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TOUGH TALK Democracy vs development

> Buhari picks his A-team > SA’s first woman president? > The mobile data revolution

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Dragon sneezes, Africa catches cold (3061& +&6/& "'3*26& INTERNATIONAL EDITION

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TOUGH TALK Democracy vs developmentt

> Buhari picks his A-team > SA’s first woman president? > The mobile data revolution

CONTENTS

INVESTING CONGO2015

w w w.t he af ricar epor t.com

N ° 75 • N O V E M B E R 2 0 15

THE AFRICA REPORT # 75 - NOVEMBER 2015 Doing Business in Africa

Dragon sneezes, Africa catches cold GROUPE JEUNE AFRIQUE INTERNATIONAL EDITION

Algeria 550 DA • Angola 600 Kwanza • Austria 4.90 € • Belgium 4.90 € • Canada 6.95 CAN$ • Denmark 60 DK • Ethiopia 75 Birr • France 4.90 € Germany 4.90 € • Ghana 7 GH¢ • Italy 4.90 € • Kenya 410 shillings • Liberia $LD 300 • Morocco 50 DH • Netherlands 4.90 € • Nigeria 600 naira Norway 60 NK • Portugal 4.90 € • Sierra Leone LE 12,000 • South Africa 35 rand (tax incl.) • Spain 4.90 € • Switzerland 9.90 FS • Tanzania 9,000 shillings Tunisia 8 DT • Uganda 9,000 shillings • UK £ 4.50 • United States US$ 6.95 • Zambia 30 ZMW • Zimbabwe US$ 4 • CFA Countries 3,500 FCFA

FREE with this issue: an INVESTING guide on Congo-Brazzaville.

Not to be sold separately.

BUSINESS

4 EDITORIAL Fight climate apartheid

64 TAR DEBATES Democracy vs development The Africa Report and the Mo Ibrahim Foundation come together in Accra to debate what should be Africa’s top priority

6 LETTERS 8 THE QUESTION

BRIEFING 10 SIGNPOSTS

66 PROFILE Ghana’s President John Mahama

20

12 INTERNATIONAL 14 PEOPLE 16 OPINION Farai Sevenzo

68 INTERVIEW Mo Ibrahim, chairman of the Mo Ibrahim Foundation

18 CALENDAR

72 TANZANIA Waiting for sweet salvation

FRONTLINE

76 FINANCE Maria Ramos, chief executive, Barclays Africa

20 CHINA/AFRICA When the dragon sneezes, does Africa catch a cold?

China’s slowdown may not spell disaster for Africa and could even help drive forward its economic transformation

78 HANNIBAL DOSSIER 80 TELECOMS Data, future king Data consumption is rising rapidly in Africa, and companies are now focused on a new generation of networks

POLITICS

COVER CREDITS: ADRIÀ FRUITÓS FOR TAR;JACQUES TORREGANO FOR JA; VINCENT FOURNIER/JA

28 SOUTH AFRICA Queen of tomorrow Momentum is growing in support of a female presidential candidate for the governing ANC party in the next election

84 SMARTPHONES Your guide to the new low-cost models 86 EDUCATION Joining the digital race

32 NIGERIA Buhari’s battalions

ART & LIFE

38 OPINION Daniel K. Kalinaki

88 ART Connected: the next generation Hans-Ulrich Obrist and Simon Castets brought their 89plus roadshow to Africa for artists of the digital age

45 CAMEROON Hunger, anger and fear 46 TANZANIA Life after Kikwete 46 RWANDA Third-term hurdles

92 BRIEFS Educating the imagination in Egypt; performance poetry in Namibia

47 ANANSI

COUNTRY FOCUS 49 NIGER The Issoufou effect In the West, Niger’s president is seen as a key ally against Islamist rebels, however his opponents at home say he has delivered little THE AFRICA REPORT

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94 LIFESTYLE Behind the Scenes with Aar Maanta; Lagos Comic Con 96 TRAVEL Frolicking on Kenya’s coast 98 DAY IN THE LIFE Stephen Okello, photographer

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EDITORIAL

THE AFRICA REPORT A Groupe Jeune Afrique publication

BY PATRICK SMITH

57-BIS, RUE D’AUTEUIL – 75016 PARIS – FRANCE TEL: (33) 1 44 30 19 60 – FAX: (33) 1 44 30 19 30 www.theafricareport.com

Fight climate apartheid

A

t the end of this month, all diplomatic roads will lead to Paris for a global summit on the looming catastrophe of drastic and irreversible climate change. On its present course, man-made climate change will destroy the livelihoods of a quarter of the world’s people and hundreds of millions of them will be in Africa.

That being the case, one would expect African leaders to be seizing every opportunity to lobby and organise to ensure that the continent presses its case resolutely. Instead, there is an air of fatalism and despondency. The most impressive interventions on the matter are coming from eminent Africans who do not hold political power – such as Archbishop Desmond Tutu, former United Nations (UN) secretary general Kofi Annan and former president of the African Development Bank Donald Kaberuka.

Nozipho Mxakato-Diseko, South Africa’s delegate to the pre-summit negotiations, complains that the 20-page draft climate change treaty is a form of apartheid that has edited out the concerns of the poorest countries, which are also the most vulnerable to extreme weather and desertification. She is right, as was Tutu when he pointed out that climate change is becoming a euphemism for social injustice. In rich, temperate countries, global warming presages a longer planting season for farmers and pleasant summers for holidaymakers. But in Malawi, for example, it means more frequent droughts and lower crop yields.

So the apartheid analogy suggests a strategy of boycotts, divestment and mass mobilisation will be necessary if developing countries are to press their case.

CHA I R M A N A ND F O UND E R BÉCHIR BEN YAHMED P UB L I S HE R DANIELLE BEN YAHMED publisher@theafricareport.com E X E CUT I VE P UB L I S HE R JÉRÔME MILLAN

Whatever the campaign plan, it must drive down carbon emissions globally and supply funds for a programme of climate adaptation that privileges the worst-hit countries. That, at least, would require a permanent global body – like the UN Environment Programme but with executive powers – to raise and distribute the finance. It will take much more than philanthropy to stop the climate catastrophe.

Demands by the World Bank and International Monetary Fund to establish a global carbon price are an excellent starting point to raise the serThere must ious finance required.

Research by the be stateCarbon Tracker Inibacked tiative shows that incentives the proven fossil fuel reserves owned by for investing governments and inin lowternational oil companies contain five carbon times the quantity economies of carbon that can be burned if we are to keep global warming below 2°C. An agreement on a global tax on carbon dioxide emissions at the Paris summit could start a serious shift to sustainability. Already, institutions and individuals representing $2.6trn have joined the carbon divestment movement, according to Jean Pisani-Ferry, who heads policy planning in the French government.

At the same time, there must be state-backed incentives for investment to finance low-carbon economies and the reversal of the global pattern under which 70% of energy investments are fossil fuel-based. Without skin in the game, this disastrous trend will continue, summit or no summit. ●

edit editorial@theafricareport.com THE AFRICA REPORT

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M A R K E T I NG & D E VE L O P M E NT ALISON KINGSLEY-HALL E D I T O R I N CHI E F PATRICK SMITH M A NA G I NG E D I T O R NICHOLAS NORBROOK editorial@theafricareport.com A S S I S TA NT E D I T O R CHARLIE HAMILTON A S S O CI AT E E D I T O R MARSHALL VAN VALEN E DI T O R I A L A S S I S TA NT OHENEBA AMA NTI OSEI R E G I O NA L E D I T O R S PARSELELO KANTAI (EAST AFRICA) CRYSTAL ORDERSON (SOUTHERN AFRICA) TOLU OGUNLESI (NIGERIA) BILLIE ADWOA MCTERNAN (GHANA) S UB - E D I T O R S ALISON CULLIFORD ERIN CONROY P R O O F R E A D I NG KATHLEEN GRAY A RT DI R E CT O R MARC TRENSON DESIGN VALÉRIE OLIVIER (LEAD DESIGNER) JEAN-PHILIPPE GAUTHIER CHRISTOPHE CHAUVIN (INFOGRAPHICS) P R O D UCT I O N PHILIPPE MARTIN CHRISTIAN KASONGO RE SE AR C H SYLVIE FOURNIER P HO TO GRA PH Y PIERANGÉLIQUE SCHOULER O NL I NE PRINCE OFORI-ATTA SAL ES SANDRA DROUET Tel: (33) 1 44 30 18 07 – Fax: (33) 1 45 20 09 67 sales@theafricareport.com CONTACT FOR SUBSCRIPTION: Webscribe Ltd Unit 8 The Old Silk Mill Brook Street, Tring Hertfordshire HP23 5EF United Kingdom Tel: + 44 (0) 1442 820580 Fax: + 44 (0) 1442 827912 Email: subs@webscribe.co.uk 1 year subscription (10 issues): All destinations: €39 - $60 - £35 TO ORDER ONLINE: www.theafricareportstore.com D I F CO M INTERNATIONAL ADVERTISING AND COMMUNICATION AGENCY 57-BIS, RUE D’AUTEUIL 75016 PARIS - FRANCE Tel: (33) 1 44 30 19-60 – Fax: (33) 1 44 30 18 34 advertising@theafricareport.com A D VE RT I S I NG D I R E CT O R NATHALIE GUILLERY WITH JEANNY CHABON REG IO NA L MA NA G E R S ÉLODIE BOUSSONNIERE IBIJOKE FABORODE PASCALE LALLEMAND PRINTER: SIEP 77 - FRANCE N° DE COMMISSION PARITAIRE : 0720 I 86885 Dépôt légal à parution / ISSN 1950-4810 THE AFRICA REPORT is published by GROUPE JEUNE AFRIQUE

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LETTERS For all your comments, suggestions and queries, please write to: The Editor, The Africa Report, 57bis Rue d’Auteuil - Paris 75016 - France. or editorial@theafricareport.com

MUSIC THAT PROMOTES CHANGE

C

TANZANIA Edward Lowassa will take John Magufuli to the wire in closest elections ever

ETHIOPIA Al Amoudi burnt in Morocco

ongolese music is rich enough to provide Breaking the cycle many continents with a large scale Imagine an Africa where the giants pull in the same direction of surprising sounds. In this landscape, Jupiter is one of its greatest performers as well as a music gatherer [‘I’ve had many lives’, TAR74 Oct 2015]. Exploring the heritages of traditional music from different tribes of the Democratic Republic of Congo and developing them with his eclectic background inherited from his youth in Europe, he plays a vital role in Kinshasa’s scene today. It’s therefore not a surprise that he appears in the recent list of music magazine Songlines as one of “the 50 greatest world music albums of the last five years”. With his energy and lyrics, he is also involved in promoting social and political change. His band Okwess International has been touring Europe all summer, where I had the privilege to meet and interview him in Paris in June. He is an inspiration Melissa Chemam via email for musicians from any continent. w w w.t he af r i ca re po r t .co m

N ° 74 • O C T O B E R 2 0 15

GROUPE JEUNE AFRIQUE

INTERNATIONAL EDITION

Algeria 550 DA • Angola 600 Kwanza • Austria 4.90 € • Belgium 4.90 € • Canada 6.95 CAN$ • Denmark 60 DK • Ethiopia 75 Birr • France 4.90 € Germany 4.90 € • Ghana 7 GH¢ • Italy 4.90 € • Kenya 410 shillings • Liberia $LD 300 • Morocco 50 DH • Netherlands 4.90 € • Nigeria 600 naira Norway 60 NK • Portugal 4.90 € • Sierra Leone LE 12,000 • South Africa 35 rand (tax incl.) • Spain 4.90 € • Switzerland 9.90 FS • Tanzania 9,000 shillings Tunisia 8 DT • Uganda 9,000 shillings • UK £ 4.50 • United States US$ 6.95 • Zambia 30 ZMW • Zimbabwe US$ 4 • CFA Countries 3,500 FCFA

the country’s efforts with other global strategies such as Sustainable Energy for All, which seeks to change the face of not only Kenya but the entire world. Whereas these are sound, great initiatives in the power sector, the focus should and must aim at bringing the huge masses in rural areas to the fore to assure complete electricity access to all Kenyans. Grid expansion and more decentralised systems will come in handy.

Francis Njoka Renewable Energy Trainer and Researcher, Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture and Technology, via email

LITTLE HOPE FOR JOBLESS CAMEROONIAN YOUTH

Cameroon has more than 22 million inhabitants and a working population of about 12 million [‘Hopes on hold’, TAR72 July 2015]. The International Etiquette is one of the most important Labour Office’s 2013 report revealed an aspects to be revived in contemporary Courtenay Carey unemployment and underemployment CEO and Co-Founder, The School of rate of 30% and 75% respectively. These society [‘Etiquette schools: The icing Etiquette, via email figures haven’t changed lately, with the on the cake’, TAR74 Oct 2015]. It is no longer learning about frivolous youth most affected. Barriers include behaviours that separate the haves a poorly designed educational system, from the have-nots. These skills are low-quality jobs, mismatched skills, ENERGY ACCESS CRUCIAL necessary to succeed in life. Etiquette limited access to capital and little or can be defined as the fine art of getting A couple of ambitious yet realisable no entrepreneurship or business training. electricity generation and supply along with people and in fact most The unregulated private sector, itself projects [‘Energy for all in 2020’, TAR73 stagnant, is expected to be the of your success in life is rooted in your Aug/Sept 2015] are on course for ability to get along with people. The magic wand, making Cameroon’s Kenyans. As Kenya fully embraces sooner your children can learn these emergence in 2035 a myth.

Ekuh Edmond Mbong social intelligence skills, the more ready the new digital era, access to electricity Founder and Executive Director, Eddy is paramount. These projects among they are to achieve greater success in Hope Foundation, via email life. Arm your children, and yourselves others in the pipeline collectively align

ETIQUETTE: THE FINE ART OF SOCIAL INTERACTIONS

for that matter, with these skills to help springboard to success much quicker.

After all, isn’t that what we are trying to do, give them a step up in life?

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8

THE QUESTION To respond to this month’s Question, visit www.theafricareport.com. You can also find The Africa Report on Facebook and on Twitter @theafricareport. Comments, suggestions and queries can also be sent to: The Editor, The Africa Report, 57bis Rue d’Auteuil, Paris 75016, France or editorial@theafricareport.com

The Paris talks about a new global climate deal will start up in late November.

The 2009 Copenhagen summit yielded little to help Africa adapt to changing weather patterns, so governments may have to look for new strategies.

Should Africa do the economic heavy lifting on climate change?

Yes JAMES WAN Editor, African Arguments, Royal African Society

To be clear, this Yes answer begins with a big No. No, Africa − which contributes just 2.3% of the world’s greenhouse emissions despite accounting for 15% of its population − should not be expected to bear the burden of combating climate change. One of the particularly cruel ironies of climate change is that, to a large extent, it is Africa’s resources (human and material) that have driven industrialisation elsewhere in the world at the expense of the continent − and this history, which still shapes our present, needs to be remembered. However, yes, Africa can and should do the heavy lifting of using these funds in ambitious and transformative ways. Africa, for example, has unbelievable potential when it comes to clean energy such as solar, wind and hydropower. And while initial costs may be relatively high, they are coming down rapidly and the power generated by these methods will get cheaper and cheaper over time and never run out. Africa cannot stop climate change itself − the whole international system of exploiting the earth’s riches for never-ending expansion must be addressed − but it does have the potential to leapfrog and then lead the world by example when it comes to generating clean energy, protecting ecosystems and developing sustainable systems. ●

No EDITH OFWONAADERA Senior Programme Specialist, International Development Research Centre

Africa is the most vulnerable continent to the impacts of climate change yet it contributes less than 3% of the world’s total carbon emissions. Past estimates put adaptation costs for Africa at between $7bn and $15bn annually with a projection of $50bn per year by 2050. Yet Africa is the worst equipped to confront the challenges these impacts pose for people, communities and livelihoods. Impacts are felt through changing rainfall patterns, reduced crop productivity and flooding. Later this year, world leaders are expected to decide on an international climate change agreement in Paris at COP21. Africa will be negotiating with one common voice, pushing for interventions that help vulnerable communities better adapt to climate change. Africa should not be required to disproportionately take on the economic heavy lifting on climate change. Creative climate solutions and innovations are needed for Africa that build on existing local knowledge and practices, capture the voices of key actors including women and youth and can be brought to scale. The International Development Research Centre has been a part of efforts to find these creative solutions by supporting seven Adaptation Research Centres spread across Africa and led by Africans. Ultimately, Africa needs simplified access to climate financing, enhanced capacity and widespread adoption of low-cost innovations to help secure lives and livelihoods. ●

YOUR VIEWS:

It’s absolutely imperative; Africa needs to get involved!

Ngia Ndeh I believe that the industrialists that created the imbalance should be responsible for the cleanup. Making the continent responsible for factors they do not control is punishing the child for the negligence of the adult.

Michael Takeanumber Nicklette What Africa really needs to do is charge these multinational companies which damage our environment and tax them as heavily as they deserve.

Khalil Toure Combating climate change should be a priority for the whole world. Africa risks suffering most if we fail to stop climate change, but it’s not fair that they should have to pay for a problem caused by the industrialised world.

Steven Ellis Africa is a rapidly industrialising continent and is likely to become a large contributor to greenhouse gas emissions in the future unless we work together to combat climate change.

The West should help mitigate some of the cost of Africa’s switch to less environmentally damaging growth strategies such as green energy generation instead of using fossil fuels.

Mitya Underwood

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purpose beyond power Pursue innovation and entrepreneurial engagement for the common good. Our multidisciplinary graduate programs in Public Policy prepare future changemakers to deal with global issues.

Scholarships available for students from Africa. www.spp.ceu.edu | sppadmissions@ceu.edu

Ibrahim Leadership Fellowships Programme Established in 2010, the Ibrahim Leadership Fellowships form a selective programme designed to identify and support potential African leaders of the future.

Invitation for Applications The Fellowships offer the opportunity to work in the executive offices of either the African Development Bank (Abidjan), the UN Economic Commission for Africa (Addis Ababa) or the International Trade Centre (Geneva) with an annual stipend of $100,000.

The three organisations will each host an Ibrahim Leadership Fellow for a 12-month period supporting senior management.

The Fellowships are open to young professionals, mid-career and new executives up to the age of 40 or 45 for women with children. The Fellows will be nationals of an African country with 7-10 years of relevant work experience and a Master’s Degree.

Closing date for applications is Monday 9 November 2015 For more information about the Fellowship programme, eligibility and application process please visit: www.moibrahimfoundation.org/fellowships

BRIEFING

SIGNPOSTS

SOUTH AFRICA The National Union

SOMALIA An Egyptian cargo plane delivering

of Metalworkers Ied anti-corruption protests against the government on 14 October.

supplies to AMISOM peacekeepers crash-landed near Mogadishu on 13 October without fatalities.

?

Did Buhari go too far in his comments?

10%

11%

O

ne thing you can trust Rwanda’s administrators to be is well organised. As the world slowly plans to tax carbon and give polluters the chance to buy credits from nonpolluting countries to put money into clean power and forestry management, Rwanda has carefully pushed its projects forwards. The latest wheeze, promoting the use of efficient fluorescent light bulbs, saves the country 64GWh per year and earned it money under the UN Clean Development Mechanism (CDM). But it’s Asian countries – particularly China and India – that have best hoovered up the CDM cash over the past few years, with more than 80% of projects sited in Asia.

43% No

Yes

stirred up crowds before and after the 11 October polls, where Alpha Condé won another term.

The African challenge

Are Nigerians unruly, as President Buhari claims?

25%

GUINEA Opposition leader Cellou Dalein Diallo

CLIMATE

In conjunction with GeoPoll, The Africa Report asked 100 Nigerians two questions:

Don’t know

GeoPoll is the world’s largest mobile surveying platform and sample provider in emerging markets, enabling companies and organisations to gather quick, accurate and in-depth insights. To learn more or to sign up to receive surveys visit Research.GeoPoll.com

The upcoming Paris climate conference represents another chance for African countries to tilt the scales towards the continent. The conference, which will run from 30 November to 11 December, will bring together representatives from more than 190 countries to try and hammer out a deal to combat climate change. But, as was highlighted by the 2009 Copenhagen conference, trying to draw such a large number of governments into signing an agreement is not easy. Africa is set to be one of the hardest-hit continents in terms of climate change. Who, apart from Rwanda, will take advantage of the funds the world will make available in the war on weather? ●

TELECOMS GETTING SMARTER IN LEAPS AND BOUNDS The number of smartphones in subSaharan Africa is set to soar by 2020, with the uptake of data services also set to rise (see page 80).

2020

1m6illi0on

540

million

NICOLAS MESSYASZ/SIPA

2015

SOURCE: GSMA

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BRIEFING

DRC The country famous for its snappy dressing

RWANDA The Rwandan/Belgian singer Stromae,

held its fourth Fashion Week in October showing men’s and women’s creations in Kinshasa.

whose father was killed during the 1994 genocide, performed in Kigali at the end of his African tour.

ZIMBABWE A larger-than-life puppet shook hands with kids at the Harare International Carnival on 10 October.

GIANLUIGI GUERCIA/AFP; FEISAL OMAR/REUTERS; LUC GNAGO/REUTERS; EDUARDO SOTERAS/AFP; TONY KARUMBA/AFP; TSVANGIRAYI MUKWAZHI/AP/SIPA

“It’s unimaginable

Gwede Mantashe, secreta ary general of the African National Congress, responding to claims that Jacob Zuma a may attempt to remain head of the parrty beyond 2017

WAGES THE POOREST ARE NOT THE MEANEST PAYERS

Algeria 531-1,003

country 000-000 Minimum Mean

SOURCE: WORLD BANK, ILO, WDI

Senegal 148-983

Chad 239-371

Burkina Faso 138-210 Ghana 128-469

Ethiopia 77-175 Gabon Rep. of Congo 418-2,356 145-526

Low-income economies Lower-middle-income economies Upper-middle-income economies

Uganda 6-464

DRC 68-53

Monthly minimum wage estimates in sub-Saharan Africa in US$

Burundi 7-256

Zambia 98-252

Kenya 331-979 Tanzania 149-624

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In late September the Nigerian N military rescued 241 women and children held in two Boko Haram m camps in the villages off Jangurori and Bulatori, as a the army intensified its crac ckdown on the radical Islamist group. g SOURCE: NIGERIAN ARMED FORCES

ZIMBABWE DEEPER IN DEBT

GHANA RED-FACED JUSTICE

The finance ministry in Harare will seek to negotiate new loans from the World Bank, International Monetary Fund and African Development Bank to help cover the $1.8bn it owes in arrears.

$1.8bn

The Ghanaian government suspended seven high court judges after investigative journalist Anas Aremeyaw Anas released film footage he claims shows judges accepting bribes.

An additional 22 junior judges have also been suspended as part of the probe triggered by the film.

SOURCE: MOFED

SOURCE: REUTERS

Mauritius 218-1,424

DIAMONDS C.A.R. COMPLIES

Malawi 49-368

While many African countries have implemented minimum wages for Botswana workers, the reliance on the informal 148-1,287 sector means that few actually Swaziland 94-815 benefit. However, new analysis Lesotho suggests that some low-income 242-377 countries set higher average minimum South Africa wages than middle-income economies 517-1,251 relative to their average domestic wages.

THE AFRICA REPORT

LIU WEIBING/CHINE NOUVELLE/SIPA

that President Zuma will stay for a third term”

NIGERIA ARMY INROAD

Madagascar 128-183

SOURCE: AMNESTY

Millions of dollars worth of diamonds may soon hit the market: restrictions banning exports from the Central African Republic are likely to be lifted as the government looks set to comply with conditions laid down by diamond trade body The Kimberley Process. However, Amnesty International fears some stocks include conflict or “blood diamonds”.

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BRIEFING

INTERNATIONAL 1

6 7

1 3

2 5

8

4 9

TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP

40%

Two-fifths of the world’s trade takes place between the countries that signed the long-debated Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement on 5 October. The free-trade deal between the US and 11 other governments will significantly red duce tariffs and other trade barriers.

4

BRAZIL

An oily mess

ALEXANDER KOTS/AP/SIPA

In mid-October, pressure mounted on Brazil’s powerful speaker of the lower house, Eduardo Cunha, after 50 members of parliament from across the political divide demanded he resign amid an ongoing corruption probe into the troubled state oil firm Petrobras. Cunha denied claims that he accepted millions of dollars in bribes. He occupies a crucial political position as he can either block or fast-track opposition party attempts to impeach President Dilma Rousseff.

Auditors ruled she broke the law in managing the 2014 budget, and Rousseff in turn accused the opposition of “coupmongering” for trying to impeach her. ●

2

SYRIA

The war colds up

Syria’s tangled conflict became more complex still when Russian military jets joined an already crowded sky on 30 September alongside NATO and Syrian regime aircraft. This ratcheted up regional tensions, with Moscow’s strikes helping to prop up beleaguered President Bashar al-Assad. On the other hand, the US has been arming and training rebels fighting the Syrian regime.

Moscow claims its air strikes are targeting Islamic State militants, but the US military says most bombs have fallen in rebel-controlled areas.

Backed by Russian aircraft, Syrian regime forces mounted fresh assaults on rebels amid reports that Russian volunteers who had fought in Ukraine were heading to Syria. The attacks also angered Turkey after Russian fighter jets entered its airspace without permission. Pentagon spokesman Colonel Steve Warren branded the Russian air strikes as “reckless and indiscriminate”, while Republican senator John McCain deemed Syria a “proxy war” for the US and Russia. Chinese state-run newspaper the People’s Daily accused Russia and the US of replaying their Cold War rivalry and urged Washington and Moscow to push for peace rather than escalating the conflict. ● 3

UNITED STATES

Don’t drill, baby, don’t drill

5

ISRAEL/PALESTINE

“Israel

has chosen occupation over peace.”

TAL COHEN/AFP

12

Jailed Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti wrote an article from his prison cell in Israel for British newspaper The Guardian to demand Palestinian freedom.

Alaska’s governor Bill Walker raised eyebrows in October by calling for fresh oil drilling in the protected Arctic National Wildlife Refuge to raise funds to combat the impact of climate change. With its glaciers and lowlying islands, the northern-most state of the US faces the greatest threat from rising seas. However, it is heavily reliant on the taxation of oil and gas, which accounts for almost 90% of state revenue. With the recent drop in oil prices it has fewer funds to protect and relocate affected populations. ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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13

AFRICAN ANGLES EUROPEAN UNION

Smuggling task force Through the newly created Operation Sophia, EU navy officials will now stop, search and divert boats suspected of carrying illegal migrants in a new approach to combat people-smuggling. The new strategy seeks to disrupt the traffickers’ “business model”, said one naval commander, by targeting and detaining smugglers. Some 590,000 migrants and refugees crossed the Mediterranean between January and October 2015, with more than 3,000 dying at sea according to figures from the International Organization for Migration. ●

7

GERMANY

German car-maker Volkswagen said it would cut its investment budget by $1bn a year as it sought to recover from midSeptember revelations that its diesel cars cheated on their United States emissions tests. The company’s chief executive and chairman resigned over the scandal, and its share price has lost around 20% of its value.

Volkswagen will now refocus on hybrid and electric vehicles.

8

MYANMAR

Landslides and elections The government insists elections planned for 8 November will proceed despite flash flooding and landslides that have caused havoc in the country’s east for several months. In the first openly contested poll in a quarter of a century the National League for Democracy (NLD) will challenge the ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party, which is backed by the military regime. NLD leader Aung San Suu Kyi told supporters she will lead the government if her party wins despite being constitutionally forbidden from being president. ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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NOOSHIN ERFANI-GHADIMI 9

Project coordinator, Wits Justice Project

Fear and shooting In both South Africa and the US, gun violence kills tens of thousands of citizens each year. Why?

