PUBLIC VALUE
04
PUBLIC SERVICE MEDIA IN EUROPE
RESEARCHING EUROVISION AS PUBLIC VALUE
ISABEL CAMPÊLO, INET-MD, FCSH | NOVA UNIVERSITY OF LISBON, PORTUGAL
WILFRED VAN DELLEN, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE MAASTRICHT, THE NETHERLANDS
CARLA FIGUEIRA, GOLDSMITHS, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, UK
SOFIA VIEIRA LOPES, INET-MD, FCSH | NOVA UNIVERSITY OF LISBON, PORTUGAL
IRVING WOLTHER, CENTER FOR WORLD MUSIC, GERMANY
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REMEMBERING TOGETHER: EUROVISION AND THE PUBLIC VALUE OF SHARED CULTURAL MEMORY
DR BARBARA BARREIRO LEON, UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN
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PUBLIC VALUE MOMENTS –70 YEARS OF THE EUROVISION SONG CONTEST
FLORIAN WAGNER & STEFAN BENEDIK, HAUS DER GESCHICHTE ÖSTERREICH
INDIVIDUAL VALUE
TRUST SERVICE
ENTERTAINMENT
EDUCATION AND SCIENCE
RESPONSIBILITY
QUALITY DIMENSIONS
SOCIAL VALUE
DIVERSITY
ORIENTATION
INTEGRATION
RESPONSIVENESS
CULTURE
INTERNATIONAL VALUE
EUROPEAN INTEGRATION
GLOBAL PERSPECTIVE
NATION VALUE
IDENTITY ADDED VALUE
FEDERALISM
CORPORATE VALUE INNOVATION
TRANSPARENCY COMPETENCE
In order to define distinctive media quality Austrian Broadcasting Corporation has created a structure of five Quality Dimensions. Comprehensive media production in TV, radio and online is described along 18 categories to prove how ORF fulfills its Public Service Mission in the context of the current media environment and its challenges. More information, statements and documents you may find on http://zukunft.ORF.at .
PUBLISHED AND PRODUCED BY: Österreichischer Rundfunk, ORF, Hugo-Portisch-Gasse 1, 1136 Wien
DESIGN: ORF Marketing & Creation GmbH & Co KG
RESPONSIBLE: ORF-Generaldirektion PUBLIC VALUE
EDITING: Klaus Unterberger, Konrad Mitschka
© ORF 2026 Send reviews and hints to: zukunft@ORF.at
“MORE THAN MUSIC”
The title of the 14th issue of our series, “TEXTE,” edited in 2015, was dedicated to the sociopolitical significance of the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC). Since then, the ESC’s success story has continued, as an international music event with an audience of millions around the world. At the same time, however, political tensions, conflicts, and even armed conflicts have created a socio-political climate that has led to a striking increase in polarization, propaganda, and extremism. This, in turn, has had observable effects on the organization of the ESC, leading to fierce disputes in the run-up to its 70th anniversary in Vienna.
These conflicts are not addressed in this volume; it is to be hoped that the global political situation will ease, allowing the ESC to focus on its unique role in uniting the world instead of commenting on military conflicts. However: despite the current, at times highly conflicting positions, the ESC remains socially relevant. “More than Music” addresses positive social functions: cultural diversity, creativity, the common good, acceptance of social minorities, coexistence and cohesion in a multinational world, and, not least, the freedom of art and its diverse forms of expression, in conclusion, ESC’s PUBLIC VALUE contributing to citizenship and democracy.
This is why we have -now addressing the future of the ESC- focused on a specific question: What constitutes the PUBLIC VALUE of the ESC? What is its social and international value, its contribution to society, its distinctive quality, expressing the core values of Public Service Media?
Internationally recognized media experts deliver analysis and comments on how the ESC may connect people, despite social tensions, conflicts and polarization, despite existing differences and contradictions. “Building Bridges” and “Untied by Music”, as well as the songs of the artists, participating at the ESC are more than music. The following contributions may inspire the debate of its societal relevance and highlight the various PUBLIC VALUE MOMENTS of the ESC.
KLAUS UNTERBERGER KONRAD MITSCHKA ORF GENERALDIREKTION PUBLIC VALUE
RESEARCHING EUROVISION AS PUBLIC VALUE
ISABEL CAMPÊLO, INET-MD, FCSH | NOVA UNIVERSITY OF LISBON, PORTUGAL
WILFRED VAN DELLEN, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE MAASTRICHT, THE NETHERLANDS
CARLA FIGUEIRA, GOLDSMITHS, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, UK
SOFIA VIEIRA LOPES, INET-MD, FCSH | NOVA UNIVERSITY OF LISBON, PORTUGAL
IRVING WOLTHER, CENTER FOR WORLD MUSIC, GERMANY
In 2015, when Austria organised the 60th Eurovision Song Contest, the 14th volume of TEXTE dealt with the question whether the ESC is more than music (ORF PUBLIC VALUE, 2015). Over a decade later, Austria is organising the event once again, celebrating its 70th edition1 . At a time when public service broadcasting is under significant political pressure in many countries, the question of PUBLIC VALUE may be more pressing than ever before. The Eurovisions Research Group has worked together since 2018 on the premise that music is more than sound, Eurovision songs are more than music, and the Eurovision Song Contest is more than just another television show.2 The various aspects of PUBLIC VALUE have been highlighted and demonstrated by a growing number of scholars and researchers ever since.
Therefore, we wanted to celebrate 70 years of PUBLIC VALUE in the Eurovision Song Contest on the occasion of the 9th edition of our annual Eurovisions International Conference in Vienna, not only raising the question of PUBLIC VALUE in the contest, but of how research on the Eurovision Song Contest is contributing to uncovering and developing this PUBLIC VALUE, thus creating a PUBLIC VALUE of its own. This text is part of an intense reflection preparing a roundtable discussion on the PUBLIC VALUE of research, and the result of nine years of intense work with established scholars and early career researchers from about thirty countries around the globe.
What is PUBLIC VALUE?
The term PUBLIC VALUE has been the subject of sustained academic, political, and policy debate for decades, particularly in the context of public service media. While practitioners, regulators, and audiences of-
1 The 2020 edition of the contest was cancelled due to the COVID19 pandemic.
2 The Eurovisions Research Group is an independent group of five researchers and scholar-practitioners who have collaborated since 2018 to enable and facilitate inclusive and accessible discussions on the Eurovision Song Contest. Its members bring diverse disciplinary perspectives, professional backgrounds, and varying forms of scholarly and fan engagement with the Contest. More information: www.eurovisions.eu
ten share an intuitive understanding of what PUBLIC VALUE entails— namely, a contribution to the common good that goes beyond purely commercial or individual benefit—there is no single, universally accepted definition. Instead, PUBLIC VALUE remains a contested and contextdependent concept, shaped by normative assumptions about the role of media in society, varying national frameworks, and shifting political expectations. This conceptual openness is both a strength, allowing flexibility and adaptation, and a challenge, as it complicates efforts to measure, operationalise, and defend PUBLIC VALUE in concrete terms.
The origins of what is discussed as PUBLIC VALUE can plausibly be traced back to the early framework of the BBC, particularly its 1920s Charter and the Reithian philosophy articulated by the first Director-General of the BBC, Sir John Reith (Nicholas, 2014). The well-known triad “inform, educate, entertain” already encapsulates core dimensions that continue to underpin contemporary PUBLIC VALUE debates: the provision of reliable information for democratic life, the fostering of knowledge and learning, and the delivery of culturally meaningful content. In more recent discussions, however, these foundational principles have been significantly expanded. PUBLIC VALUE as defined now by the BBC also encompasses notions such as universality and inclusion, representation of diverse identities, accountability and transparency, measurable audience impact, and the broader contribution to the media ecosystem and creative industries.
The concept of PUBLIC VALUE as formulated by Moore (1995) initially focused on the public sector. The value through which an organisation or activity contributes to society has since then been further developed by many scholars and other professionals into frameworks that are applicable to and have been applied by all kinds of organisations. The Austrian broadcasting corporation ORF is one example of such an organisation. As indicated in each of their TEXTE issues and publications, they assess their PUBLIC VALUE by using five main dimensions. These include individual value, social value, nation value, international value, and corporate value. Likewise, the European Broadcasting Union identifies six core values of public service media based on which they derive editorial principles for public service media. These values include universality, independence, excellence, diversity, accountability, and innovation (EBU, 2014).
The PUBLIC VALUE of the Eurovision Song Contest
Considering the PUBLIC VALUE of the Eurovision Song Contest as a ‘Mega-Event’ (following Göran Bolin’s (2006) conceptualisation), we draw
inspiration from the seven dimensions as proposed by Wolther (2006, 2012): the media, the musical, the musical-economical, the political, the national-cultural, the national-economic, and the competitive dimension. It is at the intersection of these seven dimensions that the ESC operates.
The media dimension becomes particularly evident in the way the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC), as an entertainment and music event, generates extensive media coverage aimed at attracting large audiences and high viewing figures. At the same time, the relationship is reciprocal: without the infrastructure, coordination, and distribution capacities of modern media, the event could not exist in its current form. In line with its original purpose, the ESC has consistently provided European public service broadcasters with a platform to demonstrate their technical capabilities in producing a show of exceptional scale and complexity. In this sense, media technology acts as a key driver of innovation within the contest, repeatedly pushing the boundaries of television production standards. Moreover, the ESC has fostered new forms of creativity and collaboration among broadcasters across Europe. It also functions as a “business card” for the European Broadcasting Union, showcasing its technological and organisational expertise when competing for major broadcasting rights such as the Olympic Games or European football championships. From its inception, one of the core objectives of the EBU has been the exchange of technology and know-how among its members—an exchange that has not only facilitated the development of common standards in radio and television production but also strengthened cohesion within the European broadcasting landscape.
