Riyaa Randhawa - 2022 Near Scholar

2021-22 JOHN NEAR GRANT Recipient Curating Connection: Student-Teacher Relationships in the Implementation of Public Health Systems During American Colonialism in the Philippines, 1898-1910 Riyaa Randhawa

Curating Connection: Student-Teacher Relationships in the Implementation of Public Health Systems During American Colonialism in the Philippines, 1898-1910

Riyaa Randhawa 2022 Near Scholar Mentors: Dr. Chris Gatto and Mrs. Lauri Vaughan April 13, 2022

Randhawa 2 Aboard the U.S. Army Transport Thomas, journalist Adeline Knapp was one of the approximately 600 Thomasites on a journey to the Philippines to teach in Filipino schools. To commence the collection of the many letters she would send to the United States from the Philippines, her first one described the poor conditions of Filipino schools before she even had the opportunity to see them. Sending a fabricated article back to the United States about the lack of native Filipino teachers, she prompted the American government to “send out an army, not of conquest, but of education.”1 In 1899, after the United States' victory over the Spanish in Manila Bay, the Treaty of Paris forced Spain to release control of the Philippines to the United States. President William McKinley and General George Dewey were eager to colonize the Philippines because it proved to be economically and strategically valuable.2 Portrayed as a “stepping stone” to China, the Philippines both figuratively and literally met this description. (See Fig. 1) Figuratively, the Philippines served as a systematic pathway because it allowed the United States to take advantage of the Filipino laborers to supply goods to China. In a more literal sense, the Philippines provided a stopover destination between the United States and China for coal stations.3 Additionally, Americans perceived Filipinos as unfit to self-govern and in need of assistance after the Spanish-American war.4 The Philippines, now free of the Spanish,

1

Sarah Steinbock-Pratt, Educating the Empire: American Teachers and Contested Colonization in the Philippines (Cambridge University Press, 2021), 95.

2

Brian McAllister Linn, The Philippine War, 1899-1902 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 2000), 5; Paul A. Kramer, The Blood of Government: Race, Empire, the United States, and the Philippines (University of North Carolina Press, 2006), 96.

3

Ronald E. Dolan, ed., Philippines, a Country Study.

4

Kramer, The Blood, 2.

Randhawa 3

Figure 1. Political Cartoon, 1900 Illustration, And, After All, the Philippines are Only the Stepping-Stone to China

were especially vulnerable to being taken over by other powers vying for the same economic and strategic benefits as the United States. 5 It was also the popular opinion of the general public that the United States should colonize the Philippines. 6

5

6

Linn, The Philippine, 1; Kramer, The Blood.

Albert J. Beveridge, "In Support of an American Empire," address presented at US Senate, January 9, 1900, Teaching American History, https://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/in-support-ofan-american-empire/.

Randhawa 4 In the following years, as the United States military began to settle in the Philippines an unexpected number of illnesses and infections were occurring among American soldiers. At the start of the colonial period, military medical officers had the role of tending to illnesses or injuries after they appeared. However, as their time in the Philippines progressed, their roles expanded to encompass responsibilities focused on preventative medicine.7 Medical officers learned about clean environments and sought out specific locations to protect the health of their military group. Colonel C.M. Woodward was a military medical official whose teachings and research became valuable to the well-being of those relocating to the Philippines. He “advised his fellow surgeons that the group camp should be elevated, bordering on a rapidly running stream, and away from any swamps” and that “every tent must be raised during the day to permit free circulation of air” and “when a camp lasts longer than a day, whether tents are used or not, the men should be encouraged to prepare sleeping places raised at least a few inches above the ground.”8 Woodward, among many other military medical officers, quickly realized the immediate need for preventative sciences such as bacteriology, parasitology, and basic research into clean, sanitary environments.9 These military medical officers policed personal hygiene and sanitation by requiring each soldier to follow a strict regimen.10 Soldier hygiene and care became “a content object to solicitude on part of his superiors.” 11 Distant scientific avenues of research

7

Warwick Anderson, Colonial Pathologies: American Tropical Medicine, Race, and Hygiene in the Philippines (Duke University Press, 2006), 24 8

Alfred A. Woodhull, comp., Notes on Military Hygiene for Officers of the Line, A Syllabus of Lectures Formerly Delivered at the U.S. Infantry and Cavalry School, 121, accessed March 16, 2022.