M

y mother lives about four hours away from Umpqua Community College in Oregon, the most recent site of a mass shooting in the US. A 26-yearold man killed nine and wounded nine more. My mother called me that night, sounding sad. We talked about how awful it was, how it made no sense and how it seemed as if nothing had been learnt from all those other tragic deaths – a conversation that was no doubt endlessly echoed by other families.

According to Britain’s The Guardian newspaper, there have been 1,000 mass shootings in the US since the Sandy Hook Elementary School massacre in 2012. Where I live, too, in South Africa, the number of violent deaths is startling: according to the non-governmental organisation Africa Check, every day 49 people are killed and 48 people are victims of attempted murder.

It strikes me that the reason neither country is able to control gun violence effectively is fear. Could fear be the reason that anyone still defends the US constitution’s second amendment and the right to bear arms as part of a well-organised militia? Self-defence seems to be the stock response, but do they really need semi-automatic weapons to keep themselves safe?

And my biggest question is: are they really that unsafe?

When I first moved to Johannesburg, I refused to drive long distances at night because of all the horror hijacking stories. I’ve learnt to adapt and have changed my tactics.

I love living in ‘Jozi’ and enjoy its vibrant nightlife, but I always lock my doors, I never lower the window and I plan my routes to avoid hijacking ‘hotspots’. It may not all be necessary, but it’s a habit I haven’t broken yet.

My job at the Wits Justice Project gives me a certain insight into the inner workings of the beleaguered criminal justice system and the country’s flaw of violence. It has also taught me that the reasons someone commits a crime are complex, and that rule of law is most successfully upheld in countries where the criminal justice system is predictable.

South Africa enacted stricter gun controls in 2004, and they seem to have had some effect, initially reducing gun crime by more than 21%. But illegal firearms and non-gun murders and attacks still account for too many deaths.

In what is perhaps the most well-publicised incident of gun violence in South Africa, former Olympian Oscar Pistorius cited fear as the excuse for shooting his girlfriend Reeva Steenkamp through the bathroom door. In her analysis of the crime, best-selling author Margie Orford explained it best, reminding us that the violent histories of both countries continue to shape their tragedies today: “In the pernicious narrative of ‘us’ against ‘them’, these dangerous strangers, these ‘intruders’ in the land of their own birth, had to be obliterated. In that unyielding construct of threat and danger, of your death or mine, there is no middle ground, no compromise and no space for thought or language.” ●

MATT BROWN

6

BRIEFING

PEOPLE

FROM TRADE UNION MILITANCY 1947 Born in Sbikha 1973 Joined the UGTT 2006 Became a member of the UGTT executive committee 2011 Elected as the secretary general of the UGTT NICOLAS FAUQUÈ/CORBIS

14

2014 His national dialogue initiative leads to elections in October 2015 Wins Nobel prize

SPOTLIGHT

union in 2012, bypassing government to help save the country’s economy.

However, his boldest move was the national dialogue initiative. The troika of parties that led the country after Taking no side politically, this skilled trade union the 2011 election of the Assemblée negotiator has become one of the most influential Constituante – Ennahda, the Congrès pour la République and Ettakatol – men in Tunisia. His role since the Arab Spring won were bogged down in disagreements him and three others this year’s Nobel peace prize about the shape of the proposed new constitution. In October 2012, he invited political parties, civil society ON 9 OCTOBER, Tunisian labour At the head of the powerful labour organisations and the government leader Houcine Abassi and three other union, which draws its support from to a general consultation. This first civil society figures took this year’s its historical role in the struggle for attempt failed, and politicised militias Nobel Peace Prize for their role in independence and the building of a attacked UGTT members. deepening democracy and preventing modern Tunisia, this native of Kairouan After the assassination of leftist conflict after the 2011 downfall has faced four governments in three leaders Chokri Belaïd and Mohamed of President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali. years and has forced them to listen Brahmi in 2013, Tunisia was on the Since his election in December to workers’ demands. A dyed-in-thebrink of civil war. This forced the troika 2011 as secretary general of the Union wool militant trade unionist who has to agree to a roadmap that would bring Générale Tunisienne du Travail spent 30 years rehabilitating the image the transitional period to an end.

(UGTT), Abassi has been one of of the union, Abassi brought about Abassi joined forces with three others: the most influential men in Tunisia. a rapprochement with the employers’ Wided Bouchamaoui, president of

Houcine Abassi

QUOTES

“Long term, I believe in Africa for commodities.”

“South Africa still holds the flag of human rights.”

Ivan Glasenberg, chief executive of Glencore, argues that African natural resources will thrive after the current downturn, adding that electricity is the key to African growth.

Obed Bapela, South Africa’s deputy minister in the presidency, defended the government’s plans to quit the International Criminal Court in October.

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Good times UZO ADUBA

GILBERT DIENDERE The general who led the failed coup in Burkina Faso in September has been formally charged with 11 offences, including crimes against humanity, meaning he may face the death penalty.

The NigerianAmerican actress won an Emmy award on 20 September for outstanding supporting actress in the Netflix television programme Orange is the New Black.

Last year, she won an Emmy for outstanding guest actress.

DIEZANI ALISON-MADUEKE

In late September the Al Jazeera journalist and his colleague Baher Mohamed were freed from prison in Egypt following a presidential pardon. The men were held for nearly two years and convicted of broadcasting false news.

ISSA HAYATOU The Cameroonian president of the Confederation of African Football took over as temporary head of football’s governing body FIFA on 8 October after the group’s ethics committee suspended Sepp Blatter for 90 days pending a corruption probe.

THEO RENAUT/AP/SIPA; PAT SULLIVAN/AP/SIPA; BEN CURTIS/AP/SIPA

MOHAMED FAHMY JORDAN STRAUSS/AP/SIPA; AMR NABIL/AP/SIPA; JACQUES TORREGANO FOR JA

the Union Tunisienne de l’Industrie, du Commerce et de l’Artisanat; Abdessatar Ben Moussa, president of the Ligue Tunisienne des Droits de l’Homme; and Mohamed Fadhel Mahfoudh, president of the Tunisian bar association. Together, they led discussions and ensured that the decisions taken were acted on up to the general elections in October 2014.

Despite the resistance of the Islamists of Ennahda, these civil society organisations forced the troika to step down, which led to the appointment of a government of technocrats, a new constitution and general elections. It was this peaceful manoeuvre, known as the national dialogue, that won the Nobel prize.

The accolade has not ruffled Abassi, 69, a taciturn man of strongly held opinions. He has not lost sight of his role as a trade unionist and continues to stick firmly to his principles in protracted negotiations with the government of prime minister Habib Essid. Those close to Abassi say that he wants the national dialogue to become a permanent body, which would give the UGTT a firm political role; others insist he has no other objective in sight than the union’s congress, scheduled for late 2016. In any case, Abassi, virtually unknown here just four years ago, has become a man to be reckoned with. ● Frida Dahmani

Nigeria’s former oil minister is being investigated for money laundering by police from Britain’s International Corruption Unit.

She was arrested in late September in London.

BUYELEKHAYA DALINDYEBO South Africa’s Thembu king was due to start a 12-year prison sentence after his appeal against his conviction for assault, arson and kidnapping was thrown out on 1 October.

Bad times

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OPINION

Farai Sevenzo Filmmaker and broadcaster

Vote and vote again but forget the term limits

B

ack in January, 2015 was being hyped as the year of African elections – not because of any great democratic dispensation but because of the neatness of the five in 2015 coinciding with the end of one term of office or another. African elections kept coming, and Guinea, Tanzania and Côte d’Ivoire all went to the ballot box in October. It is a fine opportunity for the commentariat, the rights folks, secretaries of state and billionaire philanthropists to make their pronouncements on the current state of African democracy and, of course, governance.

Away from the polls, Mo Ibrahim’s Index of African Governance, as we read in this issue, looks at changes in security, economic opportunity, human rights and development. It suggests “recent progress in other key areas on the continent has either stalled or reversed” over the past four years. We learn from the index that Côte d’Ivoire has made the most improvements since the violence of 2010, and even President Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe has shown better governance.

It is difficult to tally such measures with the picture on the ground, where thousands of civil servant jobs have been cut and the economy is only functioning for the very few at the top. Unemployment is at 80%.

People are struggling with electricity blackouts daily and are being governed mainly by the politics of the stomach. It brings about a kind of mass apathy towards the democratic process, and elections in Zimbabwe have their own particular story to tell.

Earlier in October, US secretary of state John Kerry commented on this year of elections and observed: “For decades, poverty, famine, war and authoritarian leadership have held back an era of African prosperity and stability. In Africa, as elsewhere, there is a deep hunger for governments that are legitimate, honest and effective […]. Progress in democratic governance will lead to gains in every other field about which we are concerned.”

In truth, the year of the African vote that is 2015 has been delivering more of the same. An attempted coup against Prime Minister Thomas Thabane, which had threatened to upset the peace of the mountain kingdom of Lesotho, resulted in February’s snap elections.

And all over the continent, outrageous strains against the democratic process were evident in Burkina Faso, Burundi, the Republic of Congo and now Rwanda.

Violent protests over Burundi’s President Pierre Nkurunziza’s bid for a third term made no difference as he took nearly 70% of the vote. For the first time, the African Union stood down its election observers in protest, and the European Union made noises about travel bans and asset freezes on officials accused of ordering excessive force against protesters.

The similarity is uncanny between the football official and, say, Denis Sassou Nguesso “The point is, I don’t understand why people want to stay so long,” US President Barack Obama told the African Union in a speech earlier in the year, “especially when they’ve got a lot of money […]. When a leader tries to change the rules in the middle of the game just to stay in office, it risks instability and strife.”

Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame and, indeed, the Republic of Congo’s President Denis Sassou Nguesso havesimplyemployedtheflexiblenatureofdemocracy by announcing they will be taking their decisions to a referendum and declaring – without a tongue in either cheek – that itis the people who will decide on whether they should stay on for unconstitutional third terms.

The year of the African vote has been abandoned in South Sudan, where Africa’s youngest country postponed her first election since independence because of continuing violence and the full return to hostilities that began in December 2013. In Ouagadougou, Blaise Compaoré left power only to return in the shadow of a coup staged by his former presidential guard, whose leader in turn is now in custody.

On 14 October it was 16 years since Tanzania’s great Julius Nyerere shuffled off this mortal coil. Tanzania’s ruling party, Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM) – the party he founded – has been lighting the way for the past five decades. Even as President Jakaya Kikwete steps down, the competition amongst his wouldbe successors is an in-house affair. It is the kind of democracy that is most regular and it is difficult to see how any other way would be acceptable to African THE AFRICA REPORT

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governments.

Over on the islands of Zanzibar, a storm had been brewing over biometric voter registration. In every election, Zanzibar threatened Tanzania’s governance reputation with simmering calls for the full independence taken away in the 1964 union with Tanganyika. The Civic United Front has been extending its influence beyond Pemba to Stonetown, and the massive differences in religion – Zanzibar is staunchly Islamic – and attitudes threatened a rejection of the CCM’s control over the isles’ future.

It is impossible to fit the democracy cloak on the African body politic and not find it wanting and ill-fitting. States are evolving into entities that serve their citizens, but only after they have served their parties and political leaders. Good governance is seen as the absence of dissenting voices, the steady balance of the leadership status quo. Truer measures of development are those states where jails are empty of the opposition rabbles and the police are catching criminals, not divergent politicians.

Butwhystopatthepoliticians?EntireAfricanboards of business and government commercial concerns are being run by the same men – it is usually men – who have run them for years. It is the African way.

Issa Hayatou, the Cameroonian at the head of the THE AFRICA REPORT

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Confederation of African Football (CAF), now finds himself in charge of world football’s governing body, FIFA, for the next 90 days, following Sepp Blatter’s suspension amid a corruption investigation. Earlier this year, Hayatou, the son of a sultan from Garoua, simply scrapped the rules on age limits, which had required CAF officials to step down once they reached 70. Hayatou is 69; he is now eligible to stand again as the head of the CAF when his current term ends in 2017. Or he may run for Blatter’s job as head of FIFA. T h e s i m i l a r i ties in governing style of a football official and, for instance, Denis Sassou Nguesso, the president of Congo Brazzaville, are uncanny. Sassou Nguesso’s referendum proposals would allow candidates aged over 70 to run for office and also scrap the two-term limit.

Hayatou did not marshal tens of thousands to march on his behalf in a state capital like Brazzaville, but it is essentially the same grip on power across Africa’s leadership class. Democracy and the rules of governance are merely tools of the game, to be forged and bent in one direction or another – not religious tablets written in stone and brought down from Mount Sinai.

Lessons in democracy and governance, in ending poverty and eradicating malaria, are touted widely and loudly by Western capitals and rich philanthropists. But the real difference is always the African citizens themselves who, in this year of the vote, have often paid with their blood on the streets. ●

17

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CALENDAR

FILM AFRICA 30 Oct. – 8 Nov. LONDON | UK Ten days of African cinema in London. filmafrica.org.uk

POWER NIGERIA 3-5 November LAGOS | NIGERIA power-nigeria.com NTH

AFRAA SUMMIT 8-10 November BRAZZAVILLE | CONGO African Airlines Association CEO forum. aga47.afraa.org

AFRICA PPP 9-11 November LONDON | UK The 7th Africa Public Private Partnership conference for infrastructure development. africappp.com

G20 LEADERS’ SUMMIT 2015 15-16 November ANTALYA | TURKEY Annual meeting of Finance ministers and central bank governors. g20.org M

WORLD OIL & GAS WEEK 16-18 November LONDON | UK oilandgascouncil.com

AFRICACOM 17-19 November CAPE TOWN | SOUTH AFRICA africa.comworldseries.com

INTERMODAL AFRICA 25-26 November

President John Mahama will introduce the debate

LAGOS | NIGERIA Container ports and terminal operations conference. transportevents.com

STEPHANIE PILICK/DPA/CORBIS

18

20 November

SINO-AFRICAN ENTREPRENEURS SUMMIT 26-27 November MARRAKECH | MOROCCO First meeting of its kind, at a key moment in Sino-African relations (see page 20). saes2015.com

ACCRA | GHANA Do African countries need benevolent dictators to drive through reforms, build infrastructure and get national economic growth off to a flying start? Or is the turn towards state capitalism a dead end that has been tried before and will fail again, ruining lives in the process? On November 20 in Accra, The Africa Report, in conjunction with the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, will host Africa’s liveliest minds in a special debate that asks which should come first – bread or justice, democracy or development?

Come and join the debate and make your voice heard.

Tickets on sale now at theafricareport.com/tar-debates.html

BRAZIL-AFRICA FORUM 19-20 November RECIFE | BRAZIL forumbrazilafrica.com

INVESTIR AU CONGO BRAZZAVILLE 19-21 November BRAZZAVILLE | CONGO icb2015.com

MO IBRAHIM ANNUAL GOVERNANCE WEEKEND 20-22 November ACCRA | GHANA After the 2014 edition due to be held in Ghana was postponed because of the Ebola outbreak, the event takes place this year in Accra

and includes a joint one-day debate with The Africa Report (see box). moibrahimfoundation.org

WEST AFRICAN POWER INDUSTRY CONVENTION 24-25 November LAGOS | NIGERIA wapicforum.com

UN CLIMATE CHANGE CONFERENCE 30 Nov. – 11 Dec. PARIS | FRANCE The stakes are high: will world leaders leave Paris with a universal, legally binding agreement on climate change? unfccc.int

GLOBAL AFRICAN INVESTMENT SUMMIT 1-2 December LONDON | UK tgais.com

WEST AFRICA ENERGY ASSEMBLY 1-2 December LAGOS | NIGERIA oilandgascouncil.com

24-25 November GLOBAL First online job fair organised

by Paris-based weekly Groupe Jeune Afrique. africacareersforum.com

SME AND FRANCHISING NIGERIA 2-3 December LAGOS | NIGERIA smeandfranchisingnigeria.com

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debates Tough talk on development

A UNIQUE PLATFORM TO ENGAGE ON AFRICA’S DEVELOPMENT

ACCRA, GHANA 20 November 2015 th

THE PLACE TO BE FOR AFRICAN LEADERS

theafricareport.com/tar-debates.html How to attend: Alison Kingsley-Hall, a.kingsley-hall@theafricareport.com To become a sponsor: advertising@theafricareport.com

20

FRONTLINE

When the drag does Africa catch

CHINA/AFRICA

a cold?

While commodity exporters will feel the pinch from China’s recent economic slowdown, the price collapse may help with the continent’s much-needed economic transformation

ILLUSTRATION BY ADRIÀ FRUITÓS FOR TAR

agon sneezes,

22

FRONTLINE | CHINA /AFRICA

By Nicholas Norbrook

I

t has no precedent in human history: the emergence of hundreds of millions of people into industrial-era jobs and living standards. It was the result of 40 years of 10% growth since the death of Mao Zedong in 1976. The last time a continent-sized country industrialised this successfully – the United States – the number of people involved was in the tens of millions.

Inevitably, a tectonic movement of this size caused shakes, tremors and a tsunami of investment into commodities to keep pace with the Chinese dragon’s appetite. A good chunk of this money has helped transform African economies over the past decade. But, like all good stories, the China resource bonanza has a twist, and it is worthy of Oscar Wilde.

In Wilde’s The Picture of Dorian Gray, the protagonist stays blemish-free while, hidden away in an attic, his true likeness grows disfigured. Certain African countries may suffer the same affliction: happily surfing on a decade of sky-high commodity prices while not getting down to the hard work of transforming their economies. These are the countries who will catch a cold when China sneezes. In the euphemism of International Monetary Fund (IMF) boss Christine Lagarde: “We are concerned about their capacity to buffer shocks.”

THERE WILL BE WINNERS

China’s slowdown may be devastating to Africa’s commodity exporters – like South Africa, Zambia and the Congos – but it is prompting countries such as Ethiopia, Morocco and Rwanda to take economic restructuring seriously. Those African governments that back their farmers and map out credible industrial policies could benefit hugely as China rebalances from investment to consumption.

When China’s stock exchanges swooned earlier this year, a veil fell. The dragon, believed to be hale and hearty a few years ago, was spluttering. Growth rates have fallen for the past five years, and the official 7% rate target for this year might not be met. Given its level of development – Chinese gross domestic product (GDP) per capita is $7,500 – the government’s debt levels are uncharacteristically high and the population is uncharacteristically old.

But China remains the world’s secondlargest economy, with its GDP of more

than $18trn. Even 3% growth would increase China’s GDP by $540bn per year, the equivalent of adding a Nigeria to its national production. Former African Development Bank (AfDB) president Donald Kaberuka snorts: “I don’t believe the doom and gloom narrative over China and commodities.”

Wages in China are still rising, and the current economic malaise may even have its upside. Jule Treneer of investment fund Madrona Partners suggests that Beijing’s planners actually welcome the slower growth rate. They may be “looking to limit investment growth in the cash-guzzling state-owned enterprises and inject some market discipline”.

But it is unlikely that China’s growth will ever be so commodity-intensive again. As a result, the bankers at Goldman Sachs slashed their copper price forecast by 44% through 2018. The price of oil, which has defied gravity for so long, seems irrevocably dampened by Iran’s re-entry into the market, while any upward movement of the price is likely to reignite the US shale oil sector, another price dampener.

It would be wrong, according to commodities expert Philippe Chalmin, to blame only China for the slide in prices: “We are seeing the inevitable down slopes of a natural cycle, one that we have already seen in the 1970s and the end of the 1990s – a period of high prices that brings a large investment in production as operators try to snatch market share and then oversupply.” He predicts stagnant or descending prices for most commodities until 2020.

Hopes that Africa’s new economic and diplomatic partners – including

Turkey, Brazil and India – can plug the gap between demand and current levels of supply seems unlikely in the short term. For the first time in three decades, emerging markets are set to record net outflows of capital, some $541bn, in 2015. The IMF warns that emerging markets will experience a round of corporate defaults that will drag down their economies for years.

There are a number of African countries for whom falling commodity prices have become a real threat. In the frontline are the commodity exporters who sell to China (see below). Glencore, an Africa-focused mining giant, has halted production at two copper mines in

Companies and the commodity crunch Oando

$65

The Nigerian oil company said in March that it had hedged the oil price at around $95 a barrel. Since then, it has reset its hedge to $65 a barrel, avoiding the pain felt by many local oil companies that had purchased assets from oil majors.

Eni

$1.5bn

The Italian oil major wants to sell a 15% stake in Area 4 in Mozambique’s Rovuma gas field to China Huadian.

With today’s prices, it would be worth just $1.5bn, say analysts.

Two years ago, the company sold 20% of the same field for $4.2bn.

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FRONTLINE

ILLUSTRATION BY ADRIÀ FRUITÓS FOR TAR

Some nations have built financial, educational, retail and health sectors with commodity revenues

Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Currencies supported by commodities are under strain. “Already we’ve seen the Zambian kwacha weaken rapidly as a result of the falling copper prices because it relies extensively on copper as its source for foreign exchange,” says Gaimin Nonyane, an analyst at Ecobank.

There are over 80m labour-intensive jobs from China that Africa can capture OCP

Angola devalued the kwanza twice this year by a total of 22%, and, along with Nigeria, has restricted imports in a bid to save foreign exchange reserves.

The ripple effects of such moves are tough on everyone, with inflation rocketing. Governments are not paying contractors, so subcontractors are not getting paidandsoondowntheline.Thedirector of a state-backed company linked to Angola’s President José Eduardo dos Santos tells The Africa Report that even that company has been having trouble finding dollars, an ironic state of affairs. The Dorian Gray-style pact struck by Angola’s leadership with shadowy Beijing-linked groups such as Sam Pa’s 88 Queensway

Anglo American

$416.5m 35% The world’s leading phosphates producer, Morocco’s OCP, announced a 66% jump in first-half profits for 2015 to $416.5m. An increasing global appetite for meat – 9kg of grain is required for every 1kg of beef – should keep OCP in business for some time.

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The South African mining giant is desperate to rein in spending.

It announced in July that it is looking to lose 35% of its 151,000 employees by 2017. Its diamond, platinum and coal projects have been hit particularly hard.

Group is a caricature of the negatives associated with the China-Africa relationship. This will be among the issues discussed at FOCAC (see below).

In Luanda, the wealthy are putting their money into property while the less wealthy are buying up tins of tuna – whatever works best to shield against inflation. In Ghana, where the cedi is down 20% from January, the chief executive of Union Savings and Loans, Philip Oti-Mensah, has advised small business clients to amalgamate purchases into one large sum rather than pay foreign suppliers monthly.

SPACE AT THE BOTTOM

If the drop in commodity prices marks China’s shift away from investment and towards consumption-led growth, with a consequent acceleration of wage inflation, this might leave space free at the bottom rungs of the manufacturing ladder.

“There are over 80 million labour-intensive jobs from China thatAfrica can try to capture,” says Helen Hai, who helped Chinese shoe manufacturer Huajian to set up operations in Ethiopia and is now advising Chinese companies on African investment. At the latest instalment of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in December in Cape Town, these issues, alongside industrialisation and helping Africa add value to its raw materials, will be on the table.

But the leap to manufacturing jobs will not be made overnight. Mozambique, for example, has bet heavily on coal and gas projects to bring transformative amounts of money into infrastructure.

With coal prices down recently to ● ● ●

Glencore

£0.69

At its peak, the Switzerland-based behemoth was worth $85bn. But investors have fled, with the company now valued at around $20bn. Its share price hit £0.69 ($1.05) on 1 October.

Glencore has stopped production at mines in the DRC and Zambia.

23

FRONTLINE | CHINA /AFRICA: WHEN THE DRAGON SNEEZES, DOES AFRICA CATCH A COLD?

McKinsey’s five ways for South Africa to bounce back Advanced manufacturing While South Africa has a strong car and auto-part sector there are adjacent areas where the country could manufacture new products, including transportation equipment, machinery, tractors, electrical equipment and chemicals.

Infrastructure productivity While the country is spending big on infrastructure, it could be doing so in a more joined-up way. It could use existing infrastructure better, harness public-private partnerships and focus on vital areas.

Natural gas Power shortages have slowed growth, and natural gas could be a game changer. It's cleaner than coal, and gas-fired plants can be built twice as fast. New plants could add up to 20GW by 2030.

Service exports The highly developed business services sector is missing a trick: sub-Saharan Africa currently imports $38bn in services, and South Africa is getting just 2% of the pie.

Agricultural Exports South Africa could triple its exports by 2030 if it embarks on a bold national agriculture plan to pull in smallholders and help tie them into agribusiness value chains.

The way of the dragon’s exports

22%

22%

24%

Sub-Saharan Africa

Mali

Eritrea

(China's average share of exports 2010-2014)

27%

27%

29%

41%

43%

Zimbabwe

Central African Rep.

South Africa

Gambia

DRC

44%

44%

46%

47%

62%

Rep. of Congo

Angola

Zambia

Mauritania

Sierra Leone

● ● ● $50/tn from $200/tn in 2008 and gas prices down 50%, many projects are now under threat. But, in a saga that reveals the temptations and troubles with commodity-exposed countries that lack solid institutions, Mozambique has already started spending its cash. This includes a controversial bond launched for the EMATUM fishing company, about whichformerprime minister LuisaDiogo has said: “We have gone off the rails.”

Ghana already went cap in hand to the IMF after its own spending habits outstripped income following the country’s first oil pumped in 2010.

Debt levels in Africa are creeping up too. There was $11bn in sovereign debt issuancesin2014.Ascurrenciesdepreciate, the cost of servicing that borrowing will go up. When added to the potential for an interest-rate hike in the US, this adds another headache for African finance ministers looking for external finance.

For the most China-exposed countries, there is also the need to pay back loans granted by Chinese state-run banks. According to Eric Olander, a China watcher based in Vietnam: “The Chinese have made no indication that they’re going to forgive these loans […]. Maybe they’ll give holidays for another two or three years […]. But this is what worries me – that in Africa we’re going to be back

With China’s new ‘One Belt, One Road’ policy, investment priorities have changed

to where we were in the 1980s, where those loans crippled these economies.”

And while Chinese investment in African infrastructure that is already under way is unlikely to be affected, might there be a freeze or slowdown in fresh money coming from China? Kai Xue, a lawyer at DeHeng Law Offices in Beijing, points to the new ‘One Belt, One Road’ policy of China’s President Xi Jinping as evidence that priorities have changed. “The lion’s share of outbound resources are going to go towards this initiative,” he explains.

ANCIENT TRADE ROUTES

The idea is to resurrect ancient Chinese sea and land trading routes, and Beijing wants to recycle $1trn of foreign reserves into 40 Eurasian countries to boost trade to $2.4trn by focusing on infrastructure and construction. While some regions of East and North Africa are part of the programme the rest of the continent is not. So while East African train projects are going to continue, there are question marks over new projects elsewhere.

Although Chinese companies are important contributors to the building of African infrastructure, China represented just 3% of total foreign direct investment into Africa in 2013. The nature of that investment is also changing. Using data from China’s commerce ministry, Wenjie Chen, David Dollar and Heiwei Tang at the Brookings Institution found that Chinese companies are increasingly active in the service sector and manufacturing, not just in the big resource deals that tend to dominate headlines.

It is also worth noting the relative scale of Africa in China’s global investment.

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SOURCE: WORLD TRADE INTEGRATED SOLUTIONS

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CHINA /AFRICA: WHEN THE DRAGON SNEEZES, DOES AFRICA CATCH A COLD? | FRONTLINE

“Just a fraction of that lending goes to Africa,” says Kai. “Venezuela in the past three years has received nearly $50bn from one of the policy banks, which totals several years of lending to all of Africa.”