The musical and musical-economical dimensions of the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) seem to be most evident, since the contest provides a platform for composers and lyricists to present their work, while simultaneously serving—through a national-cultural lens—as an opportunity for countries to communicate elements of their cultural identity to a transnational audience. This significance is captured in a statement by Dutch host Chantal Janzen, who opened the 2021 Grand Final by addressing the participants: “three minutes of your life, your entire focus on that moment” (European Broadcasting Union, 2021). These three minutes carry weight not only for the performers, composers, and lyricists, but also for the nation-states they represent, given an audience of over 150 million viewers. Singer Waylon, who represented the Netherlands in 2014 and 2018, and GO-JO, who represented Australia in 2025, both described the ESC as the “Olympics of music,” highlighting its status as a peak performance moment tied to national-cultural representation. Consequently, the impact of
a song extends far beyond its brief staging—beyond the contest week and even the months of national selections (Knoops, 2017; Jac, 2025).
From an ethnomusicological perspective, music must be understood not merely as sound but as a culturally embedded practice involving ideas and behaviours, as outlined by Alan Merriam (1964) and later expanded by Timothy Rice (1987) into a dynamic, process-oriented framework. Within this understanding, the ESC exemplifies how music generates meaning, fosters emotional cohesion, and facilitates intercultural dialogue. Despite its frequent marginalisation in educational contexts, music—and the ESC in particular—demonstrates significant PUBLIC VALUE: it enables cultural understanding, shared identity, and the production of collective meaning through performance, media mediation, and audience reception (Lopes, 2023). Against this backdrop, it becomes difficult to dismiss the ESC as mere entertainment; rather, it constitutes a meaningful cultural practice with tangible societal impact.
Yet on another level, the national-economic dimension draws attention to the tangible financial and reputational benefits associated with hosting the event, from tourism revenues to long-term place-branding effects. At the same time, the political dimension reveals a reciprocal relationship: the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) has both been shaped by political systems and, in turn, has influenced political and societal debates. Within this framework, the ESC increasingly functions as a platform for conveying political and societal messages, as well as for projecting a curated national image to a global audience. A prominent example is the victory of Conchita Wurst, whose success generated what has been termed the “Conchita effect”: a wave of cultural and political discourse that significantly increased the visibility of LGBTQ+ issues in Austria and stimulated broader debates across Europe and beyond (Baker, 2017; Halliwell, 2018; Zongha, 2022). Similarly, when Estonia and Latvia hosted the contest in 2002 and 2003 respectively—barely a decade after the collapse of the Soviet Union— the event served as a powerful instrument of international visibility and symbolic integration into the European community (seeking to boost the country’s reputation as a reliable partner in economic terms). In these cases, the ESC operated not only as an entertainment format but as a stage for nation branding, identity building, and geopolitical positioning, contributing to the reshaping of national images in a post-Cold War context (Jordan, 2014; Vorobjovas-Pinta, 2026).
This dynamic leads to the consideration of a seventh and last dimension, the competitive, in which the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) has evolved into a competition of nation-states and national cultures, rather than merely a contest between composers or broadcasting organisations as origi-
nally conceived. This transformation is not only reflected in the symbolic weight of national representation, but also in the regulatory architecture of the contest itself. The rules established by the European Broadcasting Union—such as equal participation conditions for all broadcasters, limitations on stage performers (e.g. a maximum of six persons on stage), and a standardized voting system—are designed to ensure fairness and comparability across diverse national contexts. Crucially, the principle that each participating country’s vote carries equal weight—whether from a small country such as Luxembourg or a larger one like Germany— functions as a symbolic enactment of democratic equality. In this sense, the ESC can be interpreted as a mediated microcosm of an idealised democratic order, in which all participants are granted equal voice and visibility. While this equality is, of course, structured and performative, it nevertheless contributes—albeit implicitly—to the reinforcement and popularisation of democratic principles across Europe.
The PUBLIC VALUE of Eurovision research
Taken together, these dimensions and examples illustrate the societal impact of music and, by extension, of the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC). Yet, much like music itself which has long been marginalised within certain academic traditions, the ESC remained largely overlooked as a subject of scholarly inquiry for decades. This has begun to change in recent years, with a growing body of research addressing themes such as the image and branding of a potentially unified Europe, gender and queer studies, patterns of bloc voting, and the ESC as an indicator of broader external dynamics including economic exchange and political tensions (Yair, 2019).
Despite this progress, significant gaps remain. As Shepherd (2026) argues, there is a clear need to further develop research on the ESC from the perspective of tourism, events, and leisure studies. Such approaches situate the contest within a broader category of large-scale international events, alongside mega-events like the Olympic Games and the FIFA World Cup, whose organisational, economic, and socio-cultural dimensions have been extensively examined (e.g. Skey et al., 2016, 2020, 2021). Expanding ESC research in this direction would therefore not only close an existing gap but also embed the contest more firmly within interdisciplinary event studies.
For this to happen, however, the Eurovision Song Contest must first be recognised as a legitimate field of academic inquiry. Within this context, it is important to disentangle a persistent misconception: the distinction between “academic” and “non-academic” is often erroneously framed as
a hierarchy of worthiness, suggesting that certain topics are inherently more suitable for scholarly investigation than others. From this perspective, subjects such as the ESC—or popular music more broadly—have frequently been dismissed as lacking academic value. Irving Wolther’s (2006) doctoral dissertation on the ESC exemplifies this dynamic, as he recounts in his foreword how his choice of topic and research questions were met with scepticism, compelling him to justify their legitimacy within academic discourse. Similar experiences can be observed among other scholars in the field, some of whom continue to pre-emptively frame the ESC as a “kitsch” or “camp” phenomenon to legitimise their engagement with it as a form of intellectual “guilty pleasure.”
Such a perspective, however, is fundamentally flawed. The academic value of a subject does not derive from its perceived cultural status, but from the rigour of its methodological approach, the clarity of its research design, and the robustness of its theoretical framework. From this standpoint, the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) offers a rich and multifaceted object of study, opening up a wide range of research avenues across disciplines—from media and cultural studies to political science, sociology, and event management—not least because it provides a globally unique research corpus spanning more than 70 years and enabling systematic international comparison across over 50 participating countries. In the view of the Eurovisions Research Group, the general purpose of academia is to generate knowledge, deepen understanding, and create the conditions for informed discussion across a wide range of topics. It seeks to describe, explain, and predict phenomena in the world around us. As part of academic discourse, this knowledge is shared among scholars with related research interests. Through processes of comparison and contrast, argument, and counterargument, as well as the testing, support, or rejection of hypotheses, assumptions are critically examined and topics are approached from multiple perspectives. In this way, understanding is continuously developed and disseminated within and beyond the academic community.
The latter is in line with how Ernest Boyer (1990) described and proposed the meaning of scholarship. It consists of four domains, including discovery (research that advances knowledge), integration (synthesis of information within and across disciplines), application (results that are shared among peers and involves the application of expertise), and teaching and learning (public sharing and application by others).
This sharing takes place in written form (e.g., through publications in journals and peer reviews), as well as through presentations, lectures,
workshops, panels, and roundtable discussions conducted both in university teaching and at academic conferences. The latter (whether themed, general, or professional) offer meetings to people with a shared interest who present and discuss their work, providing means for the exchange of information and discussion in which reactions and critiques are shared.
Public sharing beyond the ivory tower of university is essential for PUBLIC VALUE. In line with the above-mentioned purposes and ideas on scholarship, studying the ESC and sharing knowledge is therefore important. Through discovery, integration, application, and teaching and learning, the public will gain a better understanding of a wide variety of topics related to the contest. As such, academia bears a responsibility to engage broader audiences in ways that are both accessible and meaningful—much like public service broadcasting, whose remit is to provide information that reaches and resonates with diverse segments of society.
One example of such public engagement with research is the annual Eurovisions International Conference (https://www.eurovisions.eu/). Established in 2018 in collaboration with OGAE Portugal and held every year in the host city of the Eurovision Song Contest, the conference has developed into a space of knowledge exchange and co-creation between established and early-career researchers, students, practitioners and wider audiences, driven by a shared desire, both from the academic community and from fans, to position the ESC and the research surrounding it within a place of prominence. It has offered a wide variety of topics, welcomed keynote speakers and guests from different backgrounds, and created opportunities for junior academics to present and discuss their work in public.
Eurovisions is also distinctive in that it is not a purely traditional academic conference. It brings academic researchers into conversation with fans, artists, singers, musicians, broadcasting professionals and technicians, and music industry actors, thereby strengthening public engagement with research and widening the circulation of knowledge beyond the university. In this way, it contributes not only to academic debate but also to a broader public understanding of the Eurovision Song Contest as a complex cultural phenomenon.
Over the past years, Eurovisions has also contributed to the development and growing visibility of Eurovision Studies as an emerging field by supporting interdisciplinary dialogue, welcoming new researchers, and providing opportunities to develop and communicate research through
public-facing formats such as the Science Slam. The conference therefore does not simply showcase existing scholarship but also helps create the conditions in which Eurovision research can grow, circulate, and connect with wider society. In this sense, the PUBLIC VALUE of the ESC is not limited to the event itself, but extends to the research, dialogue and knowledge infrastructures that help interpret it, question it, and place it in broader conversations about Europe, identity, media, and culture.
Conclusion
With this publication, we have illustrated how music is more than sound, how a song at the Eurovision Song Contest is more than music, and how the Eurovision Song Contest is more than an event that deserves research that should be communicated beyond the ivory tower of academia. By analysing the ESC as part of culture, in its multiplicity of layers, actors, and perceptions, we engage with the complexity of society, its transformations, and its challenges. The ESC, and the diverse approaches and perspectives it affords, also enable us to understand the underlying social dynamics that both shape it and are shaped by it. By conceiving of music as a human practice imbued with systems of agency, beliefs, values, and dynamics, and constructed over time, we gain insight into human existence in its complexity and multiplicity of perspectives. The PUBLIC VALUE of the ESC is not limited to its organisation, but also encompasses the scholarly research produced about it, including the insights it offers into the society in which we live.
References
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Bolin, G. (2006). Visions of Europe. International Journal of Cultural Studies, 9(2), pp. 189–206.
