turnout. She won the SSG election last 4 August 2022.

180-degree turn Further, the pandemic caused massive challenges on the conduct of activities as well as the communication among members of SSG and curricular organizations alike.

To ensure continuity of organizations, despite the struggle for efficiency, the curricular life in the university declined substantially. “The quality of our perfomace [sic] as an organization dropped since most of our activites [sic] were cancelled but we make [sic] sure the quality of our goal stay [sic] the same,” Uswag Junior Eagles (USJE) President John Mark Sta. Isabel stated in a survey conducted by ThePILLARS Publication for VOX Ateneo previously.

The stray from in-person communication also proved to be a barrier for effective leadership. “Sa mga GC ganyan, mahirap yung parang magchachat ka tapos walang magrereply or walang magseseen,” Rubio said. Former Media Studies Society President Melanie Villareal also expressed the same viewpoint saying that some members are unresponsive.

Moreover, they brought up that the demands on academic requirements contributed to the inactivity of the members. “Nahihirapan e balance ang acads and org because we all know iba ang demand ngayon ng acads more on learning at our own pace,” Villareal explained as one reason for the officers’ decline in participation.

“We are still students na dapat maging responsible sa studies namin,” she added.

The leaders who responded to the said survey claimed that they attempted to resolve the matter by consistently checking up on each other and understanding their reasons and situations.

Villareal added that helping one another and the guidance of their moderator, chairperson, and the Office of Student Affairs (OSA) alleviated such challenges and, even with the apparent limitations, allowed them to somewhat adapt to the new normal.

“One of the plans namin is to really reestablish the connection that we had back then, and to maintain the communication or strengthen the communication among members,” Rubio stated regarding how they planned on resolving the problems they had. He also assured that the “SSG will really try its best.”

Moving forward The elected officers of the student government and organizations for the academic year 2022 to 2023 witnessed yet another major shift as the university transitioned back from remote setup to face-to-face classes.

Officers and members were subjected to transfer responsibilities, change of platforms from online events via Facebook live streaming features, Zoom Cloud Meetings, or Google Meet to in-person activities.

As to how student leaders bore the gradual shift, former Ateneo Junior Marketing Association President Patrick Marc Nacario stated, “I’m glad that faceto-face activities are finally allowed. My goal is to let the AJMA members feel the college life by experiencing the activities we did during pre-pandemic way back in 2019.”

At present, student participation is increasing at a relatively higher number in comparison with the previous activities conducted online.

While the shift is advantageous, member replenishment remains to be a challenge to the organizations. “I already anticipated that it would be difficult to encourage all of them to join since they are still adjusting to many things, mainly on the system of AdNU, how to socialize with other members… complying with the regulations of the university (process, number of allowed participants in venue, approval of the signatories, etc.),” Nacario stated.

He also admitted that the shift is quite taxing on the end of officers, but they are determined to uphold the organization’s goals.

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Transport sector calls for change as oil prices skyrocket ■ Brandon Jon Yulolo

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s of June 2022, oil prices are still continuing to skyrocket steadily at an alarming rate – with the value of gasoline, diesel, and kerosene nearly being doubled when compared to prices from previous years, wherein most people are now relating the current price increase to the ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine.

Former senator Panfilo “Ping” Lacson openly urged the Philippine government to prepare for an economic fallout earlier in February as a result of the war. He claimed that an invasion of Ukraine by Russia may affect the international stock markets, thus, increasing the prices of basic commodities and fuel.

In response, the Concerned Drivers and Operators - Pinagkaisang Samahan ng mga Tsuper at Operators Nationwide (Condor-Piston) held several discussions as to what causes these increasing spikes.

According to Condor-Piston Bicol spokesperson Joel Pillogo, the ongoing war did contribute to an increase in oil prices, but it does not entirely represent the majority of the price increase in the

Philippines.

to Philippine trade.

Filipino economists also poimted out that the Philippines is a country that heavily depends on importing resources related to oil and gas, with its prices being swayed greatly by the international market.

Condor-Piston attributes the increasing oil prices on government policies that they have long sought to be abolished.

“Noong nakaraang taon, Malaki rin ang itinaas ng produktong petrolyo.

Wala pa yung giyera sa pagitan ng Ukraine at tsaka Russia. Ang isa pa, napakaliit na porsyento lang ang inaangkat natin na langis sa mga European country. Halos ang malaking porsyento talaga na pinagkukunan natin na langis ay galing sa China at iba pang mga bansa tulad ng Singapore at South Korea,” Pillogo said.

A data report from the Department of Energy stated that as of 2020, China is the top contributor of oil in the Philippines, with 31% being sold at gas stations. On the other hand, Russia only contributes 0.4% of their oil to the Philippine market. Former Trade and Industry secretary Ramon Lopez predicted correctly before Russia’s invasion of Ukraine that the impacts of the tensions between the two countries will greatly cause disruptions to global oil supply and price, but these effects will then be also minimal when it comes

“Ang isa na nagpapabigat din yung patong-patong na excise tax sa produktong petrolyo, kung makikita natin halos 15 pesos ang matitipid natin kada litro kung natanggal ito,” Pillogo added.

The call to repeal the oil deregulation law and excise tax is due to the government having their lack of involvement and responsibility in the adjustment of oil prices directly to the fact that these companies who produce oil products are private in nature.

These policies were signed by former President Fidel Ramos in 1998, and were proposed with the intention of allowing private companies to sell oil products for a cheaper price now that there was no more government control on it. What happened instead was that these oil companies saw it as a way to increase the prices of their imported products without any interference.

Due to oil being imported from other countries, the excise tax rather affects the daily expenses of drivers and commuters.

Earlier in March, Malacañang asked the Congress to review the law after successive increases in global oil prices. However, the House and the Senate have not yet convened about the issue due to the events brought forth by the elections. Consequently, other lawmakers such as Sen. Risa Hontiveros also pushed for the removal of excise tax before the 2022 elections in order to mitigate the domino effect on the economy.

On the other hand, the Land Transportation Franchising and Regulatory Board (LTFRB) offered a solution to assist the transportation sector in the form of “Libreng Sakay” a program wherein the drivers involved would allow people to ride for free, getting their funds from the LTFRB based on their rate of travel. However, Condor-Piston sees this simply as a “band-aid solution”, as drivers who are not included in the program would have even lesser earnings in a day, due to people preferring to commute for free.

During this current situation of increasing oil prices, transport groups such as Condor-Piston will continue in amplifying their calls towards the national and local government to take action in order to efficiently handle this economic crisis.

Fast-moving. Drivers and commuters of different vehicles bustle across the evening streets of Panganiban Drive in Naga City. At this time, oil prices begin to increase due to the continuing Russian-Ukraine war. Photo by Jeomel Banaag Layout by Edward Alipio

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■ Written by Jonas Ezra Macaraig and Updated by Hazel Ann Aligando

“B

akit naman kayo natatakot? Terorista ba kayo?”—this is the usual knee-jerk reaction directed to those who have protested against the signing of the Anti-Terror Bill into law on 3 July 2020. And they have a point, right?

Why would these people protest against a bill seemingly protecting us from national threats if they weren’t aiding Terrorists or are terrorists themselves?

Well, yes, but actually, no.

Although it is true that, on a superficial level, a bill that promises “enhanced” protection from terrorism and other potential state threats seems like a good idea. Reading the fine print of what constitutes a terrorist, however, is alarming. The rubrics appear to be deliberately vague, with the underlying implication that one can be arrested for terrorism for sheer “hinala” and red-tagging. In the wrong hands, the vague nature of the bill can be exploited to unjustly arrest anyone and silence vocal but rightful critics of the government.

Which is exactly what they are doing.

Naga City was not safe from the apparent weaponization of the bill, as only four days after its signing into law, Bicolana Gabriela Chairperson Jenelyn Nagrampa was unjustly arrested, as well as Pastor Dan San Andres of Karapatan - Bicol, both charged with double murder related to an alleged New People’s Army ambush that cost the lives of two soldiers in Ragay town.

B o t h have filed counter-affidavits denying their involvement.

The more alarming news is the arrest of BAYAN-Camarines Sur Chairperson Nelsy Rodriguez on 6 September 2020, in which she was charged with the alleged murder. The then-59-year-old Rodriguez was woken by one “health worker” claiming to test certain people for COVID-19 inside BAYAN’s apartment compound, and upon going outside, she was arrested by at least

Artwork and Layout by Guia Isabel Villafuerte

20 state forces in civilian outfits. The following day, while on his way home, Condor-Piston spokesperson Ramon Rescovilla was also arrested on baseless charges. He was physically harmed while detained in Daraga Municipal Jail.

Despite the dubious circumstances of the arrests and the protests demanding proper justice, both Rodriguez and Rescovilla were abruptly transported to Camarines Norte Provincial Jail.

These were the cases in Camarines Sur alone. There were many more dubious or illegal arrest incidents even before the Terror Law was signed. Human rights defenders, student activists, and progressive journalists are being subjected to harassment, red-tagging, threats, and human rights violations to further vilify their image, making it harder for them to disseminate their advocacies, advance the welfare of the country’s citizens, and hold the government accountable for its selfserving interests and trespasses against the people.

It is apparent that the Terror Law is a fascist tactic to criminalize the people’s just dissent against government negligence, to punish the common person for asking for the bare minimum, to silence the ones who see through the cracks of the current administration, and to achieve a totalitarian level of power regardless of the bodies and bloody footprints it leaves in its wake.

A law that enhances protection against terrorism is a good idea—in the right hands, that is, and one does not need a political degree to realize that the hands of the government are preoccupied with holding t h e population at gunpoint with one hand, and holding up a middle finger with the other. It is questionable to call them the “right hands.” A law with vague definitions and boundaries with the potential to be weaponized against the people, further emphasizes how we are not held by the tender, loving hands of our loving Inang Bayan, but rather roughly handled by an abusive, power-bent tatay—undoubtedly the wrong hands.

And that is why we must be afraid.

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Background noises ring in my ears, and a tingling pain runs down my spine as, for hours and hours, I blankly stare at the static screens right in front of my eyes. I must have started losing my mind and began seeing these blurred lines that crept into my mind with each online class that I sat through—questioning myself if I am still learning.

Unfamiliarity Out of the pandemic came the full implementation of distance learning. Particularly online classes, where lessons are attended through video conferencing programs, and all outputs are created and submitted through the Internet.

Unfortunately, nobody was able to foresee its effects.

“Home is the place where I rest and get away from the stress caused by the work environment. But due to this pandemic, it has been mixed up,” a 3rd year BS Accountancy student said, admitting they constantly worry about their productivity. They also mentioned that physical interaction was crucial to their learning.

“I am learning a lot less; aside from that, there are teachers that don’t teach and just give some tasks. But what can we do? We should move forward because if not, we are going to be stuck in that,” they added.

Amid the abrupt changes that happened, students are not the only ones facing uncertainty. Having an entire workforce of instructors trained to teach in a new medium is an arduous task.

A faculty member of AdNU openly shared his experiences of teaching in the new normal. He said, “We were all up to the challenge, but a lot of us didn’t consider the implications.”

Sadly, the optimism didn’t last long. When the first semester started, it dawned on them that they were ill-equipped for online classes. With so much to worry about, teachers experienced burnout. He also revealed that they struggled to achieve a work-life balance that semester.

Reminiscence Two years have passed, and classrooms are open again for a new learning mode. In the blended online learning setup, students and teachers have to deal with a variety of class types, such as full online classes, full face-toface, and hybrid classes.

A 2nd year BS Psychology student found online learning easier Layout by Rain Ashley Ferreras and Artwork by Venus Leonidas

because they would not need to worry about leaving their work to attend class. They explained, “Nowadays, I spend six to eight hours at work and four to five hours at school. That only leaves me 13 hours to relax, be with the people I love, study, and sleep.”

However, some professors recognize the constructive features of blended classes. One faculty member from the Literature department said that, “Full online is great, and you can have and deliver formations and have resources, but there are different classroom dynamics from face-to-face.

Blended is actually better in terms of what happens in the classroom.” He regarded the classroom learning dynamic positively but also acknowledged the difficulty in scheduling and coordinating classes in a blended schedule.