9

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 25.

Woodhull, Notes on Military, 121.

10

11

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 25

Randhawa 5 such as bacteriology and parasitology, as mentioned earlier, became a focus. The shift in responsibilities of military medical officers reflected the progression of public health in the Philippines and how healthcare objectives had evolved—prioritizing public health and preventative medicine. The role of medical officers decreased, and public health systems rapidly became prevalent.

At the same time in the United States, the eugenics movement was at its peak. In the early 1900s, Charles Davenport and Harry Laughlin led the movement, advocating that those with “inferior genetics” should not be able to reproduce in order to “improve” the genetic pool in the long term and eliminate “undesirable traits” such as mental illness, dwarfism, or poverty. 12 Much of the scientific research being conducted in the United States during this time was tainted by racial prejudice enhanced by the parallel eugenics movement. American soldiers were warned by their superiors that “no matter how clean Filipinos might look or smell, they were still to be distrusted, still potentially unhygienic insurrectos.”13 Deep-rooted racism was pervasive in the military, clouding the knowledge that was shared with parties such as military medical officers and soldiers. Not only did these racist beliefs outwardly describe Filipinos as dirty, they also equated any physical sickness with unfaithful character, classifying all Filipinos as untrustworthy. Improving the health of the Filipino natives proved to be a priority because the health of the American parties was contingent on it. Victor G. Heiser, the Philippine director of health from 1902 to 1927, stated that “the health of these people is the vital question of the

12

Teryn Bouche and Laura Rivard, "America's Hidden History: The Eugenics Movement," Scitable, last modified September 14, 2014, accessed March 23, 2022, https://www.nature.com/scitable/forums/genetics-generation/america-s-hidden-history-the-eugenicsmovement-123919444/.

13

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 59

Randhawa 6 Islands.14 To transform them from the weak and feeble race we have found them into the strong, healthy and enduring people that they may yet to become is to lay the foundation for the successful future of the country.”15 By casting Filipinos in an inferior light, officials such as Heiser embedded these racist notions in many systems that later emerged from the military, such as the public health systems. The purpose of military medical officials was evolving fast as public health became a necessity. At the same time, American educators who relocated to the Philippines were going through a similar transformation in their duties, consistently taking on more responsibilities in the public health aspect of Filipino society.

In the early days of the implementation of American education, Filipino students were essentially forced to register for American schools. Louis Dairymple’s 1898 political cartoon “School Begins” depicts how Filipinos were viewed in contrast to Americans. With worn clothing and no footwear, the Philippines, along with Hawaii, Puerto Rico, and Cuba, are portrayed as uncivilized and in need of reform—which in this case, meant American education.

Additionally, Dairymple’s cartoon communicates the reality of how American education dominated essentially every territory the United States entered. The illustration underscores the significance of American education in colonized territories and foreshadows just how indispensable American teachers were in the implementation of public health systems in the Philippines. Filipino students viewed their relationships with their teachers as more trusting in comparison to the harmful and fear-based communications that developed with their public health officers and sanitary inspectors. Dr. Trinidad Pardo de Tavera, also known as T.H. Pardo

14

15

"Trinidad Pardo de Tavera," DBpedia, https://dbpedia.org/page/Trinidad_Pardo_de_Tavera.

David Arnold, "Tropical Governance: Managing Health in Monsoon Asia, 1908-1938," SSRN, https://www.ssrn.com/index.cfm/en/.