But China has more vested interests in Africa’s development. With Western markets much harder to penetrate, developing a consumer base for Chinese manufacturers in developing markets is high on Beijing’s agenda. Phone maker Xiaomi, known as the ‘Apple of China’, appointed Mobile in Africa as its distributor on the continent in September.

China watcher Olander says that you can see the seriousness of Chinese businesses around the world: “The Chinese presence in markets like Vietnam, for example, is staggering […] building consumer brands and mobile phones and technologyandclothing.Andtheyaredoing it in India. They are doing it in South America. They are doing it in Africa.”

Africa will be struck in 54 different ways by any knock-on effect from the downturn: energy-importing countries such as Ethiopia and Senegal are celebrating the drop in the oil price, and

Morocco has already taken advantage of it to remove its costly petrol subsidy.

Commodity expert Chalmin argues that the crunch in natural resource prices will separate the real economic performers in Africa from those who had just been getting fat on resource rents.

For commodity producers, the first order of priority is cutting their coat according to their cloth: slashing government spending is one obvious route, especially if the debt markets will be more expensive due to a hike in US interest rates. But thereareotherlow-hangingfruitforthose strong enough to grab them.

Acha Leke, a consultant with McKinsey and author of the recent report ‘South Africa’s Bold Priorities for Inclusive Growth’, points to South Africa’s

Africa will be struck in 54 different ways by any knock-on effect from the downturn

potential to provide business services to Africancompanies.SouthAfricacurrently captures just 2% of that $38bn market.

Given its position on the continent and its strong financial and legal base, “we are so punching below our weight,” says Leke.

CONSTRUCTION PACKAGES

There is perhaps a leaf to be taken out of China’s book when it comes to selling construction services. Chinese companies often offer a package that includes financing as well as construction. South Africa – with its advanced banks like Standard Bank and large construction companies like Aveng and WBHO – could look to do the same thing.

And while selling business services may be South Africa-specific, Leke has tips for other countries too. He points to a job for the state in “aggressively marketing” a country’s products abroad and playing a coordination role in helping the private sector penetrate new markets.

“Each time [US President Barack] Obama travels he takes a bunch of private-sector people with him, and there’s a reason that gets done,” Leke says. ●●●

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FRONTLINE

●●● Opportunities abound elsewhere, too, especially in infrastructure.

Nigeriansolarstart-upSolyntaEnergyhas recorded rapid growth with its pay-asyou-go model, taking a slice of the $5bn Nigerians pay annually for generator fuel.

With more than 700KW installed by the end of the year and 10MW planned for the end of next year, chief executive Uvie Ugono argues that decentralised solar power can “solve the power problem here in the same way that mobile phones solvedthetelecommunicationsproblem”.

African countries can also make huge productivity gains through better governance. Nigeria’s main refineries and power stations have started to increase the number of megawatts and barrels they produce – proof, according to Lagosbased economist Ayo Teriba, that President Muhammadu Buhari’s reputation for toughness is getting more out of civil servants in the energy sector.

“Fool around with him, and he gets you!”, Teriba explains.

A CATALYST FOR CHANGE

But, at its heart, perhaps this collapse in commodity prices is exactly what Africa needs to turn its attention to the foundation stone of national progress in many economies throughout history: agriculture. There is a real opportunity here, too, with rising appetites and wealth levels in both Africa and Asia, and an extra 2.5 billion mouths to feed by 2050. Much of the world’s remaining unused arable land and water is in Africa – a comparative advantage that policy-makers need to use to their benefit, not sell off on the cheap.

Former AfDB president Kaberuka says that “African countries will need to adjust as China transitions its economic model towards consumption.”

But, like many, he pines for proper agricultural policies and worries that they will not be properly financed. “You have to guarantee prices,” says commodities expert Chalmin. “That is what has always worked to stimulate farmers.”

A look at the data in the Mo Ibrahim Foundation’s latest governance index shows that Morocco, Rwanda and Ethiopia have performed best in building up smallholder agriculture. All of them help by supporting prices. The IMF commended all three in 2014 for having delivered broad-based growth. Nigeria’s recent success in providing fertiliser subsidies also gives pause for thought. Time to green that portrait of Dorian Gray. ●

ILLUSTRATION BY ADRIÀ FRUITÓS FOR TAR

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AGRIBUSINESS

From copper to cows The mining downturn is leading Zambia’s government to look to agricultural development for opportunities

T

he closure of Glencore’s facility in Mopani is the most visible expression of the pain the Copperbelt is feeling. Barrick, too, has debated mothballing mines. Vedanta’s Zambian operation has put nearly 300 miners on leave. The Zambian government’s finances are in a parlous state, too. Fitch Ratings explains: “The ambitious fiscal consolidation plan in Zambia’s 2016 budget will prove challenging due to its reliance on raising revenue rather than cutting expenditure”.

But these are also difficult days for Denson Chisi, a 65-year-old maize farmer in Mumbwa. High fertiliser prices and more drought after a difficult 2014/2015 season have hurt his production. Chisi had traded in his shovel for a hoe: he worked as a labourer in the mining sector in Kitwe for 36 years prior to his beginnings in agriculture. Chisi is one of the 1.1 million poor farmers receiving government support in terms of inputs and a ready market for maize.

Jervis Zimba, a veteran farmer, argues that agricultural subsidies are inconsequential: “Agriculture in this country is abnormally taxed. It’s a miracle farmers survive in this country.

If only we could get a quarter of the incentives given to the mines, Zambia would instantly become Africa’s breadbasket and we could forever forget about copper mining.”

For more than 40 years, Zambia has touted, without success, the need to

diversifyitssourcesofforeignexchange.

Copper mining accounts for 68% of the government’s total receipts, but Lusaka is now promoting sectors like agriculture and tourism.

In August, agriculture minister Given Lubinda said that the government is focused on developing agriculture to diversify the economy and to make a dent in high poverty levels, which reach 61% in some rural areas. “Industrialisation anchored on agriculture is the fastestwaytoachievepovertyreduction [and] wealth creation,” said Lubinda.

BEEFING UP

Agriculture, which is mostly maize growing, is the second-largest contributor to gross domestic product, at 20.7%. Attempts to diversify Zambia’s agriculture base into wheat and beef production have produced results.

The Zambian beef sector has been seen as a huge success. Local company Zambeef has expanded its operations to Nigeria and Ghana and has started exporting prime cuts to Angola and Mauritius. Zambeef is a diversified agribusiness firm but has started narrowing its focus by selling off its interest in chicken-processing business Zam Chick in 2013 and in the Zamanita edible oil manufacturing plant this February. Zambeef is trying to strengthen its position given the arrival of German cattle company Amatheon Agri in 2012. ● Christopher Mwambazi in Lusaka

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21-22 March 2016, Abidjan

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POLITICS

Queen of tomorrow SOUTH AFRICA

Momentum is growing in support of a female presidential candidate for the governing ANC party.

Some are supporting it as a long overdue advance for women leaders, while others have different political motives

By Crystal Orderson in Cape Town

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he long march to elect a woman president is well under way. Womenalreadyhave more than 40% of jobs in the cabinet and seats in the National Assembly, and now there is a clamour – and a serious campaign – for the next leader of the African National Congress(ANC)tobeawoman.

And if the ANC maintains its political dominance in the country, which it shows every sign of doing, that means there is a strong chance that it will again make history, this time with a woman president.

Intwoyears’time,theANCwillchoose its new leader, who will then be its presidential candidate in the 2019 elections.

In October, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, foreign minister and treasurer of the ANC Women’s League, said the election campaign had already started: “I know that it is women who come out in their

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numbers [to] vote for the ANC […] The time has come for women’s leadership to be acknowledged in the ANC.” Now it is payback time, she added. “So we are not asking. The time is right. We will lobby, and we will campaign. We will work for it in our branches.”

Fighting gender discrimination was key to the struggle for freedom, President Nelson Mandela told parliament after the country’s first democratic elections in 1994: “Freedom cannot be achieved unless women have been emancipated from all forms of oppression […] Our endeavours must be about the liberation of the woman.”

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ANC Women’s League President Bathabile Dlamini says the league is “working tirelessly” to ensure that South Africa gets a woman president next election

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Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, chair of the African Union Commission, in 2012 received the highest number of votes for the ANC National Executive Committee THE AFRICA REPORT

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Baleka Mbete, speaker of the National Assembly, has been working in parliament since 1994 and is building a power base among her allies there

After the 1994 elections, there were 10 times as many women members of parliament as under apartheid, but activists want much more from the ANC now. In its 103-year history, the ANC has never had a woman president. In fact, women were not allowed to join the party until the 1940s.

Former gender commissioner Gertrude Fester says the ANC will have to change its patriarchal culture if it is serious about having a woman leader: “Women cannot just be voting fodder [...] Symbolically, it would be good to have another female president on the continent, but I would want to see real socioeconomic change from a woman president.”

The latest sexual violence statistics show that South Africa remains a brutal and dangerous country for women. A woman president could start to change this, argues the ANC Women’s League. It says that women make up the majority of the ANC’s membership.

In August, newly elected ANC Women’s League President Bathabile Dlamini told delegates at a party conference that the country was ready to be led by a woman. She added that the league’s members would be “working tirelessly” to ensure that South Africa gets a woman president in the next election.

POLITICS

ThiswasthefirsttimethataseniorANC leader had spoken out about President Jacob Zuma’s succession. It served notice on the deputy president, Cyril Ramaphosa, that ascendancy to the top job is not a foregone conclusion. And Dlamini named her preferred candidates: either Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, the chair of the African Union (AU) Commission, or Baleka Mbete, the speaker of the National Assembly. Some senior ANC figures say Dlamini’s views have Zuma’s blessing.

However, former ANC treasurer and Mpumalanga Province premier Mathews Phosa is very sceptical.

“The ANC has not called for presidential nominations […] This is in bad taste to nominate a presidential candidate. A leader is determined by many factors. The fact that I don’t wear a bra does not disqualify me,” he told a local radio station in September.

short as she resigned promptly after Mbeki was voted out by the ANC in 2008.

The bandwagon for a woman president started to roll recently. Back in 2013, Angie Motshekga, then president of the ANC’s Women’s League, had dismissed the idea. Now it is the league’s declared priority to get behind the main women contenders: DlaminiZuma and Mbete.

Nic Borain, a political analyst with French bank BNP Paribas, argues that the campaign is more about power politics: “That this is ‘feminist sentiment’ can be dismissed out of hand […] Many of those advancing the argument [for a woman president] are guilty of the most patriarchal, authoritarian, anti-women behaviour that has been exhibited in the ANC.” The aim, he suggests, is to ensure that “Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma becomes president and, one supposes, that Cyril does not.”

To date, the closest South Africa has come to having a female president was President Thabo Mbeki’s appointment of Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka as deputy president after the sacking of Zuma from the post in 2005. In fact, Dlamini-Zuma was offered the post before Mlambo-Ngcuka but she turned it down. Mlambo-Ngcuka’s tenure was

CHALLENGING PARTY HIERARCHY

Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma Chair, African Union Commission

The female frontrunner to replace Zuma HAVING SERVED AS health minister in Nelson Mandela’s cabinet and then as foreign minister in Thabo Mbeki’s, Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma has the credentials and experience needed for the presidency. Like any discreet African National Congress (ANC) leader, though, she is coy about her political ambitions. When asked about them, she reverts to the default response: she is “at the disposal of the party and will go where she is deployed.”

In 2007, Dlamini-Zuma was part of the Mbeki slate that lost a bruising election battle against her former husband, Jacob Zuma. Dlamini-Zuma was nominated as the party’s deputy president and it was an open secret that Mbeki wanted her to be the first female head of state.

She was still able to receive enough votes to be elected to the National Executive Committee and served in Zuma’s cabinet as home affairs minister until her departure for the AU in 2012. Although she is the first South African and first woman to head the African Union (AU), her leadership in Addis Ababa has been described as unspectacular.

Dlamini-Zuma was married to Jacob Zuma, with whom she has four children, until 1998 when their union ended in divorce. In her youth, she was an active member of ANC structures and studied medicine at the universities of Natal and Bristol. She was also a member of the ANC team of negotiators at the Convention for a Democratic South Africa.

She backs a gender quota system for elections “until it becomes normal for women to be elected.”

But she has her detractors, such as political analyst Anthony Butler.

“In reality, Dlamini-Zuma would be a pitiful choice for president. She was at best a controversial minister, overseeing a lacklustre HIV/AIDS policy under Nelson Mandela, [then] allowing the department of foreign affairs to be marginalised by Thabo Mbeki,” he says. ● C.O.

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As she delivered speeches in South Africa over the past two months on everything from forestry to women’s empowerment, it seemed that Dlamini-Zuma was living in South Africa rather than Addis Ababa, the headquarters of the AU. She is popular in the country and received the highest number of votes for the ANC National Executive Committee at the party’s conference in Mangaung in 2012.

At the ANC Women’s League conference in August, Dlamini-Zuma also won the highest number of votes for its National Executive Committee.

When asked if she would campaign for the national presidency, she replied: “That is not dependent on me. At the moment, I am working at the AU and that is where my efforts should be. Who becomes the president of South Africa is a decision of the ruling party.” Former gender commissioner Fester forecasts some major battles ahead: “DlaminiZuma would have to challenge the party hierarchy […] push for change and have a progressive agenda of addressing the unemployment and education challenges.”

The newly elected leadership of the ANC Youth League announced in October that it would support DlaminiZuma as a presidential candidate. The Youth League has influenced previous presidential battles: in 2007, its leader Julius Malema backed the rise of Zuma and the defeat of Mbeki.

SomeintheZumacampsaythatparliamentary speaker Mbete had her chance when she became deputy president in 2008 after Kgalema Motlanthe replaced Mbeki. Others point to her performance as speaker, specifically her prickliness towards the Economic Freedom Fighters and tense relationship with other opposition parties, as creating difficulties for the ANC in a national election. Mbete also lacks ministerial experience; DlaminiZuma has been in the cabinet since 1994.

Speaking to The Africa Report this year, Mbete said: “It is doubtful that women were even thinking of pushing

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Bathabile Dlamini South Africa’s political queenmaker MANY OUTSIDERS were surprised when President Jacob Zuma appointed Bathabile Dlamini as social development minister, overseeing the department responsible for Africa’s largest social grant system. The 2010 appointment was certainly no surprise to ANC insiders.

Under her tenure at the ministry, the government rolled out the flagship Isibindi (meaning ‘courage’ in Zulu) scheme to help orphans and vulnerable children. Dlamini also chairs the interministerial committee on gender-based violence.

Dlamini, from KwaZulu-Natal Province, sits on the African National Congress (ANC) National Working Committee.

She was part of the Zuma inner circle that plotted his takeover of the ANC presidency in 2009. She is also close to Zweli Mkhize, party treasurer and former ANC chairman of KwaZulu-Natal. An ANC stalwart and trusted ally of

for that agenda in the early years of our democracy. Women like Ma [Albertina] Sisulu or Winnie Mandela could have been leaders any time in the past decades but at that point, you know, it just never came up.”

BNP’s Borain argues that the deputy president, Ramaphosa, is the natural candidate. But equally, he says, it has become an accepted fact that “those around Zuma” want to keep Ramaphosa out of the presidency because they do not trust

Zuma’s since the 1980s, Dlamini helped to build the Women’s League structures in KwaZulu-Natal in the 1990s.

She became the Women’s League deputy secretary general in 1993. Then she became one of its longest-serving secretary generals, remaining in office from 1998 to 2008.

Her political ascent has not been without problems, however. In 2006, Dlamini was one of 14 ANC parliament members convicted and fined after pleading guilty to theft and fraud charges for abuse of parliamentary travel vouchers.

During her inaugural speech at the ANC Women’s League conference in August, she complained that women make up a majority of the party’s membership, yet there was not a single female provincial leader. Although the Women’s League will not take a huge delegation to the ANC’s elective conference in 2017, Dlamini points out that women account for more than 60% of the ANC’s membership. ● C.O.

him to keep Zuma safe from prosecution on potential corruption charges.

The ANC Youth League leaderships in KwaZulu-Natal, President Zuma’s home province, and other provinces have also told Ramaphosathathe should step aside for‘MaZuma’(Nkosazana).Ramaphosa’s office has refused to respond to those reports, and it appears that some of his strongestbackersinGautengProvinceare also having a change of mind. According to an ANC insider, President Zuma has

a clear game plan: “Zuma went to the regions and told them he wants to see a woman leading the ANC and that if they put up a fight he will punish them. If they agree to this, they can decide who they want as the deputy president.”

Such is President Zuma’s control of the ANC’sNationalExecutiveCommittee.His influence over who succeeds him should not be underestimated, and his discreet campaign for a woman president may just prove to be another tactical coup. ●

Baleka Mbete Speaker, National Assembly

A powerful parliamentarian and defender of women EARLIER THIS YEAR, parliamentary speaker Baleka Mbete told The Africa Report that South Africa has always been ready for a woman president. “I repeat what I’ve said before – 103 years ago Charlotte Maxeke could very well have become the president of the African National Congress (ANC) and led very ably.”

A veteran ANC and Women’s League stalwart, Mbete is serving her second term as the ANC’s THE AFRICA REPORT

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chairwoman. It is the party’s third-most-influential position, and she is also serving her second term as the speaker of parliament.

The decision to redeploy Mbete to parliament surprised her supporters.

They had hoped her closeness to Zuma would have given her another chance as the country’s deputy president. However, Zuma had other plans and appointed Cyril Ramaphosa, partly as a sop to the ANC’s

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middle-class supporters and to business. If Zuma’s choice disappointed Mbete, she kept her cards close to her chest.

She has since been building her power base inside parliament. Mbete knows that being speaker allows her to keep a close eye on the ANC’s 264 members of parliament and identify likely allies in the provinces.

As a poet and teacher, she spent years in exile,

having left South Africa in 1976 and worked for the ANC in Tanzania, Kenya and Zambia. Mbete returned to South Africa after Nelson Mandela’s release from prison in 1990 and was immediately elected to the executive of the ANC Women’s League.

She was also a member of the country’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. ● C.O.

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ELIZABETH SEJAKE/CITY PRESS/GALLO IMAGES/GETTY IMAGES

President, ANC Women’s League

JOHN MACDOUGALL/DPA/CORBIS

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NIGERIA

Buhari’s battalions After leading the charge against corruption and Boko Haram, President Buhari has picked his ministerial team but keeps tight control of the oil portfolio

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hether addressing the United Nations General Assembly in New York or talking regional security with President John Mahama in Ghana and President François Hollande in France, Nigeria’s President Muhammadu Buhari seems to relish his trips away from Abuja. Five months into his presidential term and with the post-election honeymoon behind him, Buhari has navigated an arduous round of politicking to pick his ministerial team. A Buhari aide tells The Africa Report that the president sees his foreign trips as both diplomacy and a welcome escape from the long queue of petitioners and associates lobbying for jobs in his government.

Although Buhari hit his self-imposed deadline of 1 October – Independence Day – to submit the names of his ministerial team to the Senate, he told colleagues that the government machinery was in need of urgent repair work. One

of his political allies explains: “The General [as Buhari is known in his office] is a systems man: he wants a discussion and a decision on policy, and then he wants the ministers to get on with it.

There will be no micromanagement, simply ministerial responsibility.”

After visiting Abuja and Kaduna, Britain’s international development minister Grant Shapps said in London that the Buhari government had made an impressive start on its first-order priorities: security and corruption. “We are helping to fund a major new anticorruption programme,” he added.

Shapps confirmed that British police had led the investigation into Diezani Alison-Madueke, who was an oil minister under the Gooduck Jonathan government, on charges of money laundering.

But the other side of the coin to security and anti-corruption is economic opportunity, said Shapps. “Imagine being a young man in northern Nigeria

looking for work. The market places are empty, and there’s no social protection and you’re in desperate need of a job.

This is the conducive background against whichBokoHaramrecruit,” heexplained.

For Buhari, the most urgent appointments were in the fields of security and government finance: he first named armed forces’ service chiefs, a national security adviser, a customs director and the head of internal revenue. He also appointed new directors and top managers for the most important of the 500 parastatal companies.

LEANER TEAM

Only then did he embark on the tortuous and politically charged task of picking his ministers. Adding to the complications of balancing loyalists with technocrats and ensuring each of the country’s 36 states are represented in the government, Buhari wanted a much leaner ministerial team. In early THE AFRICA REPORT

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October, Buhari’s list of proposed min“This is why our economic model sustained attack on the naira in the isters went to the Senate for vetting, would involve substantial social inforeign-exchange market. These ecowhich was due to take three weeks. nomic headwinds have been worsened vestments over the next three years,” It was only afterwards that Buhari by the inherited debts and dysfunctions Osinbajo added. Initiatives such as conof Nigeria’s cumbersome federal system. ditional cash transfers and stronger would allocate specific portfolios to Vice-president Yemi Osinbajo is the support for small and medium-scale the names on the list. leader of the government’s economic enterprises to create jobs would head When finally announced, Buhari’s fightback and speaks of the need for a the list. The government had started to ministerial team won mixed reviews, draw up a national economic plan and with most enthusiasm for the technocrats like Amina measures to restore trust between the The days of unaccounted oil Mohammed from Gombe centre and the 36 states. After the elecmoney sluicing from the State, currently an adviser tions, many of the new state governors centre to the states are over on development planning complained that they found empty treasuries and their predecessors had built to United Nations secretmore coherent state-directed strategy up billions of naira in salary arrears. ary general Ban Ki-moon. The team includes former state governors – such to fix the power sector and massively In August, the Buhari government as Babatunde Fashola in Lagos and boost agriculture. “We are compelled came up with a bailout plan for the Kayode Fayemi in Ekiti – who played state governments while trying to boost to redress the paradox of high growth key roles in the election victory of the figures and widening inequality, rising their financial accountability at the unemployment and poverty. It is evidsame time. The days of unaccounted All Progressives Congress (APC) and ent that any economic model that leaves oil money sluicing from the centre to have proven track records for delivery. nearly half of the citizenry behind rethe states are now over, officials in LAWYERS AND DOCTORS quires rethinking,” Osinbajo told the Abuja insist. “We have tried to adopt Then there are others – such as Audu Nigerian Economic Summit in Abuja in the policy of transparency on the fedOgbeh, a former chairman of the mid-October, as the first signs of the goveration earnings, which had always People’s Democratic Party, and Khadija ernment’s economic strategy emerged. been an issue between the states ● ● ● Bukar Ibrahim from Yobe State – whose credentials are more about balancing political factions within the government. A neat twist is Buhari’s inclusion of Isaac Adewole, a professor of obstetrics at the University of Ibadan: 30 years ago he was sacked for leading a doctors’ strike when Buhari was running a military government.

As usual in Nigerian cabinets, there are plenty of lawyers: Abubakar Malami from Kebbi State, long-time Buhari associate Udoma Udo Udoma from Akwa-Ibom, Geoffrey Onyeama from Enugu and James Ocholi from Kogi State.

ForChuksNwachukwu,aLagos-based lawyer, the critical question is about accountability. People’s scepticism will be satisfied only “if Buhari goes ahead with his plan to compel the ministers to declare their assets publicly and a conscientious effort is made to investigate those declarations.” That looks much Development planning expert more likely after Buhari publicly declared his assets, unlike his predecessor As an adviser to UN secretary general Ban Ki-moon on post-2015 Goodluck Jonathan. development planning, Amina Mohammed has established an international But while Buhari and his office sifted reputation and is known to have impressed President Muhammadu Buhari through the ministerial nominations, an in a series of meetings about policy priorities. Mohammed played a key economic storm has been brewing. At role in drawing up the UN’s 17 Sustainable Development Goals, which the centre of it is the weak oil price of were launched in September. No stranger to the political scene in Abuja, around $50 a barrel, less than half the Mohammed was an adviser to presidents Olusegun Obasanjo and level of a year ago, which has forced Umaru Musa Yar’Adua on economic planning, specialising in anti-poverty drastic budget cuts. Some government policies. She also founded her own consultancy company, the Center officials have had to choose between for Development Policy Solutions, which advises international paying salaries and capital spending. organisations on gender and education policy. ● The downturn has also prompted a

Amina Mohammed

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and the federal government,” Osinbajo said. But Osinbajo’s team faces a more immediate storm: how to cope with oil revenue at half the level it was a year ago. Investment bank Renaissance Capital has cut its growth forecast for Nigeria to 2.8% this year from an earlier estimate of 3.4%. And it is particularly worrying that it bases its calculations on a drastic slowdown in manufacturing and services.

and factories should be producing Unlike his predecessor, Lamido many essential goods.

Sanusi, Emefiele is not his own man, There is more than a hint in this of but he robustly defends the governthe economic-nationalist policies fament’s line on the currency. The offivoured by Buhari when he was Nigeria’s cial rate of the naira is “appropriately military leader in the early 1980s. Both priced”, Emefiele said at the Financial Buhari and Osinbajo speak in favour Times Africa summit in London on 5 of targeted state policies to boost local October. There would be no devaluation or even the managed float of the currency that There is more than a hint some were recommending, of the economic-nationalist according to Emefiele, bepolicies of Buhari in the 1980s EMEFIELE HAS BACKING cause that would just drag Companies in those sectors have been out the hardship. production, although many of Nigeria’s complaining that central bank governor Emefiele’s core argument is that deGodwin Emefiele’s foreign-exchange valuation – in an import-dependent gung-ho commercial bankers are at controls are cutting into their operaeconomy that gets 95% of its foreign odds with such ideas. tions, making it impossible to import exchange from crude oil exports deThis could make for some lively debates on the Osinbajo team between two nominated in dollars – will simply stoke vital spare parts and machinery. But of the proposed new ministers who are inflation without any compensating it is evident that Emefiele has the full former bankers: Kemi Adeosun of the benefits. Import controls, he added, backing of Buhari and Osinbajo for his Chapel Hill Denham investment bank were necessary when local farmers policies and anti-devaluation stance. and Okechukwu Enelamah, chief executive of the African Capital Alliance.

Buhari’s chief of staff, Abba Kyari, is also a former director of United Bank for Africa and an avid reader of develLawyer and former senator opment economics.

Although Adeosun was finance comJuggling a political career with his legal missioner in Ogun State, Enelamah partnership in the well-regarded Lagos firm comes straight from the private sector. of Udo Udoma & Belo-Osagie, Udoma After working for Goldman Sachs and Udo Udoma is back in the Abuja spotlight.

Arthur Andersen, Enelamah founded In his legal practice, Udoma developed the African Capital Alliance in 1997. specialisations in the oil sector and capital He has built it into Nigeria’s largest market activity. He surprised some friends when he went into politics private-equity company. A senior oil in 1999 immediately after the return to civilian rule. As a two-term senator and gas consultant described Enelamah for the ruling People’s Democratic Party for Akwa-Ibom in the south-east, as “technically and ethically top rate”.

●●●

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Udoma Udo Udoma

Udoma served on most of the senate’s top bodies, such as the judiciary, public accounts, banking and currency, privatisation and drugs and narcotics committees. In 2010, he was appointed chairman of the governing board of the Securities and Exchange Commission. ●

Kemi Adeosun

Banker and former finance commissioner A former finance commissioner for Ogun State in the south-west of the country and a close associate of governor Ibikunle Amosun – who nominated her for Buhari’s ministerial slate – Kemi Adeosun has combined hands-on experience in investment banking and accountancy with a stint in regional politics. Having moved from a senior post at auditing firm PwC in London to investment bank Chapel Hill Denham in Lagos and then into politics, Adeosun has retained the respect of her industry colleagues. Bismarck Rewane, managing director of the Financial Derivatives Company in Lagos, praised Adeosun’s experience and commitment. Other banking professionals tipped her for a leading role in the Buhari government. ● ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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UNDERWHELMING

Nonetheless, Abimbola Agboluaje, formerly a member of a presidential task force on power-sector reform, is sceptical about how the new ministerial team will work together: “It is underwhelming […] a blend of machine politicians and technocrats who have become politicians. Clearly, the vision to bring in more independent, less political people is lacking.”