Overpopulation “The biggest problem with the schedules is that the school has to fit the enrolled into our given resources. And t h e

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■ Alexa CariÑo

enrollees got out of control because of the pandemic because we were offering online education, so there were more enrollees than expected,” the same teacher revealed.

The university is overflowing with an influx of both college and senior high school students.

Some classrooms meant for college classes were designated for the latter because of their numbers.

Because of student overpopulation, these rooms are now out of bounds until a certain time.

Thus, more classes are held at night.It is not unheard of for teachers to compete for space, either.

The professor shares an experience a colleague went through. “She was assigned to an education department classroom near the gym, but in her first face-to-face class, someone else was using the classroom because it was an education class and they had first dibs,” they said.

This overpopulation has also taken a toll on the university’s internet infrastructure. A professor talked about their experience regarding the poor internet connectivity within the university. They recalled an instance when they once conducted an online class on campus and had to continue using a student’s mobile data because the connection was lost. “There are some problems that are so big we can’t worry about them, like hardware or the internet,” they said.

Three years after the pandemic, our education has gone through massive changes. Students, who have only known school as a physical place where they can truly learn, were then dragged into the unfamiliar scapes of the digital world. The effects of the pandemic still haunt us, and their danger to our lives keep persisting.

What more can the government and academic institutions do to alleviate students’ concerns?

With our shift to a hybrid learning setup, it is the right time to call out the people in power and all the stakeholders to join hands, see the bigger picture, and slowly amend the problems that the pandemic has brought to us. Only through a joint effort can the quality and method of blended learning be enhanced and the collective goal of our education system can still be met.

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FREAK ON A LEASH:

Philippines at the Hands of Chinese Imperialism ■ Lou Marie Cuarto

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he persistent and aggressive howling in Malacañang seems to never come to an end whenever the Filipino citizenry expresses even a hint of dissent. However, the same Malacañang’s pugnacious top dogs are quick to wag their tails when the Sino leader arrives. There are a lot of canines with peculiar characteristics, but what differentiates the Philippine’s top breed is his ability to be loyal to the wrong master.

He does not like dental chew toys or mud but prefers to play with real human bones and blood. He does not have four feet or fluffy fur; he only has two hands — one, intended for a corny fist bump whenever there is a photo op, and the other, expert in carrying guns and silencing critics. Now, who’s the good boy?

The year is 2021 and the country still has to cower under the Chinese government with its socialist façades behind real imperialist motives. We all wonder and long for the day when all these gestures will end, but as long as a lapdog is in the high seat, we will have to bear this heavy collar of imperialism hanging on our necks.

Treats for the Good Boy! The long overdue sea dispute in the West Philippine Sea is still being wrestled with despite the Philippines’ ownership claims being backed up by The Hague ruling in 2016.

Years after securing the triumphant legal victory, China’s unshakable noncompliance and unmistakable bullying towards the Philippines are still as clear as day, but the Philippine government happily shuts its eyes and widely opens its doors, welcoming more of these Chinese imperialist schemes.

In 2019, the Philippines quaked over the news of a Filipino boat, Gem-Ver, being rammed by a Chinese fishing vessel, Yuemaobinyu 42212, while the Filipino fisherfolks were peacefully doing their decade-long routine of fishing in the West Philippine Sea. The incident sparked Filipinos’ dissent and outrage and called for a strong stand for China to honor the ruling and compensate the Filipino victims.

However, the other party seems to be purposely ignoring the diplomatic protests.

Moreover, the Duterte administration did no good in handling the case by downplaying the grave intimidation committed by China, claiming that it was just another “ordinary maritime traffic incident”. As if gaslighting the boat sinking incident was not enough, Duterte also approved the Philippines-China joint investigation which gained a lot of criticisms; one of which was Senator Francis Pangilinan’s outcry: “Kung na-hit and run ang kamag-anak natin, hindi ba’t magiging katawa-tawa kung kasama sa mag-iimbestiga ang kakampi ng mga mismong nakabangga?”

Instead of taking action to protect the Filipino people and reprimanding the one at fault, which, in this case, the Chinese government, Duterte took his time to proclaim their friendship with China, and without a whimper, still allowed them to fish within our Exclusive Economic Zone despite everything that has happened “because we are friends.”

According to the Social Weathers Station (SWS) survey released last 14 July 2020, the results showed that 70% of the Filipino respondents strongly support the statement, “The Philippine Government should assert its rights over the islands in the West Philippine Sea as stipulated in the 2016 decision of the Permanent Court of Arbitration.” Furthermore, the results also highlighted that 82% of Filipinos advocate for the Philippines to form alliances with other democratic countries with the same objective of pressuring China to comply with international laws and defend our territorial rights in the West Philippine Sea. Yet, despite all these and the arbitral award we have on hand, the main problem is how the Duterte administration kept on shelving the ruling and not exercising these rights to the full extent possible. What could be the reason behind the Philippines’ strongman suddenly becoming a cowardly little puppy under China’s power play? Simple — loans and grants from Beijing.

It is like China offers a small piece of a treat, and Duterte gladly and thoughtlessly bites it, foolishly believing that doing so would be like winning the lottery; his action being parallel to the reaction of a simple-minded and obedient canine.

Duterte is firm on selling out the massive Philippine resources in exchange for us being caught in China’s debt trap policy, calling the obvious manipulation some sort of “allegiance”.

The funds that were loaned by China are being used for unfeasible infrastructure projects, such as Build, Build, Build which aims to help our economy bounce back. However, in an analysis conducted by Rappler in 2020, “only 34% of the Duterte administration’s flagship infrastructure projects are being implemented, so far”, which is far less promising than what the administration has been boasting about. Furthermore, the administration is only good at revising their plans; they keep on “moving the goalposts” which makes it harder to keep track of the developments, and we are unsure if they have any.

With the country having fallen into China’s debt trap which will extend until his successor’s reign, Duterte’s so-called legacy -— Build, Build, Build, becomes more like Debt, Debt, Debt.

China’s debt trap policy is a real thing and we can observe what happened with Sri Lanka, Pakistan, Mongolia, and other developing

countries that also fell into China’s ruse. The Philippines, being an important instrument in achieving China’s geo-political design, the One Belt, One Road policy, and economic aims to threaten the United States, Duterte openly expressed the country’s submission to China’s leader, making it easier for China to take a closer step towards their greedy aspirations.

China’s Best Friend Ever wonder how things would be now if only Duterte had issued an earlier travel ban for Chinese travelers during the early months of the reported outbreak outside the country? So many lives could have been saved, the economy could not have taken a fatal blow, businesses could not have suffered to the extent of having to shut down, employees could have salvaged their jobs, and youths could not have been robbed of great life opportunities and once-in-alifetime experiences, and the list goes on and on.

The first case of Coronavirus in the Philippines was reported last 20 January 2020, by a 38-year-old Chinese national. However, Duterte only declared a temporary travel ban for all visitors from Hubei province on 31 January. It would have taken longer if the Filipinos had pressured the government to do so because, as Duterte said days before he imposed the travel ban, it will not be easy since they “continue to respect the freedom flights that we enjoy” — another manifestation of Duterte’s loyalty, neither to the country nor to the Filipinos, but to China and its leaders.

Aside from this, the administration also expressed their blatant grooming for warmer ties with China by defending the China-made vaccines despite the low efficacy rate. In spite of several oppositions calling for the cancellation of the purchase of China-made vaccines, Duterte stood by his words and the country’s debt continued to pile up as Duterte loaned more to finance the Department of Health for the vaccination plan, while the debts for infrastructure projects are already bearing too much weight.

More than one year after the first COVID-19 case in the country, on 28 February 2021, the first batch of China-made and China-donated vaccines, Sinovac, made it to the country, and only then the Philippines began its vaccinations.

Another exhibition of Duterte’s unwavering loyalty to China is the administration’s loose regulations on the operation of Philippine Offshore Gaming Operators (POGOs), with his refusal to deny them the grant to operate despite allegations of crimes and illegal activities.

The continual protection of Duterte against online gambling services was said to be rooted in the P2-billion revenue the country receives per month. Duterte says, “We need their revenues to fund government programs.”

Truly, P2 billion is a lot of cash and one might have to think twice about suspending the POGO operations. Being blinded by the large sum of revenues, there is more to it that the government fails to notice. Allowing POGOs to continue operations in the country makes it easier for China to make an attack, a crackdown. It also allows them to expand their capitalist powers and build monopolies, resulting in groups of people losing their ancestral lands and livelihood - the environment is damaged, and the bureaucrat capitalist is fattened.

The increasing number of Chinese-led firms all over the country proves how China seeks to secure a foothold in the country, an essential step in waging a trade war against the U.S. The Duterte administration calls it “friendly relations”, but there is a fine line between friendship and submission. They can glamorize and downplay it all they want, but it is only a matter of time before China debunks this romanticized “friendship” and overtly puts a collar around Duterte’s neck.

Sick of the Tricks To counter the Duterte administration’s opposition, the rightists always have their uniformed, yet uninformed narrative, which is, in the case of Chinese Imperialism, making use of the other imperialist nation, an equal threat to our sovereignty, the United States. They claim that leftists who strongly oppose the government’s tactics lean more and are puppets of U.S. imperialism, which holds no validity.

Whatever acts of imperialism, forcing economic and political supremacy over a nation driven by greed for power is damaging, no matter which country upholds it. Western imperialism deserves an equal condemnation as Chinese imperialism. Instead of ceaselessly depending on such imperialist nations, the Philippine government taking a strong stand in pursuing a policy of active peace and genuine non-alignment would be a great leap towards our undisputable liberty from the shackles of imperialism that have been holding us down for so long.

The Philippines is not a poor country. Our motherland has the resources it needs to stand independently, but as long as the country is in the hands of a tyrant leader with draconian laws designed to persecute his people and exploit the country, the vicious system of oppression that has been laid out since will always persist.

The Filipino people deserve better. The Philippines deserves better. There is no need to normalize idiocracy and corruption in the government. It is about time to put a stop to all the tricks. We are no longer playing the game of fetch where we always had to participate in a chase for the sake of survival while the administration pulls yet another trick to gratify the other nation.

The freak, who is put on a leash, better not play dead when the actual payback time finally arrives.

JUNE 2020 - MA

“C

hange is coming!” The overglorified slogan has been heard throughout the Duterte administration.

This campaign’s message was supposed to rehabilitate and bring change to the lives of the Filipino masses. However, this change was envisioned to ameliorate their living conditions, and what transpired during the soughtafter change was a far cry from what was promised.

The sworn progress did not materialize in line with the actual conditions. Numerous controversies of the administration marred this vision of change—leaving nothing but a steady unrest on economic regression. Multiple crises ranging from health, corruption, and livelihood issues largely impacted the socio-economic conditions of the masses, which left them with no choice but to grapple with the violent and overwhelming circumstances that burden the people.

PH Economy in Retrospect

Duterte proved to be a colossal failure in managing the country’s economy, as the Philippines remains reeling from the upshots of the COVID-19 pandemic, TRAIN Law, not to mention the ballooning debts.

In 2018, the controversial Tax Reform for Acceleration and Inclusion (TRAIN) law was implemented for a relatively fair and efficient tax revenue system to supposedly compensate for their ambitious flagship, “Build, Build, Build” program, which sought to aid in infrastructure development and generate more jobs.

However, what the government has been failing to realize prior to imposing this—or was it never really taken into consideration?—was how low-income households and the poor are disproportionately affected.

Because of this law, prices of both basic goods and services increased, thus contributing to the country’s inflation rate.

During the first few days of Marcos assuming office, the inflation rate reached a record high of 6% in 2022.

Unfortunately, the inflation rate did not improve as it continued to rise and hit 6.9% in September and soared even higher in November to a staggering 8%. A higher inflation rate can lead to a decrease in purchasing power and a lower standard of living, particularly for the poor. One could pose the questions, “Why do they need to impose these additional taxes?” “Where they necessary?” since Layout by Val Agapito and Photos by Jeo Banaag

the government needed more and hefty funds after opting to prioritize their projects directed towards infrastructure development as well as health and education, even if these latter two are unrealized, hence requiring an additional revenue. According to the Department of Finance, the proposed implementation of excise taxes on goods and services measures an estimate of P137.2 Billion revenues over the next five years.

a market vendor repacking tomatoes, garlic, and calamansi.