Randhawa 7 de Tavera, was a writer who focused his research on various domains of Filipino culture. 16 During his role as Philippine Commissioner, Pardo de Tavera wrote to Governor William Howard Taft that “the people fear the Board of Health a great deal more than they fear the epidemic. The sanitary inspectors, white, brown, black, civil, and military have committed and still commit all kinds of abuses.”17 As a result of consistent mistreatment from American officials, such as those involved in public health systems, students gravitated toward seeing their teachers as intermediaries between the greater Filipino community and American health and government officials. (See Fig. 2)

Figure 2. Political Cartoon, 1899 Illustration, School Begins

16

17

"Trinidad Pardo."

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 67.

Randhawa 8 Promises for a better future encouraged students to strive to meet the standards that teachers set forth. When in school, students were incentivized to want to excel because of opportunities such as being selected to attend educational institutions in the United States. The Pensionado Program, implemented in 1903, was designed to allow Filipino students to receive education in American universities. Selected Filipino students would return from their American educational institutions as “qualified, high-educated civil servants that would represent American ideals and carry out the United States colonial vision for the Philippines. Given this purpose, most students returned to the Philippines after finishing their education.”18 A Filipino lawyer named Señor La Garta, described this program as a successful way to “persuade the necessity of an American University education upon the native inhabitants of our islands.”19 (See Fig. 3)

Figure 4. Photograph, “Pensionados.”

18

"The Pensionados at the University of Michigan," The Philippines and the University of Michigan, 1870-1935, accessed March 24, 2022, https://philippines.michiganintheworld.history.lsa.umich.edu/s/exhibit/page/pensionados-at-theuniversity-of-michigan.

19

"The Pensionados," The Philippines and the University of Michigan, 1870-1935.

Randhawa 9 Not only did this program incentivize Filipino students to immerse in academics, it also created leaders in Filipino society who advocated for American values and adhered to the colonial ideals. Because of these incentives, Filipino students would comply with numerous requests, including adapting their way of life and adjusting to novel physical and sanitary expectations. Public health became a part of students’ curriculum and an integral part of their lives. Students grew up learning lessons about public health standards in specialized textbooks, such as Adeline Knapp’s How to Live: A Manual of Hygiene for Use in the Schools of the Filipino Children, published in 1902.20 As the implementation of public health systems became more widespread, teachers created health indexes that compared each student to standards set by the Bureau of Education: “well-formed body,” “clean and shining hair,” “a clear skin of good color,” and “an amiable disposition.”21 In an attempt to manufacture more pervasive lessons, public health curricula expanded beyond the classroom, and teachers added a project for each seventh-grade boy to construct a toilet in his home or in a neighbor’s home resulting in more toilets, which initially was one of the public health struggles in the Philippines.

Apart from concrete incentives and educational curricula, understanding social dynamics in the classroom provides further insight into how American teachers became effective implementors of public health systems. The Jigsaw Classroom is a social psychology experiment that describes how students learn that “payoff comes from pleasing the teacher by actively displaying how smart they are.”22 Because of this inherent desire to please the teacher and the

20

Adeline Knapp, How to Live: A Manual of Hygiene for Use in the Schools of the Filipino children (1902).

21

22

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 117.

Elliot Aronson and Joshua Aronson, The Social Animal, twelfth edition. ed. (New York: Worth Publishers, Macmillan Learning, 2018), 299.

Randhawa 10 fact that students were placed in a favor-doing situation, Filipino students were more likely to listen and incorporate foreign education into their beliefs. American teachers often co-taught with Filipino teachers. This collaboration, which took place in the presence of students, created an even stronger sense of trust in American teachers from Filipino students because the “process of participating in a cooperative group breaks down ingroup vs. outgroup perceptions and allows the individual to develop the cognitive category of ‘oneness’—we’re in this together.’”23 Coteaching also implied Filipino teachers and American teachers were equal in status. This image allowed American teachers to seem more integrated within the Filipino community, thus making it easier for these teachers to form closer connections with their students.