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REMEMBERING TOGETHER: EUROVISION AND THE PUBLIC VALUE OF SHARED CULTURAL MEMORY
DR BARBARA BARREIRO LEON, UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN
The Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) will commemorate its 70th anniversary in Vienna in 2026. It is a broadcast musical competition that began in 1956 and has run continuously ever since, apart from the cancelled 2020 edition due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Eurofans often romanticise the origins of Eurovision as a project created to unite Europe after the Second World War, an idea that has become widely accepted among those who celebrate the contest. However, this interpretation is not entirely accurate. The European Broadcasting Union was founded in 1950 primarily to experiment with broadcasting technology, and Eurovision emerged as part of this broader initiative among national broadcasters. Although the contest has evolved significantly over time, this foundational myth persists and continues to be reinforced, even in official settings such as live broadcasts, where presenters frequently refer to this supposed origin. The notion of a shared memory built upon a partial or idealised truth contributes to the collective imagination of viewers, fans, and audiences, offering a form of unity not only through music, but through shared cultural experiences.
By focusing on PUBLIC VALUE, we can address a range of key dimensions, particularly in the context of Eurovision. The contest exemplifies shared social benefits by bringing people together and fostering inclusion across borders. Its cultural enrichment lies in the ways it nurtures identity, memory, and heritage as central components of its ethos. At the same time, Eurovision promotes democratic value by encouraging participation, dialogue, and diverse forms of representation. It also holds significant educational value, facilitating informal learning and the circulation of knowledge among audiences and fan communities. Finally, its emotional and symbolic value is evident in the strong sense of belonging and collective meaning it generates. This essay aims to demonstrate how the Eurovision Song Contest embodies and activates all of these dimensions of PUBLIC VALUE.
Eurovision, as a cultural phenomenon, serves as a dynamic lens through which to examine memory, identity, and performativity on a transnational stage. The contest not only reflects shifting political and social landscapes, but also actively constructs and reinforces collective memory through performance, song, and visual aesthetics. By integrating
elements of national heritage, historical narratives, and contemporary socio-political discourse, Eurovision becomes a platform where memory is both preserved and reinterpreted in real time.
Although Eurovision is often perceived primarily as entertainment, scholars have extensively examined its cultural impact as a platform for showcasing cultural identities, national branding, soft power, gender representation, LGBTQI+ visibility, and linguistic diversity. The existence of such a long-standing pan-European event, combined with its global visibility, positions the Eurovision Song Contest as a complex object of study, simultaneously historical and contemporary, and one that continuously generates new case studies on an annual basis. The primary sources available for its analysis are virtually inexhaustible, given the wide range of perspectives from which it can be approached.
From a historical perspective, this global event mirrors key moments in the continent’s history, such as the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, which led to the inclusion of new countries in Eurovision’s diplomatic and representational space, including nations that emerged after the dissolution of the Soviet Union and the breakup of Yugoslavia. Eurovision thus functions as a space of memory shaped by shifting political and transnational configurations, fostering dialogue not only through broadcasters and institutions, but also through its audiences, who actively engage with and reinterpret these narratives. It becomes a meeting place between diverse cultures, where consensus, shared values, and coexistence are negotiated.
Within the Eurovision Song Contest, narratives of identity, trauma, celebration, and belonging coexist, all mediated through performance. Throughout Eurovision’s history, certain performances and songs have evoked moments of historical significance or collective trauma, prompting audiences to remember. Although these events are rooted in specific geographical and temporal contexts, they are continuously performed, negotiated, and consumed in real time by transnational audiences. In this way, Eurovision fosters an emotional connection that transcends borders.
Within this framework, the role of collective memory is particularly significant. It is often articulated through specific performances that represent national histories and traumas, such as 1944 by Jamala, which won the contest in 2016 and reflects on the deportation of Crimean Tatars. This performance remains a powerful example of cultural and collective memory that continues to resonate emotionally with audiences and has been widely analysed from multiple perspectives.
Moreover, Eurovision functions as an archive of cultural memory, documenting the ways in which nations negotiate their identities within a shared European space. The contest’s history reveals patterns of commemoration, resistance, and adaptation, as countries use the platform to assert sovereignty, address historical grievances, or reinforce solidarity. In times of political turmoil, Eurovision performances become mnemonic devices, encoding collective trauma, resilience, and aspirations for the future. This is particularly evident in the treatment of themes such as migration, war, and postcolonial identity, where memory is activated through lyrics, costume, staging, and visual symbolism.
As an analytical framework, the ESC it allows scholars to interrogate questions of identity, representation, and cultural politics. At the same time, it serves as an inexhaustible primary source: as long as the festival continues, it generates new material for study. These primary sources encompass a wide range of dimensions, including the representation of folklore, history, music, linguistics, and migration, making Eurovision a uniquely rich site for interdisciplinary research.As a form of PUBLIC VALUE, the ESC contributes to the creation of a “community of practice,” in which Eurovision functions as a shared social experience. This extends beyond music to a broader dimension, fostering a sense of participation and belonging among audiences and encouraging them to feel part of the event.Drawing on the sociological theory of Etienne Wenger, a community of practice is structured around three core elements: a shared domain (a common interest), a community (interaction and participation), and a practice (a shared repertoire of actions, rituals, and knowledge). In the case of the Eurovision Song Contest, all these components are clearly present. However, Eurovision also expands this framework into a transnational, media-driven context, where participation is not confined to a single locality but is instead dispersed across borders and mediated through broadcast and digital platforms. In this sense, Eurovision reconfigures the traditional notion of a community of practice into a large-scale, collective cultural formation sustained through shared rituals, knowledge, and modes of engagement.
There is, moreover, a deeply affective dimension to the Eurovision world. This emotional layer extends beyond geopolitical boundaries and permeates the collective imagination of audiences and fans. It is precisely for this reason that the return of past participants in interval acts is so significant: these moments reaffirm the contest’s history and its evolving cultural memory. Through the recognition of familiar artists and songs, audiences experience a renewed sense of unity, often accompanied by a euphoric form of participation. Such instances reinforce Eurovision not
only as a musical event, but as a shared emotional and mnemonic space in which collective belonging is both remembered and reactivated.
The slogan “Share the Moment” was used during the Eurovision Song Contest 2010. It marked a turning point in the representation of unity within the Eurovision Song Contest. The event positioned itself as a multi- and intergenerational experience aimed at bringing people together. This was reflected in the 2010 contest through one of its interval acts, a flash mob, where audiences could see different cities across Europe dancing simultaneously, alongside videos of people dancing at home with friends and family. This emphasized the idea of a shared experience.
Since 2023, the slogan has been “United by Music,” introduced when the BBC hosted the contest on behalf of Ukraine following Russia’s invasion of the country. However, this slogan also echoes the European Union’s motto, United in Diversity, which resonates strongly with the cultural diversity showcased through Eurovision. At its core, Eurovision presents the unity of nations and cultures through music, while also reflecting contemporary challenges. Music as a unifying force has been central since the contest’s origins and continues to be expressed through performances. Yet, as we know, Eurovision is much more than music, and its PUBLIC VALUE deserves attention beyond the purely musical dimension. The representation of Europe as a unified entity has seldom been the primary focus of academic inquiry. Nevertheless, Eurovision clearly participates in constructing an idea of Europe, even as it brings together a wide range of participants who do not share the same political or social realities. While the contest operates as a space of gathering, not all participants or countries express or experience a consistent sense of attachment to shared identities. More significantly, the feeling of belonging to Europe has increasingly been shaped and intensified through the circulation of cultural forms such as Eurovision, particularly during periods of political transformation across the continent and beyond.
European integration, often understood as the construction or assimilation of a relatively recent form of identity, initially found expression in symbols such as the flag or the euro currency. However, popular culture plays a crucial role in facilitating this process, offering what can be seen as a conceptual alternative to the rational public sphere through which a sense of unity within the Union can be internalised. In several cases, particularly among countries from the former Soviet Union, most notably the Baltic states, entry into the European Union followed participation in the Eurovision Song Contest, which frequently functioned as an initial platform for integration and for the negotiation of European identity and values.
What Eurovision offers is a space not only of memory, but also of forgetting. Forgetting differences by transforming them into forms of diversity. Beyond this, it also enables a kind of forgetting of uncomfortable pasts, as countries attempt to reposition themselves within a European framework. Borders, too, are momentarily dissolved during Eurovision. It is a pan-European contest in which countries such as Australia, Azerbaijan, or Armenia are treated as part of Europe without this inclusion being fundamentally questioned. The margins of these countries and their geopolitical positions become part of a space defined by inclusion and belonging.
The Eurovision Song Contest can be understood as an archive of European memory, as well as of those participants positioned at its margins. It constitutes a form of memory articulated through music, performances, and the shifting sociopolitical contexts that have shaped participating nations since their first appearances in the contest. In this sense, Eurovision not only reflects historical transformations but actively documents them through its evolving aesthetic and cultural expressions. Setting politics aside, in the ESC spirit, the environment of the Eurovision “bubble” brings with it an intangible heritage that is celebrated both on and off stage. At the same time, the global reach of the event ensures that Europe and its margins become part of a wider, globalised conversation. This temporary inclusion, of both historical narratives and shifting geographies within a televised moment, creates a shared point of encounter through songs and through the cross-border relationships of its participants, increasingly visible in collaborations on social media.
The sense of togetherness is also visible inside the arena, where unity and diversity are expressed through the display of flags. Eurovision is arguably one of the few events in which a Spanish fan might wave a Finnish flag without speaking the language or having ever visited the country, as identities are temporarily reconfigured around the shared support of a favourite song or performance. It is through music and participation that these new identities are formed, creating a shared space of belonging and collective experience. Flags in the Eurovision Song Contest function as symbols that go beyond simple expressions of nationalism or identity, pointing instead to the political dynamics embedded within the competition. While Eurovision is often popularly understood as political due to visible voting behaviours, particularly the awarding of “twelve points”, its politics operate on a far more complex level. They are expressed through song lyrics, performances that engage with national and transnational cultural memory, and narratives of identity and belonging. In addition, the contest’s very structure. Framed as a competition between “countries,” despite being officially organised through
participating broadcasters, already embeds a political logic. Within this context, the display and circulation of national flags further amplifies and reinforces these underlying political dimensions. Flags are not only symbols of national identity but also carry strong political and social meanings. A single flag usually represents one nation-state, while the display of multiple flags typically signals an international gathering of states. It is important to recognise that the presence of any flag inevitably carries political significance. Even when flags appear to be purely decorative, they are deliberately used to represent an institution at local, national, or international level.