Her name is Sheila, 39 years old from Mabolo Naga City. She has two children and has been a vendor for 15 years. When I first approached her at 2 o’clock in the afternoon, I couldn’t tell that she had been at the market since six in the morning.

Despite getting ready for another busy market hour, she expressed how her business had been affected by the price hike of goods and services.

Consequently, it all boils down to infrastructure projects’ demands, which brings forth the controversy on the soaring Philippine debts. Since there was an immense need for funding and importation of materials for the “Build, Build, Build” program, the Duterte administration had to borrow money from foreign financial institutions.

“Hababaon ang kinikita mi, minsan P350, minsan P400 pinag-iigo mi na lang ang gastuson uru-aldaw,’’ she said. She also emphasized how they were hurt by the sudden soaring of food prices. According to her, they used to buy goods in bulk but due to the condition, they could hardly afford them; instead, just retail purchases.

Her trader—who happens to be the middleman to whom she purchases the goods and stocks—allegedly gets to have the biggest cut than her as the retailer.

In an article published on the Business World website written by economist Andrew Masigan, he mentioned how the country’s finances have worsened with the swelling debts. The Philippines’ debt started at a whopping amount of P6 trillion in 2016. It skyrocketed to P12 trillion before Duterte stepped down as president. Such absurdity in knowing no boundaries in handling and spending taxpayers’ finances befalls the pockets of the people. The same people who get by one scratch, one peck on a day-to-day basis.

“Our budget deficit occurs when government expenditures surpass its revenues in a fiscal year,” Masigan added. The country’s heavy reliance on the importation of goods, particularly the materials for the ambitious infrastructure project, had also made an impact on the gaping balance of the trade deficit. Production and consumption normally have to be balanced to curb the gap in the trade deficit between importation and exportation. Conversely, the Duterte administration enabled the country to be importdependent which threatened the dynamics of the market and the local industries.

And now that Ferdinand Marcos Jr. has assumed office, a pressing question on everyone’s mind is—what’s in store

Naguenians struggle to make ends meet for the Filipino masses for the next six years?

Looking closely here in Naga City, the struggles of ordinary Naguenians are on par with the marginalized sector, hardly hit by the economic recession. I chanced upon

The same plight is being experienced by Elaine, 44 years old and a wet market vendor. The recent price hike has added to the ongoing burden they have yet to resolve since being affected by both the pandemic and African Swine Fever (ASF). On top of that, their situation is further aggravated by importation.

“No’ng nag-abot ang ASF nagmahal ang presyo, nagswitch sa importation since mas mura sinda kesa sa amin.

Dae pa ngani kami nakarecover sa pandemic and ASF, nagtaraasan na ang presyo. Paano na lang kami?”

She also added that her income was not sufficient to cover their needs, and her six children’s school bills and fees. Had it not been for COVID, she would have saved more money. Instead, every penny went into their loan payments.

“As in tipid talaga kami, iba ngunyan. Nakakasurvive pa rin, wala lang nga naiipon,” she added.

Elaine also aired out her concern about the exportation

AY 2021 ISSUE

‘Paano na lang kami?’: Naguenians on surviving the squeeze ■ John Vincent Palencia

with reports from Angelyn Turiano

of livelihood stocks, thus resulting in a shortage of stocks in the city. And as I glanced at the nearby stalls, I myself observed the scarcity of meat stocks.

Both Elaine and Sheila have one thing in common: they are left with no choice, but to keep afloat despite their difficulties keeping up with the economic recession.

Furthermore, Melchor, a jeepney driver on the route from Centro to Concepcion-Del Rosario, expressed his dismay on the busy streets of Naga City about how the system has tightened its grip on them. Not only did he have

to suffer from the oil price hike brought on by inflation and recession, but he was also one of those jeepney drivers who were unfortunate to get scammed by their very own cooperative.

“Grabe ang pagtios mi, may duwa akong aki na nagkaklase, kang time na ‘to na tabang na kuta kang gobyerno samuya, arog kato ang nangyari samo. Grabe si kapagalan mi. Ata maluluya na ngani kami, mayo kaming inadalan, tapos maloloko pa kami,” he said.

Tatay Melchor recounted his harrowing experience with the cooperative when they took part in the Libreng Sakay

program of the LTFRB Region V, hoping they would receive this certain amount of money that was promised, only for their hopes to get dashed.

The jeepney modernization plans also haunt the transport sector. For Tatay Melchor, the major adjustment would add to their daily struggle of sending his two children to college. If implemented, he would have to take more loans just to pay for the monthly fee of the modernized jeepney, which costs around P45,000. Not to mention, he would need to come up with another P150,000 for the down payment. Melchor hardly tries to make ends meet, and the last thing he wants is to fall victim to a corrupt system into which they have unknowingly been submerged for a long time.

Asking “Nasaan ang Pangulo?” to also inquire whether he is aware of the Filipino masses’ struggle is futile.

Instead, a more relevant question to ask is whether government officials are even concerned about the dire straits of ordinary Filipinos, especially those who earn half of what their needs cost.

The plight of Filipinos is nothing but a recurring scenario and struggle faced by previous generations. Every six years, new faces emerge during elections, yet they share the same intent and history when it comes to assuming offices and handling their constituents. Even here in Naga City, the people’s struggle is real and challenging.

Albeit COVID-19 and other foreign conflicts, such as the Ukraineversus-Russia war may have contributed to the Philippine economy’s downfall, the government cannot simply idly by. They must take measures to tame and curb the economic recession and, at least, make our lives relatively bearable. What’s worse is their sheer audacity to remain optimistic about the economy’s potential growth.

Shouldn’t they be more concerned about the lives of ordinary Filipinos who are struggling to keep up with a system that ultimately favors the ruling class and disregards the poor?

References Canto, J., Parel, D., Romano, K., & Villanueva, V. (2023). The Philippines’ economy in 2023 | McKinsey. Www.mckinsey.com. https:// www.mckinsey.com/ph/our-insights/what-does-2023-hold-for-the-philippines-economy Finance, D. of. (2019). Congress approves increased excise taxes on alcohol and e-cigarettes | Comprehensive Tax Reform Program • #TaxReformNow. Tax Reform Department of Finance. https://taxreform.dof.gov.ph/news_and_updates/congress-approves-increased-excise-taxes-on-alcohol-and-e-cigarettes/ Guild, J. (2022). Rodrigo Duterte’s Economic Legacy in the Philippines. Thediplomat.com. https://thediplomat.com/2022/08/rodrigo-dutertes-economic-legacy-in-the-philippines/ Manuel, P. (2022). “Dutertenomics”: President Rodrigo Duterte and the Philippine economy. Cnn. http://www.cnnphilippines.com/ business/2022/6/28/President-Rodrigo-Duterte-economy-wrap-end-of-term.html Manuel, P. (2022). Duterte administration leaves ₱12.79T outstanding debt in end-June. Cnn. http://www.cnnphilippines.com/business/2022/8/5/PH-debt-end-June-2022.html Masigan, A. (2021). Why Dutertenomics weakened the economy. BusinessWorld Online. https://www.bworldonline.com/opinion/2021/07/18/383210/why-dutertenomics-weakened-the-economy/

JUNE 2020 - MAY 2021 ISSUE |

Lighthouse: The guide to surviving the storm

■ Written by Precious Niña Apuya and Hazel Ann Aligando Updated by Terrence Azañes & John Paul Barrosa

“W

e are all in the same boat in this pandemic.”

As cliché as it may seem, as the pandemic brought a gigantic shift in what is “normal,” everyone has no choice but to adapt, even in the academe.

As the premier Jesuit institution in Bicol, Ateneo de Naga University (AdNU) has to prove its excellence in this ocean of challenges. Launched under the banner of AteNEO Normal, the university aims to reconcile the constraints brought by the pandemic that challenge quality education. AteNEO Normal highlights the transition from the traditional into a flexible way of learning while helping students and professors alike cope with the new modality.

Still, storms are part of life in the ocean: barely surviving in an online set-up, a literal parade of typhoons has drowned everyone even more. The week-long power restoration adds to the numerous problems they are already experiencing.

No one is spared; we are all in the same boat. But are we really?

Go with the flow According to a 2021 poll conducted by ThePILLARS Publication, 88.1% of 101 randomly selected students feel left behind with the online modality given the situation; only 11.9% can catch up.

For Val, a 1st-year BS Accountancy student at the time, his freshman year does not feel like being a freshman at all. Aside from the usual adjustments of the transition from being a senior high school (SHS) to a college student, the new modality also affects the way he performs. It is more on coping and surviving. Besides, he stated that he is not quite satisfied with AdNU’s existing policies, saying that there are still a lot of improvements to be made.

A 2nd-year student from the College of Humanities and Social Sciences states that “the university and its people is [sic] not ready for this adjustment.” Aside from them, various students from different colleges also share the same viewpoint. However, some students are satisfied with the current guidelines. “AteNEO Normal provides flexible learning for all,” according to a 1st-year student from the College of Science and Engineering.

Despite the university’s efforts to reconcile the impediments brought by the pandemic, not all the students were able to grasp these changes, thus pushing their limits.

Either they find ways to keep up with others, or they will continue to be left behind.

Survival of the Fittest Converge was the Internet provider for Tina, a 5th year BS Civil Engineering student.

Still, due to their unsatisfactory service, she changed her internet provider to point-topoint (P2P). Good for Tina that she was able to switch to a better internet provider, but not everyone has this option.

In online classes, the fact that students can control their own time does not necessarily mean that they will devote it to education alone. However, sometimes, professors tend to forget to consider these limitations. Because of this, students find it challenging to draw the line between their personal and academic lives.

Be the lighthouse that you are It is the lighthouse that helps sea vessels navigate through stormy nights, much like how AdNU should be towards its students. With the issues encountered in the university’s online classes, AdNU ought to take a more proactive approach to providing appropriate remedies.

In an interview with Vice President for Higher Education (VPHE) Dr. Alfredo C. Fabay, AdNU has to comply with requirements released by the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) in the conduct of online classes. AdNU also implemented guidelines, like limiting synchronous sessions and allowing professors to modify the class standing portion of the grading system, among other things. But it is not enough that these guidelines were crafted per CHED’s requirements. As an autonomous university, AdNU has greater liberty to make policies that better fit its stakeholders. Furthermore, consultation with the student body is a must, especially since it is the students who are most affected by the policies.

Satisfying both parties is impossible, but concessions can be made on both sides.

Students are provided with ways to raise their concerns with the administration; however, VPHE Fabay claimed that students do not utilize these means. Concerns regarding professors can be sent through their department’s accounts or by reaching out to the professor themselves. However, it is important to consider the hesitation of students in using these platforms, particularly due to the lack of anonymity, the response of the professors concerned, and the repercussions of the student’s complaint. Hence, it is not just about having the means to express concerns but also about the consequences it brings.

However, the AteNEO Normal’s effectiveness is affirmed by a 3rd Year BS Computer Science student stating, “Looking at it long term, it was a necessary short term decision to ensure that the majority of the students would be able to adapt as smoothly as possible to this kind of learning.” He believes that AdNU’s efforts had the students’ best interests in mind; besides the previous example, the university also started the integration of faceto-face classes later than other institutions such as the University of Nueva Caceres (UNC) and Universidad de Sta. Isabel (USI).

Keep sailing on…

In 2023, AdNU students were interviewed to give insights about their experiences during the peak of online classes, as well as the transition to blended online learning.

Online classes expose the daunting reality that education favors the privileged. We have students whose gadgets are optimized for online classes, have secured internet connections, and even have a penny to spare for the Lazada 5.5 sale. But then, some rely on the mercy of their phones and mobile data.

Jona, a 4th year BSED - English student, stated that she has survived the online classes because of her access to resources and is fortunate enough to have a scholarship. But she admits that not all students can keep up with the online modality. She added that she prefers both online and face-to-face classes since both modalities have their advantages. Through online classes, she was able to juggle her tasks efficiently, while face-to-face classes are better set up for immersive learning.