And, despite Osinbajo’s talk about the new government being prepared to make tough choices, Agboluaje says that he fears this will not happen: “We are likely to keep muddling through.

Earlier episodes of Nigerian reforms have been led by strong characters – heavyweights with whom their ministerial colleagues couldn’t argue. Where is such a character on the list?”

David Cowan, an Africa economist at United States-based bank Citi, ● ● ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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● ● ● takes a more pragmatic view of the government’s strategy, arguing that of its three key themes – attacking corruption, improving security and reducing unemployment – the last will require big investments in agriculture, power, oil and gas: “The key issue is how much private sector involvement will be allowed to achieve this.”

Cowan also argues that unless the oil price starts to go up soon, there will be some adjustments in the government’s strategy, with the naira stabilising at around N220 ($1.1) to $1. “There is a clear strand of policy continuity between the three last governors of the central bank. Charles Soludo, Lamido Sanusi and Godwin Emefiele seem to have accepted the idea that if the oil price weakens or the country is hit by an external exogenous shock, the central bank has to let the exchange rate adjust to cushion the impact.”

KACHIKWU KEPT DOWN

As debates about economic policy evolve, Buhari will play a central role in oil and gas strategy, having announced that he will take the petroleum portfolio.

In a surprise move, he nominated Emmanuel Ibe Kachikwu, the managing director of the state-owned Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), as deputy petroleum minister.

Kachikwu, a former executive with ExxonMobil from Delta State, is proving controversial. His proposal to continue the NNPC’s opaque system of crude oil swaps – this time with the troubled Glencore commodities conglomerate – was ruled out by Buhari’s office.

Other plans mooted by Kachikwu, such as the privatisation of Nigeria’s four oil refineries and the outright abolition of the fuel subsidy, were again quickly countermanded by the President’s office.

With Kachikwu set to give up his post at the NNPC for the deputy minister’s job, there are questions about his future role. Kachikwu’s defenders point out that he introduced some important reforms such as public monthly audits of the company’s production and revenue as well as insisting on the opening of bids for offshore oil processing agreements in the presence of officials from the Nigerian Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and the Bureau for Public Enterprises.

AnotherkeyfigurefromtheNigerDelta on Buhari’s team is former Rivers State governor Rotimi Amaechi. His defec-

CHRISTOPH BANGERT/LAIF-REA

POLITICS

Kayode Fayemi

Foreign policy specialist and former governor of Ekiti State Accompanying President Buhari in Nigeria’s smaller-than-usual delegation to the UN General Assembly in September, Kayode Fayemi has an encyclopaedic knowledge of international affairs and strategic issues.

With a doctorate in security studies from King’s College, University of London, Fayemi has also developed strong ties with some of Nigeria’s more reform-minded military officers. As governor of Ekiti State from 2010 to 2014, he pushed through important reforms in healthcare and education but crashed into some vested interests when he tried to reform the state civil service. He won international recognition for his determination in gathering copious amounts of evidence to overturn the 2007 Ekiti State governorship election of Segun Oni in Nigeria’s courts in 2010. ●

Babagana Monguno National security adviser

As national security adviser, Major General (retired) Babagana Monguno is crafting the strategy for the government’s response to the Boko Haram insurgency in north-eastern Nigeria and the continuing security problems in the oil-producing Niger Delta. From Borno State, the epicentre of the insurgency, Maj. Gen. Monguno wants a more intelligence-led approach to boost the military’s information technology capacity. This is part of a general strengthening of the country’s national security and capacity to act in the region. Cerebral but also a competitive sportsman, Monguno has held some of the most senior posts in the military – commander of the training and doctrine command, chief of defence intelligence and commander of the brigade of guards. ● SUNDAY/AGHAEZE

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tion to the APC in 2013 gave it a major boost in the region. Apart from being at daggers drawn with his successor as Rivers governor, Ezenwo Nyesom Wike, Amaechi has little patience with the militant groups in the Niger Delta who are threatening to take up arms again if the government goes ahead with its plans to end amnesty payments in December.

Under a scheme set up in 2009, some 30,000 militants from the Niger Delta agreed to end their attacks in exchange for a regular stipend and enrolment in training schemes abroad.

“The amnesty is wrong in principle and practice,” says Amaechi. “How can you give amnesty to someone who has never been charged with a crime, let alone convicted? It makes no sense.”

Instead of amnesty payments, the Buhari government is promising social protection payments to unemployed youth in the Delta. If these fail to placate the former militants of the oil-producing states, it is likely to fall to Amaechi to deal with yet another crisis in his backyard. ● Leo Lawal in Lagos and Patrick Smith THE AFRICA REPORT

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REPUBLIQUE DU CONGO

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OPINION

D Daniel K. Kalinaki A Africa editor, Nation Media Group and author of Kizza Besigye an nd Uganda’s Unfinished Revolution

Handicapping the 2016 Ugandan presidential election

W

henUnitedStatesPresidentBarack Obama spotted his Ugandan counterpart Yoweri Museveni’s bandaged right hand during the United Nations General Assembly openingmeetinginSeptemberinNewYork,hequickly threw in a light-hearted barb. “Somebody was making you mad and you just took a punch?” President Obama asked, jokingly. “No, an accident,” Museveni replied with an uncomfortable smile, clearly not keen to either press the flesh or the matter.

Whatever the real story behind the bandaged hand – and many conspiracy theories abound in Kampala, the Ugandan capital, about the state of the president’s hand and health – Museveni has been throwing plenty of punches over the past year. The sparring with Amama Mbabazi is set to break out into an open contest after the former ally, prime minister and ruling National ResistanceMovement(NRM) party secretary general finally declared his intentions to run against Museveni in the February elections. Opposition leader Kizza Besigye also defeated his party leader Major General (retired) Mugisha Muntu to take the Forum for DemocraticChange(FDC)nomination.With Besigye running for the fourth time, most of the excitement has been provided by Mbabazi’s entry into the fray.

Beyond the obvious advantages of incumbency, Museveni, who celebrates 30 years in power in January, goes into the election as a favourite despite the bruising internecine battle to uproot Mbabazi from the

party and the government. There are at least three structural reasons why the election is Museveni’s to lose: a divided opposition riven with intrigue; the closing of ranks within the NRM; and the failure of proposed electoral and political reforms.

The opposition’s weakness and incoherence played out publicly and shambolically in September as it tried to agree on a joint presidential candidate under its loose umbrella grouping, The Democratic Alliance (TDA). The real fight was always going to bebetweentheFDC’sBesigye and Mbabazi, who made a belated entry into the alliance after the NRM internal nomination window was slammed and boarded up.

The TDA chose to give equal weight to inconsequential parties and players including the Democratic Party’s Norbert Mao and the Uganda Federal Alliance’s Beti Kamya, who together collected about 2.5%of thevote in the 2011 election when Besigye scored26%and Museveni 68.3%. When the smaller parties tilted in favour of Mbabazi and the former prime minister refused to renounce his NRM credentials, the FDC refused to go along and the alliance agreed to disagree by fielding both candidates. The TDA’s lack of credibility was confirmed a few days later when former vice-president Gilbert Bukenya, who had been one of the alliance’s principal leaders, defectedbacktotheNRM and Museveni. ● ● ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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PAUL KAGAME

“The true story” CONVERSATIONS WITH FRANÇOIS SOUDAN

LE ON SA NOW

Two decades after the Rwandan genocide that claimed nearly a million lives in 100 days, Paul Kagame gives his side of his country’s history.

The man behind the miraculous recovery of Rwanda, a controversial figure applauded by some and criticised by others, reflects on his political life, from his 30 years in exile and opposition to his time in power. He outlines his dream for Rwanda, a country that is overcoming its differences and uniting as a nation.

“We are a small country but not a small people” Paul Kagame

François Soudan, the Managing Editor of weekly magazine Jeune Afrique, has been a regular visitor to Rwanda over the past 15 years. His interviews with Paul Kagame took place in Kigali between December 2013 and December 2014.

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These disagreements are mirrored in the opposition’s grassroots. Many Besigye supporters remain suspicious of Mbabazi, while many others want to see a fresh face on the ballot. The public sniping between the two camps is likely to encourage many undecided to vote with their feet and stay at home.

Apathy could be decisive in the election. Museveni won 5.4m votes in the last election while 5.8 million registered voters did not bother to turn up. While the opposition hopes that Mbabazi can break away with a significant chunk of Museveni voters, all the incumbent has to do is hold his block together, win half of first-time voters and create a sense of boring inevitability to keep the undecided at home.

●●●

Aware of the numbers game and never one to waste a crisis, Museveni has used the Mbabazi uprising to close ranks and demand public declarations of support from within the party and state machinery. The springcleaningbeganinthearmyand security agencies. Museveni shunted to the side officers whose loyalty could not be guaranteed and who were seen as close to Mbabazi, such as external spy chief Robert Masolo.

Restive army veterans were rallied together under General Salim Saleh and handed the reins to a cashrich but ineffectual agricultural extension service while others, such as Maj. Gen. (ret.). Jim Muhwezi and Lieutenant Gen. Henry Tumukunde, who was quickly promoted from brigadier, then retired, were rehabilitated and thrown into the campaign fray.

This bonfire of political vanities has continued within the ruling party itself, where officials keen to maintain favour and support for their own re-election have been falling over themselves to campaign for the incumbent and malign the renegade.

When Maj. Gen. Matayo Kyaligonza – Uganda’s ambassador to Burundi, a decorated war veteran and one of the four NRM national vice chairpersons – faced a stiff challenge from Museveni’s sonin-law Odrek Rwabwogo for his party position, the younger man was locked out of the race and publicly admonished by Museveni for being too ambitious.

Incumbency rewards loyalty.

When the NRM passed the hat around to raise money for a long-planned party headquarters, leading businessmen in the country – and some contractors invited through government agencies – queued up for a dinner at the State House and coughed up $4.5m overnight. Loyalty rewards incumbency.

Nevertheless, victory is by no means a foregone conclusion for Museveni. In 2012, the government statistics office put youth unemployment at 64%.

The population’s median age is just under 16, and the majority of voters are young, unemployed and frustrated. The government has responded by throwing money at the problem, kicking the can down the road where it can and by stonewalling on reforms that would reduce the advantages of incumbency and make elections freer and better organised.

GLEZ

40

The government has ignored a comprehensive list of reforms proposed by the opposition and civil society groups with the support of donors. Instead, Museveni’s government proposed a counter set of reforms that are superficial, suspicious and self-serving.

Instead of changing the manner of appointment and composition of the electoral commission, it proposedtostrengthenthebodybyadding the word independent to its name. Instead of cutting down the bloated government and public administration budget as proposed by the opposition, the government proposed new districts to gerrymander problematic areas and protect incumbent members of parliament. A Western diplomat in Kampala explains: “It is not just that the government side ignored the proposals, but more like they told the opposition and civil society to go to hell.”

To top it off, legislators raised nomination fees for the parliamentary race 14-fold to more than double that of the presidential election, ostensibly to keep away jokers but in effect to protect their own seats from poorer candidates. And, in scenes reminiscent of 2003, when legislators were bribed to remove term limits from the constitution, they also received offthe-books payments for passing the latest reforms.

Amidst it all, different groups are forming militia ahead of the elections. Maj. Kakooza Mutale, whose notorious Kalangala Action Plan militia orchestrated violence in the 2001 and 2006 elections against opposition supporters, has made an ominous return.

The police have also been quietly giving military training to tens of thousands of unemployed youth and dubbing them ‘crime preventers’.

A bonfire of political vanities is clearly evident within the ruling party itself The police have launched a brutal clampdown on the opposition, breaking up rallies, arresting officials and teargassing supporters across the country. While police say the opposition is campaigning prematurely, they have been accused of curtailing civil liberties and political freedoms. “Ugandans have the right to gather and hear information, never more so than when an election is coming up,” said Maria Burnett, a senior Africa researcher at Human Rights Watch.

Back in September, Museveni said his hand was caught in his car door as he rushed to Japan for a recent state visit. It has been a whirlwind year of foreign visits and local politicking, campaigning, launching projects and giving cash donations across the country. When the bell goes off in early November to sanction officially the campaign, this veteran political pugilist who has ruled Uganda since 1986 will find familiar friends and foes in the boxing ring.

He is favourite to win on points after going the distance – but he will need both hands. ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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Djibouti, The Natural Gateway to Africa Djibouti's location is one of its defining characteristics. Sitting at the mouth of the Red Sea, Djibouti has long exploited its location – approximately 65% of the world’s commercial shipping fleet use the country’s waters. As a result, the country is a major global shipping hub; with logistics and ports at the heart of the economy. The country’s ports are, thus, key to its economic future, providing an outlet for Ethiopian goods and a hub for regional trans-shipping. Trade volumes through the country’s ports have risen substantially. The volume of trade through Djibouti’s ports has doubled in the five years from 2004 to 2009.

Opened in 2009, Doraleh Container Terminal (DCT) is the region’s only port able to handle 15,000-tonne-plus container vessels. DP World, which manages the port labelled it “the most technologically advanced container terminal on the African continent.”

Doraleh Container Terminal (DCT)

This advanced port boasts 1,050 metres of quays, which can accommodate the latest 18,000 EVP container ships. The 480-metre wide storage area can hold up to 50,000 containers, with an annual capacity of 1.5 million containers a year.

Djibouti Ports and Free Zones Authority is investing US$14.4bn in the country’s ports and associated infrastructure. This includes the further expansion of the Doraleh Container Terminal, which will enable the accommodation of three million containers per year by 2018, a doubling of capacity. Currently the fifth largest container port in Africa by capacity, this expansion would make DST the largest container terminal on the continent, leapfrogging the other major ports such as Durban in South Africa and Tangier in Morocco. There are currently four new ports under construction with another two more expected to start construction in 2015 making a total of eight ports all together by the time works are completed.

“Situated at the hub of Africa, Europe and Asia, Djibouti's port facilities are perfectly placed to exploit global shipping traffic”

“Our air cargo village at the new $599 million airport will have a 5000cbm cold storage capacity" Mr. Moussa Houssein Doualeh, Head of Cargo at DIA Doraleh Container Terminal (DCT)

Djibouti’s favourable geo-strategic location has helped the country to position itself as a transport and shipping hub for its regional neighbours and beyond. It is now seeking to build a reputation as a regional financial centre. Politically stable and with an economy showing strong growth, Djibouti offers access not just to a growing domestic market for financial services but to international shipping operators, neighbouring countries and to the 19 member states of the Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA), a marketplace with a population of over 400 million. The country is also home to one of the most liberal economic regimes in Africa, with an almost unrestricted banking and finance industry.

The economic freedom, its stable currency which is pegged to the US dollar and it geo-strategic position has helped the country to become an economic hub for the region. As a result, Djibouti Free Zone was opened in June 2004 and accommodates foreign companies that benefit from tax breaks and administrative advantages in 40 hectares of offices and warehousing. So successful has the free zone been that a new 3500 hectares industrial free zone is being constructed at the current time.

The 2013 Chatham House report states: “Projects signed in 2012-13 suggest that Chinese and Arab finance is keen to back Djibouti’s economic vision as a strategic hub.”

DIA Cargo Operation

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ANALYSIS

XINHUA NEWS AGENCY

The Far North Region has suffered 11 bomb attacks in the past three months

CAMEROON

Hunger, anger and fear

“The situation became unbearable. We were forced to flee empty-handed to Kousséri, abandoning everything including maize and beans ready for harvest on our farm,” Baba Lawan, a grey-haired father of five, tells The Africa Report. Lawan and his family are among thousands believed to have fled the growing Fresh Boko Haram attacks in the north Boko Haram menace. Local newspaper L’Oeil du Sahel reporexacerbate food insecurity ted on 1 October that more than 12,000 people had deserted some 10 villages flanking Lake Chad. arly in the morning of 11 October, Cameroon woke up Local authorities say the Boko Haram threat has tilted the to news of fresh Boko Haram suicide bombings in its region dangerously close to the brink of a food crisis. AbakaFar North Region. The twin blasts – the eleventh attack chi, the Far North’s regional delegate for the agriculture and within the space of three months – were at Kangaleri, some rural development ministry, explains: “This year, rainfall has 30km from Mora. The blasts killed nine people and injured been catastrophic and we expect deficits in cereal produc30. They also triggered a mass exodus of Kangaleri’s farmers tion to surpass 200,000tn.” According to the agro-engineer and economist, rice, sorghum, maize, beans and millet yields to relatively safer destinations. Even before the Nigerian jihave slumped by 50% compared to last year for a region with hadists began targeting Cameroon’s northernmost region in cereals need estimated at 770,000tn annually.

2013, northern Cameroonian politicians had been critical of the regime of President Paul Biya because of marginalisation.

At the main market in the regional capital, Maroua, a 50kg The government is now struggling to fight off a growing food bag of millet, which previously sold at 15,000 CFA francs ($26) crisis and high levels of insecurity. now costs 20,000 CFA francs. The price of the same quantity of maize has soared from 17,000 to 22,000 CFA francs. “It is Agriculture and rural development minister Essimi Menye tough, and we’re told that it will get tougher in the coming explained the problems of the Far North Region in August: “Some 70% of farmers in the region have deserted their farms months,” says Zoua Alba, a mother of three. “Previously, my since last year and, additionally, Nigerian refugees are now husband made it possible to provide about 3kg of rice for the occupying some 200ha of land previously used for agriculture.” family per day, but now, we can only afford 1kg.”

In late September, intensified raids on Since March, the government has reBoko Haram hideouts by Chadian and sorted to quick fixes, including periodic Cameroonian troops led the insurgents food aid for the worst-affected populato seek refuge in villages bordering Lake tions.Butthat,too,hasapparentlyfailedto Chad. Wherever they encountered resistcurb therising numbersofhungrypeople. ance, as occurred at Tchika on 26 SeptemFor an area that was already hostile is the cereal deficit expected in the ber, they beheaded villagers, torched to President Biya’s 33-year-old regime, Far North Region in 2015 after 70% houses, rustled cattle and carted tonnes experts warn the escalating hunger is of growers deserted their farms of food across the border into Nigeria. gradually metamorphosing into flaring

E

200,000tn

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frustration and anger. At a Yaoundé conference on food security in October, doctor and philanthropist Denis Foretia explained: “Whenever things don’t work in the country, the government has to take the blame for it. It’s conceivable that the food crisis can balloon into anti-Biya sentiments, and there is no solution to the food crisis in the Far North without solving the Boko Haram quagmire. Food security is now not only an issue of economic security but of national security as well.” ● Ntaryike Divine Jr in Douala

TANZANIA

Life after Kikwete The new president will be under pressure to chart a new course in the region

I

n early October, Tanzania’s President Jakaya Kikwete made a farewell state visit to Kenya. There was more than a tinge of nostalgia to his trip. Kikwete, after all, was taking leave of a third Kenyan administration since his rise to power a decade ago. It was he who, as the country hovered on the brink of civil war in early 2008, had brokered the Nairobi peace deal to end the violence triggered by a rigged election.

And yet there was much fence-mending and deal-making to be done on Kikwete’s trip. An undercurrent of tension ran through relations with his northern neighbour. The ghosts of old ideological differences coloured the way the two countries regarded each other. Tanzania, even after all this time, was still seen as President Julius Nyerere’s failed Ujamaa (socialist) paradise; Kenya remained a capitalist hotbed, a willing Western tool that, under independence-era leader Jomo Kenyatta, had shown no qualms about doing business with apartheid South Africa and Israel. And if those ghosts were now merely disturbing echoes from the past, more recently, as a second Kenyatta sat in State House in Nairobi, a simmering trade war had almost boiled over into naked hostilities. Tanzanian authorities banned Kenyan tour operators from crossing the border this year, and there was a rather nasty argument over a Kenya Airways deal with a small but profitable Tanzanian operator.

Petty as they were, this accumulation of aibu ndogo ndogo (small embarrassments in Kiswahili) in an old relationship spoke of unease and imbalance. But as President Uhuru

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Kenyatta rolled out the red carpet for his friend – the two were said to be buddies who occasionally holidayed together – the tensions were undetectable. Kikwete was given the unprecedented privilege of addressing parliament. Communiqués were signed and exchanged, and a state banquet was thrown in the Tanzanian president’s honour.

In Uganda, Burundi and Rwanda, difficult questions are being asked of the Kikwete succession. Tanzania is seen as the East African Community (EAC)’s integration laggard, a stubborn brother half turned towards the Southern African Development Community. In Rwanda, Kikwete’s successor will be hard-pressed to undo the damage done by Kikwete’s 2013 advice to Rwanda’s President Paul Kagame that he needed to negotiate with the rebels of the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda. And it has not helped that Tanzania enjoys close relations with the Pierre Nkurunziza regime in Burundi, where fears of a coming pogrom have driven thousands of Tutsis into Rwanda. That, coupled with the never distant ethnic tensions in the Great Lakes region, means that the new Tanzanian president will be under pressure to chart a different course. The dilemma of what to do with thousands of refugees from the 1994 Rwanda genocide era, massed in the Kagera Region, is at the heart of the problem.

Whether the new government is headed by John Magufuli or oppositionist Edward Lowassa, neither is expected to make a radical break with Kikwete’s regional policies. The best bet perhaps, is that Tanzania will see the value of acting as an unambiguous regional peace broker and thus initiating the complicated process of mending fences with Rwanda. ● Parselelo Kantai

RWANDA

Third-term hurdles The most serious threats to Kagame’s leadership come from within his party

O

n 8 October, Rwanda’s supreme court ruled that President Paul Kagame could run for a third term in 2017, dismissing the opposition Democratic Green Party’s lawsuit challenging any potential amendments to the constitution’s two-term limit. Kagame is opaque about whether he intends to run again in 2017, yet preparations for a referendum have been in full swing for the past six months. They began in July with a government-orchestrated petition of 3.8 million voters – nearly 70% of the electoral roll – calling for the removal of presidential term limits.

Local authorities went house to house cajoling voters to sign the petition, which many did multiple times. Public debates have raged over the term-limit issue on private radio stations and in social media. Parliamentarians have started public consultations ahead of a likely announcement about a referendum before the Christmas recess. The referendum will probably be in the first half of 2016, allowing Kagame to lead the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front’s (RPF) campaign for the 2017 presidential election and the parliamentary vote in 2018.

That the referendum will go ahead seems a fait accompli: the population will vote in favour of removing term limits THE AFRICA REPORT

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POLITICS

and Kagame will run and be re-elected in 2017. To its international critics, the government argues the referendum is a legitimate, democratic mechanism to change the constitution. Ministers contrast the methodical Rwandan process of lifting term limits with attempts in Burundi and the Democratic Republic of Congo by presidents to impose their will in the face of large-scale popular opposition.

Although members of parliament have stuck to the script – that if the population votes for constitutional change, nothing will stand in Kagame’s way – some senior officials have reservations about a Kagame third term and advocate renewal within the RPF and government. They criticised the push for a referendum before a Kagame-appointed committee of RPF ‘sages’ – Tito Rutaremara, Joseph Karemera and Antoine Mugesera – delivered its roadmap for the party up to 2017 and beyond.

Within the RPF – a former rebel movement riven with rivalries from the exile years and experiences of fighting during the 1990-1994 civil war and the 1994 genocide – numerous leaders consider themselves qualified presidential candid-

ates and are angry at the prospect of a Kagame third term.

Some argue that Kagame has weakened possible successors through constant cabinet reshuffles and undermining ministers by centralising authority in the presidency.

However, the degree of government coercion around the July petition belies the reality that most people begrudgingly accept a Kagame third term as the price for political stability. While the RPF has never succeeded in building a strong political base among the Hutu – a persistent problem for the Tutsi-dominated party born in exile – it has dampened any possible Hutu popular opposition through highly effective cross-ethnic development policies. Furthermore, all Hutu opposition political parties have been quashed, as have most dissenting voices in civil society.

The most serious threats to Kagame’s leadership come from within the RPF. Thus far, he has dealt with these swiftly and effectively. But there are signs of growing discontent within the party, which could undermine many of the gains Rwanda has made since the genocide. ● Phil Clark

ANANSI Can I Skype you?

Buhari’s house cleaning WITH FORMER oil minister Diezani Alison-Madueke caught in a late-September pincer movement between British police and Nigeria’s Economic and Financial Crimes Commission, her former colleagues from President Goodluck Jonathan’s administration have slept less well of late. Who else, they ruminate as they toss and turn, might be for the high jump?

Former aviation minister Stella Oduah might well be checking out the plane timetables following her purchase, at outrageous cost, of two bulletproof limousines. Patrick Ziakede Akpobolokemi of the Nigerian Maritime Administration may also be keeping an eye on the rearview mirror after President Muhammadu Buhari recently relieved him of duty.

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UNLIKE DIEZANI, the president of Djibouti was a no-show in the London courts. President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh was called to the witness stand in late September in a corruption case that pits him against his former close friend and campaign funder, Abdourahman Boreh. Boreh is accused of stealing money destined for a new port complex. Guelleh was keen to use Skype or some other method of telecoms link-up to appear in court, but the judge declined.

The case had already begun to founder when it was discovered that the case Djibouti brought against Boreh in Dubai was based on false evidence. Was that why Guelleh was unwilling to show up?

From Brazil to Benin – via Switzerland THE BRAZILIANS have been more diligent in their own prosecutions.

Investigators have followed the money trail relating to a slush fund for the national oil company Petrobras all the way to Geneva.

The Swiss attorney general’s office has submitted a dossier to its

Brazilian counterpart that appears to show the president of the lower house, Eduardo Cunha, held secret bank accounts brimming with Petrobras cash that had been destined for a bid to purchase oil blocks off the coast of Benin.

Reap what you sow WHO CAN BLAME Mali’s President Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta (IBK) for wanting to take a break from it all with a quick jaunt over to Paris? IBK arrived in the French capital on 20 October for a state visit as storm clouds gathered over controversial government deals connected to agriculture. The opposition called for an inquiry into the 1,000 tractors IBK handed over to farmers in September, saying they were worth less than half the 13m CFA francs paid for them. Meanwhile, the government has been criticised for inaction after tests of 9,000tn of fertiliser found that 37% had insufficient levels of active ingredients.

Despite opposition criticism, IBK seems to have taken a leaf out of the Edith Piaf songbook, adopting a “Je ne regrette rien” (I regret nothing) approach. ●

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NIGER

Ministry of Infrastructure

Assessment and outlook

N

iger’s Ministry of Infrastructure, which is responsible for designing and implementing road, rail and navigable waterway infrastructure

In this framework, since 2011 the Ministry of Infrastructure has completed major projects accounting for nearly 363 billion FCFA in total investments (excluding rail):

• 2,117 km of roads built or rehabilitated, including 870 km of paved roads, 853 km of rural roads and 394 km of modern unsurfaced roads, • 126 km of railways, • Niamey’s first interchange,“Mali Bero”, which opened in 2013.

Projects under way include: • 1,461 km of new or upgraded paved roads, • 692 km of rural roads, • Two new interchanges, Les Martyrs and Diori Hamani, • The building of Farié Bridge 70 km upstream from Niamey.

• The laying of nearly 15 km of sewage pipes, the planting of 12,520 trees and the creation of 17,359 jobs.

The pursuit of this mediumand long-term programme, a

cornerstone of Niger’s economic and social development, offers win-win partnerships between the government and private partners a favourable framework.

Ministry of Infrastructure BP: 403, Niamey, Niger Tel.: (+227) 20 73 53 57 Email : equipementministere @yahoo.fr

DIFCOM/DF - PHOTO: ALL RIGHTS RESERVED.