However, in the ESC context, belonging is not strictly tied to nationality or geography. Instead, it becomes fluid and relational, shaped by emotional investment and cultural affinity. Citizenship, therefore, is performed and negotiated beyond passports, unfolding within the symbolic space of the Eurovision stage and its surrounding community. This dynamic is particularly visible in the temporary identities adopted by many participants in the Eurovision Song Contest. Contestants often perform and inhabit national identities that are not their own by birth, embracing them not only during the live event but throughout the entire Eurovision season. Such forms of self-identification are especially evident among artists representing countries other than those in which they were born, highlighting the fluid and constructed nature of national belonging within the contest.
Yet this is not entirely new. The idea of Europe as a space of unity among nations had already been debated and performed within the contest itself. Europe, as both concept and identity, has repeatedly been a theme in Eurovision songs. In terms of unity, other examples highlight processes of European integration, particularly in relation to the development of the European Union, as reflected in performances such as Insieme: 1992 by Toto Cutugno (Italy, 1990) which explicitly celebrated European unity welcoming the Maastricht Treaty set to take place in 1992. Although this is not an isolated case, for example, Rosa López’s Europe’s Living a Celebration, which represented Spain in 2002, also addresses it. The song refers to the euro currency and the sense of celebration experienced across Eurozone countries, while bringing a message of togetherness to the Eurovision stage.
A more recent illustration is Europapa by Joost Klein (Netherlands, 2024), which presents a fragmented and uncertain vision of Europe, shaped by nostalgia, irony, and a postmodern exploration of identity. The song also carries a personal dimension, drawing inspiration from Joost’s late father
and his passion for travelling across Europe. Within the lyrics, references to the euro appear in a positive light. From the opening “Welcome to Europe” to the line “Do you have a euro, please?”, where the currency functions as a symbol of connection and shared belonging rather than critique.
Building on this ethos, Eurovision continues to foster a sense of collective European identity through collaborations between artists who celebrate both unity and diversity. A clear example came during the 2025 Grand Final interval in Basel, when fan favourites and former runners-up Käärijä (Finland, 2023) and Baby Lasagna (Croatia, 2024) joined forces for a new performance titled #Eurodab. The song reframed Europe as a Eurovision-shaped community: plural, energetic, and unified through music. Performed in Finnish, Croatian, and English, it embraced a playful, youthful tone that, in their words, “boomers won’t understand.” The performance ended with Käärijä’s emotional tribute to Joost Klein: “Europapa, thank you.” Building in this way a shared memory via the Eurovision stage and history. The performativity of Eurovision extends beyond the stage, shaping and reshaping identities through embodied acts of representation. Contestants engage in performative storytelling, crafting narratives that resonate with national histories, diasporic experiences, and contemporary cultural discourses. This performativity does not exist in isolation, but intersects with broader European memory frameworks, particularly in relation to historical conflicts, colonial legacies, and shifting geopolitical alliances. Each performance contributes to the contest’s evolving memoryscape, where past and present coexist in a spectacle of sound, image, and movement.
We should also consider that one of the most significant ways in which a national broadcaster, and by extension a country, represents itself is through hosting Eurovision. At this moment, the host country has a unique opportunity to represent itself without intermediaries. This places both the country and the host city at the centre of Europe, not only during Eurovision week, but also in the months leading up to the event through sustained media visibility and promotion. Hosting becomes a form of state-sponsored cultural narration, where the host country curates an image of modernity, stability, openness, or recovery. It therefore operates as a soft power opportunity aimed at international audiences, media networks, and tourism markets.
The PUBLIC VALUE of Eurovision lies fundamentally in its capacity to generate shared communal experiences. As a platform for the representation of national identities and cultural branding, it is arguably one of the most visible stages available to nation-states. However, this emphasis on representation often obscures the broader PUBLIC VALUE of the contest and
the multiple ways in which it is narrated, experienced, and reinterpreted. This intersection of entertainment and representation underscores how Eurovision operates as a stage for nations to project their cultural heritage, particularly during times of conflict or crisis. Its wide-reaching appeal amplifies these messages, fostering a shared understanding of diverse national narratives beyond borders. Eurovision’s ability to blend spectacle with substance ensures that it remains a space where music and messaging converge, influencing perceptions of cultural identity both within Europe and beyond. Even its so-called “camp” aesthetics should be understood not as triviality, but as a meaningful cultural mode of communication.
Music, as an art form, is inherently temporal, shaped by both chronology and creativity. It captures the emotions, stories, and realities of specific moments and places, serving as both a reflection of personal and collective experience while evolving in response to changing cultural and historical contexts. Although music originates from specific artists and social environments, it acquires an independent life once it is heard and experienced. Through its emotional resonance and aesthetic power, it shapes both individual and collective identities.
The experience of pop music is fundamentally an experience of identity. Music enables individuals to situate themselves within broader cultural narratives, offering immediate and visceral encounters with time, emotion, and social connection. In engaging with music, individuals do more than express who they are; they explore and shape who they might become. The history of music is closely intertwined with the evolution of social and cultural identities, reflecting the emergence of social movements, subcultures, and urban collectives. Classical sociological theories of identity suggest that the self is shaped through interaction with the wider social world. In this sense, identity operates as a bridge between the personal and the collective, connecting individual experience to broader cultural and societal structures.
Cultural practices such as listening to or creating music enable communities to recognise and construct themselves, not necessarily through shared ideologies, but through collective experiences and rituals. Music-making is therefore not merely a reflection of existing identities or beliefs; it is an active, lived process through which cultural meaning is continually produced. Cultural heritage, understood as the foundation of specific memories and cultural identities, constitutes a key element in the preservation of communities and is increasingly recognised as a strategic target in hybrid forms of conflict, where the destruction or ma-
nipulation of cultural memory becomes a means of destabilisation. In this sense, Eurovision can be understood as a kind of public Commonwealth that reshapes and transforms senses of belonging, creating a shared cultural space where memory is constructed, negotiated, and preserved. It enables processes of recovery, reinterpretation, reconciliation, and transformation, while simultaneously connecting these practices to global audiences.
In doing so, it brings historical and political discourses, often confined to archives or specialist knowledge, into a highly visible popular culture arena with one of the largest global viewerships. Therefore, Eurovision moves knowledge beyond the library and academic space into a widely accessible cultural event. It also functions as a pedagogical platform for both fans and audiences, facilitating informal learning and critical engagement. At the same time, it performs an emotional labour of postconflict reconstruction, where affect, performance, and representation contribute to shaping how collective memories and identities are understood and shared.
The use of language in Eurovision is a key example of how the contest preserves memory and shared cultural experiences across Europe. Although the language restriction was lifted in 1999, allowing countries to perform in any language, audiences continue to engage deeply with songs even when they do not understand the lyrics. The multilingual and dialectal diversity of Eurovision entries enables meaning to move beyond linguistic comprehension, with emotion, performance, and cultural context carrying significance across language barriers. In practice, after the abolition of the language rule, many entries, particularly throughout the early 2000s, shifted toward English, reflecting broader narratives of European integration and the desire for international accessibility. However, this trend has gradually shifted again in recent years. A notable turning point came with the 2021 victory of Måneskin, whose Italian-language song, Zitti e Buoni, marked a renewed visibility for native languages. In that year, five of the top entries in the Grand Final were performed in national languages. The following year, this tendency continued, with six of the top seven songs performed in languages other than English. By 2025, this linguistic diversification had become even more pronounced, with all but the winning entry in the top 16 performed in a language other than English.
A specific illustrative case is Lithuania. The country first participated in 1994 with a Lithuanian-language entry, when the language rule was still in place. In 1999, it returned again with a song in Lithuanian despite
the rule having been abolished. However, after re-entering the contest in 2016, it was not until 2022 that Lithuania fully reasserted its linguistic identity on the Eurovision stage. Monika Liu’s Sentimentai (2022), performed entirely in Lithuanian, became a fan favourite and marked a significant cultural moment. The following year, Lithuania experimented with bilingualism, combining Lithuanian and English, before returning to stronger Lithuanian-language entries in 2024 (Luktelk by Silvester Belt) and 2025 (Tavo Akys by Katarsis).
In 2026, this trajectory evolves further with an entry (Solo quiero mas by Lion Ceccah) that blends multiple languages, including Spanish, French, Italian, German, and Lithuanian. This reflects a broader shift towards multilingual hybridity, where linguistic coexistence is embedded within a single performance. The Eurovision Song Contest 2026 also features other examples of this trend: Moldova’s Viva Moldova by Satoshi incorporates Romanian, Spanish, and Italian, while Greece’s Akylas with Ferto blends Greek, Spanish, and English. This growing multilingualism creates a shared communicative space in which languages coexist not only across the contest but within individual songs. In this sense, Eurovision fosters a collective cultural environment where linguistic diversity becomes a unifying force, connecting communities across the imagined European space. It enhances both the interpretation of meaning and the emotional and participatory experience of audiences, reinforcing Eurovision as a site of shared cultural memory and identity.
Eurovision is also an immersive experience that extends beyond the physical space of live performances. Eurovision consistently constructs narratives of unity. From “bringing Europe together” to showcasing diverse identities, while also producing a strong sense of nostalgia that contributes to the formation of shared memory within the Eurovision community and beyond. These affective dimensions are central to its cultural impact, as the contest becomes not only a site of competition but also one of collective remembrance and belonging. The magic of the Eurovision Song Contest extends well beyond physical presence in the arena. Eurovision becomes a ritual that is equally experienced through television. Every May, during Eurovision week, and especially on the night of the Grand Final, households across Europe gather to celebrate the contest. Viewing parties and themed events are organised, often following recurring patterns: flags are displayed, and participants wear costumes that reference past or current performers.
The ESC operates through what is called the “living room effect,” where audiences are engaged in the event by being symbolically attached to
it and therefore participating from their domestic space. This occurs as they are emotionally and culturally connected to millions of other viewers at the same time.