Although online classes have lessened expenses on lodging, transportation, and allowances, these perks are counteracted by the incremental expenses of buying a decent gadget, paying fees to the internet providers, or loading mobile data. This is especially true for students who rely on computer shops or AdNU’s Electronic Resource Center (ERC). Furthermore, the fact that there has been no decrease in the university’s tuition fee brings their expenses close to or even higher than when there were face-to-face classes.

Tony, a 3rd year Electronics Engineering student, reveals that at first he was not able to catch up with the online modality, but with time he found a way to keep up with his classes online. He also shared his sentiments about online classes being unhealthy for him, due to their overconvenience and lack of true learning—that is also why he preferred face-to-face classes more.

Tasks also rely heavily on technological resources. Submitting video presentations requires working cameras and fast internet upload speeds. Open-camera exams on other platforms risk disconnection, and synchronous sessions in Google Meet consume excessive data. And while Xavier Hub is open for students, it either risks contracting the virus or is inaccessible due to distance.

Both of them said that they cannot completely decide which type of modality works best for the student body since it differs for every individual.

Those with sufficient resources are guaranteed smooth sailing, but those without are in for a tough time.

Turbulent Waves of Life Aside from the storm brought on by this pandemic, students are also being hit by turbulent waves. Their lives do not mainly revolve around the academe, for they too have lives outside of it. Besides the hurdles of the number of workloads they have, they also struggle with various personal problems, which can result in unproductivity.

For Tina, aside from being a student, she also has tita duties. Since the start of the pandemic, she has lived with her siblings and was asked to take care of her niece. Because of this, less time was allotted to her academics, making her lose her focus.

Artwork by Salvador Ferro III and Layout by Edward Alipio

Calming the storm Everyone may have been living in the storm stirred by the pandemic, but we are never in the same boat. As students continue to be in physical, mental, and emotional distress, AdNU must not remain a mere observer; it has the pivotal role of guiding its constituents through the hardships posed by this blended set-up.

Nevertheless, the balance of these modalities is a welcome change from the predominant online classes. There is a significant positive difference in the manner in which Ateneans are now able to manage their responsibilities compared to two years ago. Despite the positive feedback from blended learning, AdNU must not lose sight that the standard is still the total acclimation of its constituents to the current learning arrangement.

| JUNE 2020 - MAY 2021 ISSUE

A Shaky Shift:AdNU’s Transition to Blended Online Learning ■ Terrence Azañes & Emilia Mari Goyena

“A

fter almost three years following the shock of the COVID-19 pandemic, the Commission on Higher Education (CHED) has declared that all higher education institutions must conduct classes with at least 50% onsite contact time, leaving fully online classes in 2022. With this came the formulation of the blended online learning (BOL) policy from CHED Memorandum 16, series of 2022.

As Ateneo de Naga University (AdNU) complies with the implementation this second semester, they aim to ensure a safe return to the physical campus and to gradually bring back students to the face-to-face setup, all while maintaining the quality of the academic performance of the university. With all these said, it begs the question: is AdNU on the right track to successfully achieving the goals of the BOL policy?

Transition Experiencing more than two school years of distance learning and being devoid of the usual social aspect of education, the students expressed appreciation for the efforts of AdNU to transition to BOL to cater to the students’ need for interaction and collaboration.

They explained that being able to communicate in person with their classmates and upperclassmen, made the adjustment easier and reduced the typical pressures of academics. Additionally, they were able to feel the essence of extracurricular activities through face-to-face socialization. All in all, the positive light of the policy shines through the strengthening of students’ sense of belonging and community.

But behind its charming façade, the transition also came with its inevitably uglier side.

The interviewees expressed that the swift transition had them physically winded after long days on campus. The relatively shorter preparation time for on-site coursework added to their asynchronous workload contributes to their drained state at the end of the day. On top of that, students are burdened with financial worries for they now have multiple expenses such as travel fare, food, data for online classes in between, and school-related costs.

On the part of the instructors, they stated that the overall transition from online learning to blended learning was good and that the teachers and their respective departments had enough time to prepare for the BOL implementation for the second semester. However, there was an inconsistency in the dissemination of the said transition where some gathered the information based on hearsay, while some received a notice of memorandum from the Vice President for Higher Education (VPHE). Nonetheless, the instructors shared that they were excited about BOL and that they appreciated the efforts of the students in keeping up with their current situations.

Schedule The new scheduling and modality system is one of the heaviest concerns coming from the students. Despite matriculation forms indicating the modality of classes, there is a pattern of inconsistency throughout many courses; the modality of subjects is still left to the discretion of instructors, thus causing confusion on the part of the students. In connection with this issue, students have to rapidly switch between online and on-site classes, which is where the chunk of the problem regarding the schedule comes in. Some schedules are designed without adequate break time for eating and resting; forcing students to rush through their breaks to make it on time to their next classes. Because of the time constraint, there is a constant struggle for students traveling between classes.

Newt, a 2nd year BS Electronics Engineering student, conveyed that they have to bike more than five kilometers to save fare and still arrive in class on time. In general, the students stated that the university needs to assess the best amount of hours for each subject, to not only avoid excess time but to also lessen the difficulties in adjusting between modalities.

they t h e i r and forth school. also stated sympathy and

Kyra, a 3rd year BS Electronics Engineering student, said that have a hard time bringing class materials back between home and However, they that the consideration

of some instructors significantly compensate for the challenges the students have to face to cope with the implementation. This is a two-way sentiment as the science instructor also explained that she feels for her students and does her best to accommodate everyone amidst the setup.

The instructors then highlighted the importance of sympathizing with their students and being willing to put their needs first. This means giving time allowances for traveling and providing reasonable schedules and modalities among other things. A philosophy instructor also says they encourage the concept of flexible learning as it gives them more control over the distribution of their syllabus and which topics are to be discussed on-site.

Campus & Facilities During almost two years of online classes, it seems that AdNU has not taken much liberty in maintenance and updating of ampus facilities and equipment. Students and instructors alike expressed disappointment regarding the physical state of the university.

The students in particular observed the shortage of equipment in laboratories and work rooms, as well as their lackluster quality. A stable WiFi connection is also a major concern; as students are expected to attend some of their online classes on campus, they require the means to comfortably do so. This, according to the instructors, adds to the inconvenience of the setup. The WiFi issue is interrelated too with the quality of computer laboratories, as both STEM and arts students share their difficulties with using the on-campus electronics efficiently.

“Hindi proportional ang number of students sa facilities and rooms” was a sentiment aired out by a political science student, as she mentions the overcrowding in cafeterias and the confusion behind room sharing. The interviewed philosophy instructor’s views tie back to this as well, as they explain that room sharing should not be practiced at all, because it heavily influences the syllabus flow and their schedule of classroom agenda, and more importantly, it betrays the spirit of flexibility at the end of the day. The same instructor also stated that the current state of the university is one of the more behind aspects in the setup, and its immediate improvement is vital to the success of BOL. Overall, the science instructor said that the university also ought to allocate more resources to ensure the safety aspect of the campus. Room features like overhead projectors, ceiling fans, and the campus’ vulnerability to flooding are now an urgent concern as students of all ages return to school.

However, some students do appreciate the course-specific areas such as workshops and offices that allow them to work separately from public places and at the same time, interact and collaborate with their coursemates. They also mentioned that these workshops suffice for them in providing materials and space.

Recommendations Listening to the various viewpoints of the student body and the faculty shows that AdNU still has a lot of gaps to fill if they want to better the BOL set-up. With all this said, we gathered recommendations from the interviewees on what improvements they think can make BOL more effective and efficient in the long run. More specifically, the students and instructors were clear in their hopes of having better internet connectivity campus-wide.

The philosophy instructor also mentioned physical student learning hubs that can host Ateneans during their online classes. Schedules can also be more efficient if all students are given sufficient break times while some lengthy subject class hours are trimmed off. On the matter of teacher performance, a more proactive feedback system was also suggested in order to better monitor instructors in terms of class and teaching management. Lastly, the university can launch training programs for students to encourage and hone adaptability to the BOL setup through seminars, discussions, and the like.

We can conclude from the interviews that AdNU ought to directly address students’ concerns and improve two-way communication. A general assembly for all students, faculty, and the administration was also a suggestion from the Science instructor. This should be conducted to address all concerns of the parties, and a moderator should be present to regulate the meeting.

Although some of the issues are not exclusive to the BOL policy, they play a part in the perceived difficulty of the setup and add up to the concerns regarding the student and instructor experience. These issues discussed are interrelated, thus being difficult to solve holistically, and should be taken step by step. Moving forward, AdNU needs to continuously assess the BOL setup and take more proactive measures in ensuring the Ignatian learning experience is intact and of quality.

We then revisit the main concern of this article: the university is far from attaining the goals of the BOL setup as long as they do not back up their student and faculty body with the means to reach our collective end. Both from the standpoint of students and teachers, the BOL policy has much potential as it offers flexibility and modernity in learning. But for this potential to flourish, the holes in their model need to be admitted and patched up, and the voices of the stakeholders must be heard. https://www.freepik.com/free-photo/portrait-person-with-mental-disorders_11198922.htm#query=depressing%20background&position=6&from_view=search&track=ais

T

X O VATENEO

JUNE 2020 - M

■ Collated by Nicole Corre, Jhon Rei del Mundo and John Paul Fernandez

he Duterte administration has left a bloody history smeared with black propaganda and utter negligence. His regime brought various controversies, including the war on drugs campaign, the passage of the Anti-Terror Law, poor COVID-19 pandemic response, threats against press freedom, and extrajudicial killings. As Duterte’s term ended last June 2022, and the power is now passed to the son and namesake of the late dictator, Ferdinand Marcos Jr. — another evil in the same vein.

Meanwhile, after three years of online classes and blended learning, AdNU college students are finally back on campus. On their return, ThePILLARS Publication asked about their stances on various socio-political issues affecting the wider community.

On Anti-Terror Law “I am against the said law. Although I get the sentiment of why it was proposed in the first place, I do not agree with the conditions under it, such as how the government can arrest someone accused of terrorism even without a warrant and the fact that they will also not compensate those who were wrongfully detained.

Considering how red-tagging often happens in the country, this law would just be another way for them to silence activists. “ “[In fact, in] the community, they still think that student activism is either a “waste of time” or an act students do out of “boredom” or “rebellion.”

They especially think this way towards students in state universities.” “[Even if], I was not really able to partake in student activism before, so to say, it did not really affect me personally; however, it did make me worry a lot for my friends who were active and vocal about their political and social stances.“ I would be lying if I say that there isn’t [reluctance in joining activism].

Every time I hear on the news about students getting arrested or even killed for voicing out, I get scared. [It’s] not just me, but my family and friends started to worry for me too, [they’re] saying that I should be careful with my words and that, if I could, I should avoid partaking in such activities.”

- Kyla Ronquillo, 1st year BS Computer Science “With all honesty, the Anti-Terror Law is a very technical law — technical in a sense that, as a law, it cannot be categorized as purely evil, and it cannot be categorized as well as purely good, it depends on who will be utilizing it. It has to be placed into proper context, So, personally for me, the majority of the provisions of the law are intending towards prescribing certain groups: [w]e are referring to the CPP-NPA, we are referring to other terrorist organizations that the state is deeming as an enemy.

So, what the Anti-terror Law does is [i]t creates that situation and so the chilling affects — the fear of being labeled as terrorist or being redLayout by Guia Isabel Villafuerte

tagged, the fear of being labeled as an opponent of the government, and therefore you are susceptible towards being arrested anytime.”

“Also, the reluctance [to partake in student activism] happens because of the idea that when you join protest, or call to the redress of the grievances you will be prescribed as a terrorist, or you will be a labeled as part, for example, of the CPP-NPA, and that’s the problem because not all grievances, and not all advocacy protest are intended towards a revolution, although revolution are not necessarily bad.”

- Jerwin Roy Villacruz, 4th year BSBA Legal Management “Anti-Terror Law [runs in conflict with its supposed aim]. This law [is alarming] [b]ecause it [can label any action] as an act of terrorism kahit hindi naman talaga. “ “[Student activism] serves as [a] motivation for other students to feel free [to express] their thoughts and opinions and encourage them to step out [of] the filter bubble.”

“For me, no, [there is no reluctance in joining activism] because [today] is where it [is] needed the most, especially on promoting truth and eradicating misinformation/disinformation. I will not be unwilling since [I] have the right to stand for what is right and wrong to make this law to be lawful, not awful.”