> Ibrahim Nomao, Minister of Infrastructure.

policies, is on the front line for the Renaissance Programme’s success. It aims to achieve four goals: 1. Preserve the road network, in particular by modernising the Road Fund’s activities, 2. Build new roads to decrease the isolation of remote areas and of the country, lui-même par la construction de nouvelles routes, 3. Diversify crossings and urban interchanges, 4. Promote rail.

Your HR Business Partner for Africa Expatriate Recruitment Recruitment of African Profiles & Local Content policies support HR Consulting & Staff assessment Executive Search Manpower supply Paris (France) Lagos (Nigeria) Accra (Ghana) Luanda (Angola) Abidjan (Ivory coast) Casablanca (Morocco) +33 1 71 19 47 32 contact@adexen.com www.adexen.com

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Security will play a strong part in the presidential campaign

The Issoufou effect In the West, Niger’s President is seen as a key ally against Islamist rebels in West Africa, but at home his opponents say that he is an authoritarian leader who has delivered little in his first term. The ruling party and opposition are getting ready for a tense February 2016 national election campaign

By Christophe Boisbouvier

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hegovernmentofNigerfaces several challenges in the months leading up to the first round of the presidential election scheduled for 21 February 2016. First, it must manage a country with the world’s highest average birth rate – 7.6 children per woman – which reduces economic growth by an estimated 4% each year. Secondly, it must convince voters that the economic situation remains good despite an historic fall in the market prices of uranium and oil, the country’s two main sources of revenue. Instability in the region and

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COUNTRY FOCUS | NIGER

50

300 km

Niger’s security are also set to play an important role in national debates.

Evaluating President Mahamadou Issoufou’s first term in office, opposition leader and former president Mahamane Ousmane says: “Although I have searched and I try to be indulgent, I see nothing positive.” Former prime minister Hama Amadou, who has spent the past year in exile in France, condemns the government’s “generalised corruption” and “sectarian management”. He adds: “If you are not a member of the party in power, you have no rights. Niger is a social powderkeg.”

longstanding friendship with a fellow socialist, France’s President François Hollande, to twist a few arms during the Areva talks. As a result, the French multinational will continue to exploit the Arlit mines in northern Niger. Areva also finally agreed, under certain conditions, to abide by tax regulations set out in the 2006 mining code. There is a negative side to the agreement, however. Exploitation of the huge Imouraren uranium deposits was delayed indefinitely.

Another aspect of his record, defended by the Niger president, is the of children building of new infrastrucwere enrolled MOVING ON UP ture. “I have a programme in primary President Issoufou deand I am carrying it out. school fends his legacy. While the Those who criticise me education opposition says that govhave none,” he argues. “I in 2013 ernance has worsened, promised Nigeriens roads, SOURCE: WORLD BANK he maintains the opposrailroads, [...] these are unite is true: “When I took power, Niger derway,” he told our sister publication Jeune Afrique in September. was ranked 134th by Transparency The cost of doing business in Niger International. We’ve moved up by 31 is high because it is landlocked and places since then. My aim is zero corlacks transportation infrastructure. The ruption,” he says. government and the opposition agree For President Issoufou, one of the on the need to build a railway between most important dates of his five-year Niger and Benin, but not on where term was the day in May 2014 when to begin construction. Oppositionist the government signed a contract reAmadou told French newspaper Le newing sales of uranium to French Monde that “I would have understood company Areva. After the 2011 nuclear catastrophe at Fukushima and the if the section between Parakou [Benin] subsequent fall in the price of uranium, and Niamey were built first because the French firm considered leaving that would have made goods from Niger in favour of Canada and Kazathe port of Cotonou more accessible. khstan. Issoufou took advantage of a But the segment between the Niamey

LIBYA

ALGERIA

NIGER MALI

Agadez

NIAMEY

Zinder

BURKINA FASO

CHAD

NIGERIA

BENIN NIGER IN NUMBERS

POPULATION

19.11 million1

SOURCE: WORLD BANK 20141, AFDB 2013 & 20142, UNCTAD 20143

LIFE EXPECTANCY AT BIRTH

58.92

AID FLOWS

$773 million2

FDI, INFLOWS (current US$)

$769 million3

GDP (current US$)

$8.17 billion1

GDP GROWTH (annual %)

6.9%1

INDUSTRY, VALUE ADDED (% of GDP)

19.5%1

INFLATION, CONSUMER PRICES (annual %) -0.81 INTERNET USERS (per 100 people)

21

MOBILE CELLULAR SUBSCRIPTIONS (per 100 people)

441

POPULATION BREAKDOWN 2014 population 90+

Male

Female

75-79

72%

2.6% age 65+

60-64 47.3% age 15-64

SOURCE: US AID

45-49 30-34 15-19

50.1% ages 0-14

0-4

PER CAPITA INCOME Income per capita, US$ 2.500

Subregion

2.000

SOURCE: US AID

1.000

Low-income group

500 Niger 0 1990

1995

2000

2005

2010 2013

VINCENT FOURNIER/JA

1.500

President Issoufou says he has brought social services and improved transparency THE AFRICA REPORT

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NIGER | COUNTRY FOCUS

ELECTION BODIES CRITICISED

Pre-election debates have been heated, with the opposition saying that they do not trust the state bodies in charge. A group of opposition leaders criticised the timetable in August and called for a revision of the electoral register. They also said the constitutional court is beholden to Issoufou, raising the prospect of contestation if the management of the vote is not seen as free and fair.

For the past four years, Issoufou has been improving the delivery of social services. He boasts that the government has built many schools and funded training for 3,000 teachers so that the youth – in particular young girls – can study at least until the age of 16. But it is still too early to tell if these efforts will reduce the number of early marriages and the high birth rate. All of the candidates know that social issues such as employment, schooling and healthcare could determine the 2016 presidential election and will be sharpening up their programmes on those fronts in the coming months. ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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Since September, Nigerien forces have been engaged against Boko Haram in Nigeria

JDD/SIPA

airport and Dosso, that isn’t a railway, that is a hoax, a fraud.” Construction of the 140km airport-to-Dosso line began in May, 2014, and is funded by France’s Bolloré Group.

The opposition also points to the difference between Issoufou’s image abroad – that of a democratically elected leader and an ally against the jihadists – and his domestic image. Amadou, who has been under investigation for the past year by the Nigerien courts in a case involving the trafficking of Nigerian-born babies, is trying to mobilise public opinion by posing as the victim of a plot hatched by a “dictator”.

According to Amadou’s supporters, this is a winning strategy. As proof, they point to the crowds on 13 September in Zinder attending the Mouvement Démocratique Nigérien congress that nominated Amadou to represent his party in the upcoming elections.

But when it comes to mobilising the masses, Issoufou is not far behind. On 17 February, his party, the Parti Nigérien pour la Démocratie et le Socialisme-Tarayya, got large numbers of people to demonstrate against the Islamist militants Boko Haram (see right). In the coming weeks, the ruling party is planning another forceful demonstration to launch its candidate’s campaign.

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SECURITY

Battling Boko Haram Niger has not been spared from the Islamist threat in West Africa

O

n 17 January, Nigeriens woke up to a new reality about their country. That day, one week after the huge anti-terrorism demonstration in Paris under the banner ‘Je suis Charlie’ – in which Niger’s President Mahamadou Issoufou took part – a wave of violence swept the Christian communities of Niamey and Zinder.

Ten people were killed and several churches were burnt to the ground.

With Boko Haram launching attacks in the region of Diffa in the extreme south-east of the country, jihadist forces became an increasingly clear and present danger. Niger plans to send troops as part of a regional fighting force to challenge the Nigeria-based Islamist rebels. Diffa, which is the temporary home to more than 100,000 Nigerians who have fled violence, is now under a state of emergency and a suicide bombing there on 4 October killed six people. The United Nations reports that there have been about 60 attacks in Diffa this year.

The government has been trying to mobilise the masses in solidarity. On 17 February, some 100,000 demonstrators came out on the streets of Niamey to say ‘No’ to Boko Haram and other extremists. “Niger will be

the tomb of Boko Haram,” declared Issoufou. The leaders of the opposition, however, refused to participate in this march.

With more than 1,000 suspected Boko Haram members currently in prison, the fight against terrorism is also a political matter. To reduce the influence of Islamist propaganda, the regime has been trying hard to integrate the leaders of ethnic minorities into the machinery of the state. For example, Brigi Rafini, a figure from the Tuareg community of Agadez, has been prime minister since 2011.

Straddling the crossroads of the West African jihadists, Niger is a key country for Western countries fighting against terrorism. It is surrounded by instability in Mali, Libya and northern Nigeria. Hence the visit to Niamey of France’s President François Hollande in July 2014 and United States deputy secretary of state Tony Blinken’s meeting with Issoufou there in July of this year. Come February, the presidential election will be more than a national issue.

For all the neighbours of this pivotal country and for the Western powers, the election will also be a test of Niger’s national stability. ● C.B.

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COUNTRY FOCUS | NIGER

Just about every young person with a vehicle is involved in people smuggling say local leaders

ISSOUF SANOGO/AFP

52

them to cross outside ECOWAS borders is a criminal offence punishable by at least 10 years in prison. Although the authorities made several waves of arrests, no one has yet been found guilty in the courts.

“Everybody is implicated [in trafficking],” notes regional government official Anacko. The region’s population sees it as a profitable occupation, as do the security forces who, according to several witness statements, often shake down convoys. “Some come to Agadez just to get rich. Then, when their activities become too visible, they are sent back to Niamey,” says Anacko.

SPECIAL FORCE NEEDED

According to interior minister Massaoudou, who hopes to reduce the flow of migrants significantly, there MIGRATION is an urgent need to establish a force dedicated solely to the fight against the smugglers. “The police responsible for this are the same ones that patrol the streets or are responsible for theft,” In Agadez, on the edge of the Sahara, an entire he says. “But creating a special force economy has grown up around the West African implies a high cost […] and we already have much to do to fight terrorism and migrants trying to reach Libya and beyond drug trafficking.” Niger’s authorities ach year, some 60,000 migrants are calling on the European Union to formerleader intheTouaregcommunity. participate in the training and formatake to the roads of Niger on their Whether involved in people smuggling way to North Africa,whence many or in providing ‘guest housing’ – alterntion of such a brigade. try to reach Europe. Mainly from Gamatively described locally as ‘ghettoes’ – in At the moment, the checks that the bia, Nigeria, Senegal and Ghana, these which residents house large numbers of government puts in place against ilmigrants benefit from the freedom of those seeking to leave the country, imlegal convoys end up having an adverse effect. “The smugglers go around movement accorded to citizens of the migration has become the city’s main them, taking more difficult Economic Community of West African business activity. routes. And that is how States (ECOWAS) to reach the Libyan This has created a genuine we find migrants lost or border legally. Unless they are found dilemmaforthelocalandnadead in the desert,” exto be lacking legal identification docutional government. “We cannot abandon the fight against plains Anacko. ments, Niger cannot refuse to let them the illegal smuggling of miThe government says enter its territory. grants based on the fact that that it must be vigilant in Since the beginning of the war in Mali, in 2012, and due to tighter controls the residents are against it fighting illicit activities. at Mali’s border with Algeria, the flow and that it is unpopular,” says Interior minister Masmigrants from West of migrants has risen to such an extent Hassoumi Massaoudou, Nisaoudou explains: “We and Central Africa that Agadez, Niger’s largest northern ger’sinteriorminister.Having don’t want a criminal are expected to cross Niger in 2015 town, has become almost an official failed to dismantle the guest economic system to take SOURCE: IOM departure point for convoys of people housing networks with the power in Agadez as it has headed for Libya. Its economy – previhelp of the police force he is taken power in northern Mali.” Given the large size of the Agadez ously based on trade, crafts and tourreduced to urging the citizens of Agadez region, which covers nearly half of the ism – has been rebuilt around the needs to engage in other economic activities. country, and Niger’s porous borders of these African travellers.

On 11 May, the parliament in Niamey with a destabilised Libya, the author“Nearly every young person who has passed a bill making the smuggling of a vehicle is involved in this activity,” human beings a criminal offence. Since ities’ struggle against the smugglers explains Mohamed Anacko, president the law came into force at the end of seems far from over. ● Mathieu Olivier in Niamey of the Conseil Régional d’Agadez and a May, transporting migrants to enable

A smugglers’ haven

E

120,000

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NIGER

Ministry of Agriculture

Ensuring Niger’s food security and sustainable agricultural development What’s the outlook for the coming years?

three years. The 3N Initiative aims to safeguard Niger’s people from famine once and for all and to guarantee them the conditions for full participation in national production and the improvement of their incomes.

M.A.: My ministerial department will pursue and speed up the implementation of the 3N Initiative over the 2016-2020 period, with goals that reach even further. Drawing on the lessons of our past experience, all the steps taken between 2011 and 2015 will enable Niger to ensure its food security. We have solid assets to achieve that goal, particularly political commitment at the topmost level of government, strategy documents, a high potential of irrigable land — over 10 million hectares — the completion of the Kandadji Dam and the availability of low-cost labour.

M.A.: We’re taking specific steps to reduce the grain shortage by developing irrigation, collecting runoff and boosting the productivity of rain-fed and irrigated crops.

Those are the priorities. In addition, we’re very involved in promoting substitute food crops, developing high value-added crops and boosting agricultural output. This strategy is based on two key components: the “Maison du Paysan”, farmers’ centres that are local platforms of integrated services, and the control of water.

> Mr. Maidagi Allambeye, Minister of Agriculture.

M.A.: The 3N Initiative is Niger’s only reference framework for sustainable agricultural development and food and nutritional security. Our country’s food and nutritional insecurity has become structural rather than cyclical. The result is a shortfall in grain output every > Off-season crops near Niamey.

RESULTS THAT SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES The achievements of Niger’s Ministry of Agriculture from April 2011 to July 2015 for a total budget of 205 billion FCFA: • 23,211 ha of new developed land; • 3,864 ha of hydro-agricultural projects rehabilitated and 6,205 ha upgraded; • 201 new water mobilisation works and over 100 more under construction;

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• 17,250 shallow wells for irrigation; • 3,756 wells for small-scale farmers drilled or rehabilitated; • 620,000 metres of underground irrigation pipes and 760,000 metres of fencing.

In addition, there are many infrastructure projects, including 88 storage facilities, 82 agricultural input supply centres, 336 km of rural roads, 15 livestock markets, 189 community radio stations, 600 tractors, 11,000 motor pumps and 30 solar-powered motor pumps.

> Fruits, vegetables and goods reach Niamey on the Niger River.

Ministry of Agriculture BP: 12091, Niamey, Niger Tel.: (+227) 20 73 20 58 / 20 73 35 41 Fax: (+227) 20 73 20 08 Email : dagricole@yahoo.fr

DIFCOM/DF - PHOTOS: ALL RIGHTS RESERVED EXCEPT MENTION.

What are the 3N Initiative’s main orientations?

© DJIBO TAGAZA

M

ahamadou Issoufou launched the Renaissance du Niger programme as soon as he became President in April 2011. In the area of agriculture, his government is implementing the strategic priorities within the framework of a specific programme called the “3N Initiative”: Nigeriens feed Nigeriens. It goes much further than fighting famine, as Minister of Agriculture Maidagi Allambèye told us.

© VINCENT FOURNIER/J.A.

How is your ministerial department involved in its implementation?

COUNTRY FOCUS | NIGER

More than 100 GSM transmitter terminals are being installed

TELECOMS

Surf’s finally up!

The end of the digital desert is in sight. With some 2,200km of fibre optics, Niger’s mobile and internet services are expected to improve vastly by the end of 2016

W

ork to set up a nationwide fibre optic network began in mid-June in Tillabéri, capital of the region of the same name, 120km north-west of Niamey. Once again, the funding came from China (see box).

The China Export-Import Bank has provided Niger with a preferential loan of 58bn CFA francs ($99.5m) at an interest rate of 1% over 20 years.

The project, with construction carried out by China International Telecommunication Construction Corporation, will dramatically reduce the digital divide afflicting Niger. Internet users accounted for barely 2% of Niger’s population last year – the lowest rate in the Union Economique et Monétaire Ouest-Africaine area.

The fibre-optic network includes 2,275km of cables – complete with an ADSL network for 51,000 subscribers – and 136 GSM transmitter terminals, which will boost connectivity to mobile and internet services.

NATIONAL INTERNET BACKBONE

Managed by the Société Nigérienne des Télécommunications, the national telecommunications carrier also known as Sonitel, the project falls within the Plan de Développement Economique et Social 2012-2015 and the sectoral policy for telecommunications and information and communication technologies that the government adopted in April 2013.

Landlocked Niger has to rely on its neighbours for access to international submarine cables. In 2012, Burkina Faso’s Office National des Télécommunications connected Niger to the SAT-3/ WASC, a submarine cable along Africa’s Atlantic coast that links Portugal and Spain with South Africa.

Thanks to the ongoing work, though, the country will have its own national fibre-optic backbone, while improving the coverage and performance of the ADSL and GSM networks. The government plans to increase the

rate of national coverage from 54% in 2010 to 72% by 2016 and the information and communications technology penetration rate from 25% in 2010 to 50% next year.

The objective is to give individuals, companies and the administration access to a high-quality broadband service. With the new fibre-optic network, the state will also be able to integrate new applications – like video conferencing and internet telephony – into its e-governance programme. ● Mathieu Olivier

Beijing woos Niamey THE CHINATOWN OF NIAMEY, near Stade General Seyni Kountché, buzzes with activity. Beijing has become Niger’s main source of imports.

China supplied 22.6% of its imports in 2014, far more than France, at 14.6%.

China is also Niger’s second-largest trading partner, and bilateral trade hit 184bn CFA francs ($316m) in 2014, up 59.4% from 2013. According to Hu Shi, China’s ambassador in Niamey, Chinese investment in Niger reached $4.7bn by the end of 2014, supported by the presence of some 30 Chinese companies that employ around 6,000 Nigeriens.

Those companies include the Société des Mines d’Azelik, a joint venture between the China National Nuclear Corporation and the Nigerien state, which operates a uranium deposit near Diffa. Additionally, the China National Petroleum Corporation has been operating oil fields and a refinery at Agadem, near Zinder, since the end of 2011. Chinese companies also have a strong presence in the hospitality industry and the construction sector.

On 26 August, ambassador Hu signed a deal with Niger’s foreign minister Aïchatou Kané Boulama for a grant of 13.5bn CFA francs and an interest-free loan of 9bn CFA francs. That will enable the government to launch new projects, in particular the construction of a third bridge in Niamey. ● Cécile Manciaux THE AFRICA REPORT

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TAGAZA DJIBO FOR JA

54

Ministry of Hydraulics and Sanitation

NIGER

Towards access to safe drinking water for all in Niger

O

working in the water and sanitation sector and the government and local authorities.

ne of the first things Mahamadou Issoufou did after becoming President of Niger was set up the Ministry of Hydraulics and Sanitation, which is responsible for implementing the 2011-2015 National Programme for the Supply of Safe Drinking Water and Sanitation (PN-AEPA).

In the area of urban hydraulics, one of the main reforms has led to the creation of the Société de patrimoine des eaux du Niger (SPEN), an independent, financially viable body capable of ensuring the supply of safe drinking water in sufficient quantity and acceptable quality at lower cost to the populations of urban centres, in particular those with low incomes.

Major resources in underground water

Clearly defined strategies and programmes The PN-AEPA has given the Ministry of Hydraulics and Sanitation a formal institutional, organisational, legislative and regulatory framework ensuring the viability of all its actions, including: • The water code and its implementation texts; • The National Pastoral Hydraulics Strategy; • The operational strategy for the promotion of hygiene and basic sanitation; • The 2011-2015 PN-AEPA; • The safe drinking water supply services guide in the area of rural hydraulics; • The plan for supplying villages on the

Far-reaching goals > Wassalke Boukari, Minister of Hydraulics and Sanitation.

islands and banks of the Niger River with safe drinking water.

Other important documents are being drafted, such as: • The National Action Plan for the Integrated Management of Water Resources (PANGIRE); • The National Water Policy; • The National Hygiene and Sanitation Policy; • The sanitation master plans for the main cities.

The Ministry of Hydraulics and Sanitation and the development partners have also set up frameworks of consultation between the government and technical and financial partners, the government and NGOs

© VINCENT FOURNIER/J.A.

> New water towers have brought water to the districts on the outskirts of Niamey.

• Continue collecting data and strengthening the water quality monitoring system; • Increase the safe drinking water access rate in the countryside from 48% in 2009 to 58% in 2015 by creating 14,000 modern equivalent-water points in five years; • Raise the rate of safe drinking water service in cities from 74% in 2009 à 85% in 2015; • Boost the share of the population with access to basic sanitation infrastructure from 7% in 2009 to 25% in 2015 in the countryside and from 35% to 79% in cities.

Highly encouraging results By late 2014, four years into the five-year 2011-2015 PN-AEPA: • In rural hydraulics, 7,907 new facilities have been created out of 11,000, or nearly 72% of the total planned.

• In cities, the share of the population with access to safe drinking water has risen from 79% to 88.9%, surpassing the 2015 target of 82.5% set by the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).

Ministry of Hydraulics and Sanitation (MHA) BP: 257, Niamey, Niger Tel.: (+227) 20 72 38 89 ; Fax: (+227) 20 72 40 15 ; Email : documents_mha_niger@yahoo.fr

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COUNTRY FOCUS | NIGER

SMEs

A big boost to up-and-coming shoots Putting together an innovative start-up is one thing. Making sure it is profitable and sustainable is another.

This is where Niger’s sole SME incubator steps in

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iger’s small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) can now get the help that they need to grow and increase their profitability. Fruit of a public-private partnership between the Nigerien authorities and several large private companies, the Centre Incubateur des PME au Niger (CIPMEN) was created at the end of 2013 and began its activities in April 2014.

CIPMEN represents the joint effort of the city of Niamey, the University marketing and communication, and accounting. The full incubation phase of Niamey and companies including for an SME lasts three years. CIPMEN Niger’s Sinergi and Gamma Informcurrently has the capacity to work with atique, France’s Orange, Bolloré, Total eight companies simultaneously in and Veolia, Canada’s Lundin Foundthis stage of development. One such ation and the Bank of Africa. The first SME in the incubation phase is GiMafacility of its kind in the country, it is a foR, which specialises in energy sernon-profit organisation with the mission to strengthen growth and improve vices and photovoltaic solar power. the survival rate of SMEs in three priHeaded by Abdou Yecheou, GiMafoR ority areas: information and was founded in late 2012 communication technology by a group of Nigeriens in (ICT), renewable energy and the diaspora. the environment.

In sub-Saharn Africa as a OPENING DOORS whole for example, 85% of Almoktar Allahour y, newcompaniesdonotsurvive CIPMEN’s director gentheir second year of business. eral, explains the rationale The exceptions are those that behind the body: “Thanks go through a process of incubto our experience and our of companies in ation. Of these, 80% are still partners, we have easy sub-Saharan Africa with incubator in business five years later, access to donors and big training are still in according to French mobile corporations in the counbusiness 5 years on telephone company, Orange. try, which sponsor our SOURCE: ORANGE CIPMEN is now working SMEs. This lets us open with 20 partners, mostly doors. Previously, young graduate students eager to start up people were not listened to by the their businesses, in the pre-incubabanks and senior managers because tion phase. This period, thanks to four they had no references. Today, though, months of training courses, allows partwe can give them credibility.” ners to get a better idea of the shape of In return, the SMEs pay CIPMEN their future SME in terms of product 7-9% of their turnover that is above a and customer base. goal that had been set for them. “For CIPMEN helps to make companies example, if the latter is exceeded by 100,000 CFA francs ($170), we get back profitable by providing workspaces, 7,000 to 9,000 CFA francs, depending training in project management,

%

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ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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CIPMEN provides partners with workspaces, as well as training in marketing and accounting

on the programme,” says Allahoury.

The centre also makes money with the consulting services it provides to large companies and non-governmental organisations.

With the support of its private Nigerien, French and North American partners, CIPMEN, which currently employs seven full-time employees, has quickly balanced its budget. It also anticipates entrusting its pre-incubation programme in the near future to the University of Niamey and moving into larger premises, which will enable it to accommodate up to 30 companies.

That model “is only viable if we pay no rent, and we are therefore expecting that the state will make a space available,” adds Allahoury. He says that Brigi Rafini, the prime minister, has already agreed to the move.

However, any progress is likely to be delayed until after the legislative and presidential elections scheduled for February 2016. Until then, the centre will increase the number of its awareness-raising and training sessions, in particular in the field of ICT. “We must create this start-up culture, which does not yet exist in Niger, and break down the barriers between young entrepreneurs and the big bosses,” Allahoury concludes. ● Mathieu Olivier in Niamey THE AFRICA REPORT

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ADVERTORIAL

SONIDEP

The culture of excellence SONIDEP has implemented a Quality Management System (QMS) in its organisation based on “customer satisfaction” for over a decade. In 2008, this commitment led to the first COFRAC international certification with the certifier AFAQ AFNOR. Since then, SONIDEP has always maintained and updated the accreditation. mic performance in Niger,SONIDEP has its eyes steadfastly set on the future. The Zinder refinery went online in November 2011,broadening the company’s scope of activities.

In addition to its traditional mission of supplying the country with petroleum products, the government asked SONIDEP to sell the surplus to the countries of the sub-region.

Since then, an urgent need has arisen to spell out and implement new strategic directions capable of allowing SONIDEP to adapt to the new situation and become a force to be reckoned with on the targeted markets. In four financial years, the management team has achieved the following goals: • Turnover rose by 89.71% from 203 billion FCFA in 2011 to 386 billion FCFA in 2014, the year net income after taxes reached 6.176 billion FCFA; • Between 2011 and 2014, the number of employees increased by 62% from 176 to 285; • The completion of an organisational audit allowed interior depots to be turned into agencies; • Fourteen executives earned the qualification to become International Register Certificated Auditors (IRCA), strengthening the company’s management; • SONIDEP obtained the ISO 9001-2008,ISO 14001-2004 and OHSAS 18001-2007 certifications with AB Certification.

What’s more, SONIDEP has successfully completed its

digital transformation. An integrated management system helps to enhance performances. The implementation of a computer-assisted decision-making tool and software to monitor cash-flow operations makes it easier to track operating results in real-time. Lastly, the building of a new agency in Tahoua, a 17-billion-FCFA investment using the company’s own financial resources, will help to cut the costs of supplying the region with petroleum products. It will also put SONIDEP in a position to meet the needs of future industries.

Other projects are currently being rolled out, including: • The building of the Maradi depot at a cost of 15 billion FCFA; • The implementation of an electronic document management (EDM) solution to improve recordkeeping; • The obtaining of ISO 50001 certification, which translates into better cost control and more rational consumption of the energy used in operations; • The certification of all the facilities’ fire safety systems.

Strengthened by these commitments, SONIDEP is poised to meet a new challenge: developing the loyalty of its export customers.

SONIDEP SOCIÉTÉ NIGÉRIENNE DES PRODUITS PÉTROLIERS Avenue Abdoulaye Fadiga - BP: 11702, Niamey, Niger Tel.: (+227) 20 73 33 34/35 - Fax: (+227) 20 73 43 28 E-mail: sonidep!intnet.ne

www.sonidep.net

DIFCOM/FC - Photos : DR

I

ntent on keeping its leading role in innovation and econo-

COUNTRY FOCUS | NIGER

PEOPLE TO WATCH

Not all the president’s men Critics and supporters of President Issoufou are flexing their muscles before an election next year, while female trailblazers are changing the world of business

Ousseini Salatou

Mohamed Bazoum

A critical voice

Issoufou’s chief campaigner

As spokesman for the Front Patriotique et Républicain opposition coalition – a role he has held for other coalitions over the past 10 years – this philosophy teacher is a staunch and unabashed critic of the government. He does not plan to run for president in 2016 as he lacks the resources to do so, but he fully intends to participate in the opposition’s challenge to President Mahamadou Issoufou.