This dynamic can be linked to the idea of Imagined Communities, in which media creates a sense of belonging across distance. It also reflects the blending of public spectacle and private consumption, as well as the role of television in shaping collective memory and cultural rituals. These practices reactivate and reshape collective memory, elevating it to a new dimension. Eurovision thus emerges as a distinctive cultural phenomenon, one that is not simply watched, but collectively enacted. It becomes a shared celebration in which audiences feel represented and included. This collective viewing experience transcends the individual, reinforcing a sense of belonging to a broader community. Ultimately, Eurovision is built upon decades of shared history, in which people actively participate, whether from within the arena or from their homes, contributing to an ongoing, living cultural memory.
Since around 2020, Eurovision fan media has expanded significantly, creating an increasingly influential sphere of participatory knowledge production. Through social media platforms, fan communities actively shape interpretations of the contest, circulating commentary, analysis, and cultural meaning that often exists alongside, or even independently from, official broadcaster narratives. This development also needs to be understood in historical terms. Eurovision originated within a more restricted media environment, where early broadcasts were limited in reach and accessibility. From a small number of participating countries in its early editions (compared to 37 participating countries in recent years), the contest has evolved from a primarily European radio- and television-based broadcast event into a globally distributed media spectacle. Today, it is not only broadcast internationally but also continuously re-mediated through digital platforms, expanding its PUBLIC VALUE far beyond its original institutional framework.
In particular, it has become a shared phenomenon through social media. Following the cancellation of the contest in 2020, this shared space has expanded into a year-round event. Officially, the Eurovision season begins on 1 September and lasts until the Grand Final in May of the following year. Fans and media follow the development of national finals and emerging artists globally, facilitated by advances in digital technology and social media platforms. These platforms have become new spaces for collective memory, multidisciplinary and open environments that combine short-form videos, reels, and posts, alongside written content
such as carousels and microblogging. While these spaces are not entirely new, as fan communities previously formed through websites and blogs, their expansion intensified significantly from 2020 onwards.
The expansion of Eurovision through these new spaces and archives of memory, shaped by digital fandom and fan communities, has opened new ways of engaging creatively with the contest. From pre-parties, where most participants actively perform, to press events where artists take part in interviews with this new form of media, fan participation has become more active and democratic, bringing the contest closer to its audience. This audience is also increasingly younger, engaging with Eurovision in more participatory and self-aware ways. In this new digital era, Eurovision has shifted from being a spectacle accessible mainly to a privileged few who could attend in person to one characterised by much broader and more inclusive engagement.
However, the contest also presents limitations and must reflect on how to improve the visibility of certain forms of representation, particularly in relation to minority groups. While Eurovision promotes “unity,” it simultaneously exposes fractures: war, migration, inequality, making shared memory inherently contested. For example, throughout Eurovision’s history, only one Black performer, Dave Benton, has won the contest. His victory for Estonia in 2001, alongside Tanel Padar and 2XL, marked a significant historical moment for the country, as it remains Estonia’s only win to date.
The result generated a strong sense of euphoria within the Baltic context and led to Estonia hosting the contest in Tallinn the following year, placing the country at the centre of Europe’s cultural stage and contributing to broader debates around its positioning within the European Union. At the same time, Benton’s background as an Aruban-born performer carried important symbolic weight, highlighting ethnic diversity within Europe and enhancing the visibility of migrant communities within the Eurovision framework.
Similarly, due to the costs associated with participating in the Contest, many countries have withdrawn, as in the case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The country began participating in 1993 and last appeared on the Eurovision stage in 2016 due to financial difficulties. Its absence makes it difficult for a multi-ethnic country to represent its cultural identity in such a public space as Eurovision, particularly in the post–Yugoslav Wars context. Likewise, in relation to the Balkans, Kosovo has been attempting for years to join the EBU in order to participate in Eurovision; however, its membership is still pending.
This, in turn, creates a sense of exclusion in certain regions that should be taken into account when conceptualising participation in Eurovision as a space that showcases PUBLIC VALUE, particularly in relation to underrepresentation. We are dealing with a pan-European platform whose aim is to reflect cultural diversity. Despite its success in many areas, as previously noted, it should also reconsider its structural priorities as a representative space, perhaps shifting the emphasis away from economic interests and towards cultural and social ones. Political tensions are often aestheticised rather than fully addressed within the Eurovision Song Contest. In this sense, Eurovision offers a space in which history can be narrated in a curated manner. While the contest frequently promotes visibility by bringing certain historical or political narratives to the forefront, it does so through highly mediated visual and performative frameworks that shape how these stories are received. As a result, audiences are provided with a narrative and visual space through which to engage with these issues, albeit in a controlled and often simplified form.
However, it is important to acknowledge that the use of popular culture as a communicative tool also opens the door to propagandistic undertones. Despite the regulations imposed by the European Broadcasting Union, which formally prohibit overt political messages in competing songs, Eurovision can still function as a vehicle for soft power. In some cases, it may even contribute to forms of whitewashing, whereby complex or problematic national contexts are reframed through more palatable, celebratory performances.
Perhaps this is why we are navigating difficult waters as we approach Eurovision’s 70th anniversary, a cultural space that has been at the centre of intense social and media debates in recent months. Debates that we have not seen in other international events, such as the Olympic Games or other nation-based competitions. While the comparison extends beyond purely cultural arguments, it nonetheless highlights the mass influence that the Contest carries, especially considering that other events have not been similarly challenged over the inclusion or exclusion of countries involved in conflict. For this reason, Eurovision once again presents a space in which debate focuses on questions of PUBLIC VALUE that go beyond music itself and instead place diplomacy at the core of the event.
PUBLIC VALUE MOMENTS – 70 YEARS OF THE EUROVISION SONG CONTEST
FLORIAN WAGNER & STEFAN BENEDIK, HAUS DER GESCHICHTE ÖSTERREICH
The competition now known as the Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) fulfills a range of social functions enshrined in the public service mandate. It is an event for culture and information, for education and entertainment— and even sports play a role in the sometimes elaborate choreography and acrobatic performances. The ESC brings together a broad spectrum of artistic disciplines, including singing, music, visual arts, dance, and poetry. And yet it is a mass phenomenon that appeals to all age groups and captivates people worldwide.
An international event and its value to the public
The ESC’s integrative power is its greatest potential in a media landscape increasingly characterized by echo chambers, “bubbles,” and highly fragmented media consumption. While transnational Saturday-night entertainment shows were long part of television’s standard repertoire, the ESC is one of the last such formats in the 2020s. The ESC has the potential to strengthen social cohesion: during the show and in front of the TV, in fan zones and at public viewings. It brings together people from completely different backgrounds, makes diversity tangible, and creates positive narratives.
Entertainment is political
Political messages are not actually allowed at the “Eurovision Song Contest” (“ESC”)—this was already the case when the contest was known by a different name. This is particularly surprising when one considers just how much this very television show has contributed to the exchange of information, to education, and also to the articulation of demands across Europe (and far beyond). Precisely because it was often impossible to convey explicit messages, the 70-year history of the Song Contest is a rich repository of examples showing how multifacetedly entertainment can be linked to social concerns. From the very beginning, artists found ways and means to incorporate messages with political content, wishes, longings, or even demands.
Lyrics about love for one’s own nation, for example, were not objected to by the European Broadcasting Union (EBU). Songs expressing protest
were sometimes allowed, sometimes banned — as were songs criticizing authoritarian rulers. References to the past are treated with similar inconsistency—some song lyrics had to be altered as a result, while other songs with historical references even managed to win the ESC.
The following overview brings together highlights in which the Song Contest had a major impact on the development of society, culture, and politics, and through which this event and its broadcast developed significant PUBLIC VALUE for audiences and society in Austria and Europe in general.
1956 An Event for the Moment
The first ESC (“Gran premio Eurovisione 1956 della canzone europea”) takes place in Lugano, Switzerland. Television was not systematically archived at the time, which is why only the audio track has been preserved. Holocaust survivor Walter Andreas Schwarz competes for West Germany with the song “Im Wartesaal zum großen Glück.” The lyrics address how difficult it is to be happy in the present.
In Austria, television is still in its infancy at this point: In 1956, television programs are broadcast three times a week for about 30 minutes via makeshift stations in Vienna, Graz, Linz, and Salzburg. Since hardly any private individuals own a television set at the time, broadcasts take place between 5 and 6 p.m. Those interested were supposed to be able to watch the show in the shop windows of radio stores on their way home from work. Regular television service would not begin until the second ESC, with a single channel (FS 1), on January 1, 1957. At first, broadcasts would air six days a week; starting in 1959, they would air every weekday. The new mass medium will boom precisely because of entertainment shows like the ESC, which are broadcast live and make popular formats such as variety shows conveniently and affordably accessible to a large audience. Despite the high purchase costs—a television set costs at least 6,000 Schillings, four times the average monthly income —there will already be 100,000 television sets in Austria by the end of 1959.
1958 Success Despite Failure
As early as the second year of ESC broadcasts, a tradition began that continues to this day: the songs that win are not always the ones that are exceptionally successful. One of the most famous examples of this dates back to the early days of the contest: In 1958, Domenico Modugno reached No. 1 on the U.S. charts with “Nel blu dipinto di blu” (better known as
“Volare”), won two Grammys, but only placed third in the Song Contest. The following year, he competed with “Piove” (“Ciao, ciao bambina”)—a song that also became a classic, but with which he only placed sixth. In 1966, he would finish in last place with “Dio, come ti amo.”
Throughout the seventy-year history of the ESC, this contradiction would recur from time to time: Overall, the competition marked the beginning of a major career for many musicians—or at least provided significant promotion—thereby contributing significantly to value creation, but also to the further development of popular cultures.
1959 Nation-building on the international stage
After the end of World War II and Nazi rule, Austria faced the task of fundamentally reinventing itself. Drawing on the history and symbols of the Habsburg Monarchy played an important role in this: the democratic republic did not develop its own symbols or grand narrative, but continued to use the shell of the monarchy. What was not yet foreseeable in the late 1940s becomes clearer by 1959: this strategy is extremely successful; for the first time, a large number of Austrians no longer identify as German.