- James Philipp B. Paris, 1st year BS Nursing “I think [Anti-Terror Law] was problematic and reflective [of the regime], since the Duterte Administration was oppressive against activists. As a Political Science student, I am well-aware [t]hat the Philippine political landscape is problematic. However, I always had this certain amount of hope in the legislative and judicial system. But when the Anti-Terror Law was passed, it proved to me that [a] problematic president basically has the tendency to also corrupt the legislative and the judiciary.” “[After the Anti-Terror Law was

implemented, there is a reluctance in participating in activism], yes, definitely. I feel like, if I step out of line or if I try to go against a certain politician or certain authority, there is a basis in the law [to] “keep me captive.”

- Ellaine Jo Cabiles, 4th year AB Political Science “I object to the passage of that law because what constitutes an act of terrorism has been broadened under that law, and it’s open to various interpretations. There’s also an ambiguity in the terms terrorists and acts of terrorism. The marginalized or the helpless are typically not protected by the so-called protective measures.

I also remember that the Congress prioritized passing this Anti-Terror Law amidst the pandemic. They definitely prioritized sowing fear rather than compassion.”

“Sadly, [t]here are lots of negative connotations linked to [student activism], such as it being equated to communism and terrorism or usually rebellion to the government.

Specifically, some of my family members would deem it a waste of time because they think students should only study and not care about present political issues, and it’s a critical element in the academe because it encourages students to fight and criticize.”

“Personally, I had a sense of fear since I’m also posting constructive criticisms about the government on various social media platforms. So, at one point, I thought that my consequences would result in something scary despite [n]ot doing anything wrong. “

- Ramona M. Ramos, BS Biology “Hindi buo ang suporta at hindi ako pabor sa naipasang batas na AntiTerror Law sa kadahilanang: it broadly expands the definition of ‘terrorism’ na taliwas sa Human Security Act of 2007; the power of the ATC to order arrest and detention for a dissenter sa loob ng 24 days without warrant of arrest, maraming puwedeng mangyari sa loob ng nasabing mga araw, like torture and the like; and, lastly parang naglalayon lamang ito to silence any

form of dissent. [I]t all boils down sa pagsupil sa ating basic rights. “ “Personally, [it affects me in a way na] nalungkot, nadismaya, and parang nawalan na naman ng hope for our country. Pero, on a personal level, it pushes me to educate more, as a future teacher myself. [ATC] sparks important conversations. [D]apat maging rigmat, maging aware tayo.”

- Dan Benedict Aven-Agorita 2nd year, BSED English

On Covid-19 Pandemic “[The Covid-19 response is] sloppy.

They closed the borders way too late and were clearly not prepared when the pandemic occurred. More than that, a lot of municipalities were not strict with their protocols; hence, the virus kept spreading. In the first place, the healthcare system in the country is [trashy] — medical workers are underpaid, there are even Philhealth fraud cases, and there is always a shortage in terms of medicine and medical equipment.” “[During the new normal], I just went with the flow, watched videos for “tips” and made sure I can still do my hobbies so that I will not get burnt out. [K]nowing about how deadly the virus is and how a lot of people [keep] getting sick, others even dying, made me anxious about how the pandemic will end.”

- Kyla Ronquillo, 1st year BS Computer Science “[I]t is [extremely] poor. [W]e could have gotten out of the pandemic as soon as possible [if it were not for the] inefficiencies of the government, the delays and corruption, the lack of prioritization, the lack of funding especially the ayuda for the marginalized. Those are the deficiencies of the government, [and their] lack of preparedness [t]owards responding to tritious events. “

MAY 2021 ISSUE

“[The pandemic] diminished the amount of opportunities that should have helped in growth and development. [Y]ou cannot go out and [deprived] of social interaction with friends that hinders growth and development socially. “

aches, eye strain, and lack of sleep just like the hybrid online, but face-to-face classes were more of the exhaustion from commuting daily and financial issues.”

- Jerwin Roy Villacruz, 4th year BSBA Legal Management

“If sa konteksto ng nakaraang administrasyon, their shoulders aren’t strong enough to handle and make salient decisions — like early lockdown, mass testing etc. However, Leni’s OVP became a panalmingan of right actions to make — Swab Cab, E-konsulta, etc.”

were actually state-sponsored but the Philippine National Police were under the instruction of “shoot to kill.” [U]nder criminal law, it can be an extenuating circumstance on the end of the police that on the instance were (e.g, nanlaban daw) they can actually shoot that without any liability but there are actually people trying to fight against law enforcement entities and the circumstances are varying: may times na nanlalaban talaga pero may pinamumukhang nanlaban pero hindi naman talaga. Tinataniman sila ng baril, tinataniman sila ng shabu, etc.”

“In terms of social, back in the early pandemic and early lockdown season, more on relying lang talaga on social media and using the internet most of the time to communicate with friends and family. It was a gradual process [sa school], especially in our course, education, a shift from full online, then now most of my subjects are already having in-person classes.”

“I think that left-and-right killings impacted the media in a sense that also creates a “chilling effect.” [T] hey are more cautious in terms of covering a certain politician, certain acts of government entities because they might be later on the receiving end of arrest, receiving end of tanimbaril, and be regarded as enemy of the state.”

- Dan Benedict Aven-Agorita 2nd year, BSEd English

- Jerwin Roy Villacruz, 4th year BSBA Legal Management

“Habang nag-rirecover na ang ibang bansa, tayo ang naiiwan.The government response and the rolls on vaccines were slow. I have said it, because I have observed it and heard from the news making the poor to be poorest [which forced them] to participate in crimes. There is an instance where some households do not eat three times a day giving malnutrition. [Worse, they wasted] the money on Dolomite beach! “

- James Philipp B. Paris, 1st year BS Nursing “I was very disappointed when the pandemic started. [T]here could have been a faster response from the Duterte administration.[Personally], I think it made me shut down. I was okay, even my family, but when I saw on social media that jeepney drivers and transport groups were literally begging on the streets, it was really emotional for me and made me extremely angry.”

“As a political science student, for me it was obvious. The government was doing almost everything wrong, and there were a lot of things that could have been done better. [P]ersonally, it was extremely painful for me and to my peers and even to my teachers.”

- Ellaine Jo Cabiles, 4th year AB Political Science “[The government’s pandemic response] was unorganized. It was more like a military approach than a health emergency approach. There was a lack of prevention; hence, the morbidity cases and infection rates increased massively. The effectiveness of mobilizing healthcare workers was lacking because there are issues in compensation and hazard pays. Most significantly, politics and capitalism played a part because, for instance, face shields were required all over the country, despite the fact that it’s [only] necessary in a hospital setting. Despite the ballooning cases of COVID-19, corruption issues still thrive in health agencies. There were unused vaccines that expired, and the amelioration funds lacked transparency. “ “[Personally], the total lockdown [t]ook a toll on my emotional health because [staying] at home everyday made me witness verbal and emotional abuse in my family. “ “[In terms of classes], [a]lthough there are differences in the impact of both modalities, [it] gave me a lot of back

- Ramona M. Ramos, BS Biology

On Press Freedom and Mass Killings “[Regarding mass killings], [a] lot of people got unlawfully killed just because they were drug users/ pushers. Most of them even got killed for the reason, “nanlaban kasi.”

What’s worse is that the main people involved in [the killings] were not even a tad bit remorseful, [like] Duterte’s refusal of apologizing to the victims of extrajudicial killings.” “[T]he media did their best to document the killings and to inform the public, it’s just that those who had higher positions tried to suppress the media.”

“I can’t remember the exact details [on the shut down of ABS-CBN] but one of the officials of BIR has confirmed that ABS-CBN was consistently paying their taxes, and that same official refuted the accusation that the network violated certain terms.

[I]t was fairly obvious that ABS-CBN got shut down because of former President Duterte who got mad after the network documented and often broadcasted the extra-judicial killings in the country. [But I know for sure], some might have gotten discouraged [because of it], while some probably felt even more determined to pursue media studies.”

- Kyla Ronquillo, 1st year BS Computer Science “The mass killings, under the Duterte Administration or in the recent past, are well-documented, and I think these are indubitable events. There are multiple instances where Duterte administration are denying that they

“It is unlawful, making the public to be endangered from possible extrajudicial killing. [E]ven innocent [people] were affected, [like] the case of Kian delos Santos. [E]ven the Filipinos who have not committed drug-pushing or any crimes were killed. But, even though they are criminals they should not be killed because they are people who have rights [whose crimes need to be solved legally], [l]ike in the court.

Basta hindi ito legal marami ang namatay pero patuloy pa rin nilang tinatago ang totoo[ng] may sala tapos ang totoong dapat makulong.” “[M]alawak ang sakop ng media. Kung patuloy itong pagpatay, magdudulot ito ng kawalan ng kumpiyansa sa kanilang seguridad bilang mamamahayag.

Dapat na itong masugpo para maging tulay ito para hindi tayo katakutan ng mga international journalist to cover our country. “

- James Philipp B. Paris, 1st year BS Nursing “I first became aware of [mass killings] during the extrajudicial killings. A family friend of ours (husband of my mother’s co-teacher) was murdered.

His body was found in a ditch assuming that he was drug-dependent, and I also heard personal stories about the killings, ever since [media workers and journalists became at risk] since the Maguindanao massacre. [E] ven the Duterte administration [also targeted them], and even the present administration is not willing to protect the media and press freedom.” “[W]hen the ABS-CBN [was forced to close], I think it showed students, who wanted to pursue media and journalism, that they are not safe in the Philippines.”

the process to renew their franchise, so this shutdown is obviously politically-motivated since ABS-CBN is not friendly and neutral towards the Duterte Administration.”

- Ellaine Jo Cabiles, 4th year AB Political Science “I think that [EJK] was one of [Duterte’s] promises to eradicate the prevalence of drug crime within six months after being elected as the President, and it was basically six years of blood in his hands. The police authorities would have the typical justification of “nanlaban” that’s why their last resort was to kill and, at least, 19 children were among these victims. More importantly, there were also lots of journalists, media workers, lawyers, and prosecutors who were also killed during his administration, and most of them were human rights advocates and defenders.”

“These mass killings resulted in a chilling effect in the media landscape because those people who fight for human rights, especially the journalists, activists, and human rights defenders are at risk for legal repercussions and, worse, for murder. [B]ecause of these killings, the media’s role as watchdogs of the society was compromised because of a government who only wanted praises and affirmation, not criticisms nor contradictions.”

- Ramona M. Ramos, BS Biology “Ito ‘yong mass killing ng mga activist, mga pesante, and/or also the victims of the drug war; perhaps all. Tunay na nakakapanlumo at nakaririmarim.

[I]t speaks a lot on why [Duterte’s supporters are called] DDS, kasi ‘yong etymology niyan ay Davao Death Squad — gang of vigilante killers who allegedly committed mass killing in their area. [The killings] promulgated fear, pero it also strengthens the idea of why do we have media in the first place — to inform people with accurate data, the veracity of it all. These killings spark meaningful conversations that there is something faulty sa sistema, and it must continue to be scrutinized by the public.” “[Kaya I think, ABS-CBN shutdown] is not lawful. Napatunayan na ito ng media company. They already paid taxes and charges and defended themselves with facts. I will never forget what they did to ABS-CBN employees and their families because of an insecure president’s vindictiveness. Moreover, pagsupil ito ng press freedom or ng demokrasya at large. The shutdown of the country’s biggest media network, ABS-CBN, restricted peoples’ access to verified info.”

- Dan Benedict Aven-Agorita 2nd year, BSEd English

“[A]BS - CBN [has]clearly followed Photo Source: https://www.pexels.com/photo/man-in-blue-denim-jacket-holding-a-megaphone-5935743/

JUNE 2020 - MAY 2021 ISSUE | Pressed, but pressing on ABBY BILAN

Tales of Watchdogs and Lapdogs

to be made aware of.

The last two years before Duterte left office, when human rights violations were chronically increasing and critics persistently called for an ouster, press freedom took one blow after another when media giant ABS-CBN was forced off the air, Rappler chief editor and Nobel Peace Prize laureate Maria Ressa was convicted of cyber libel, and multiple community journalists were arrested over trumped-up charges.