Salatou founded his party, the Rassemblement des Démocrates Nigériens, 10 years ago. It is still small and may run some joint lists in the election with former president Mamadou Tandja’s Mouvement National pour la Société du DéveloppementNassara. Salatou, 50, revels in his reputation as a troublemaker for the regime. He has been arrested three times and argues that each time it was unjustified. The latest arrest was linked to protests against French satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo, but Salatou says he was in class at the time of the demonstration.

VINCENT FOURNIER FOR JA

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Nana-Aissa Ango Koussa A boss who means business In 2009, Nana-Aissa Ango Koussa became Niger’s first woman to manage a bank. Having earned her stripes working for Ecobank in Senegal, she was the development director of the Nigerien subsidiary of Banque Atlantique when it opened in 2005. Ten years later, having battled against widespread prejudice against women, Ango Koussa, 48, manages some 170 employees. An estimated 3% of Nigeriens have a bank account, and Ango Koussa is targeting the unbanked.

She explains: “Banking is a job that involves contact with all levels of the population, including the poorest ones.”

TAGAZA DJIBO FOR JA

A native of N’Guigmi and a philosophy teacher by training, Mohamed Bazoum is a key figure in President Issoufou’s presidential campaign. On 25 February, Bazoum, the president of the governing Parti Nigérien pour la Démocratie et le Socialisme-Tarayya, gave up his portfolio as foreign affairs minister to become minister of state in the presidency. With this appointment, Issoufou put Bazoum, 55, in charge of his 2016 presidential campaign. Bazoum’s post allows him to devote more time to the mobilisation of rank-and-file governing party members. He still keeps a close eye on international issues, notably meeting with foreign officials visiting Niamey.

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Zeinabou Maidah Niger’s dairy dynamo

TAGAZA DJIBO FOR JA

A food-processing engineer who was the victim of an unfair dismissal in 1992, Zeinabou Maidah, 53, went to court to obtain a severance payment that she then invested in her own small business, Niger-Lait, which she launched in 1994. Starting out in a 200ft2 garage with a staff of five, Maidah vowed to turn her small workshop into a fully fledged industrial enterprise. And she succeeded: Niger-Lait made 15m CFA francs ($26,000) in its first year; 20 years later it is one of the jewels of Nigerien industry. With annual sales of 5bn CFA francs, the company now has 118 employees and an overall production capacity of 55,000 litres per day.

Ali Idrissa Ibrahim Yacouba A controversial rising star A native of Maradi and a customs inspector trained at Niger’s École Nationale d’Administration, Ibrahim Yacouba, 44, is one of Niger’s best-known trade union representatives. As an anti-globalisation activist, he participated in the founding of the Confédération Démocratique des Travailleurs du Niger and the Coordination Démocratique de la Société Civile du Niger, which came to the fore in the battle against high living costs in the 2000s. In 2003, he became the coordinator of the Réseau National Dette et Développement and secretary general of the Syndicat National des Agents des Douanes.

Issoufou appointed Yacouba as transport minister in April 2012 and as the deputy director of his cabinet in August 2013. Yacouba’s rapid rise has created many enemies, some of whom say that he is too impulsive.

Issoufou’s party expelled him from the national executive committee in August.

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TAGAZA DJIBO FOR JA

Anti-corruption crusader Ali Idrissa, 44, is the managing director of the private media group Radio et Télévision Labari, and the bête noire of Niger’s oil and mining sectors.

In 1999 he co-founded the human rights and pro-democracy group Croisade Niger. Idrissa sits on Niger’s Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative committee, and argues the government should get more revenue from natural resources. At the head of the Réseau des Organisations pour la Transparence et l’Analyse Budgétaire in Niger and a board member of the nongovernmental organisation Publish What You Pay, he has often been arrested for demonstrating – notably during the visit of France’s President François Hollande to Niamey on 18 July. Idrissa is critical of Issoufou’s lacklustre anti-corruption policies.

COUNTRY FOCUS | NIGER

OPINION

Mahaman Tidjani Alou Associate professor of political science and dean of the faculty of economics and law, Université Abdou Moumouni de Niamey

Stop the Niger bashing!

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discourse highly critical of the building of democracy in Niger has been developing recently. This discourse, however, fails to mention the many advances that have been made.

While the process of establishing democracy continues to be extremely laborious, no one can deny that it is moving ahead, even despite the mistakes that have sometimes led to coups d’état, particularly in the years 1990 and 2010. And today, the regimes in power, whatever they may be, have been faced with genuine oppositions, which they have taken – fortunately! – seriously.

A look back into history helps to examine the road travelled. At the time of President Charles de Gaulle’s referendum of September 1958, Djibo Bakary, founder of the Union des Forces Populaires-Sawaba, presided over what was then called ‘self-government’. As had Guinea’s leader Ahmed Sékou Touré, Bakary called on the voters to vote ‘no’ to remaining in the colonial fold. He had no control over the administration, however. Infuriated by the Algerian experience, the colonial authorities pressed for a ‘yes’ vote and carried the day, which made Niger the only country where the ruling party lost the referendum.

Bakary’s government then resigned.

Hamani Diori’s Rassemblement Démocratique Africain came to power.

Until 1975, though, it had to confront an armed opposition, the then-prohibited Sawaba, whose activists were either in jail in Niger or in exile. This reflected the vitality of political life in the first republic.

Even under the military regime of Seyni Kountché, famous for his authoritarianism and repression as well as his opposition to freedom of the press and speech, the building of democracy continued. The Union des Scolaires Nigériens, for example, was never brought to heel. Several clandestine parties also formed during this era.

It is thanks to the 1991 national conference that democratisation is gaining in strength. The process remains, nonetheless, hampered by constitutional instability, as evidenced by the number of coups d’état. Paradoxically, these coups have always resZEBEDEE

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ulted in transitional governments that express no intention of entrenching themselves in power but rather encourage the return of democracy through elections, having clearly demonstrated a desire to set the country back on the right track.

What has proved complicated, however, is the forging of reliable and durable democratic institutions. Each coup d’état has led to a new constitution, and since 1993 Niger has drafted five. Freedom of expression, the quest for social justice and an independent judiciary have been clearly proclaimed goals of those constitutions, and politicians have been trying to achieve them in all their fullness.

Obviously, in our country, establishing democracy implies space for negotiations, bargaining and sometimes clientelism. Since the democratic process has gotten under way in Niger, no party can boast of having won a majority in parliament.

Only coalitions have governed, and at times alliances of even the most peculiar partners. It is rather enlightening: important groups representing different elements of public opinion find themselves in power, giving rise to equally important opposing camps that advocate for a change in government.

In Niger, opposition parties are never merely window dressing: they bring together strong and seasoned personalities for whom the prospect of being in power is never far away.

This helps Niger enjoy a dynamic political life in which activism lies at the heart of any political ascent. A political culture is indeed becoming established. It is seen in the number of successfully held elections and the functioning of organisations like the Conseil National de Dialogue Politique, which unites all political parties, even those that have no seats in parliament. Niger is a singular case of democracy, evidenced by the virulence of debates, existence of freedom of expression, regular recourse to the courts to settle disputes within parties, and, finally, the status of the leader of the opposition, who is now officially the head of an institution and receives a salary. ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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ADVERTORIAL

Mines and quarries

“SOPAMIN is investing in projects that create wealth and jobs.”

SOPAMIN-SA (Société du patrimoine des mines du Niger), set up in October 2007 after the Office national de recherches minières (ONAREM) was disbanded, is the public player responsible for managing Niger’s mineral wealth. It plays a key role in the economy through its involvement in exploration and production, says CEO Mahamadou Zada.

SOPAMIN’s headquarters

■ MAIN MISSIONS: - Managing Niger’s stakes in companies operating mines and quarries; - On behalf of the Republic, carrying out any mining or quarry operation, alone or jointly with third parties; - Selling mining and quarry products; - Exercising operational control over mining companies or any other control that regulations require shareholders to perform.

■ PORTFOLIO OF SOPAMIN’S STAKES Share in the social capital COMINAK-SA

Uranium 31%

SOMAÏR-SA

Uranium 36,60%

IMOURAREN-SA

Uranium 33,35%

SOMINA-SA

Uranium 33%

SML-SA

Or

100%

CMEN-SA (ex SNCA-SA) Charbon 31,65% CNTPS-SA

Transport 55%

NCK-SA

Ciment

70,13%

SOCIÉTÉ DE PATRIMOINE DES MINES DU NIGER Headquarters : Niamey Quartie Goudel, Avenue des Ambassades, Republic of Niger - B.P. 11500 Tel./Fax: +227 20 73 51 54/20 73 28 03

How would you define SOPAMIN’s role in Niger’s economy?

M.Z.: Our goal is to make SOPAMIN the driving force behind the country’s economic and social development by increasing the impact of mining activities and the creation of value. SOPAMIN has acquired stakes in new or existing companies in order to increase the resources it draws from sales activities. What’s more, it is investing in projects that create wealth and jobs. For example, we’ve obtained 18 gold exploration permits in northern Niger, where prospecting is under way. At the same time, we’ve set up two gold counters where artisanal gold miners can bring their production, which can then be promoted and sold on the international market.

Have you taken any specific steps involving the safety of Niger’s people?

M.Z.: We’re on the boards of directors of all the companies in which we hold a stake and take part in defining their health and safety policies for workers as well as for the people living in the surrounding area. The same goes for environmental issues.

We ensure that every mining company operating in Niger complies with all the international health, safety and environmental standards every day.

What is the outlook for 2021 ?

M.Z. : Our medium-term goal is to become a major player on the international gold and uranium markets. On the national level, our aim is also to produce coal, which will boost energy production capacity and, consequently, foster the country’s economic emergence. In the short term, there are high value-added, low capitalintensive projects that we want to develop with our own financial resources. Some of them involve the production of salt, limestone and bentonite. ■

DIFCOM/FC - Photos : DR

Missions and stakes

Is Niger’s’ uranium still competitive on the very tense global market?

Mahamadou Zada: It’s true that since SOPAMIN was created, the price of uranium plummeted $100, from $135 a pound in 2008 to $37 in September 2015. That said, asking if Niger’s uranium is “still” competitive is a bit tendentious, as though it were no longer worth anything. Its quality is absolutely comparable to any other. The competitive edge lies in the cost of production and the seller’s ability to bargain. If we want to be competitive, we must lower our production costs and negotiate the best prices with our customers.

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Institute of African Leadership for Sustainable Development

Munyaradzi Chifetete, Zimbabwe Is leading in Africa Different from Leading in the rest of the world? Why or why not

Reimagining African Leadership – Thoughts on Steering Africa “I am the spirit indigenous of a time that existed before me Who understood that time was nothing but A space that existed before me To give opportunity to the man that existed after me You have to understand that for me to be an African I have to be something that breathes Oh, of everything that lived before me…” – Larry Kwirirayi, “Afr-I-Can” I like to think that every human being has a spark within them. That spark, believe it or not, is capable of achieving great things. It has the potential to bring momentous change, change that is everlasting. In Africa, we can probably find over a billion of these sparks, waiting patiently to be brought to light and to bring forth the change that is desperately needed. But what does it take to set our course on fire? Is there a certain type of person, or skill set that is required to ignite the fire within every individual on this continent. If so, is it any different from anywhere else in the world? Personally, I’d like to think that yes, leading Africa is a different affair. Consequently, our legacy, history and future as a continent are different from the rest of the world, and thus require a unique type of leadership.

“I believe that one of the key aspects in leading Africa is to reconfigure our imagination on what means to be an African,” Chifetete.

To begin this conversation, we find that Africa is a continent that is marred by a tragic history, that of colonialism. Colonialism left a huge scar on the African continent - politically, economically and socially. It has had a lasting impact on Africa, particularly on our self-esteem and how we view our heritage as Africans.

Our way of life has been shaped in order to emulate that of Westerners. Africans all over wish to speak and eat and live like Westerners. From the music we listen to, to the clothes that we have donned on our backs; everything we do has been shaped by an outside perception of beauty. I believe that one of the key aspects in leading Africa is to reconfigure our imagination on what it means to be an African. African leadership needs to reengage Africans with their cultural heritage to find confidence within themselves and the value they hold to the continent that bred them. Pushing African culture to the forefront among Africa’s youth will need courage from African leaders. It requires an extreme self-belief on the part of the leader and the ability to lead both from the back and front; letting the nimble footed race ahead while making sure the slow remain as part of the herd. We need a sound leadership that redefines our identity from that of lesser beings to that of human beings with the agency to achieve anything that they set their minds to. This continent cannot afford to have youth second guessing themselves and their position in the world as people. Our leaders should thus, utilize education as a force to spearhead this change of heart within Africa and inspire us, the youth to believe in ourselves.

In order to reengage our confidence in being “African”, leaders need to reevaluate the position of culture in the political and socio-economic systems under which our countries are governed. Is the way our countries are run compatible with the way our societies work? Are there any cultural institutions that are still standing that need to be taken into consideration? Should cultural institutions on the wane be revived?

When leading Africa, such questions need to be answered. The answers provided will help create a framework under which our leadership operates. Not only that, these answers will establish the philosophical context under which we assume our role as part of the global community and creators of a new world order, as opposed to being bystanders in the dynamic history of our world. Take for example Ubuntu, one of the most well-known African relational philosophies. Ubuntu identifies our common humanity and equality despite the differences that might exist between people. As a value, it allows individuals to look beyond themselves and validate their existence through the existence of others through the phrase “I am who I am because we are”. Imagine if such a relational philosophy could be used in how

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we define entrepreneurial capitalism in Africa given the correct policies in place. Would we not thrive as a continent if the pursuit of the community’s interest brought about sustainable economic and developmental growth? Wouldn’t matching our culture and societies with our political and socio-economic systems bring about the latent potential within Africa, and deliver the goals that the continent aspires to achieve?

With that being said, you realize that Africa is on a different developmental path from the rest of the world.

Our challenges are vastly different and the way we approach these problems will define our trajectory, and ultimately our destiny as a continent. Alongside the rapid development occurring on our continent that has seen us leapfrog most technical advancements, we face the threat of diseases such as malaria and HIV, extreme poverty and looming climate change. Our population is booming, and employment challenges resulting from this are real and assured. However, Africa has all it needs to thwart these threats. Its leaders will need to manage the abundant natural resources on the continent to provide economic opportunities for all. These resources are ours and Africa’s leadership should not be ashamed to claim them, and as they do so, need to be entrepreneurial in identifying how we can best utilize our assets to achieve prosperity.

“Twenty-one year old Munyaradzi Chifetete from Zimbabwe receives an award certificate from former President of Botswana H.E Festus Mogae after being announced overall winner of UONGOZI Institute’s Leadership Essay Competition 2015 held at the African Leadership Forum in Dar es Salaam this July. Looking on is the Chief Executive Officer for UONGOZI Institute Prof.

Joseph Semboja.”

In as much as Africa is a continent that requires and provides the opportunity for a unique type of leadership, we cannot ignore the fact that our continent does not exist in a bubble. Technology through internet connectivity has opened a new gate of reality. Our youth are being exposed to the outside world more and more and are learning about other cultures other than their own, in and outside the continent. This new knowledge is shaping the way Africans think about the world and their responsibility to our planet. The African leader has, therefore, the unique challenge of keeping the African agenda a top priority in the minds of Africa’s youth. In order to do so, African leaders need to exploit new media that has taken the world by storm. The potential capabilities that information technology carries in Africa are enormous. African leaders should be pushing the ICT age in Africa because if we do not participate now, we will not be part of tomorrow’s reality. As members of the global community, we should emphasize the need to project our African view to the globe and influence the world view. This can be done through harnessing mobile cellular access in Africa in order to share our stories and vast contributions internationally as well as provide unique innovations to challenges that involve access to services and resources.

With globalization, we find that Africa occupies a space in the world where it is required to work with the rest of the globe. Some of the issues that we face on the continent are common issues that are faced elsewhere on Earth. Being common problems, they require common solutions that require collaboration from Africa’s leaders and other leaders in the world. Thus, we will need to collaborate with the rest of the world in the way that we solve these problems in an endeavour to preserve the planet for future generations.

Finally, Africa is a rich continent, with a diverse array of history, culture and people. Its resources, human and natural, are what it needs to take off. Leading it is not only a challenge, but an honour that most people would dream of experiencing. What it takes is for current and future leaders of Africa to appreciate that this space that they hold or will hold, existed before them so that they could create opportunities for the generations that will exist after.

About UONGOZI Institute "Uongozi" means leadership in Kiswahili, and inspiring and strengthening leadership is the core purpose of our organisation. Based in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, UONGOZI Institute is dedicated to supporting African leaders to attain sustainable development for their nations and for Africa.

For more information: Visit: www.uongozi.or.tz - Email: info@uongozi.or.tz - Call: +255 22 2602917

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BUSINESS

Democracy vs TAR debates The Africa Report, in association with the Mo Ibrahim Foundation, is organising the inaugural session of The Africa Report Debates in Accra on 20 November to ask the question: Is democracy getting in the way of development?

By Patrick Smith

W

h e n C h i n a’s P re s i d e nt X i Jinping arrives in South Africa for the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation on 4-5 December, he will face a barrage of questions, private and public, about the health of his country’s economic relations with Africa’s 54 states. China, despite its slowdown and rebalancing, is still Africa’s second-largest trading partner after Europe, with trade worth more than $220bn in 2014. Many of the questions will be about the

numbersandtimeframes:whether, or perhaps when, will China’s imports of African resources return to the glory days of the commodity supercycle? How will China’s investments in African infrastructure be affected by Beijing’s policyshifts?WillChinaopenmore factories in Africa?

There will also be some quieter, more strategic questions about tackling poverty and underdevelopment. In that area, China remainstheworldleaderhistorically, with more than 400 million of its people climbing out of poverty in the past three decades (see page 20). Its success – along with that of

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The ballot box and the building blocks: can they ever be mutually beneficial?

development CHRISTOPHE CALAIS/SIGNATURES; GWENN DUBOURTHOUMIEU FOR JA

Japan, South Korea and Taiwan – has sparked a vibrant debate on development models in Africa.

Gettingthedevelopmentstrategy right – the balance between political pluralism and building a developmental state – will affect the lives of hundreds of millions. At once it is the biggest responsibility for governments: to ensure maximum social provision in terms of education and health along with growth and economic well-being and the freedom to pursue these.

There is also a time imperative: more than 350 million young Africans are due to join the labour marketoverthenextthreedecades, THE AFRICA REPORT

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with Africa’s population due to hit two billion by 2050. As Africa becomes the fastest-urbanising continent, it could take advantage, like China, of the demographic dividend offered by this workforce and market. Failure could prove catastrophic, within and well beyond Africa’s shores.

Jim Yong Kim, president of the World Bank, highlighted the humanstakeswhenhewenttoGhana on 16 October to launch ‘Poverty in a Rising Africa’, a new report based on 25 years of household surveys. “Africa’s economy is on the rise, but to avoid bypassing vulnerable people – whether in the

rural areas or in fragile states – we must improve how we measure human progress,” he explained.

Kim’s choice of Ghana drew attention to that country’s record of combining political pluralism and economic progress. Over the past three decades, Ghana has cut poverty by more than half, from 53% in 1991 to 21% in 2012, according to the World Bank.

But, more widely, Africa’s last decade of strong growth failed to cut poverty significantly, the report says. It estimates that 388 million people were living in extreme poverty in Africa in 2012, compared to 284 million in 1990.

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However, as a percentage of the population the number had fallen – to 43% compared to 56% in 1990.

What, then, is the best form of attack on this poverty? In 1957, South Korea had a lower per capita gross domestic product than Ghana.

Today, it is the thirteenth-largest economy in the world, partly because President Park Chung-hee’s authoritarian regime focused remorselessly on export-oriented industrialisation, which produced what became known as the ‘Miracle on the Han River’.

But the South Korean model is widely admired across Africa. It was a senior Kenyan civil servant who put the point to The Africa Report a year ago: “Sometimes democracy – our politicians and civil society and their arguments – gets in the way development.” He was exasperated by local campaigns against the rebuilding of the Nairobi-Mombasa railway.

Perhaps three governments in Africa – Ethiopia, Morocco and Rwanda – are producing substantial economic results with author-

ThethreepillarsofPark’sstrategy – land redistribution, exportoriented manufacturing and a closely controlled financial sector – were anathema to would-be advisers from the World Bank and the country’s business elite, who tried to co-opthim.Park’smethods appalled democracy’s promoters in the region: he seized power in a military coup in 1961, won election as a civilian president and changed the constitution’s term limits, beforebeingassassinatedbythehead of his intelligence services in 1979.

PROFILE

John Mahama President of Ghana

Our mid-term story is very good With a history of political pluralism and economic reform, Ghana is set to host the launch of The Africa Report Debates

T

he dispensers of economic and political accolades can be a fickle bunch, as Ghana’s President John Mahama well knows. When he came to power in 2011, after the sudden death of his predecessor John Atta Mills, Ghana was one of the world’s fastest-growing economies, propelled by the launching of its oil and gas industry. Today, the accolades are scarcer as President Mahama’s government grapples

with some awkward economic realities. The oil price crashed last year, cutting revenue. Poor rains hit both the cocoa harvest and power output, and the stronger dollar sharply pushed up borrowing costs. Growth is due to slow to 3.5% this year, according to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – half the level of three years ago.

The economic climate complicates Mahama’s agenda, as he conceded on a trip to France on

5-6 October, when he met with President François Hollande and addressed the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). “The challenges facing Ghana’s economy affect a broad category of emerging markets,” said Mahama at the OECD. “The agenda for transformation that we submitted to parliament is to change the structure of the Ghanaian economy, diversify it and make it more export-driven with more valueadded processing.”

For the short term, Mahama insists his government “is putting in place measures to stabilise the economy. We have gone into an extended credit facility with the IMF and we had a very successful first review.” Certainly, the IMF and World Bank backing has bolstered

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TAR debates

itarian political systems. An adviser to Ethiopia’s late Premier Meles Zenawi said that “state consolidation would have to take priority over democratisation. We need a state that has the capacity to deliver the basic social goods before we can talk about competitive partisan politics.”

South Africa’s former president Thabo Mbeki warns against being too reductive on the issue: “We have to admit there are some authoritarian systems that are strengthening economies, and

there are pluralist systems that do the same. It is a matter of degree, finding a balance.”

A fellow South African, Thuli Madonsela, the public protector who has led the investigation into the state financing of President Jacob Zuma’s Nkandla homestead, says it is also a matter of history: “People have looked at why China works, why Singapore works. You always have to look back at traditions. There is no way in South Africa that that sort of option would work.”

THE PATH TO STATE HOUSE 29 November 1958 Born in Damongo 1988 Earned a graduate degree in psychology from Moscow’s Institute of Social Sciences

VINCENT FOURNIER/JA

1996 Elected to parliament

Ghana’s economic position: the IMF lent $920m over the past three years and the World Bank has offered a $700m guarantee to help the country raise a stonking $7.9bn for the Sankofa gas project.

In October, Ghana floated another $1bn eurobond at a coupon rate of 10.75% – some 2% higher than the bond it floated a year ago.

TAX REFORMS

That prompted a little optimism from Mahama: “I believe the midterm story is good. We are seeing fiscal consolidation. Expenditure has been held in check, so we do thinkwearegoingtoseeadecrease THE AFRICA REPORT

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in the deficit and a decline in inflation.” Having signed up Ghana as the 50th member of the OECD’s DevelopmentCentre,Mahamasaid his government would be getting technical support for wide-ranging tax reforms from the organisation.

Butunreliableelectricityremains a major gripe. “If there’s one most irritating thing to Ghanaians, it’s thepowershortage,” saidMahama.

“Buttwodecadesofpositivegrowth means that there is a huge increase inthedemandforpower.Weestimate between 10% and 12% annual growth in power demand, so we must expand generation to stay ahead of demand.” He reiterated

N O V E M B E R 2 015

1998 Named communications minister by President Jerry John Rawlings January 2009 Became President John Atta Mills’s vice-president 24 July 2012 Took over the presidency following Atta Mills’s death

BUSINESS

She explains: “South Africa is a society that was based on defiance […], that was built on challenging authoritarianism. So if the new government had become authoritarian, it would have been chaos from day one.” But even in economically successful states in Asia, Madonsela argues, political pressures will build up: “In countries like China, Singapore and Malaysia, they have authoritarian regimes, but those systems are not eternal. They will blow one day.

We have seen cracks already.” ●

the resolve of energy minister Emmanuel Armah Kofi Buah to tackle the crisis: “There are three projects nearing completion that give our minister the confidence to say we can fix it by the end of the year.”

Asked about the massive public interest in investigative journalist Anas Aremayaw Anas’s late September release of a video in which 12 high court judges appear to be receiving bribes, Mahama said the country’s institutions have taken the right steps to address the situation. Acting on advice from the judicial council and chief justice,thegovernmentsuspended seven judges immediately. However, all 12 judges deny wrongdoing, and the bribery claims are alreadythesubjectofcourtactions.

A bigger test still looms for Charlotte Osei, the chairwoman of the electoral commission appointed by Mahama in June. She has to decide whether to commission a new electoral register as demanded by a new pressure group, the Let My Vote Count Alliance.

Mahama would not be drawn on the subject: “I have no right to interfere in that list. Ghana has an electoral commission that is independent and does not consult the president to do anything. It is a relatively young register because we have only used it for one election, anditwasbiometricallycompiled.”

Asthecountrypreparesforanother tight election against a backdrop of tough economic conditions, the credibility of voting and registration will be hugely important. ● Interview by P.S.

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INTERVIEW

Mo Ibrahim Chairman, Mo Ibrahim Foundation

There is another way of doing business The results of this year’s Ibrahim Index show the pace of progress is slowing, especially on security and economic opportunities.

Holding private businesses and institutions accountable is the only way to improve governance, Mo Ibrahim says

T

hree key events provided a special focus for this year’s Ibrahim Index of African Governance, which consists of 93 indicators and is produced by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation: the North African uprisings of 2011, the recovery in the United States after its financial crisis, and the end of the commodity supercycle. Although governance improved over the 2011-2014 period in two categories – human rights and human development and participation – it declined in the other two main categories: sustainable economic activity and safety and rule of law.

Only six countries out of the 54 in Africa registered improvements in all four areas of governance. They were Côte d’Ivoire, Morocco, Rwanda and Senegal near the top of the index and Somalia and Zimbabwe near the bottom. Speaking to The Africa Report in London, Mo Ibrahim argues that trends identified by the index point to the need for widespread educational reform and a much more activist strategy to finance the job-creating small and medium-sized enterprises.

TAR: This year you released your first governance index since the end of the commodity boom. What changes are you seeing on the ground?

MO IBRAHIM: Unfortunately, many of our countries are dependent on commodities – mining activities, oil, gas – and they have failed to diversify their economies. I hope it is a lesson for the future to diversify our economies and to move away from this total dependency on a single natural resource. You look at what some of these resourcedependent countries have been doing and, again, corruption is a big issue. And if they don’t use the natural resources of a country at a time of boom to raise standards and produce a cushion, they won’t have anything for hard times when the market changes.