This historical-political strategy—suppressing the unspecified, recent past by referring to a supposedly glorious past—is also pursued by the Austrian Eurovision Song Contest entry in 1959. Ferry Graf competes in the Eurovision Song Contest with the song “Der k. u. k. Kalypso aus Wien”. The lyrics contain allusions to the cuisine and culture of the Habsburg Monarchy. The relevance of this narrative extends far beyond its contribution to the self-representation of the then still very young state, for the images conveyed in the lyrics—filled with the delights of food and drink and Habsburg nostalgia—are not merely clichés that shape perceptions of Austria abroad; they also serve as a reservoir for nationalist sentiments among the population. In surveys on the topic of “national pride,” people living in Austria have consistently cited the same reference points first from that time until today: landscape, cuisine, “folk culture,” landmarks, and “cultural achievements.”
1961 Queerness is not a new phenomenon
The queer history of the ESC goes back a long way. Jean Claude Pascal won in 1961 with the love song “Nous les amoureux.” The lyrics tell the story of two lovers who face many obstacles. The gender of the lovers is left open in the text.
Many allusions to social or political themes in the Song Contest are intentionally left open. This allows them to be interpreted in different ways and keeps them somewhat hidden. Decades later, Pascal recounted that, in his view, the romance described in the song referred to two men. At the time, Pascal was known not only as a singer but also as an actor. In 1981, he returned to the Eurovision Song Contest representing Luxembourg and finished in 11th place, before gradually withdrawing from the public during the following years.
1962 Fried Chicken Bliss in an Operatic Guise
With a blend of Viennese folk song, operetta, and coloratura aria, Eleonore Schwarz took last place for Austria at the “Grand Prix Eurovision de la Chanson Européenne” in 1962. Her entry celebrates “fried chicken, Schubert, and the State Opera” just as much as “St. Stephen’s Cathedral, Rathausmann, Sacher, and Würstelmann.” The song aims to convey the Viennese way of life and atmosphere. “If you look out the window, it sounds like Johann Strauss,” the lyrics say at another point.
One of the great mysteries of ESC history is the question of what became of Eleonore Schwarz after her performance. The singer, who was evidently professionally trained, left no trace in Austria’s music or theater history—apart from this performance, which remains impressive to this day.
1964 Public Protest Against Dictatorship and Fascism
Between the Swiss and Belgian songs, a man carrying a banner storms the stage at Copenhagen’s Tivoli, the venue and recording location for that year’s contest. He is demonstrating against the dictators in Spain and Portugal. Against this backdrop, it is all the more controversial that only a partial recording of the television broadcast of this ESC has survived. Only photos and the audio track of the incident exist, but in the public consciousness—especially in Spain and Portugal—the protest is considered iconic.
The fascist regime in Spain had been in power since the eve of World War II, though it had long been internationally isolated. It was not until 1955 that Spain was able to join the United Nations. In the wake of the ESC protest, dictator Franco increasingly portrayed Spain as a monarchy, using the grandson of the last king for this purpose. Portugal had already enjoyed significantly better relations with the Western powers (the U.S., the U.K., and France) during World War II. The country became one of the founding members of the Western military alliance NATO in 1949
and, at the time of the 1964 ESC, was in the final decade of its dictatorship—the protests there marked the prelude to a finale that would once again involve the ESC.
1965/1966 Against the Male Gaze
A look at the history of the ESC also sheds light on how images of women are changing. The many “mannequin” metaphors in ESC lyrics are striking. The French singer France Gall wins for Luxembourg in 1965. In the lyrics, she asks, “Am I better, am I worse than a fashion mannequin?” Åse Kleveland from Norway became the first female singer to perform in pants at the ESC in 1966. For her, the contest served as a springboard: with her dark voice and guitar playing, she established herself as a defining folk and Vispop artist, released several albums, and performed internationally, including a highly acclaimed tour of Japan at the age of 17. Twenty years after her first performance, she would host the Eurovision Song Contest held in Bergen, Norway, thereby gaining recognition among a new European audience.
From 1990 to 1996, she took on a central political role in the Scandinavian country as Minister of Culture and has had a lasting impact on Norwegian cultural policy ever since. Later, she headed the Swedish Film Institute, among other roles, and remains an influential figure to this day.
1966 Thank You for Winning
On March 5, 1966, Udo Jürgens won the “Grand Prix Eurovision de la Chanson Européenne” in Luxembourg. “Why, oh why?” Udo Jürgens asked in 1964 and came in sixth; in 1965, he reached “Sag ihr, ich lass sie grüßen.” His third attempt was rewarded with victory: “Merci, Chérie” received nearly twice as many points as the runner-up in 1966. At the end of the evening, the previous year’s winner, France Gall, presented the winner’s medal. The following year, the Song Contest took place at the Neue Burg on Vienna’s Heldenplatz. Thanks to his appearances at the Song Contest, Udo Jürgens achieved his international breakthrough with successful chart placements and tours through many European countries.
Two years after his victory, Udo Jürgens returned to the Song Contest in a different role: he composed the song “1000 Fenster” for the Czechoslovakian singer Karel Gott, with whom he competed for Austria in 1968—the year of the “Prague Spring.”
1967 A Republic Presents Itself as a Monarchy
On April 8, 1967, the “Grand Prix de la Chanson” takes place in Austria for the first time. The ORF turns the Grand Ballroom of the Vienna Hofburg into the venue for the Song Contest. Austria presents itself as a country with a rich history, cosmopolitan and multilingual—as if Vienna were still the capital of the Habsburg Monarchy. The evening begins with an orchestral performance of “Wiener Blut” and a waltz version of “Merci Chérie.” Host Erica Vaal explains the rest of the program in six languages, apologizes to the “Ladies and Gentlemen of Sweden, the Netherlands, Norway, Finland, Portugal, and Yugoslavia,” whose languages she does not speak, and suggests she might learn more languages should the Song Contest take place in Austria again.
Between the show and the scoring, the Vienna Boys’ Choir sings the Danube Waltz, while the camera captures the imperial splendor of the ballroom with close-ups of the double-headed eagle, paintings, and chandeliers. Earlier, Peter Horten—a former member of the Vienna Boys’ Choir—sings the song “Why There Are 100,000 Stars,” with lyrics by Karin Bognar, on behalf of Austria.
The 1967 Song Contest is the last to be broadcast in black and white, a fact reflected in the television commentary: ORF commentator Emil Kollpacher provides color information for the viewers.
Sandie Shaw wins the “Grand Prix de la Chanson” at the Hofburg with “Puppet on a String” for the United Kingdom—the first English-language winning entry. The fact that she is not wearing shoes on stage causes a stir and sparks widespread discussions about what is permissible in public appearances. Shaw is a “barefoot cause for divorce,” writes Roman Schliesser in the “Illustrierte Kronen Zeitung,” thereby gleefully spreading exaggerated and sensational stories from the British tabloids about the singer’s love life to Austria as well. Sandie Shaw’s performance would have a lasting impact: In the 1980s, the indie-pop band The Smiths repeatedly quote from Shaw’s lyrics; in 1984, they also share the stage on the BBC show “Top of the Pops”: there, Sandie Shaw wears shoes, while the band performs barefoot.
1968 Thaw in the “Eastern Bloc”
The 1968 Eurovision Song Contest was the first to be broadcast in color, and things seemed to be getting a bit more colorful in Europe in other ways as well—for a short time: In the months leading up to the contest, democratic developments emerged in the state-socialist dictatorship of
Czechoslovakia. Following a change in leadership, reforms immediately began in the economy, cultural life, the media, and even within the Communist Party (CP) itself. The goal was “socialism with a human face.” Universities, the arts, and literature flourished.
It was precisely in this spirit of the “Prague Spring” that, in mid-April, the Czech singer Karel Gott represented Austria with the song “Tausend Fenster” (A Thousand Windows), composed by Udo Jürgens. The lyrics speak of the sad lives of people on “small islands / You don’t even know who lives next to you.” This can also be understood as an allusion to the isolation of state-socialist dictatorships and the desire for the “Iron Curtain” to be lifted.
Just four months later, the Soviet Union put an end to the political thaw. On August 21, 1968, tanks rolled in; half a million soldiers from the Warsaw Pact states used force to prevent any change in Czechoslovakia. The Prague Spring was over. The outcome bears a striking resemblance to the Song Contest: That year, the Spanish band Massiel won with the song “La, la, la.” Thus, the trophy goes to Spain, and the contest will take place in a dictatorship for the first time the following year.
1969 Deal with a Dictatorship
The Franco dictatorship attempts to present itself as modern and attractive with the “Gran Premio de la Canción de Eurovisión” held at the Teatro Real. The ESC has become a litmus test for the political credibility and European character of the participating countries, played out in full public view. Increasingly, it is no longer just about musical performance, but about a spectacle for the ears and eyes, in which theatrical elements such as stage design are becoming ever more important. The artist Salvador Dalí, a sympathizer of the regime, participates as a designer.
However, the ESC in Spain turns into a farce—primarily due to organizational problems. In the end, singers from four different countries tie for first place. Since there aren’t enough medals, they have to improvise. On stage, only the singers receive medals, not the composers in attendance, as had been customary until then.
1970 A Message in a War, Cute Packaging
As violence escalates in the Northern Ireland conflict, the Republic of Ireland sends singer Dana to the ESC. She grew up in Derry, Northern Ireland, where she attended a Catholic school. She thus sends a clear signal
to the republican side. The lyrics and staging follow a formula familiar from early Austrian entries: the portrayal of innocence and cuteness. The song celebrates small animals like butterflies and bees, and even one or two snowflakes make it into the lyrics.
Dana Rosemary Scallon, Dana’s real name, later entered politics and campaigned against abortion rights and same-sex marriage.
1973 Women Conductors Break Through the Glass Ceiling
In 1973, Monica Dominique from Sweden and Nurit Hirsch from Israel became the first women to conduct the Eurovision Song Contest orchestra. Both were also involved in the creation of the songs. Additionally, in 1973, Israel became the first country outside the geographical borders of Europe to participate in the ESC. Turkey participated in the ESC for the first time two years later and, with singer Semiha Yankı, finished in last place.