In December 2022, Senator Risa Hontiveros filed Senate Bill No. 1593, known as the Decriminalization of Libel Act, which would repeal some articles under the libel laws and the Cybercrime Prevention Act of 2012.

Coincidentally, on the same day of filing, Frank Cimatu, a Baguio City-based journalist, was convicted of cyber libel over a Facebook post he published in 2017. The case was filed by former Department of Agriculture Secretary Manny Piñol.

ournalists take on a lot of pressure to report public affairs amidst blatant press repression and cynicism. In the face of persecution, the state of socio-political affairs in the Philippines still calls on the media to press on.

Under Article 353 of the Revised Penal Code (RPC), a person convicted of libel may be charged up to six years in prison and a fine of up to P6,000. Cyber libel, however, gives more teeth to the law as the jail term may reach up to 12 years and the fine up to the maximum amount given by the court.

Media crackdown through the weaponization of the law has crucified journalists in attempts of silencing the fourth estate and dissenters. Libel and cyber libel laws are misappropriated instead to gag media practitioners from reporting social issues and irregularities — their job — committed by officials which the public ought

Aside from Hontiveros’ filing, and the clamor of media institutions, Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT) Rep. France Castro refiled House Bill No. 1769 in the 19th Congress that seeks to decriminalize libel following the affirmation of the Court of Appeals on Ressa’s conviction.

Former senator Ralph Recto also filed Senate

Raking the Muck LOU MARIE CUARTO

have resided in the Philippines ten years before the election is held. However, what makes Marcos Jr. unqualified is his tendency to lie in every situation possible for the sake of making himself appear grandiose, just like the “Imeldific” image built by his mother and former first lady, Imelda Marcos, during their dictatorship.

J

A Flagpole of Red flags: How did we get here?

T

he reminder was clear: spot the red flags, not build a flagpole out of them. Run away from red flags, not run toward them. However, we, Filipinos, seem to be getting the wrong notice every time. I used to think that we always tend to choose the hard mode in every situation and see everything through rose-colored glasses despite it all. Nonetheless, the grim reality is that we are forced to be resilient due to generations of wrongful treatment. The distorted idea of Filipino resiliency is the fruit of decades-long systemic oppression – and just like a blinded lover, we just missed the chance of being in a healthier situation because we chose a boy who cannot even do the barest among all the bare minimums.

Blinded by love, it is totally common to miss the warning signs at the beginning of any relationship but they will eventually come out. However, being blinded due to well-orchestrated disinformation propaganda promulgated by a network of troll armies is a proven dangerous ignorance. The internet campaign that injected the Filipinos with an unlimited dosage of lies resulted in the win of Ferdinand “Bongbong” Marcos Jr. for the presidency, a looming Marcos restoration after thirty-seven years since the people ousted his dictator father. The red flags we missed will significantly determine our future for the next six years and probably redefine our history in their favor. Marcos Jr., bearing with him a flagpole of red flags, should not have been allowed to run for any position in the first place. Here are some of the reasons why: Red flag #1 Lies everywhere Jillian Robredo — 1 (degree), Bongbong Marcos — 0 The qualifications for a person to be able to run for the presidency in the Philippines are quite simple: (1) a natural-born Filipino; (2) a registered voter; (3) able to read and write; (4) 40 years of age, and; (5)

Controversies about his education began to spark when Marcos Jr. filed his certificate of candidacy for the presidency last October 2021. According to his camp, Marcos Jr. graduated with a bachelor’s degree in Political Science, Philosophy, and Economics in Oxford in the 70s. However, through a series of investigations and direct coordination with Oxford to confirm Marcos’ claims, it was established that the incoming president did not graduate with a bachelor’s degree but only received a special diploma in social studies. Despite the uncovering truth from the hard evidence and statements which officially came from the prestige university, Marcos Jr. stood firm with his lies. He continued with his narrative that a special diploma issued by the university is the same as a bachelor’s degree. Filipino students in Oxford then debunk this claim by releasing a statement, saying “A special diploma is not a degree, and neither is it comparable, superior nor equivalent to one.”

Marcos Jr. has yet to admit his lies and the misrepresentation of his Oxford education and so the deception continues.

In his presidential bid, after failing to secure the vice-presidency last 2016 national elections, Marcos Jr. has learned his lesson that legitimate news media outlets do him no good and debates organized by these news outfits only get him “roasted” on live television. Now, Marcos Jr., in all his might, tried to avoid the tough questions of journalists and critics by being a no-show in debates and presidential forums and by blocking and boxing out journalists he deemed to be “biased” during his rallies.

Lian Buan, a Rappler journalist assigned to cover Marcos Jr.’s presidential campaign, expressed dismay over the treatment of the presidential aspirant’s camp to her media team throughout the campaign season. In Rappler’s segment, Reporter’s Review, Buan narrated the preferential treatment of Marcos Jr. to “nice” media people – these are those who only write good stories about them, Apollo Quiboloy’s SMNI news channel, for example. “It’s really difficult because they dangled access over our heads. The message was if you don’t play nice - if you don’t write good stories - then you will have a very difficult time covering us,” she stated. Buan’s review manifested as the campaign season unfolded. Marcos Jr. did not bother with media outlets but instead focused on social media and internet campaigns.

People felt his huge machinery as disinformation and revisionism filled various social media platforms, such as Facebook, Youtube, and Tiktok. On The Campaign Trail, hosted by a veteran journalist, John Nery, discussed organized disinformation campaigns and how they changed the game in the media landscape concerning the 2022 elections. According

Layout by Edward Alipio and Photos by Patricia Noelle Bongalos

Bill No. 2146 in 2014 attempting to repeal the libel law.

Ressa had been charged with three cyber libel cases and served 10 arrest warrants; Cimatu was ordered a jail time from six months to five years, five months, and 11 days, and a P300,000 payment for moral damages; community journalist Frenchie Mae Cumpio has been detained for three years now over an “illegal firearms possession” charge; and radio broadcaster Percival Mabasa, a known critic of Marcos, was murdered several months ago.

Since July 2022, the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines recorded 56 libel cases, 10 of which are cyber libel (including 941 counts against Darcie de Galicia of Radio City 97.5 and Noel Alamar of ABS-CBN Teleradyo), and two media killings. Among other press freedom violations reported were cases of surveillance, harassment, red-tagging, denial of coverage, assault, death threats, and online harassment.

Sans the certainty of conviction, suing journalists not only clogs court dockets and overburdens the judiciary, it also psychologically and financially drains the accused and their families.

By using laws to punish rather than protect the press, the government sends a message that they can exploit the people’s democratic rights in all ways that serve their interests. Not to mention, it instills red flags that criticisms against the government may only exhaust legal and financial resources, and mark yet another tally on the country’s press freedom violations.

to The Digital Public Pulse project, indicators of “networked political manipulation” can be related to the said elections. A political science professor from De La Salle University, Cleve Arguelles, pointed out that the organized campaign of disinformation powered voters’ perception of Marcos Jr., his opponents, and the controversies directed against him.

Marcos Jr. has repeatedly denied he hired a network of troll farms; however, investigations by Vera Files concluded that Bongbong Marcos is the most to benefit from the disinformation campaign and his chief rival, former Vice President Leni Robredo, was the most to suffer from such lies and manipulation.

Additionally, in an investigative series produced

by Rappler, it was discovered that more than three decades after Marcos Sr. was ousted, the powerful dynasty utilized social media to revitalize its image.

The Marcos disinformation machinery is so powerful that it continues to cultivate lies, popularize narratives in favor of the Marcoses, and turn people against each other.

Red flag #2 Alleged substance abuse Solid North? More like, a solid snort Upon the former president Rodrigo Duterte’s statement insinuating that a “weak” and “spoiled” presidential candidate who came from a rich family and famous patriarch is associated with drug use, people turned to Marcos Jr. alleging he was the one being hinted about. Days after, Marcos Jr. voluntarily tested for cocaine use at St. Luke’s Medical Center and later released a negative result.

PDEA spokesperson Derrick Carreon confirmed that the agency received Marcos Jr.’s result; however, he clarified that PDEA was not a repository of the drug test results conducted by other testing facilities. This sparked another controversy where critics quickly spotted suspicious parts in the disclosed drug results by the Marcos camp. Despite this, Marcos chose to stick with his “anti-drugs” narrative, and his former spokesperson, Atty. Vic Rodriguez, emphasized that the candidate’s negative drug test will “stand on its own,” pleading to spare the involved institutions from politics.

Marcos Jr. may have dodged a word war against Duterte and his drug use may have ended as mere speculations for now, but red flags remain red flags – and reading about the symptoms of substance abuse and looking back at Marcos Jr., the warning signs may direct people to the facts that have long been staring back at us. One just has to look and remain their eyes wide open - even though the truth appears to be ugly.

Red flag #3 Gaslighting 31M apologists, 0 apologies The sins of the father cannot be inherited by the son – true, however, if the son directly inherited and benefited from the ill-gotten wealth of his family by exploiting the whole country without showing any sign of remorse, perhaps Marcos Jr. is equally as guilty as his dictator father.

In the midst of massive spread of disinformation, this crackdown and the distrust in credible media has been stirred as a deception tool to threaten the public that scrutinizing and keeping the government in check — as we should — is punishable, rather than a democratic right. Fanatics, who are merely victims of disinformation, eventually become cynics against the press. And officials, as supposedly public servants who are subject to criticisms lest any irregularity is committed, seem to wield their not-so-secret libel or cyber libel weapons to escape accountability. Legislative bills or money bills, they just pick which card to draw.

If the accountability of journalists is in question though, media institutions earnestly stand by the ideological grounds of the profession by policing their ranks through self-regulation. After all, journalists advance not when many supporters within the same echo chamber agree, but when cynics react and start questioning what they believe and where they stand.

Social justice for society and the embattled field that fights for it remains elusive since time immemorial. Only those who have someone to protect or that of their own economic and political agendas — rather than public interest — consciously deny the passage of laws to decriminalize libel and cyber libel laws, and to protect journalists. And they are usually the crooked public officials hiding smears of impunity, corruption, and crimes.

If the watchdogs are leashed, who polices whom now? And if the watchdogs are muzzled, what could the executive lapdogs do?

On 10 January 2020, Marcos Jr. stressed that “it is about time for educational institutions to revise the content of history textbooks which depicted their family in a bad light.” In his perspective, it is nothing but “political propaganda” initiated by his political rivals. “You are teaching the children lies,” he added.

For Marcos Jr., his parents, the conjugal dictators who killed the country’s democracy and demoralized its people, were “generous philanthropists” – an utter insult to the thousands of Martial Law victims and those Desaparecidos whose remains are yet to be found.

Marcos Jr. has been consistent in denying all his family’s human rights violation cases, abuse of power, and plunder despite the literal existence of history books, documentaries, court rulings, and pieces of evidence and testimonies. Through his systemic disinformation network, apologists continue to live in a bubble where established and proven facts are twisted and a distorted nostalgia for the law and order during the dictator’s reign is maintained.

A campaign tainted by lies and manipulation will be a presidency tainted by corruption and abuses; a reminiscent story the Filipinos have seen during their father’s time. Even if we separate Bongbong from his patriarch, the guy alone still does not qualify. A convicted tax evader with moral turpitude, and an unremorseful son from a tyrannic dynasty at that, should not have been allowed to run. Now that the Marcoses seem to be getting closer to their agenda, what awaits the Philippines?

Be it about romantic relationships or not, take it as a bit of advice that a red flag never lies – some may be negotiable, but a walking red light like Marcos Jr. should not even be up for debate.

Before this article ends and before it gets too late, a reminder to not get too comfortable and complacent to think that the Filipinos can afford to give Marcos Jr. the benefit of the doubt. If anything, the Filipinos have gotten so little while the Marcoses robbed too much already.

I say no chances left for the Marcoses.

Reject Marcos-Duterte. Resist tyranny.

“No tears for them, absolutely no tears. I think they should have been killed, and as far as killing them I would volunteer to be in the firing squad.” Signed, Lino Brocka References: ANCX, (2019). What Lino Brocka would have done to the Marcoses Retrieved from https://news.abs-cbn.com/... /what-lino-brocka-would-have...