These factors cemented a false sense of equality between Filipino and American teachers.

American teachers took advantage of this sense of trust and subconsciously reinforced racial hierarchies through the curriculum. Filipino students began to acquiesce in this fabricated narrative, processing and agreeing with the ideas these teachers put forth. Even with seemingly innocent actions, including singing minstrel songs, teachers consistently strengthened white supremacy through lyrics. American teachers’ position of power granted them a higher social status and thus the ability to spread ideas and gain agreement from Filipino natives with little to no resistance.

The Culion Leper Colony is an extreme example of a system that enabled American teachers to control Filipino natives through social dynamics and carefully crafted curricula. The colony was a camp created for those classified as most unclean and least socialized.24 As an attempt to Americanize and “clean” Filipino children, non-leprous children were separated from

23

Aronson and Aronson, The Social, 299.

24

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 173.

Randhawa 11 their parents and relocated to live with American or other “cleaner” Filipino families. These children, because of their young age and their separation from their parents, had malleable views and values. Teachers were frequently the only “parental figure” around them and were able to imprint lessons, which were oftentimes racist, on these young minds. Excerpts from Knapp’s How to Live: A Manual of Hygiene for Use in the Schools of the Filipino Children provide insight into how curricula was constructed to Americanize Filipino children and adults.

(See Fig. 4)

Figure 4. Adeline Knapp’s, How to Live: A Manual of Hygiene for Use in the Schools of the Filipino Children.

In textbooks that students were conditioned to accept as factual, Filipino manners of holding babies were harshly criticized in comparison to “superior” European methods. The critiques of seemingly trivial Filipino practices foreshadowed the more large-scale demands that teachers later instituted to transform Filipino children into the ideal American youths.

Randhawa 12

Figure 5. Adeline Knapp’s, How to Live: A Manual of Hygiene for Use in the Schools of the Filipino Children.

This passage is an example of how Filipino children were consistently taught through the curriculum that they were dirty while Americans were clean. (See Fig. 5) This places Filipino students in a “favor-doing” situation as they believe they owe their lives to the Americans who “saved them” from their unclean city.25 The importance of sanitation was also communicated through these textbooks. Although these teachings were based on racist beliefs, the lessons truly did improve the public health of the Philippines, and thus, teachers were dedicated to implementing additional sanitary living practices.

It can be assumed one of the reasons teachers focused on public health education was to protect themselves. Because teachers were in close and frequent contact with Filipino children, ensuring that they followed American health guidelines made it less likely that the teachers would be infected by a disease. Since it was commonly assumed that “Filipino bodies were especially dirty and infected . . . and that personal contact and loose behavior would only 25

Aronson and Aronson, The Social, 299.

Randhawa 13 distribute their filth,” teachers demanded physical reform to protect themselves from any possible diseases carried by their students.26 Coming from the United States, these teachers were also aware of Native American communities. Many drew parallels between Native Americans and Filipinos, and American educators believed the Filipinos to be “a densely ignorant race of people, who had as little knowledge or respect for the ABC’s of sanitation as the American Indian at home.”27 Along with self-preservation instincts, there were also pre-existing notions of Native Americans that influenced teachers’ beliefs regarding Filipino natives.

On the other hand, African American educators held an especially important connection with Filipinos. African Americans had already experienced being treated as inferior in the United States and could relate to the circumstances of Filipino natives at this time. In the United States, there was a barrier to education for African Americans, and they witnessed the construction of a similar educational barrier being made to control Filipinos. Before leaving for the Philippines, the teachers at the Tuskegee and Hampton educational institutions for African American teachers were visited by Fred W. Atkinson, a Harvard alumnus and the later appointed general superintendent of public instruction in the Philippines. He described the degree of education that should be provided in the Philippines and told the teachers “to beware the possibility overdoing the matter of higher education and unfitting the Filipino for practical work. 28 Atkinson sought after an education that would equip Filipinos with skills suited for agriculture and industrial labor, but no more. African Americans noticed a parallel between their circumstances because

26

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 117.