In a world that had become increasingly uncertain, considerations of how to prevent violence also played a greater role: A few months before the contest, members of a Palestinian terrorist organization had murdered eleven Israelis at the Olympic Games in Munich. Consequently, the organizers in Luxembourg decided to implement enhanced security measures to protect artists and visitors to the event from attacks—successfully.
1974 The Starting Signal for the End of a Dictatorship
On April 6, 1974, Portuguese singer Paulo de Carvalho represented Portugal at the Eurovision Song Contest in Brighton with the song “E depois do adeus.” Musically, the song was a melancholic ballad about farewell and loss. At the contest, however, it went virtually unnoticed: Portugal finished in last place. What no one in the international television audience suspected—and what would later give the song its historical significance—was its role in one of the most important political upheavals of the 20th century in Western Europe.
Just a few weeks after the ESC, on the night of April 24–25, 1974, “E depois do adeus” was broadcast on Portuguese radio at 10:55 p.m. For most listeners, it was simply another popular song in the evening program. For a select group, however, the broadcast had a very different meaning: it was the first agreed-upon secret signal marking the start of a military uprising against the Portuguese dictatorship. The choice of a seemingly harmless Eurovision Song Contest entry was no coincidence. Precisely because “E depois do adeus” was regarded as an apolitical love song
and had recently been broadcast on international television, it appeared completely above suspicion to the regime’s censors. Thus, it could be aired without raising any alarm.
The Carnation Revolution marked the beginning of a profound political transformation process that led to the democratization of Portugal, but also ended the bloody colonial wars in Africa—in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau. The lyrics of “E depois do adeus” were a collage of letters and postcards that the poet José Niza sent from Angola to his wife.
1976 Turkish-Greek Broadcast Break
Turkey participated in the ESC for the first time in 1975, but did not send an entry in 1976. Turkish radio still broadcast the show—but cut out the Greek song. This entry, “Panagia mou, Panagia mou” by Mariza Koch, was interpreted as an allusion to the Turkish army’s occupation of Northern Cyprus in 1974. The lyrics tell of tents that must be set up not for tourists, but for refugees.
1977 How political can entertainment be?
The 1977 Eurovision Song Contest in London was heavily influenced in Austria by the controversy surrounding the entry “Boom Boom Boomerang” by the politically left-leaning band “Die Schmetterlinge.” The group is known for its socially critical songs and, with its performance, brings explicitly politically charged content into a competition that presents itself as an apolitical entertainment format and had consistently enforced this stance with strict rules up to that point.
A debate erupted in the Austrian public sphere over whether the ESC was a suitable stage for socio-political statements or whether political stances contradicted the claim of being a “neutral” pop event. Critics accused “Die Schmetterlinge” with damaging Austria’s reputation in the world by conveying such a strongly polarizing message. Numerous supporters, particularly from an increasingly engaged segment of young people, view the performance as a sign of an open, critical, and contemporary culture. The 1977 ESC thus demonstrates that pop culture on television need not be superficial and uncontroversial, but that entertainment, in particular, can also be the venue where discussions take place and social conflicts are brought to light. For Austria, this is not new after a long phase of successful cabaret on television, but for the international public, television at that time is not automatically regarded as the medium through which a society expresses its political identity.
1979 Expansion to Asia and Africa
After Izhar Cohen and the Alphabeta won the ESC for Israel in 1978, the contest took place outside Europe for the first time in 1979. In 1980, Morocco became the first independent African country to compete in the ESC, but Israel did not. Samira Bensaïd remains Morocco’s only representative at the ESC to date, as the contest was boycotted in subsequent years due to Israel’s participation. Broadcasters from all North African countries bordering the Mediterranean are members of the “European Broadcasting Union” and thus eligible to submit entries to the ESC. Morocco’s long-standing boycott follows the logic of the “three no’s” from a 1967 resolution of the Arab League (the Khartoum Resolution): “No to peace with Israel, no to the recognition of Israel, no to negotiations.”
In 1979, West Germany sent the group “Dschinghis Khan” to Jerusalem with a song of the same title. The lyrics are about a strong leader who is blindly followed. His political agenda: to bring fear and terror to every country. A few weeks later, the song reached number 1 on the Israeli charts.
1986 Romeo’s Juliet as a Drag Queen
In 1986, Ketil Stokkan presented “Romeo,” a catchy, humorously staged pop song that drew on the classic love story of Romeo and Juliet. However, it was not just the song itself but the stage production that made the biggest impact: Several male dancers appear on stage in women’s costumes, deliberately playing with gender roles. This staging is considered the first explicit drag performance at the ESC, long before the contest was openly associated with queer aesthetics.
While drag performances from the 1990s onward used drag as a political statement or a call to represent the diversity of identities, the 1986 staging was initially theatrical and playful—yet it visibly subverted the prevailing notions of gender and stage presence in European pop television at the time. From a theater-historical perspective, the costumes used are equally interesting because they reference the Rococo era and the Commedia dell’Arte.
Whether the widely accepted dating of 1986 as the first ESC with drag elements is actually correct is also a matter of definition. As is the case throughout theater and entertainment, cross-dressing was already widespread before that. It was used in a more parodic manner as early as 1973, for example, when the Spanish clown and Hitler admirer Charlie
Rivel performed in the so-called “Interval Act,” the intermission program designed to bridge the time between the competition and the scoring. He used the opening bars of the aria “Voi che sapete” from the Mozart/Da Ponte opera “Le nozze di Figaro” as his performance music. In doing so, he referenced precisely the moment in the opera when the transgression of gender boundaries is taken to the extreme.
1990 A Contest for All of Europe
Following Yugoslavia’s victory the previous year, the ESC takes place in a socialist state for the first time. Numerous ESC entries address the opening of borders and the end of the Iron Curtain. Simone competes for Austria with the song “Keine Mauern mehr,” and Toto Cutugno wins for Italy with “Insieme: 1992.”
The 1990 ESC demonstrates just how important television already is at this point in time for creating a truly shared, historic moment for an international audience. At this juncture, the contest carries not only the hopes for progress and the future of entire generations, some of whom were still shaped by the post-war era, by wars, and by conflicts. The ESC also gives expression to a sentiment that exists simultaneously in many European countries and could be described as something like a broad European unity. The extended version of the winning song mentions “Amori senza confini” („Love without borders”): These positive emotions refer to the European Union, whose official founding was scheduled for 1992—a very explicit declaration of love for political cooperation among nations, which even made it into the song’s title.
1993 Asserting oneself beyond war and misery
Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, and Slovenia are the first post-Yugoslav states to participate in the ESC. The Bosnian delegation travels from the war zone and encounters life-threatening situations along the way. Upon arriving at the venue in Millstreet, Ireland, these artists are accused at a press conference of politically exploiting the competition.
By introducing a qualifying round, the ESC responds to the growing number of participating countries, thereby not only reflecting the reorganization of Europe following the collapse of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, but also giving these states a stage for the first time to present themselves. In socio-political terms, the contest thus became a symbol of cultural recognition, national self-assertion, and European belonging beyond military and economic power.
1994 An Opportunity to Invent “Ancient Traditions”
The historian Eric J. Hobsbawm, who grew up in Vienna (and later Berlin), coined the academic concept of the “invention of tradition,” through which he demonstrated how modern societies introduce certain symbols, images, and ceremonies to which they give the appearance of “time-honored,” even though they are in fact new. Hobsbawm defines such traditions as a bundle of ritual-symbolic practices that, through repetition, instill values and norms and assert an (often artificial) continuity toward a “usable” past that serves the present. In doing so, he distinguishes, among other things, traditions that foster social cohesion, justify authority, or serve to create a sense of community—a framework that helps sharpen our focus on the political functions of cultural communication, including a phenomenon like the ESC.
The label “invented tradition” can also be applied to “Riverdance”: This Irish dance and music phenomenon premiered at the 1994 Eurovision Song Contest in Dublin as a seven-minute “interval act”—that is, as entertainment during the break between the competition and the scoring—and was expanded into a full-length production shortly thereafter. Scholars interpret “Riverdance” as a performative re-arrangement of supposedly “Irish tradition,” which reassembles a seemingly “time-honored” heritage—step dance, timbres, iconography—for contemporary mass culture, thereby creating a powerful symbol of Irish national identity in the globalized cultural market of the 1990s.
The fact that the production is simultaneously read as a signature of Ireland’s burgeoning economy (as the “Celtic Tiger”) and of growing selfconfidence following the gradual cooling of the Northern Ireland conflict underscores how “tradition” is deliberately updated here to generate internal cohesion and send a strong signal to the outside world—precisely those functions that Hobsbawm describes for invented traditions. Thus, the invention of “Riverdance” in 1994 exemplifies how popular culture generates new rituals that can come to be regarded as “self-evident” elements of national culture within a short time.
1998 A Transwoman Becomes a Superstar
“Dana International” became the first openly transgender singer to win the Eurovision Song Contest. Since then, the contest has also been perceived by the general public in its queer dimensions.
The victory ceremony becomes a moment of queer solidarity—even if no one in the audience recognizes it as such at that moment: Dana Inter-
national receives the award from Katrina Leskanich, who had won the Eurovision Song Contest in 1997 with her band “Katrina and the Waves” and would go on to partner with her manager ten years later. In 1998, Dana International sings her song “Diva” once more after the award ceremony. Unlike her first performance, she now wears a black dress adorned with feathers in the colors of the rainbow—designed by fashion designer Jean Paul Gaultier.
2001 Winners Beyond the Former Iron Curtain
Estonia becomes the first country formerly part of the Soviet Union to win the ESC with the song “Everybody,” performed by Tanel Padar, Dave Benton & 2XL. This event becomes a symbol of a successful “return to Europe” and a milestone in identity formation following decades of dependence and dictatorship. The ESC in Estonia had already served as a central stage for nation branding, Europeanization, and the demonstrative distancing from the Soviet legacy every year since the 1900s—the 2001 victory in particular now marks the internationally visible culmination of this strategy.