Buan, L., (2021). Oxford: Bongbong Marcos’ special diploma ‘not a full graduate diploma’.

Retrieved from https://www.rappler.com/... /oxford-bongbong-marcos... / Buan, L., (2021). Bongbong Marcos is always ‘forthright’ about Oxford diploma? Not really Retrieved from https://www.rappler.com/... /bongbong-marcos-always... / Cabalza, D., Aning J., & Aurelio, J., (2021). Marcos gets self tested for cocaine, submits results to PDEA, PNP, NBI Retrieved from https://newsinfo.inquirer.net/... /marcos-gets-self-tested...

Colcol, E., (2021). Bongbong Marcos Drug Test Doubters Can Check With Who Did It: Spokesman Retrieved from https://www.reportr.world/... /bongbong-marcos-response...

Gavilan, J., (2022). Marcos Jr.’s campaign reaping benefits of years of disinformation – experts Retrieved from https://www.rappler.com/... /ferdinand-marcos-jr... / Jalea, G., (2020). Marcos pushes for revision of history textbooks: ‘You’re teaching the children lies’ Retrieved from https://www.cnnphilippines.com/... /Marcos-wants-to-revise...

Ramirez, C., (2022). Forgetting Ferdinand Marcos: The Dangers of Historical Revisionism Retrieved from https://www.mironline.ca/forgetting-ferdinand-marcos-the... / Rappler, (2022). Reporter’s Review: Lian Buan on Bongbong Marcos Retrieved from https://www.rappler.com/... /reporter-review-lian-buan... /

| JUNE 2020 - MAY 2021 ISSUE A Retrospect on Respect BRANDON JON YULOLO

Elections, especially during online discourses in social media involving someone expressing support for one candidate over another - which can get quite heated at times. Such was the cycle back then, wherein these back-and-forth exchanges eventually led to the words: “Respect my opinion”, in order to try to remove the “aura of hostility” within the conversation and to avoid escalating the argument even further.

There were also people who expressed openly that during election season, if you do not respect their opinions on who they want to vote for – then you are being a negative and hateful person, cutting off ties and ending meaningful relationships just because of varying preferences when it comes to public servants and their party lists. Famous individuals such as artists and influencers have also expressed hurt that other people are not respecting their stances on political matters and are bashing them simply because they want to vote for a certain individual.

Respect My Opinion

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hhh basta, respeto nalang. Wag niyo kami huhusgahan sa mga desisyon namin sa pagboto, dahil opinyon namin yun.”

You’ve probably encountered something along those lines during the campaign period of the 2022 Philippine

Musings of a Perfectionist EDWARD ALIPIO

The main question at hand here is, should we respect these opinions when it comes to situations like this?

Picking a candidate as important as a president or a senator of a nation can actually be boiled down into picking an opinion since it involves a voter’s beliefs, but the reality isn’t really that simple. These decisions are not comparable to the scale of just choosing what flavor of ice cream you prefer or choosing what your favorite K-pop group is. To be a voter means actively participating in a role that allows a person to choose how they want their life as well as the lives of others to be affected or even shaped by these candidates in the form of public service. With this much power, one must also be responsible enough to respect the facts before forming opinions.

of the pandemic would be best described as a nightmare for many students. Blindsighted to adapt to these new modes of learning, the students grappled to keep up with their academic requirements, and their parents found themselves grappling financially to get by. With the gradual return to face-to-face classes, students now face yet another nightmarish roundabout that threatens them with “falling behind,” especially those who have been disproportionately affected by the pandemic.

Financial burden The COVID-19 pandemic further pushed many Filipino families against the wall with their financial adversities, which endangered not only their livelihoods, but the youths’ education. While writing this article, memories of my own family’s financial turmoil during the time resurfaced. Coincidentally, it was the same year I started college, whereas I enrolled in a program that requires costly investment in resources such as a graphic drawing tablet, a high-end laptop, and a stable internet connection for online classes.

Escaping the Crevice

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akakapagod na mag-aral. Sana matapos na ‘tong sem na ‘to. Hindi ko na alam kung paano ko ‘to makakaya.”

Have you ever found yourself muttering these phrases when the fatigue of studying sets in? These words may seem clichéd and repetitive, yet delving deeper reveals that it speaks volumes of students’ unspoken struggles— sleepless nights, pressure to succeed, and weight of everyone’s expectations—all whilst tumbling and getting stuck into the crevice of our anxieties.

Since the onset of the pandemic, students all over the world have had to contend with a multitude of daunting challenges to at least try to cope with the wild transition of our educational setup. The government unconscientiously imposed self-serving directives, thus displacing many students and their families.

The transition to distance learning since the beginning

The Anglo-Saxon Mind KRISTA RIKKA LAPITAN

My tuition and other fees per semester were notoriously high, typically exceeding P30,000. It took my parents quite a while to figure out ways to get by with my education and acquire such equipment that I need. If it were not for my sister’s assistance, I might have neither been able to attend the university nor pursue my dream program.

Due to this, the weight of financial responsibility has been an unsettling matter that every Filipino family bears. The constant juggling of bills and expenses has been a struggle that left us feeling stretched thin. Despite our best efforts to stay afloat, the economic hardships have taken a toll on our mental stability and financial security.

Especially for low-income families like mine, attempting to manage transportation and accommodation finances barely keeps us sane while minding how to budget the allowance for daily expenses. All that stressful preoccupation while trying to maintain a somewhat acceptable academic performance which is the only thing I am supposed to be focusing on.

And with the current prevalence of social issues, including but not limited to poverty, inadequate employment opportunities, insufficient government

government amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. While gathering information to write this article, I remembered the impact of this statement on all of us, knowing that many others also experienced the same. Hearing this kind of story and continuing to study at Ateneo, I realized how lucky and privileged we are. But more than just watching and listening to these harrowing realities, we too have a role to play in alleviating their struggles.

ahirap ‘pag mahirap. Walang pagkukunan [ng pagkain].”

Mass layoffs According to the Department of Labor and Employment (DOLE), millions of workers in the country had no pay or received a decreased salary in late 2020 as a result of the temporary closure of establishments and the shortening of working hours, which recorded the highest job losses. Although DOLE was given a P16.4 billion budget under the Bayanihan to Recover as One Act, the cash assistance that was given to pandemic-displaced workers was not enough to cover their families’ expenses.

Consider a common Filipino struggling to survive in the middle of the pandemic, experiencing sudden job loss and skyrocketing prices of goods and services, only to receive a one-time 5,000-peso government assistance.

That’s exactly the situation of the laborers during the onslaught of the pandemic, which fueled the wave of uncertainty about workers going back to their normal jobs. Given this, the billion budget was not disseminated according to the people’s needs.

Three years ago, we heard this line from a taxi driver on national television. It was when public transportation operations were halted because of the enhanced community quarantine imposed by the

The corruption further deepens as the Tulong Panghanapbuhay sa Ating Disadvantaged/Displaced Workers (TUPAD) program, which was supposedly for informal laborers, is given to middle-class people so long

Crossing the Unchartered Waters

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Horses and Blinders In the context of last year’s elections, I was admittedly quite unnerved by these “respect my opinion” statements to a degree that I found it invalidating to those people who were affected by the facts. Let’s just say that for example, there is a candidate who is linked to incompetence, corruption, and oppression, whose legacy has ruined more lives than one could count. This candidate is running for the presidential seat despite all these, and this person still has a vast amount of supporters who either look away or completely disregard and even partake in revisionism to rewrite these facts.

If anything, this aspect of “blind” obedience and intentional disregard for the facts is the thing that is the most disrespectful. To claim that none of those ever happened is to claim that the experiences of the victims, and the ones that still continue to fight for them are nonexistent. That their suffering is seemingly just an illusion that is in vain.

In addition, enabling blindness towards these established facts just shows that you are fine with all that has happened in the past. That it is okay for them to be incompetent, lie to us, steal from us, and take away our rights along with our lives. To respect and adhere to such an opinion feels like placing ourselves in a position wherein we can only give respect that will never be given back to us.

Noises and Silence And what about the activists? They were the ones who were always keen to voice out their opinions, criticizing the government and simply shedding light on the issues that need to be addressed. Yet they are met with the misconception that they are only there to make noise

support, and alarmingly high inflation rates, money matters seem to be a never ending grind that will eventually cripple people at some point.

Psychological toll The pandemic has wreaked havoc on many aspects of our lives—and education is no exception—to which we have barely recovered from. As institutions scrambled to adapt to the new normal, students found themselves thrusted into a remote learning environment that was unfamiliar, uncomfortable, and often downright challenging.

For many, this sudden shift to a distance learning setup was like being tossed into a raging sea without a life vest. Students like myself struggled to keep up with our studies, feeling adrift and ironically disconnected from our peers and instructors. As a result, students suffered and found themselves sinking deeper and deeper into a quagmire of stress and anxiety.

As time passed, the toll on students’ mental health became increasingly evident and harmful. Frankly speaking, I myself haven’t fully adjusted nor moved on from the online setup, and yet students are now expected to return to campus with the implementation of the hybrid setup with face-to-face classes.

Students, contrary to how we have been treated, are not a bunch of rats that can easily adapt to any type of environment given. Understandably, it was the only way for us to get the education that we non-negotiably need.

Aside from our specialization, we cannot remain oblivious to the state of affairs whether in universities or society that we must be aware and well-informed of. Adapting, however, comes with a lot of challenges, from navigating complex social dynamics to mastering difficult academic concepts. We may be resilient and resourceful at times — but the thing is, we are not invincible.

It is aggravating to know that we lack control over our own education. One way or another, it feels like we are being pushed and pulled in different directions; forced to conform to a system that does not prioritize our interests.

At the end of the day, despite being a basic right, getting education seems to have become a privilege that we have to race for. A race where, many students have been and are still being left behind. Leading to a lack of

as they have connections with the local government unit.

A question of competence As various communities were flooded by voices of dissent and criticism, it is fair to say that Filipinos witnessed how the Duterte administration unsatisfactorily handled the crisis. Poor pandemic planning and response, the passage of extraneous policies, and rampant and downright acts of red-tagging, all point to the criminal negligence committed by the former administration.

Although it is not a surprise to see these things, the same question lingers in my mind: who will be greatly affected by the incompetence of the government to handle this multifaceted crisis? None other than those in the marginalized—students, small-scale business owners, farmers—and the rest of the Filipino workers who are deprived of humane labor policies.

There’s more than what meets the eye Due to the pandemic and the failure of the government to manage the crisis, pandemic-displaced workers were left with no choice but to expose themselves and their families to the virus. For these laborers, it’s only either work and risk contracting the virus or starve themselves because of a lack of financial capacity and support. Again, it all boils down to the failure of the government to plan and manage the situation. Yes, there is a budget for it—but where has the 16.4 billion gone? We have been seeing TUPAD payouts and reports that 85% of that billion budget was disbursed, but not all workers received a penny from it. It would not be a surprise if I woke up to an exposé in the future containing all of the kickbacks received during the pandemic.

and cause chaos – even going as far as being red-tagged and labeled as terrorists. The opinions of activists are not respected by those very same people who tell us to respect their beliefs, as well as the candidates that they support. It is a double standard, applied unfairly and selfishly by those who want things to go their way without giving much thought as to how it would really impact lives.

On the other side of the spectrum, those who choose to be silent about political matters are voicing out that since they are not deciding in the realm of politics, then they are not being offensive or hurtful towards anyone, and that stance of theirs should be respected.

Unfortunately, that is not really the case. Staying silent in a time wherein you could contribute to a change that can combat discord is actually helping out the oppressors. Those who stay neutral and those who willingly side with the oppressors may have entirely differing opinions from one another, but they play a role that benefits how corrupt officials plant seeds of conflict that will continue to grow unless we amplify the call for accountability and justice until the day that we attain it.

At the end of the day, I still firmly agree that everyone has a right to have an opinion about anything. I’m not telling you that having an opinion that is not always similar to mine makes you instantly wrong. What I want to say is when it comes to having opinions that could especially affect others’ lives, the wrong thing to do is morph baseless opinions into a notion of the truth. There are instances wherein your opinions cannot be simply respected and acknowledged. There are opinions that we always have to criticize with facts.

So, if you have a problem with this article or all my statements – just read the headline once more.

motivation to pursue their studies, this is detrimental to students’ academic and personal development.