It’s interesting to see some of our top performers in Africa are countries that are not resource rich, because that forces countries really to look at where they can grow their economy instead of just being laid back and dependent on oil or another

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THE FOUNDATIONS OF MO 1946 Born in Sudan 1998 Started Celtel, an Africafocused telecoms company 2006 Founded the Mo Ibrahim Foundation to encourage leadership and good governance 2007 Created Satya Capital, a private-equity fund

resource. I hate to use that term ‘resource curse’, but […] when you are resource rich you tend to be lazy.

On education, the Ibrahim Index says that although more pupils are being enrolled, the standards are not improving enough.

What kind of education are we giving young people? Only 2% of university graduates study agriculture; 27% study humanities.

Shouldn’t that be the other way around? So I ask our academics when was the last time they sat with some business people in their country to discuss what they need? Where are the jobs of tomorrow going to come from?

What skills should we give to our kids?

Sometimes it seems that our education system and the people involved – civil servants, ministers of education or administrators in our universities and colleges – are living in a bubble divorced from the life outside. We need to revise our curriculum and what we are teaching our kids. ● ● ●

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Alongside economic opportunities,levelsofsecurityand the rule of law have been falling, according to the index. Why? Factors differ between countries. What happened in Libya affected us a lot – the huge amount of arms that actually came from the looting of the regime and from the weapons airdropped to all kinds of fighting groups.

You know there are so many of those in Libya.

This flooded the Sahel with weapons. Clearly, we created a problem with Libya. You say, are we any better off now in Libya than we were under [Muammar] Gaddafi? The answer is no. So that is the problem in the Sahel […]. There are also other problems arising from conflicts in Guinea and Mali.

Look at South Sudan. Why is this killing taking place? Why are these crimes being committed? We have like a million displaced people, even more, in South Sudan now. Why? It’s just the naked ambition of warlords and political leaders whose only interest is personal power and personal fortunes, which appear to be linked together.

And then they use tribal connections or whatever to turn what’s in essence a personal political agenda and greed into an ethnic fight in the country.

You have some individuals there – each of them really want to own the country, so you can’t see how peace would be achieved. How many agreements have we had?

I think all those guys should be treated as war criminals – people dying, women being raped, villages being burned.

●●●

What is the future of your governance index? Are you going

to start looking at areas such as poverty or inequality?

This is a debate within the foundation. It concerns us that we don’t have data on poverty.

We have two organisations working on our behalf to try to collect more data on this.

Inequality is very difficult to measure also. We need to get a handle on that. You know, data is a big problem in Africa. We also need to tell people – statistics are so important because you

“Poverty and inequality are very difficult to measure. We need to get a handle on that” cannot develop policy without data. And it amazes me that the development assistance community never thought of that.

What are the results? What are you achieving from that? You need to strengthen statistical partners. To strengthen statistical offices in Africa is not as sexy as opening a hospital. But if there is a statistical office and if people have data, we will be able to open more hospitals more efficiently in the best places to meet the right needs. So we need to really think about how we are going to deal with that.

You have talked about state governance, what about standards of corporate governance?

We find that without holding private businesses and institutions accountable, it is very difficult to get a handle on governance in our countries. It always amazes me how, when we talk about corruption, we only speak about corrupt politicians.

And it was interesting to see that until the year 2000, bribery was

legal in Europe. It was under business expenses and tax deductible.

And we say we are all partners in corruption, guys. We need to deal with it on both sides in order, really, to move forward.

There is another way of doing business. Yes, business is about profits, that is the first objective of business. But it also should be about people and about the planet. If you want to have a sustainable, successful business, you cannot destroy your environment because you destroy your future. And you cannot alienate people because you are alienating your customers, so you have no future. So please get beyond the quarterly results and start to look at the future.

How can this short-termism be changed?

I believe, in the end, business is a force for good because business creates jobs, creates prospects. Government doesn’t create jobs. Business brings prosperity and better prospects for us. The vast majority of businesses are ethical and doing the right thing, but still some of us are misbehaving and that tarnishes the whole community.

And it’s time for boards to take responsibility and really act as proper boards of oversight over their own companies. And that is a problem. What happened to Volkswagen amplifies that issue.

How can even great companies – one of the best-loved companies in the world for innovation and productivity – how can it end up being mired in this kind of scandal? That’s an issue of governance.

And we need to pay attention to that because it will come back and bite us on the butt! ●

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Interview by P.S.

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BUSINESS | COMPANIES & MARKETS

TANZANIA

Waiting for sweet salvation The government’s partnership with Swedish company EcoEnergy was touted as a flagship for foreign investment. NGOs say it is a land grab. Caught in the middle for the past four years are the farmers due compensation

S

itting in the shade of the late afternoon sun, Jumani Noobi absentmindedly presses the tip of his hoe into the sun-baked earth. With the dry season drawing to an end, it has been months since the father of nine has been able to work his maize and rice farm in Gama Makani, a tiny village in the Razaba District, about 45km west of the seaside town of Bagamoyo. He is one of some 1,300 residents caught in the middle of a contentious plan by Agro EcoEnergy, a subsidiary of Swedish agribusiness firm EcoEnergy, to move him off the land he and his family has worked for the past 18 years to make way for a $620m sugarcane plantation.

“I will be happy if they just give me some money so I can join my family in Kigoma. I am just tired of waiting. I worry they change their mind,” says the 62 year old, looking out over the arid scrubland.

ENDLESS DELAYS

Agriculture was meant to be a priorityforthisgovernment.Outgoing president Jakaya Kikwete insisted in2009that“forthesocioeconomic development of Tanzania, agriculture is everything.” The EcoEnergy project was announced in 2011, with those to be displaced told they could expect compensation within 18 months. It has stalled, hamstrung by red tape and legal delays.

Meanwhile, communities, the government and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are arguing over the scheme’s merits.

The Razaba project involves the creation of sugarcane fields and a

processingplantona22,300hasite.

It had been seen as a flagship project for the government’s attempts to bring foreign investment into the sector. It has also become a cause célèbre for some international NGOs. ActionAid says the project is trampling on the rights of local people, and Biovision complains about the environmental impact that would result from the use of oil-based fertilisers.

The cane would be used to produce sugar both for the domestic and export market, as well as the biofuel ethanol. The company promises new roads and direct jobs for 2,300 local people, plus the employmentofanadditional1,500 farmers working as outgrowers to cultivate cane on their own land.

Farmerscurrentlylivingontheland for the project, which is owned by theZanzibargovernmentandwas previously used as a cattle ranch, were due to receive cash compensation or be relocated to nearby farmland. Agro EcoEnergy has budgeted around $4m-$5m for compensation payouts and relocation costs but has yet to announce details of where farmers will be moved.

“It’s not a question of if we should proceed with this project. It’s only a question of how,” says Agro EcoEnergy executive director Per Carstedt. The plan was due to be rolled out in phases, with the first stage utilising around 8,000ha for the cane farm with an additional 3,000ha for outgrowers to work. Agro EcoEnergy has developed a $96m training support

programme spanning nine years to educate the Razaba farmers, who currently typically grow rice and maize. The overall scheme, which has received financial backing from the African Development Bank, the International Fund for Agricultural Development and the Swedish International Development and Cooperation Agency, is due to include the construction of 160km of roads, outgrowers will 90km of power lines and be employed 25kmofirrigationcanals. by the Agro When fully operational, EcoEnergy the plant would proproject cess around 1m tonnes SOURCE: ECOENERGY of sugarcane per annum, creating 125,000tn of sugar, contributing 100,000MW of electricity to the national grid and producing 8m litres of ethanol.

“The capacity of the processing facility is specifically designed to be greater than the level of cane that we would produce, meaning we would be relying on the

1,500

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of dollars importing a substance it can easily make itself or it can satisfy its own demand and create thousands of jobs in the process.”

Apparently convinced by this rationale, last year President Kikwete called for the construction of 10 new sugar plants by 2030 and launched a crackdown on illegal imports.

Despitetough talk, littleprogress has been made on realising those goals. Sugar smuggling remains prevalent, amid claims from industry groups that powerful vested interests are blocking the government’s efforts in order to protect an estimated $100m generated through smuggling.

NOOR KHAMIS

OBAMA’S INPUT

outgrowers to produce in order for the plant to hit its output targets,” says Carstedt. Prices paid by Agro EcoEnergy for outgrowers’ production would be monitored by civil society groups to ensure they would be fair, a key factor because outgrowers would have few alternate markets for their crops.

The similarities between this and Addax Bionergy’s project in Makeni (see TAR22, April-May 2010) – also, coincidentally, the hometown of Sierra Leone’s President Ernest Bai Koroma – are striking. There have been similar concerns over compensation and prices paid to farmers. Addax announced it would downsize its project following the West African Ebola outbreak last year.

LAND GRAB

NGOs continue to find problems with the Razaba plantation. In March, ActionAid condemned it as a land grab, adding that the planned outgrower scheme is THE AFRICA REPORT

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unworkable because it would require smallholder farmers to secure additional funding to buy inputs such as fertiliser. The government angrily countered that the land was previously a staterun cattle farm and that the farmers never had ownership of it, reiterating that farmers will be compensated anyway.

One campaigner familiar with theproject,butwhoaskednottobe named, summed up the situation: “The plans outlined by Agro EcoEnergy are impressive, but there have been so many previous projects around Africa that look great on paper and when they come to be implemented, they fall short.”

In response, Agro EcoEnergy’s Carstedt explains what he sees as the strategic importance of his project: “Tanzania uses around 12kg of sugar per person per year. This is likely to rise as gross domestic product grows. This means the country is faced with a choice: it can spend hundreds of millions

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Farmer Jumani Noobi, whose land is wanted for the sugarcane project, is ‘tired of waiting’ for news of his payout

Part of the impetus for the Agro EcoEnergy project came from the 2012 announcement by United States President Barack Obama of the New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition at the 2012 G8 Camp David Summit, which aimed to partner wealthy Western nations with multinational corporations and African governments.

The partnership’s goal is to drive agricultural industrialisation in developing countries, with the target of lifting 50 million people out of poverty by 2022. Some have criticised it for promoting deals that boost big business to the detriment of small-scale farmers.

Tanzania was among the first 10 African countries to sign up to the project, which committed governments to streamlining procedures for setting up new operations, specifically, easing tax and regulatory requirements plus setting aside large tracts of fertile land. In exchange, agribusiness multinationals such as Unilever, Monsanto and Cargill pledged to fast-track investment. The United Statesandotherdonorsalsovowed to provide additional aid funding to help develop the sector, with Britain set to donate more than £60m ($92m) to Tanzania.

The Agro EcoEnergy scheme also chimed well with Tanzania’s long-stated effort to attract big agribusiness firms.

President Kikwete outlined his Kilimo Kwanza (Agriculture First)

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initiative in 2009, and it was followed in 2011 by the creation of the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT), a public-private development zone.

SAGCOT – which stretches almost 1,000km from Dar es Salaam through the Kilombero Valley, Ihemi District, Mbarali, Sumbawanga and up to Lake Tanganyika and the border with the DRC – aims to channel international funding and fast-track decision-making on projects.

SMALLHOLDERS FIRST

Biovision advocacy manager Stefanie Keller praised the international attention that the New Alliance scheme gave to supporting African agriculture but said smallholder farmers rather than agribusiness firms needed finan-

cialsupport.“Insteadofsupporting global corporations which invest in large-scale industrial agriculture projects, countries and development partners should rather support projects that empower small-scale farmers by strengthening their access to affordable agricultural practices.”

Benedict Mongula, an associate professor at the University of Dar es Salaam’ Institute of Development Studies, also worries that big business is drowning out the voice of smallholders. “There is always a risk that the government will come under pressure from investors saying they are not getting the land that they need. Up until now, the government has concentratedon utilising former state land for SAGCOT projects rather than privately owned land.”

10 new sugar plants by 2030 is the government’s target SOURCE: GOVERNMENT OF TANZANIA

The government continues to downplay concerns about Agro EcoEnergy’s project. “The difficulty comes from a series of court cases which have slowed down proceedings. We had expected a court judgment on the number of people entitled to compensation in June, but it has not yet arrived”, says Tanzania’s commissioner of lands, Moses Kusiluka. “[The Lands Commission] is not happy about the delay. The investors are not happy. The farmers are not happy, but they will get their compensation, with interest. There is a resettlement plan. It just takes time.” In Gama Makani, Jumani and his family must wait. After almost five years of promises, waiting is the one thing he can be certain of. ● Charlie Hamilton in Bagamoyo

Mulching in Morogoro FOUNDED IN 2011, Sustainable Agriculture Tanzania (SAT) is an educational and outreach programme based in Morogoro, a town of some 350,000 people at the base of the Uluguru Mountains around 150km west of Dar es Salaam. Run by agronomist Janet Maro and her husband Alex Wostry, the organisation teaches smallholder farmers a mix of good farming practices and ecological farming techniques that do not rely on synthetic fertilisers.

More than 1,000 farmers have attended SAT’s courses, which cover topics such as land preparation, organic pest control, composting and natural fertiliser manufacture, and mulching. SAT also provides education on saving, applying for loans and small-business management.

Although SAT is equipped with classrooms, Maro says students respond better to hands-on learning, with many classes taking place at the programme’s 50ha model farm.

“The principles of the programme are to inspire sustainable farming that can allow the local community to support themselves. We want to contribute positively to the situation of farmers around Morogoro,” she says.

Adaptation to changing weather patterns is also a SAT priority.

Janet Maro (left) with Khadija Kibwana, an organic farmer

NOOR KHAMIS

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“Climate change is a very real issue,” Maro adds. “And we have found that farmers who practise our agroecological methods have managed the change in rainfall patterns better than those who use traditional methods […].

Conventional farmers are not told about it, but mulching retains moisture in the soil, which is very important where rainfall can be irregular.

Instead, they are just taught about planting, adding synthetic inputs like fertiliser and then harvesting.”

In Towelo, around 7km from Morogoro and some 500m up the side

of a mountain, Zena Adam, 43, is one of the villagers who has benefited from SAT training. Surveying the lush, terraced slopes of her Swiss chard fields, the mother of two confides that neighbouring farmers sometimes ask her what her secret is.

“The things I learned during the programme have changed the whole way I farm. It has transformed the amount of produce I can grow,” Adam says. “It was backbreaking work to terrace the land and it took me three months to complete, but I did it all myself.” ● C.H. THE AFRICA REPORT

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BUSINESS | LEADERS

INTERVIEW

Maria Ramos Chief executive, Barclays Africa

We had to change our approach Maria Ramos talks to The Africa Report about the reconfiguration of the South African market since the crisis of 2008/2009 and the bank’s new plans for Nigeria

T

he July 2013 consolidation of Barclays’ African subsidiaries and its shareholding in South Africa’s Absa created an integrated African operation for the Britain-based bank. With recent results encouraging despite a tougher environment – Barclays Africa announced 11% headline earnings growth in its June 2015 interim results – Maria Ramos has strengthened her hand in the company.

Having served as chief executive of the transportation parastatal Transnet, she became chief executive of Absa, which is majority owned by Barclays, in 2009 and then Barclays’s chief executive for Africa in 2011. There have been challenging times for South Africa’s financial sector, especially during the 2008/2009 financial crisis, the collapse of unsecured lender African Bank in late 2014 and now with the downturn in the Chinese economy. As Barclays Africa has strengthened its role in the Kenyan insurance market and made the first steps to operate in Nigeria this year, analysts warn that the bank needs to keep an eye on costs.

TAR: You applied for a banking licence in Nigeria. Is this to help

South African customers who are already present or thinking of entering Nigeria or are you targeting Nigerian corporates?

MARIA RAMOS: We thought about this from the perspective of serving corporate clients across the continent – so both African clients doing business in Nigeria and Nigerian corporates doing business outside of Nigeria and across the continent. And then obviously because we’re part of Barclays. We’re also an international bank, and actually one of the things we believe is quite unique about us is that while we are fully local in the markets that we are operating in, we are also fully regional and we are fully international. And so it’s about helping our international

TO THE BANKING BIG LEAGUE 22 February 1959 Born in Lisbon, Portugal 1990 Became an economist in the African National Congress party’s economic planning department 2004 Named chief executive at Transnet

“Reforms that we’re doing in South Africa … we’re rolling that out country by country” clients who are doing business in Nigeria. The strategy is broader than just taking South African clients into Nigeria.

Looking at your business in South Africa, just how much does the retail element contribute to the overall profits?

It’s the biggest share of our business and makes up just over 60% of total profits. For the first half of this year, our retail and business bank headline earnings were up 17%.

We have gained just over half a million new customers. Customer satisfaction is up, and customer complaints are down. So that’s a very different world to the world we were in in 2012, when we had to change our approach.

Are you going to take those same levels of service and apply them throughout Africa?

Well, in fact, in some countries our customer service levels are actually a little bit better than they are in South Africa. But, yes, the objective is that the reforms that we’re doing in South Africa – the investment into our network, whether it is the physical network in the branches or in the retail banking space, or the digital network – we’re rolling that out country by country in the rest of the continent, in the retail and business banking space. And then, of course, in corporate and investment banking we have to be able to roll out the product set, whether that’s in trade finance or foreign exchange or cash management. We are rolling out all of those systems across the continent into our network.

What was it that hit your retail business in South Africa back in 2012? How have you managed to turn it around over the past few years?

It was really a combination of things. It was a business that was changing. It was making sure that we had the right skill set, that we had the right systems in place.

It was a different market environment, a more bullish market

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LEADERS | BUSINESS

environment. A lot of lending had been done, and we probably should have acted faster on making sure that when those loans had gone bad that we exited more speedily. I think those are some of the big lessons learned.

But the business is in a very different space now. Our retail business and particularly our home loans book has had a massive turnaround. We’re starting to grow our market share, and we’ve got a very good team in THE AFRICA REPORT

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place. And the entire space, end to end – so from the client-facing to the other end of this spectrum which is collection, when things really do go bad – all of that has changed. We’ve improved, and we’ve made sure we’ve got the right people and the right business in place and we can service our clients across South Africa.

There are several financial institutions in South Africa that have gotten into trouble in

consumer lending to unsecured borrowers. Do you feel there are too many overextended South Africans?

South African consumers are under pressure and that often has to be segmented because we are talking to middle-income to obviously higher-income segments of the market. I think people have come through quite a tough time.

In the post-2008 crisis, people de-leveraged a lot. And if you’ve de-leveraged, you’ve been able to hold onto a house and you’ve got a job. Our data shows that those people have done OK. But there are also lots of consumers out there where that’s not the case, where people are under pressure on the income side either because they haven’t been able to find new jobs after the crisis or if they have found a job that’s not a permanent job.

There are consumers that are just more indebted than they should be, and so that’s been an issue.

But some three years ago now, we took a decision as Barclays Africa and the South Africa space in particular that we were going to be very cautious about lending into that personal loans market, in particular because we were concerned that people were overextending themselves.

And so our market as Absa has reduced from around 30% five to six years ago to around 9%.

We’re early movers in this space, and I’m confident about what we have on our books in terms of who we lend to.

South African parastatals are in torment. Given your time at Transnet, what is the problem?

There’s quite a few of them [parastatals], and they are not all in the same position. Their performance is not the same. In the ones that are not performing, it’s about making sure that the focus is clear and the government as a shareholder has set the right objectives. Then it’s making sure you’ve got the right people with the right ● ● ●

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HANNIBAL Kenya’s money meltdown HAVING DEFEATED the Kenyan teachers’ unions and their demands for higher salaries in late September, what next for Kenya’s financial overlords? Not much, hopefully, according to the World Bank.

Washington’s finest warn the government to cut back on its recurrent spending – salaries for the most part – as well as its development spending – infrastructure, for example. The country is in the grip of a credit crunch that is playing out across the economy. The government is already borrowing domestically at record levels. Banks are going under. Borrowing and expenditure are up, but political dialogue is down. Distant relatives in Greece have recognised the tune that Kenyans are humming.

Crisis? What crisis?

BACK IN 2014, treasury secretary Henry Rotich, the safe pair of hands usually wheeled out on these occasions, defended the government’s decision to double the external debt ceiling to KSh2.5trn ($20bn). “If we approve a lower figure, we’ll have to come back and ask for more.

So we thought, why not have enough until 2017?” said Rotich at the time. Why not, indeed? Fast-forward to today, and higher interest rates and a falling shilling have made repayments of external debts a much heavier burden. Domestic borrowing has shot up, too, with the government projecting it will have borrowed some KSh600bn by June next year. “Talk of a liquidity crisis has been overstated,” Rotich reassured colleagues during televised budget committee discussions.

The banks who couldn’t BUT WHILE IN PUBLIC the government is singing a happy song, one can only imagine the conversations behind closed doors. On the other side of town in October, Kenya’s new and austere central bank governor Patrick Njoroge was placing a second bank into administration. Imperial Bank is the latest bank to go under statutory management, following the decision in August to put Dubai Bank into the authorities’ care. The danger of the interbank market freezing over has skipped upwards a few notches, meaning the government has to be ready to intervene to provide liquidity if necessary… with money it does not really have.

Parallel political universes ROTICH, MEANWHILE, was grilled by members of parliament (MPs), who occasionally appear to be living in another universe. Why, they demanded, was the government failing to pay civil servants and disburse funds for its freeeducation commitments? Perhaps these MPs, among the best-paid in the world, need to look in the mirror. President Uhuru Kenyatta said recently that the top 2% of Kenyan public servants are eating up more than half the national budget.

We can be relatively certain that lowly teachers are not the ones responsible for this drain on resources. ●

● ● ● experience, capability and talent to deliver on that. I think we all struggle, whether you’re in the public sector or in the private sector: there’s a war for talent.

There’s a war for skills, and there’s a lot of people competing for the same set of skills. I think probably the biggest and the most important thing for us to resolve in the South African economy is how to continue investing and involving those talent pools and those skills – making sure we’ve got deep enough talent pools.

After all, we live in a part of the world that has got a significant amount of young people – all of them incredibly ambitious, all of them with tons of potential.

Is there a tension between the financial sector and the manufacturing sector in South Africa with regard to interest rates?

No, because we don’t have a market where interest rates are determined in that way. I think the South African Reserve Bank has one core objective, and that’s inflation. And so, if you think about the conduct of monetary policy, it’s managed very independently. The central bank has got its primary objective, which is price stability, and then it has to do that with respect to economic growth.

This isn’t a contest between the financial sector and the manufacturing sector, I think, when you’re making decisions about interest rates. You’re looking at where inflation is, where demand is, because that’s an indicator of inflation down the road [...] But I don’t think we have a monetary policy in this country which is directed to enhancing the fortunes of one sector over another.

Would you want to see a United States-style dual mandate for the central bank, where they have to look at unemployment as well?

I was part of the team that negotiated the independence of the central bank in the interim constitution. I am very comfortable with the central bank’s mandate. ● Interview by Nicholas Norbrook THE AFRICA REPORT

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DOSSIER TELECOMS

Data, future Data consumption is rising rapidly in Africa, and companies are now focusing on a new generation of telecoms networks to increase speed and capacity. While voice is not dead, analysts predict slower growth in the years ahead

By Oheneba Ama Nti Osei

G

one are the days when you had to make a phone call to book a taxi – now there are apps for that. An urgent money transfer?

Use the bank’s platform on your smartphone. A lengthy phone chat with a loved one in Europe?

Sit down with Skype. Today, data services like voice over internet protocol (VoIP), apps and instant

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More music and videos at your fingertips is one of the joys of the data revolution

data requirements double every six to nine months.”

Companies are seeing the impact on their bottom lines. The GSM Association’s 2014 Mobile Economy report showed that MTN Nigeria’s data revenue had grown at a compound annual growth rate of 185% over the previous five years. South Africa’s Vodacom recorded data revenue growth of 35% to R4.8bn ($344.5m) between 2014 and 2015. Informa predicts that annual mobile data revenue on the continent will rise from $8.5bn in 2012 to $23.2bn in 2018.

king messaging platforms are shaping Africa’scommunicationlandscape.

“Most people’s consumption patterns have changed. And all that requires data, so data is the thing,” says Devine Kofiloto, a freelance telecoms consultant. “It’s the bomb.” Africa’s data revolution is in full swing, and telecoms operators both old and new are adopting different strategies – from cheap smartphones to the roll-out THE AFRICA REPORT

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MICHAEL ZUMSTEIN/AGENCE VU

MADE IN CHINA

of 4G networks – to maintain and increase their data revenue, yet not writing voice off completely.

Mobile data usage and revenue are growing strongly in Africa and at a significantly faster rate than voice revenue, says Informa, a telecoms analysis company. The information technology giant Cisco sees Africa as the fastest-growing region in terms of mobile data traffic, for which it predicts 17-fold growth between 2013 and 2017.

David Eurin, chief strategy officer of Africa-focused telecoms provider Liquid Telecom, explains: “Globally, data grows and the data requirement for the internet grows by 40-50% per year. In Africa, it’s more like 50-60% […].

In some of our countries, we see

Increased affordability of dataenabled devices is one of the factors Informa suggests is fuelling this data explosion. With the surge in data use, devices that are simple voice calling machines are losing their lustre, and several African operators are now selling lowerpriced smartphones (see page 84).

Many of these offers have been made possible through partnerships with Chinese device manufacturers such as Huawei and Tecno, says Informa. It expects the number of smartphones in Africa to rise from about 79m in 2012 to 412m by 2018 as ever more people use Facebook, Twitter, Instagram and Snapchat on their phones.

Anexpandinggroupofoperators is also targeting opportunities for Long Term Evolution (LTE) – a 4G technology that is up to 10 times faster than 3G – in several African markets. According to research firm Ovum, there were already 34 LTE network deployments across the continent in February 2015.

Among that group are telecom firms with existing 2G and 3G networks that are now accelerating the roll-out of 4G services. Francebased operator Orange has already deployed commercial LTE networks in Mauritius and Botswana, and plans to create another five LTE networks in Africa this year.

Another batch of data-only LTE players is also arriving on the

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scene. With no history of providing Mobile data 2019 764,000 voice services, these newcomers traffic forecasts in sub-Saharan have bypassed 2G and 3G netAfrica works and directly built LTE net2018 571,000 (terabytes per month) works. Examples are Ghanaian operator Surfline Communica2017 380,000 tions, which launched the country’s first LTE network in August 2016 239,000 2014 and will be expanding its 2015 147,000 network after securing $30m in 2014 76,000 funding this year. With LTE ser2013 37,500 SOURCE: ERICSSON vices in Nigeria, Tanzania and Uganda, Mauritius-based Smile Mobile data use by sector Telecoms announced in SeptemMobile payments/ ber that it will be setting up an LTE banking 12.8% network in the Democratic ReInternet 7.3% public of Congo in early 2016 after raising $365m in investment capApplications 4.3% Messaging ital. Swiss-owned wireless broadMusic 4.2% 59.4% band provider YooMee has also Social networking 3.9% been very successful, launching Games 2.8% Côte d’Ivoire’s first LTE network Others 5.3% in April 2014.

SOURCE: INFORMA TELECOMS & MEDIA Kofiloto, the telecoms consultant, explains that most governample is Ghana, where within the ments arenow awarding data-only past two or three years we’ve seen licences whereby new operators the likes of Surfline and Blu Telecan only start offering voice when coms coming on board,” he says. they have hit certain penetration But the evidence does not all levels with data: “The classic expoint in the same direction. Speak-

ing to The Africa Report last year, Bob Collymore, chief executive of Kenya’s Safaricom, pointed to the company’s 2014 half-year results. They showed that voice revenue had grown about 17%.

“Many European operators and many African operators, too, are seeing voice on the decline, butweareactuallyseeingvoice grow,” Collymore explained.