27

Louis Mervin Maus, “Military sanitary problems in the Philippine Islands,” 1909.

28

Roland Sintos Coloma, "'Destiny Has Thrown the Negro and the Filipino under the Tutelage of America': Race and Curriculum in the Age of Empire" (PhD diss.), 506,

Randhawa 14 their education was also dictated by white Americans who did not want them to be educated and hold positions of power.

Figure 6. John Henry Manning Butler (J.H.M. Butler)

John Henry Manning Butler was an African American educator who taught in the Philippines. Born in North Carolina, he was trained as a teacher and moved to the Philippines in

Randhawa 15 1902 as an inspector of schools.29 (See Fig. 6) He remained in the Philippines for the majority of his life, becoming well known for his ability to connect with Filipino natives. Butler was an outspoken correspondent between African American educators in the Philippines and the African American community in the United States, as he shared his experiences with newspapers such as the Star of Zion.30 His letters argued that “educated African Americans were the best colonizers and agents of Americanization by virtue of racial sympathy with Filipinos.” Because this group was marginalized in the United States, they had a unique sense of empathy for Filipinos. John W. Galloway, an African American soldier, feared “the future of the Filipino is that of the Negro in the South. Matters are almost to that condition now . . . He is kicked and cuffed at will and he dare not remonstrate.”31 African American educators, such as Butler and Galloway, noticed the same pattern occurring to Filipino natives as what they were subject to in the United States and thus believed they were best suited to educate in the Philippines. Additionally, Butler encouraged other African American educators to relocate to the Philippines by incentivizing them with the fact that educators could “excel based on skill, not racial hierarchies.” 32 African American teachers became more prevalent as both their ranks and the trust they cultivated with Filipino natives grew in frequency and strength.

At the same time, public health officers and sanitary inspectors promoted health reform through starkly contrasting methods. By instilling fear in Filipino natives, sanitary inspectors gained the upper hand to dictate health reform. Pardo de Tavera wrote about how sanitary

29

John H. Manning Butler, "New Education in the Philippines," The Journal of Negro Education 3, no. 2 (April 1934), https://www.jstor.org/stable/2292317?seq=1#metadata_info_tab_contents.

30

The Star of Zion, https://www.digitalnc.org/newspapers/the-star-of-zion-charlotte-n-c/.

31

Michael Schaller et al., "Letters from African American Soldiers," in Reading American Horizons, 143.

32

Steinbock-Pratt, Educating the Empire, 102.

Randhawa 16 inspectors and public health officials aggressively and unjustly handled health concerns. In one case, a victim of cholera died in a household, and a provincial treasurer burned the house down to prevent the infection. The fire was uncontained and burned down two neighboring homes.

(See Fig. 7) At the same time, a sanitary inspector policed the village with “a gun on his shoulder in order to intimidate the people to make them obey sanitary laws.”33

Figure 7. Burning of cholera infected district.

33

Pardo de Tavera, Board of Health

Randhawa 17 Not only did sanitary inspectors use fear as a tactic, they also relied on public humiliation. Acting with degrading behavior toward Filipino natives, the official public health department coerced families into meeting health expectations. Even if Filipino natives were open to and searching for guidance about sanitation and hygiene, they were refused by the health department unless they intentionally insulted and degraded themselves. In order to receive aid from the department, Filipino natives were “expected to confess their uncleanliness, to voice their barbarity, and to make themselves available for hygienic salvation.” 34 Understandably, the majority refused to meet these cruel and demeaning expectations and thus did not receive sanitary guidance. However, if Filipinos chose to meet the above standards, the public health department granted a “probationary sanitary citizenship.” While this method seems counterproductive, this was the approach that sanitary inspectors took to promote public health.

An aforementioned example of this aggressive approach is the Culion Leper Colony.