Estonia deliberately uses the contest as an instrument of cultural diplomacy to present itself as a modern, Western-oriented, democratic country—the victory was thus also politically effective, serving as a kind of confirmation of its own self-image and of successful transformation in many respects (politically, economically, geopolitically, but also linguistically). Even aesthetically, the participation of post-socialist states in the ESC contests of those years offered an opportunity to negotiate new identities: The competition is generally understood as an opportunity to present cultural modernity, diversity, and belonging to the Western European canon of values.
At the same time, however, competition within the ESC also intensified during this period: the rules of participation reflect the ever-evolving processes of European integration. Between 1997 and 2001, the ever-increasing number of participating countries made it necessary to suspend countries with poor results the following year. Austria was affected by this in 2001 and was not allowed to send an entry. Even before the introduction of the semifinals, these issues sparked major debates among fans regarding fairness, geopolitical representation, and visibility. Smaller or more peripheral countries, in particular, often portrayed themselves as disadvantaged.
2007 A Time for Goodbyes
The Ukrainian drag queen Verka Serduchka sings in a mix of English, German, and a made-up language. In some places, the latter sounds as
if she were singing “Russia goodbye.” In fact, she sings “Lashu Tumbai” and finishes in second place.
Following the dissolution of the state of Serbia and Montenegro, both countries compete separately for the first time. Marija Šerifović won the ESC for Serbia—with a song about a breakup.
2009 A vote—or no vote—for authoritarian figures?
After Austria had already withdrawn in 2008, it also opted out of participating in the ESC in Russia in 2009. The contest, held in Moscow, is controversial due to the human rights situation and the country’s authoritarian leadership. The debates surrounding the ESC are particularly heated: opponents do not want to give the Russian government an opportunity for self-promotion, while supporters point out how important international and liberal entertainment formats like the ESC are for offering the general public an attractive alternative in the increasingly anti-liberal post-Soviet climate that threatens social diversity. In the end, Spain, the Netherlands, Slovenia, Portugal, and Iceland decide to participate, but Italy does not compete and will not return until 2011.
Against this backdrop, individual songs also become a major issue: The song “We Don’t Wanna Put In” by the Georgian band 3G is deemed too political—because the title could also be understood as “We don’t wanna Putin”—is deemed too political. The EBU calls on the Georgian delegation to either change the lyrics or submit a different song. Georgian public broadcasting withdraws from the contest in Moscow in protest and accuses the EBU of yielding to pressure from the Russian regime.
2014 Enthusiasm for queerness not just in the West
Conchita Wurst wins the ESC. Points for “Rise Like a Phoenix” came from all over Europe. A clear discrepancy between the expert jury and public voting in countries such as Germany, Russia, and Hungary demonstrates widespread public enthusiasm—especially in post-socialist countries.
It is not just Conchita’s vocal performance that attracts media and social attention. As a drag queen in an evening gown and a beard, Tom Neuwirth challenges simplistic notions of gender. Due to the widespread response in practically all participating countries, her victory in the contest is seen as a sign of openness and gender diversity, transcending national borders.
Following her television appearance, Conchita Wurst became a celebrity in Austria, but also a symbol for the country. Crucial to this were not only the contributions of fans and the public enthusiasm over an Austrian victory at the ESC after such a long time, but also the debates about what it means to see a country represented by a drag queen. Thus, Conchita is portrayed both as a figurehead of an open society and as the target of far-right agitation centered on supposedly traditional gender norms, which sometimes takes bizarre forms. For example, even before the 2014 ESC, a false rumor had already spread on social media that a famous toy manufacturer would immortalize Conchita Wurst as a Barbie, which was never actually planned.
2015 The stage is set for self-determination!
The Finnish punk band Pertti Kurkan Nimipäivät competes at the ESC in Vienna. They bring together people with various disabilities who step into the proverbial spotlight. They not only live with learning disabilities or Down syndrome but also work artistically with them. The award-winning documentary “The Punk Syndrome” told the story of the band and its members in 2012.
In Vienna, their 2015 entry was eliminated in the semifinals. However, it broke the record for the shortest song in the contest’s history, because with punk, things can be summed up more quickly: It lasts only 1 minute and 27 seconds.
2016 A look back at our own past (with a wink)
This year’s “Interval Act”—the intermission program between the competition and the subsequent scoring—is titled “Love Love Peace Peace.” The performance shows that the ESC has now become a universe unto itself, offering a reservoir of entire stories: The “Interval Act” tells a satirical, exaggerated history of the ESC. Elements of past entries are condensed into a single song: Half-naked drummers, pyrotechnics, artificial snow, costume changes, food preparation, figure skating, and a musical instrument that appears traditional but was actually invented specifically for the ESC.
2018 New Perspectives on the Male Gaze
“Toy,” the winning song from 2018, is not the first Song Contest entry in which a woman’s situation is compared to that of a doll. In 1965, France Gall won with “Poupée de cire, poupée de son,” and in 1967, Sandie Shaw won with “Puppet on a String.” Both lyrics leave room for interpretation: Is this a subtle critique of patriarchy, or are patriarchal images of women
being perpetuated? It is the 2018 Israeli winning song that finally brings clarity to the dollhouse: “I’m not your toy, you stupid boy!” sings Netta, making it clear: “The Barbie got something to say!”
2023 Solidarity in Times of War
The broadcaster that sent the winning song has the right to host the contest the following year. Kalush Orchestra won the ESC for Ukraine in 2022. In 2023, however, Russia’s war of aggression is still raging, and the Ukrainian broadcaster cannot host the contest on-site. Liverpool hosts the ESC instead.
2025 No Stage for Anti-Semitism
Since Hamas’s attack on Israel on October 7, 2023, and the ensuing war in Gaza, calls for boycotts against Israeli artists and institutions have multiplied, some of which have also drawn on anti-semitic traditions. This also affects the public broadcaster KAN, which nominates the Israeli entries for the ESC. The fact that KAN is a key pillar of critical journalism— including on the Gaza War—has been overlooked, as have the diverse positions held by Israeli artists regarding their government.
Former Eurovision winner Dana International addresses different audiences via Instagram in 2025: In English, she criticizes the boycott campaigns; in Hebrew, she poses critical questions about the social and political situation in Israel.
Summary
The ESC is not merely a music competition that entertains an audience of millions. Nor is it merely an “economic driver” for tourism at the host city or for the European creative industries, as numerous studies have demonstrated in the past. It creates—as numerous turning points in the contest’s 70-year history make clear—reliable spaces for negotiating social issues, from equality to democratization, under constantly changing conditions, and fundamentally generates PUBLIC VALUE far beyond economic or political questions. The contest is ultimately proof that popular music does not merely serve commercial interests and, through its connection to the television show format, creates not only entertainment but an international format of the highest relevance.
The Eurovision Song Contest has existed—originally under various, constantly changing names—since 1956, making it 70 years old. Austria has
won this international music competition three times—in 1966, 2014, and 2025—so the event is taking place in Austria for the third time this year. The contest simultaneously fulfills functions enshrined in the public service mandate of the Austrian Broadcasting Corporation (ORF): culture and information, education, and entertainment, and even includes elements that resemble sports through choreographed and acrobatic performances. With singing, music, visual arts, dance, and poetry, the ESC brings together a broad spectrum of artistic disciplines while remaining a mass phenomenon that appeals to all age groups and fosters a global community. After all, members of the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) are eligible to participate, including broadcasters from North Africa and Southwest Asia; Australia has also been participating in the contest since 2015. Its reach is enormous: in 2025, 166 million people worldwide tuned in.
The ESC’s integrative power lies in the creation of a shared experience within a media landscape increasingly characterized by echo chambers, “bubbles,” and fragmented media consumption. While the transnational Saturday night entertainment show was long a staple of television, the ESC is one of the last such formats remaining in the 2020s. It has the potential to strengthen social cohesion: within the show and in front of the TV, in fan zones and at public viewings. The most diverse forms of social, geographic, cultural, political, and individual difference become visible, yet are presented as a starting point for connection, not separation. The contest unites people from different contexts, makes difference tangible, and enables positive narratives. The history of the contest also demonstrates that politics and entertainment are inseparable. Political content can be conveyed through song lyrics, costumes, stage designs, productions, during the scoring, or in fan culture—either openly or through strategically employed ambiguity. Precisely because explicit messages were not always possible, the historical development of the ESC offers numerous examples of how broad audiences are introduced to issues in geographically distant regions through popular cultural content, addressing themes such as national identity, memory culture, democracy, and protest against authoritarianism, as well as gender images. The contest thus functions as a unique archive of debates in European contemporary history presented in a popular format. For Austria, this can be seen in songs ranging from the reenactment of Habsburg traditions to socially critical performances of the 1970s and queer visibility in the 21st century.
The ESC is an event of PUBLIC VALUE that, in addition to its significant economic impact, also offers an unparalleled venue for public discourse in aesthetic, social, and political terms. A contest that presents itself as an apolitical entertainment format has repeatedly sparked discussions
that have remained relevant far beyond the evening of the live broadcast. Connection, not division, is at the forefront here, because the ESC is not merely a music competition but a unique event format that creates a truly international public sphere in times of increasing polarization and fragmentation.
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APPROXIMATELY 300 SCHOLARS FROM 30 COUNTRIES HAVE PUBLISHED ARTICLES ON PUBLIC SERVICE MEDIA QUALITY IN PUBLIC VALUE TEXTE. IN ADDITION TO EXPERT ANALYSES E.G. ON ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE, THE THREAT OF POPULISM, INFOAVOIDING, AND SMARTPHONE ADDICTION, THE EUROVISION SONG CONTEST HAS ALSO BEEN THE SUBJECT OF A SPECIAL ISSUE FEATURING CONTRIBUTIONS FROM DISTINGUISHED AUTHORS LIKE KAREN FRICKER (BROCK UNIVERSITY), WERNER JAUK (UNIVERSITY OF GRAZ) OR DEAN VULETIC (UNIVERSITY OF VIENNA). ALL ARTICLES, ALONG WITH FIGURES, DATA, AND FACTS ON THE PUBLIC VALUE OF THE AUSTRIAN BROADCASTING CORPORATION ORF, ARE AVAILABLE AT HTTP://ZUKUNFT.ORF.AT.