The struggle to keep up with our studies is real and valid. The crippling anxiety of falling behind in class or the possibility of failing in the face of all the sacrifices done by our family eats us up; and eventually gets us stuck up the cycle of setbacks — flunking in classes, a sense of disconnection from everything, and even not having enough energy to get off the bed every day.

In my second year in college, still in the remote learning setup, I honestly struggled with a course that discussed complex software during online classes. Understanding lessons and complying with the coursework was an endless sequence of back-breaking and fatiguing cycles as well. The lack of in-person instruction, the inability to utilize the university facilities, and the distractions in the online environment all contributed to my failure in the course. I do not know what else it could be other than an ineffective education system. Online or not, this experience stresses the importance of having effective learning strategies and support structures in our educational system.

The issue of students being left behind is complex and multifaceted; however, the government bears a huge chunk of responsibility for the ongoing and yet unresolved nature of these drawbacks. It is imperative that the Deparment of Education look into the longstanding problems within its own system, such as inadequate funding, outdated curricula, and the shortage of qualified teachers.

Essentially, to give justice to students who are catching up, and those who are still seeking the motivation to, their needs may be addressed by providing targeted support, resources, and interventions. This includes addressing systemic barriers that prevent equal access to educational opportunities, providing individualized support for students with learning challenges, and creating inclusive and supportive learning environments where all students can thrive.

It is not surprising that, as a student, you may find yourself venting about the difficulties of studying. After all, we are faultless. It’s completely understandable to feel frustrated by it. So, be kinder towards others, too. Don’t be too hard on yourself!

Crossing the Unchartered Waters People have been worrying about how they would handle the uncertainty of going back to their job.

During the onset of the 2022 National Elections, several politicians vowed to battle rising unemployment and promote pagbabago. According to his Pagpaparami ng Trabaho vlog released in March 2022, the dictator’s son, Bongbong Marcos, promised to prioritize generating employment in infrastructure, agriculture, tourism, and business. Surprisingly, the Philippine Statistics Authority (PSA) reported a decrease in the unemployment rate in September 2022. Yet, many Filipinos are still wound up in the gutter due to the financial crisis and neoliberal policies that keep burdening the people. Unemployment is one of the most pressing issues in the country and if the administration truly has the slightest bit of concern over the condition of its people, it would not prioritize phasing out traditional jeepneys that would jeopardize millions of drivers and their livelihood, for example, but would set out concrete and mass-oriented solutions The government must see the real struggle of our workers, act upon their needs, and support them.

Moreover, it’s not just the government’s duty to help them. We all should be aware of what lies in the reality and commit to a collective effort to help one another navigate the ambiguity of the future, despite our individual struggles to hold out in this horrid living condition. With the existing culture of impunity in the country, it must be our collective goal to provide more safe spaces for our fellow Filipinos by relentlessly fighting for their rights and genuinely serving as their voices.

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o place is exempted from the terrors of tyranny that draw democracy’s lifeblood.

Rodrigo Duterte’s six-year regime left no space safe as the Marcos-wannabe leader remained hell-bent on preserving his power. We have witnessed his desperate measures through his heavy reliance on militarization as though it is a one-size-fits-all solution.

Thus, when the COVID-19 crisis put us in a state of emergency, it became the state’s leeway to exploit pandemic measures, exposing the country’s bone of contention — the decay of democratic spaces at the bloody hands of an inutile, power-hungry leader.

The Bicol region, unfortunately, is among the regions bearing the weight of human rights violations. As per the data released by the Karapatan-Bicol, a non-governmental alliance of human rights defenders, the Bicol region recorded a total of 2,434 under the Duterte administration, from July 2016 to November 2022. This figure, therefore, should prompt us to let the regime’s atrocities surface in the public consciousness, especially now that we have transitioned to a Marcos-Duterte administration.

Where resistance, repression, and red-tagging loom “[M]atagal na panahon na ang tawag nga sa Bikol ay ‘opposition [region].’ Ang mga Bikolano [at] Bikolana [ay] marunong tumindig sa kanilang mga karapatan,” said Nida Barcenas, or ‘Nay Nids, the Secretary General of Karapatan-Bicol in an interview last 2 April 2023.

As critical and progressive as we are, Duterte vocally considers the Bicol region a “communist hotbed” in Luzon; hence, threats and violence have been used to extensively eradicate dissenters whom he deemed “subversives” — a clear threat, especially when it comes to progressive groups and staunch critics of the government.

Not even scholarly institutions are safe. Ateneo de Naga University, apart from Bicol University and University of Sto. Tomas - Legazpi Albay, was one of the 18 institutions red-tagged

by Lt. Gen. Antonio Parlade Jr., former NTF-Elcac spokesperson, through an online statement released last 23 January 2021. The statement claimed that the listed colleges and universities “are recruitment havens for the New People’s Army (NPA).”

At the height of red-tagging amid counterinsurgency programs, the desperate measures of the state go as far as attacking the progressive organizations, including students. Sasah Sta. Rosa, a former Atenean and Jovenes Anakbayan Naga City chairperson, was not only a victim of red-tagging but a victim of multiple accounts of human rights violations — harassment, planting of evidence, illegal search and seizure, illegal arrest and detention, and trumped-up charges.

Just a few days after this incident came the case of Justine Mesias, a former student of Bicol University. Like Sasah, Mesias is also a student-activist. And he was the spokesperson of Youth Act Now Against Tyranny, regional coordinator of Kabataan Partylist-Bicol, coordinator of Tulong Kabataan Bicol, and co-convenor of Rise for Education-Bicol University. Although Mesias evaded the illegal arrest at that time, police pressed trumped-up charges against him following the planted evidence used against him.

Duterte’s anti-democratic projects were the projections of his desperate measures to prolong his power — that even innocents, so long as deemed critical, are treated inhumanely and unconstitutionally. From raiding houses to planting firearms and explosives, which lead to illegal arrests as a potential prelude to one’s death, these are but tactics of the regime subsumed under its war-on-drugs campaigns and counterinsurgency programs.

On perpetuating a ‘license to kill’ Creating an atmosphere of fear is made possible by policies and laws that render human rights abuses rampant. As this heightens the already-prevailing culture of entrenched impunity, perpetrators go unscathed because the Duterte administration fast-tracked militaristic measures, infiltrating democratic institutions.

In what seems an effort to equip the state’s attack dogs with excessive powers, MO32 is but a component of the series of militarized directives of Duterte. “[N]agtayo ng NTF-Elcac para usigin nang usigin [tayo] [b]agamat ang sinasabi nila, ang kalaban nila ay ‘yong mga armado [o] NPA pero ang totoong target nila ay ‘yong mga aktibista, progresibo, mga lehitimong organisasyon,” ‘Nay Nids explained how Duterte’s counterinsurgency policies and directives are underhand tactics to put us under a de facto martial law. “[P]anay ang sabi nilang wala nang NPA sa Bicol pero sige naman ‘yong atake nila doon sa mga [progresibong] organisasyon,” she added.

She also mentioned that the administration’s counterinsurgency program is parallel to the United States’ which blatantly attacks progressive groups, “Kumbaga, programa ng US ‘yon na pinapatupad sa Pilipinas na sinusunod naman ni Duterte bagamat pinapakilala ang sarili niya [bilang] anti-US pero ‘yong programa ng US sa counterinsurgency, ‘yon din naman ang ipinatupad niya [k]apalit ng mga ayudang ibinibigay ng Estados Unidos,” ‘Nay Nids expounds.

The Whole-of-Nation approach, which is part of counterinsurgency programs fighting against armed groups, has long existed. Former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo’s Oplan Bantay Laya I and II, which was augmented by Aquino’s’ Oplan Bayanihan, was as bloodiest as Duterte’s, only that the Executive Order No. 70, s. 2018 alarmingly broadened the scope of statesponsored killings.

In essence, it is state terrorism under the guise of national security. Through EO70, this created a National Task Force to End Local Communist Conflict (NTF-Elcac) that unabashedly brandished themselves as the forefront of inclusivity and sustainable peace, all the while perpetuating violence as propagandists.

Naga City, unfortunately, is not exempted from the killings. “Dito lang sa [Concepcion Pequeña] may pinatay siguro [two] months ago. [A]ctually, pangalawa na ‘yon dito sa Naga.

Noong una si Calimag. May pinuntahan lang ‘yon, ‘di na naka-uwi. Nakuha na lang, patay na diyan sa Pili. Itong pangalawa, pinasok sa bahay [at binaril],” ‘Nay Nids cited the incident that Layout by Edward Alipio and Photos by Angelyn Turiano

happened to Angelo Calimag and Angelo Fernandez, respectively.

Angelo Calimag, 27, and Angelo Fernandez, 28, are both victims of Oplan Tokhang; the former was killed last February 27, 2020 in Pili, Camarines Sur, whereas the latter was killed just two months ago, 1 February 2023, inside his room at Zone 4A St. Claire, Concepcion Pequeña.

Unleashing state’s attack dogs Excessive militarization struck a death blow to our fundamental rights. The issuance of Memorandum Order No. 32, s. 2018, which aims to ‘suppress lawless violence and acts of terror’ in the Bicol region, including the provinces of Negros Oriental, Negros Occidental, and Samar, the state’s attack dogs were let loose, albeit without specific evidence of lawless violence and acts of terror in the said region and provinces.

During the COVID-19 pandemic, for instance, his militarized response, led by the Department of National Defense, along with the Department of Interior and Local Government, the PNP, and the AFP, led to intensified human rights violations which went undocumented.

“Mas naggamit ‘yang mga restrictions na nagawa para hindi natin marecord ‘yong mga totoong naganap sa mga paglabag sa karapatang pantao,” said ‘Nay Nids as she shared that they were not able to conduct fact-finding mission in Masbate due to the restrictions; thus, she highlighted, “[M]araming mga violations ang naganap na hindi natin na-document kaya naghahabol ngayon ang documentation diyan sa dalawang isla sa Catanduanes, sa Masbate.”

The administration went as far as fast-tracking the implementation of Anti-Terrorism Law. The creation of the Anti-Terrorism Council (ATC), largely composed by the president-appointed Cabinet officials, apart from the already-existing NTF-Elcac, are used as a counter-dissent machinery. Its power to enforce the law and authorize the law enforcers to arrest the suspected terrorists, even without a judicial warrant, terrorizes us on a wide scale.

Unfortunately, the impunity among law enforcers and military forces result in a vicious cycle of violence as they attack progressive organizations. With the implementation of counterinsurgency and counter-terrorism programs that unite in one goal, that is, to polarize the nation as they forward fascist motives, that tramples our human rights down.

Having a militaristic governance is a proven-and-tested machination that turns power into an exploitative and deadly weapon. It infiltrates our country’s democratic spaces, perpetuating a punitive culture where policies for national security serve as a mere smokescreen. At the height of red-tagging and upgraded counterinsurgency programs, anyone can be a victim of authorities’ capriciousness and self-serving interests.

Numbers don’t lie. Duterte’s brutal regime was a bloodbath not only to Bicolanos but also to our nation at large. It bared its murderous fangs at anything that blocked its path. And just because his term ended does not mean his control stopped. It bears repeating that the MarcosDuterte leadership is a lethal force that injects itself to our rotting checks and balances, not to mention that both of whom come from the worst political dynasties.

As ‘Nay Nids shared her thoughts on Marcos’ speech during the United Nations General Assembly last September 21, “[l]umalabas doon kumbaga walang babaguhin si Bongbong doon sa [h]andling ni Duterte doon sa human rights [violations].” She also mentioned how Marcos has done nothing other than following the footsteps of the Dutertes, “kitang-kita naman natin na masyadong dikit si Bongbong kay Sara at sumusunod lang siya kung ano ang sinasabi ni Duterte.” What this implies is that human rights violations are expected to soar under the new administration.

This is, therefore, a call to vigilance amid the vicious cycle of violence. The bloodstained hands of Duterte and his goons must always remind us how it revived the Marcosian rulebook beneath the graveyard. Nevertheless, just like how ‘Nay Nids described Bicolanos, the status quo should further arouse our boldness in our collective resistance against tyranny, especially amid the murderous directives and laws that put Bicol region on red alert.