The differences between methods used by educators and public health officials when implementing public health systems revolve around three major aspects: Who was leading the change, its effectiveness, and its longevity. There was a distinct contrast in terms of who was leading public health reform. In the official public health method, scientists, the military, and United States government officials were heavily involved. It was a large-scale operation that concerned leaders of official organizations. However, through the method that teachers utilized, Filipino students and families were primarily involved. Curriculum, projects, and other activities incorporated community engagement, a characteristic the first method lacked. This meant that the public health initiatives became community-driven and thus were truly consolidated into Filipino lifestyles. When evaluating effectiveness, many Filipinos remained indifferent towards

34

Anderson, Colonial Pathologies, 106.

Randhawa 18 instruction provided by sanitary inspectors because they used fear, moral manipulation, and other demeaning methods to force change. The informal public health education within the classroom allowed Filipino natives to willingly make the choice to adhere to the health requirements.

Instead of being forced to follow guidelines, students were inspired because of their proximity and familiarity with their teachers. Teachers created permanent community change and Filipinoled initiative. While public health officials were sometimes able to persuade Filipinos to follow their instructions, it was with hesitancy and resistance. Teachers, however, achieved collaboration with Filipino natives because of their close and trusted connections, carefully crafted curricula, and various incentives. Laura Watson Benedict, a teacher in the Philippines, expressed that teachers “[had] the respect and confidence of the whole native community to an extent enjoyed by hardly anyone else.”

After American colonialism, life expectancy in the Philippines almost exponentially increased. Quality of life was also improved because of better sanitary conditions and fewer illnesses. The Philippines were populated with new hospitals and trained officials to help treat Filipino natives. While public health systems were just one aspect of Filipino society, its improvement allowed for education rates, quality of life, career opportunities, and many other aspects of Filipino society to thrive.

Randhawa 19

Figure 8. Graph of Life Expectancy in years vs. Year. Aaron O'Neill, Statistica,

By curating connections with the students of the Philippines, teachers became vital in the successful implementation of public health systems. Numerous scholars argue the public health department is responsible for the wide-scale research on health in the Philippines. However, the actual implementation of public health systems and regulations was a success because of the effectiveness of the teachers and their consistent support of these public health methods. Through close connections, well-crafted curricula, and genuine trust, teachers played an indispensable role

Randhawa 20 in the implementation of public health systems, thus validating Butler’s belief that “unquestionably the line of least resistance to Filipino cooperation was education.”

Randhawa 21 Bibliography And, After All, the Philippines are Only the Stepping-Stone to China. 1900. Illustration. Accessed December 28, 2021. https://visualizingcultures.mit.edu/civilization_and_barbarism/cb_essay03.html.

Anderson, Warwick. Colonial Pathologies: American Tropical Medicine, Race, and Hygiene in the Philippines. N.p.: Duke University Press, 2006.

Arnold, David. "Tropical Governance: Managing Health in Monsoon Asia, 1908-1938." SSRN. https://www.ssrn.com/index.cfm/en/.

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Albert J. Beveridge was a US Senator who heavily advocated for US territorial expansion overseas.

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Randhawa 22 https://www.loc.gov/item/91730271/ Gillett, Mary C. "U.S. ARMY MEDICAL OFFICERS AND PUBLIC HEALTH IN THE PHILIPPINES IN THE WAKE OF THE SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR, 1898-1905."

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Schaller, Michael, Jannette Thomas Greenwood, Andrew Kirk, Sarah J. Purcell, Aaron SheehanDean, and Christina Snyder. "Letters from African American Soldiers." In Reading American Horizons.

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Woodhull, Alfred A., comp. Notes on Military Hygiene for Officers of the Line. A Syllabus of Lectures Formerly Delivered at the U.S. Infantry and Cavalry School. Accessed March 16, 2022. https://play.google.com/books/reader?id=h6uXd6Ov58C&pg=GBS.PP7&hl=en.

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