Russell Southwood, chief executive of the London-based Balancing Act telecoms consultancy, echoes that view: “You also have to remember that even on the most optimistic projections, the bigger countries will have 50% smartphones [as a percentage of total devices]. And then if you say there are 20-30% feature phones – which are a bit like smartphones and have internet access – that still leaves you somewhere between 30% to 70% of people still with basicphones.Soitwillbecomeatwoway marketplace where different people have different devices. It’s not going to be a complete [data] takeover within five years.” ●

INTERVIEW

Irene Charnley Chief executive, Smile Telecoms

People will continue to use voice, but we will see zero voice growth. It’s going to be data TAR: Why do you think Africans are so hungry for data?

With the lack of fixed-line infrastructure in the developing world, mobile growth – just on voice – was so much faster, and it was unprecedented in the developing world.

I mean, people were just hungry: ‘Now I can speak to somebody anywhere, any time.’ What has happened now is that people use different devices for different purposes, such as social media and streaming. The social media aspect is very huge and that’s only been in the past three to five years. People are also

streaming videos on YouTube, and this is all for entertainment purposes. For this, you need data, you need broadband.

How has communication evolved over the years?

Five years ago, I wasn’t using data. Now, 60% of everything I do I use data.

But I still speak, I still have to speak to somebody.

So, culturally speaking, in the developing world people still need to speak to each other.

But from a generational gap, I think in 10 years you will have data growth. People will use voice, but they will see zero voice growth. It’s going to be

data. That’s my view, and it’s based on actual experiences.

Voice will be around in the developing world, but we’re moving towards data, and in 10 years this world will be completely different.

Do you see data overtaking voice in terms of revenue in the next few years?

I think there’s a place for it [voice] in the developing world and in Africa, but from a revenue point it’s not growing […]. It’s single-digit growth.

It’s not double-digit growth in terms of revenue year on year. So voice certainly has a place, I absolutely agree.

But in terms of future growth, in terms of revenue, it’s got to come from somewhere else like data. I think the next generation just want to communicate using data.

Are your prices attractive to customers?

What we’ve done at Smile is that we are not charging a premium for a premium product like we should. Our prices are fairly competitive, and it’s in line with the market price. So, comparatively speaking, the prices are very good and it’s competitive in terms of worldwide prices. ● Interview by O.A.N.O.

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SMARTPHONES

Your guide to the new low-cost models Shopping for a new smartphone? From internal memory size, camera quality to retail price, the options are endless. Here we look at a few popular low-cost handsets that have arrived on the market this year

By Oheneba Ama Nti Osei

Safaricom Neon

Alcatel OneTouch Fire E

Leading Kenyan telecoms operator Safaricom sells the entrylevel Neon at a retail price of KSh4,999 ($49). The handset, which is a rebrand of the Vodafone Smart Kicka, runs on Android version 4.4 and sports a 3.5-inch screen and 2GB of internal memory. Customers also get 20MB of data and 20 SMSs daily for 30 days. The telecoms giant has also launched smartphones such as the Huawei Ideos and the Huawei 4Africa in partnership with the Chinese manufacturer.

At the launch in April, MTN South Africa became the first telecoms operator to launch a Firefoxbased phone in Africa. The Mozilla-powered smartphone comes packed with 4GB of expandable memory, a dual-core 1.2Ghz processor, 512MB of RAM and a 4.5-inch 960 × 540 display.The device is available in Zulu, Xhosa, Afrikaans and English and can be purchased for prepaid service for R1,699 ($125) and on contract for R89 per month.

Alcatel Orange Klif In May, Orange and Mozilla launched the 3G, Firefox-OS-based smartphone at the Mobile World Congress in Spain. The Alcatel-manufactured handset retailed at $40 in Senegal and Madagascar, where it first went on sale. Operators offered a package including voice, text and data for six months.

The affordable price goes hand-in-hand with its low-quality specifications: a 1GHz dual-core processor, 512MB of internal memory and 320 x 480 pixels resolution.

Vodacom Smart Speed 6 Fresh on the market in September was the Smart Speed 6, a 4G-capable device designed by Vodacom and manufactured by China’s ZTE. Considered one of the cheapest 4G smartphones available in South Africa, the 4.5-inch device hit stores in September at a retail price of R1,199 ($95). The Android-powered handset has a 1GHz quad-core processor, 8GB of built-in memory, a 5MP camera and 480 x 854 pixels resolution. The device is one of four new products – three low-cost smartphones and a tablet – that were unveiled by the operator in September.

The Infinix Hot 2 This version of Google’s Android One phone – built in partnership with Hong Kong-based hardware manufacturer Infinix – made its African debut in Nigeria in August. It has since launched in Ghana, Kenya, Egypt, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt and Morocco. Branded as the Infinix Hot 2, the smartphone is made specifically for the African market and runs Android version 5.1, which provides better performance, multiple SIM-card support, high-definition voice calling and a device protection system for lost or stolen phones. According to Google, the handset boasts a 1.3GHz quad-core MediaTek processor, dual SIM slots, frontand rear-facing cameras, an FM radio tuner and 16GB of internal memory. In terms of battery capacity, it holds 2,200 mAh, higher than the 2,000 mAh battery capacity of an average smartphone. Customers can also enjoy a brilliant view with its five-inch 720 x 1,280 pixel resolution. Users can opt for the standard version – which has 1GB of RAM and is available in black, white, blue and red – or the gold-coloured 2GB premium, both sold via Nigerian online retailer Jumia at recommended retail prices of N17,500 ($88) and N19,500, respectively. In Kenya, the standard one can be purchased for KSh8,999 ($87). Another highlight of this 3G-enabled smartphone is the new offline feature for the YouTube app. Consumers can download YouTube videos and play them back without an internet connection for up to 48 hours.

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EDUCATION

Joining the digital race Companies and policymakers are looking at ways to transform teaching with new technology, which requires the development of infrastructure, creation of content and the training of a new generation of teachers

W

hat comes first for e-learning in Africa – the software or the hardware? Local content or accessible and affordable devices and internet? For Narend Baijnath, chief executive of South Africa’s Council for Higher Education, these debates are the ‘chicken and egg paradox’ that can freeze progress.

It is also a hurdle Nivi Mukherjee knows well. A few years after founding eLimu, a Kenyan software company providing local content for schools, she kept hitting the same obstacle: the computer tablets on the market were not right for African classrooms.

KIT FIT TO LAST

“The cheap hardware that we’re getting from the East wouldn’t last and the good hardware from the West was too expensive. We really needed something for Africa in Africa that would last but was also affordable.” Something as simple as chalkboard dust – an irritation

relegated to history for teachers in New York and Shanghai – can be a big barrier to using some tablets in African classrooms. “The reality on the ground is that content lies on top of hardware, and hardware lies on top of infrastructure,” says Mukherjee.

Alongside her job at eLimu, she is now president of BRCK Education, a wing of the Kenyan-based technology firm that makes the BRCKinternetmodem.InSeptember, it launched its own tablet for the African classroom, the BRCK Kio. It is a $100 dust-protected, 1GB tablet with an eight-hour battery life that uses Google’s Android operating system. BRCK Education is also selling a $5,000 kit that comes in a rugged suitcase with 40 tablets and a BRCK modem that provides wireless charging for all the devices. Within a week of its launch, Mukherjee said BRCK Education already had orders for 100 Kio kits.

The company has also submitted an expression of interest to the

$1bn e-learning could generate $1bn in Africa by 2020

SOURCE: AMBIENT INSIGHT

Kenyan government’s digital literacy programme and is in conversation with several governments and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) about the devices.

There are signs that technology solutions for Africa could become a lucrative market. A report published in September by analysts at Ambient Insight estimated that revenue from e-learning in Africa could reach

Qelasy tablets target the Francophone education market

BY THE END OF 2016, businessman Thierry N’Doufou hopes that around 20,000 children across Africa will have one of his Qelasy tablets in their backpacks.

Costing around $250, the first version of the tablet was launched in September 2014.

A new model – which comes in both eight-inch and 10-inch formats and has a tougher screen better suited for outdoor teaching – will be commercially available from January 2016. There are already 3,000 active users in

Cameroon, Senegal, Morocco and Côte d’Ivoire, where there will soon be a larger pilot in around 100 schools.

“We made it for students, for small hands, to learn and teach, not to play,” he says.

“We have a system that avoids advertising, that avoids distraction. We give all the power to teachers to monitor what each student is doing on his tablet and to have a more unique way of teaching for each student.”

Some private schools in Côte d’Ivoire, where Qelasy

is based, have already put the tablets on their list of requirements for parents to buy. “The best model for us is that parents will be also involved. Because if it will be completely free, it will be difficult for the maintenance,” says N’Doufou.

So far, Qelasy has more than 3,000 pieces of content available for download, including 300 videos and 500 free e-books. Qelasy has a team creating content in the company’s own studio. It is also working with French and

African publishing companies, but N’Doufou says it has proved challenging to get more African content on its database. “The difficulty is mainly to explain to editors that it is important for them to get in the digital era.”

N’Doufou says it is a good moment to be developing technology designed for African education. He says most African governments know that using digital technology in education can help “bridge the gap between the West and Africa.” ● G.W.

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JGI/TOM GRILL/BLEND IMAGES/CORBIS

used to offset the cost of tablets and the upkeep and upgrading of technology. But he adds that institutional politics in higher education can hijack large digitisation projects. And sometimes “a culture of consultation can also prevent progress or slow it to a glacial pace, making it difficult to achieve the leap into a digital future,” he explains. He is hopeful that progress will continue and act as a societal leveller. “With more infrastructure available and increasing competition, it is hoped that the result will be even lower prices, making high-speed internet access ubiquitous in society regardless of one’s class position.”

more than $1bn by 2020, with 16.3% compound annual growth between 2015 and 2020.

There are a growing number of education tech start-ups bidding for the attention of teachers, students and their parents as education moves further online.

For example, Nigerian start-up PrepClass sells students subscriptions to an online database of material to help them prepare for university entrance exams. Elsewhere, Tanzanian social enterprise Ubongo creates popular animated videos teaching children about maths that are broadcast in Kiswahili on local TV. COST-EFFECTIVE ACCESS

In 2014, tech giant Google launched the $15m Global Learning XPRIZE to reward a team of techengineerswhosetechnologies boost access to and the quality of education in developing countries. The first entries must be submitted at the end of 2016 and semi-finalists will be announced in early 2017. Almost 200 teams have already entered from around the world, including the Gautengbased educational NGO Class Act THE AFRICA REPORT

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in South Africa and Kenyan education content creator Boresha.

But the Council for Higher Education’s Baijnath says that internet penetration in primary and secondary schools is not improving fast enough to keep up with these educational developments. He points to useful pilots in some schools and a roll-out in secondary schools across Gauteng Province, but he worries that internet access is not widespread enough to “really transform the way in which teaching and learning occurs at school level”.

He says telecom providers will always make their decisions based on profitability, although this “does not mean they are not open to proposals”. For example, at the University of South Africa (UNISA) where Baijnath was formerly pro vice-chancellor, “we were able to persuade most of the providers to give a special deal to the hundreds of thousands of UNISA students for cost-effective internet access.”

In such large institutions, Baijnath says careful cost-benefit modelling is necessary to work out how savings on the printing and distribution of textbooks can be

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Technology alone is not enough to improve the quality of education.

Teachers need training in how to integrate digital technologies into the classroom

INTEGRATING LESSONS

However, a report published in mid-September by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) called Students, Computers and Learning: Making the Connection, warned that just introducing technology in classrooms is not enough to improve the quality of education. The OECD stressed that teachers also need to be better trained in how to integrate digital technologies in their teaching.

The success of tablets such as BRCK’s Kio will hinge on the teachers and how they use it. The Kio tablets give access to local and international content – including from education company Pearson –accessedviacloud-basedservers.

But in the future, Mukherjee hopes that teachers will start uploading their own videos and content onto the platform, which could become a real marketplace where teachers passionate about certain subjects could share their lessons.

Because of this, teacher training on new technology should not just be about how to switch on new devices and play videos, she argues. In a ‘flipped classroom’, teachers would assign students things to read or watch in their own time and then spend time in class discussing them. There, teaching would be more of a curating role. It is about “saying that your job has changed from being an instructor to being a facilitator,” she says. ● Gemma Ware

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Art

Connected:

The next generation In August Hans-Ulrich Obrist and Simon Castets brought their 89plus roadshow to Africa for an exhilarating week of encounters with artists in the digital age THE AFRICA REPORT

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Elisabeth Efua Sutherland with fellow creatives DJ Steloo and Yaw P at Chale Wote Street Art Festival in Accra

By Honore Banda in Accra, Johannesburg and Addis Ababa

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t is early Saturday morning in the East Legon neighbourhood of Accra.

Though the city has hardly woken up, a gallery space at Nubuke Foundation is brimming with recent university arts graduates and students, nervously waiting to show their portfolios to two titans of the art world. Limbering up mentally are the angular figures of HansUlrich Obrist co-director of London’s Serpentine Gallery and Simon Castets, director of the Swiss Institute in New York, co-founders of the 89plus platform.

Pushing cultural curiosity to physical THE AFRICA REPORT

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limits is their thing: their ‘89plus marathons’ have taken them across Europe, Asia and the Americas. Now in Africa, this is the first day of an eight-day, threeleg research trip, from Accra to Addis via Johannesburg, in the eternal quest for what creative futures will emerge from the digital generation.

89plus is not, as may sound, a platform for nonagenarian iconoclasts (Iris Apfel, Carmen Herrera and Pierre Soulages spring to mind), but it’s all about the youth. Specifically those born in or after 1989 – a year of “seismic, paradigm-

shifting” events, notably the birth of the internet, the fall of the Berlin Wall and Tiananmen Square. If Africa’s own paradigm-shifting events occurred in a different decade, it can at least be said that ‘digital natives’ will be more important here than anywhere. Sub-Saharan Africa has the youngest population in the world. 89plus’s mission is to elucidate “what having instant knowledge and technological knowhow at the fingertips” will produce in terms of creativity, Obrist says. In one of his characteristic verbal tropes he expresses his barely contained

DESIRE CLARKE

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COURTESY OF THE ARTIST AND STEVENSON GALLERY CAPE TOWN - PHOTO: PHILIPPUS JOHAN

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Mitchell Gilbert Messina’s Long Shot: a “failed attempt to catapult” himself into Stevenson Gallery, Cape Town

excitementaboutbeinginAccra:“It’svery much about the polyphony of centres.”

Nubuke Foundation is a fitting place to launch the African tour, organised on the ground by the digital cultural platform Another Africa. Faced with a dearth of infrastructure and a lack of art programming it was here that curator Odile Tevie and artist Kofi Setordji established the centre a decade ago to give artists the opportunity and space to practise and create. Another pioneer who has come to the workshop with some of his students is photographer Nii Obodai Provencal, who started Nuku Studio, a small-scale photography school in Accra, to help novice photographers in what he describes as conceptualising their worlds and telling the stories that they want to. “Students are jumping from literally no creative education to university,” says Provencal. “If they get into university, then boom it hits them.

I think that, that is problematic.” “ I t ’s a h u s t l e ,” a d d s Na n a Oforiatta-Ayim, the founder of ANO cultural research platform. “All of us working in the arts are battling through.”

However small, though, Accra has a tight-

knit and committed art community and the deficiencies allow “incredible freedom to create whatever we want, as long as we can support it in some way.”

Already, some of the patterns Obrist and Castets have remarked in the 89plus generation on other continents start to emerge. Among them is the freedom to mix and merge genres. For 24-yearold performing artist, educator and theatre workshop director Elisabeth Efua Sutherland multimedia is not just static and recorded art – it includes live dance performances combined with projections. Political consciousness is also

On the road

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2-JOHANNESBURG South Africa

Ethiopia

strong. One of Sutherland’s “movement pieces”isMorgue,asatireexaminingpoor safety practices in hospitals that sometimes result in living patients being put in the freezer. Then there is 22-year-old Yaw Owusu, who crafts the nearly worthless one-pesewa coin into shimmering, wry sculptures that question nation-building and economic practices.

TELLING STORIES IN JO’BURG

In South Africa the 89plus team landed at Keleketla! Library in Johannesburg.

The former army drill hall famous as the location of the 1956 Treason Trial is a symbolic place to talk about heritage and “the danger of one story”. It is run by the low-key yet phenomenal duo Malose Malahlela and Rangoato ‘Ra’ Hlasane, for whom a library is “a place of production”. Here multiple stories are told in poetry, workshops, music and exhibitions, with projects embracing local young people and documented for the inner city community. “We wanted a space that would speak to the immediate neighbourhood,” Hlasane explains.

Keleketla! is a much-needed project in a country that Lerato Bereng, a young THE AFRICA REPORT

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ART & LIFE

COURTESY OF THE ARTIST MEKBIB TADESSE

Mekbib Tadesse, Portrait of the Boxer series: “I am trying to bridge the gap, break the mold”

curator, describes as lacking “in-between spaces”. Despite many people believing that infrastructure has improved in South Africa, Bereng said that welcoming spaces – beyond the somewhat alienating commercial gallery sphere and “limping museums” – that are accessible to all strata of society and the different language groups, are desperately lacking.

Bereng’s comments came out of the first African session of Obrist’s notorious ‘Brutally Early Club’. The salon – a tradition that began back in London in 2006 – gathers critical contemporary thinkers for intimate, lively conversations, and opened at 6.30am with Obrist’s energetic question: “What is urgent?”

In South Africa the 89plus generation has a potent overlap with the born-free generation, and several of the artists are autodidacts motivated by first-hand THE AFRICA REPORT

ADDIS ADDS UP

In Ethiopia fine art traditions of painting and sculpture have long been upheld and artists such as the late greats Alexander ‘Skunder’ Boghossian and Gebre Kristos Desta are revered in the country. Ato Ale Felege Selam not only founded but built the Ale School of Fine Arts and Design at Addis Ababa University in 1958 and it was here that the third 89plus workshop was held, with an impromptu visit to the pioneer himself, who is now about 90 years old.

The tenacity shown

by Selam still resonates and can be seen in the work of Aida Muluneh, founder of the Addis Foto Fest. Returning to Ethiopia from the US nine years ago, she set out to shift the perception of the black image globally.“Mymaingoal, andIamreallypushing,” shesays,“isthatwehave solid photographers comingoutofEthiopia.”

One who is heeding the call is 24-year-old Mekbib Tadesse. Describing his latest documentary series on local boxers, he said: “I am trying to bridge the gap, break the mould”. Like his contemporaries, the poets, visual artists, architects, technologists and bloggers filling the crowded lecture room, he is determined to tell stories that translate the complex social context of Ethiopia in 2015.

From their visits to these three African cities, Obrist and Castets have already picked up several of the artists for a show in Zurich and for a publication featuring young artists from all over the world. But 89plus goes beyond the being there. Those who cannot get to the workshops have the chance to upload their work to the 89plus website and be part of a digitally-connected global community that will continue to grow, evolve and influence. ● LINDOKUHLE SOBWEKA

Lindokuhle Sobekwa, Nyaope, everything you give me my Boss, will do

in critiquing the lack of infrastructure: through conceptual art that disarms the spectator with seemingly effortless farcical gestures. The young artist, who has already exhibited at the kingpin of South African commercial galleries, Stevenson, describes his piece Long Show as a failed attempt to slingshot himself into the gallery entrance.

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knowledge of the street. One was softly spoken20-year-oldLindokuhleSobekwa, whose powerful images did most of the talking. For the past three years he has been developing the series Nyaope, everything you give me my Boss, will do, looking at the rampant use of the illicit street drug – a deadly combination of low-grade heroin and substances such as rat poison. In keeping with the tradition of photographing township life paved by greats such as Bob Gosani, Cedric Nunn, and the late Ernest Cole, Sobekwa explained that he was “interested in how people document reality”. His black-andwhite images offer nuanced stories that beg the question: Born free, but are we really free in the face of structural racism, and economic inequality?

Mitchell Gilbert Messina, a 24-year-old from Cape Town, has an unusual way

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EXHIBITIONS E IS FOR EXHIBITION Until 13 Nov. JO’BURG | SOUTH AFRICA Exhibition of the brilliant satirical comic-book artist Anton Kannemeyer includes works from his ‘Alphabet of Democracy’ series. stevenson.info

THE FIVE MAGIC PEBBLES Until 28 Nov. CAPE TOWN | SOUTH AFRICA Watercolours by Matthew Hindley, produced to illustrate a book of Don Mattera’s mythical African tales. davidkrutprojects.com

COMOT YOUR EYES MAKE I BORROW YOU MINE Until 20 Dec. PARIS | FRANCE Titled ‘Take your eyes away, I’ll lend you mine’ in Nigerian Pidgin English, Otobong Nkanga’s exhibition at the Kadist Art Foundation takes a subjective, questioning journey down a defunct railway line in Namibia. kadist.org

MATERIAL EFFECTS 6 Nov. – 8 Apr. 2016 MICHIGAN | US Eli and Edythe Broad Art Museum hosts a group exhibition of works by contemporary artists from West Africa and the diaspora. broadmuseum.msu.edu

BEAUTÉ CONGO Until 10 Jan 2016 PARIS | FRANCE So successful has this exhibition been – bringing not only a century of Congolese art, but its music and fashion too, to a Parisian audience – that it has been extended. fondationcartier.fr

Cairo children embark on a ‘trip’ with Safarni

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Education Fly with me Local organisations In Cairo have taken it into their own hands to promote diversity and stimulate young minds

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gypt’s education system presents a gloomy picture: poorly paid teachers, classes of up to 60, corporal punishment and out-of-date textbooks. Even private schools perform badly. A 2013 report by UNICEF found that less than 10% of Egyptian schools met the national education standards.

“Students end up hating school,” says social entrepreneur Azza Kamel. “The traditional Egyptian curriculum does not include general knowledge or art and does not encourage critical thinking.” This is why she started Alwan wa Awtar (Colours and Strings) in the marginalised Cairo

community of Mokattam to teach life skills through art and non-formal education.

From her experience working for a micro-credit organisation in Mokattam, helping women start their own businesses, Kamel found that the older women hadn’t developed the necessary skills. “We need to help them while they’re young, to give them life and social skills and allow them to think for themselves,” she enthuses. Practising art, she believes, promotes a host of skills beyond drawing and painting – observation, analysis, critical thinking and problem solving. The organisation also has a community library to plant the seed of reading.

BOOK REVIEW

Kagame François Soudan Enigma Books Journalist François Soudan has done future biographers of Paul Kagame a great service: here in one slim volume are many months of one-to-one interviews.

As the news breaks of a fourth term for Kagame, the book helps put some of his positions more clearly.

His strong sense of nationalism, his nuanced critique of capitalism and his clear sense of purpose for the country shine

through, as well as his tone of wearied exasperation with what he sees as pure Western polemics, such as the International Criminal Court, and the treatment of dissidents.

Some tough questions are asked, namely on the death in South Africa of former comrade turned enemy of the state Kayumba Nyamwasa; revenge killings following the genocide; and why Kagame put Laurent Kabila into power.

Curious readers will need to wait a little longer for his views on economic THE AFRICA REPORT

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ART & LIFE

Sophie Anmuth in Cairo

development – for example, how Rwanda might avoid the pitfalls of the authoritarian developmental state. Or indeed, the job of state-linked conglomerate Crystal Ventures as vanguard in opening new sectors for Rwandan business, and its financing role for the ruling Rwandan Patriotic Front.

The former spy boss turned president offers up some fun phrases: “Sometimes Rwandan society is described as a blind, gregarious society ruled with an iron hand by a sort of power that has come right out of George Orwell’s 1984. That’s nonsensical […]. Democracy is not an abstract theory”. ● THE AFRICA REPORT

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Spoken word Poetry’s cool in the desert Performance poetry has come out of the shadows in the Namibian capital, Windhoek

Blindfold in the spotlight, Anne Hambuda

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

Kamel is not alone in her drive to promote broader-based learning. Safarni is a small organisation that focuses on opening children’s minds to other cultures. Its name means ‘take me travelling’ in Arabic, and in playsessionsthechildrenboardanimaginary plane to visit a foreign country. They meet people from these countries – volunteers who are visiting or living in Egypt – who introduce them to some of the words in their languages, the landscapes and monuments, cartoons and music. The children dance the local dances and eat the local food. In this game the only rules are to respect each other and not say things are ‘bad’ or ‘yuck’ but instead use words like ‘different’ or ‘new’.

“You can’t expect people who have never encountered earth’s innate diversity to just accept it without a second thought,” says Raphaëlle Ayach, a French-American documentary filmmaker and Safarni’s founder.

“But the more you encounter difference, the more likely you are to accept all beliefs, traditions and ways of life. A 10-year-old child used to refuse to play with a volunteer because she was a Christian,” she recalls. “Now he not only plays with her but with people of many different faiths and cultures.”

Based in the densely populated, informal CaironeighbourhoodofArdel-Lewa,Safarni collaborates with other local initiatives and now plans to set up mentoring services for refugee children.

With new scrutiny in Egypt and government’s approval needed for funds coming from international organisations or foreign charities, both Ayach and Kamel rely on private donors or crowdfunding, which makesithardtofind adequatefinancing.“It’s important,” Ayach says, “for organisations like ours to thrive if we want a more peaceful, understanding, empathetic world.” ●

A

hush has fallen over Windhoek’s usually rowdy Old Breweries bars, punctuated byfingersnapsandtheclinkof whisky glasses. But the rapt crowd has come out for the bards, not the booze.

“Bandwagon poetry fans. Oh, is poetry cool now?”

In early September poetic rising star Anne Hambudahad alittlesomething to say to fad-followers on Twitter. Having recently made her debut at Spoken Word, Namibia’s monthly platform currently celebrating 10 years in existence, Hambuda was slightly sore at the aging platform’s overdue fame. Spreading from the Warehouse Theatre in Windhoek Central, down the road to Jojo’s Music and Arts Café and sporadically springing up at Chopsie’s Pub nextdoor, performance poetry is moving swiftly into the mainstream.

Instead of a once-a-month, relatively underground affair filled with hecklers, friends and low-key fans, performance poetry as presented by Windhoek’s socially conscious millennials is in-demand entertainment at corporate and private functions.

Even a local church has invited its squirming flock to follow them to a bar to see the likes of Playshis the Poet drop bars like: “This is a demo-

cracy not a mockery. We have a right to speak on the state’s hypocrisy.”

With words and lyrics on existentialism, love, the human condition, black excellence and feminism, the poets don’t shy away from expressing theirangeroverNamibia’srisingcases of domestic violence, which stand in stark contrast to poems celebrating the wonder of women. “I come from generations of nappy haired, all tones of brown skinned women.

FromOuLokasietoKatutura.Women who you don’t dare to interrupt…”

So goes a poem penned by Nunu ‘Truth’ Namises.

“Maybe the forum offers something more visceral and immediate than the glut of digital downloading and mass entertainment,” says D, a 70-year-old poet, whose first poetry anthology will be published

by Wordweaver Publishing in the middle of next year. For now, though, he is thinking of how he can safely set himself alight at one of the next Spoken Word shows. Fearless and famed, D joins the young and the rhyming in their peddling of poetry that Truth says is not just for the odd or the artsy but is an inclusive tool for social change. Or simply to say: “I am here. These are my words. Listen.” ● Martha Mukaiwa in Windhoek

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LIFESTYLE BEHIND THE SCENES

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

TREND HUNTER LAGOS SUPERHEROES Since Comic-Con began in San Diego, California, in 1970, comic-book fan conventions have spread all over the world. Still, a few years ago Ayodele Elegba noticed that Nigeria’s comic creatives had no outlet and, crucially, black comic characters were under-represented.

“No one believed in the artists and writers,” he says. “It is a billion-dollar industry abroad and I thought I could make people notice the creative talent we have here.” Now the Lagos Comic Con that he founded is in its fourth year and has a growing following, with creators developing Nigerian and black characters to better represent their audience.

“All we need is visibility,” says Jide Martin, whose Comic Republic publisher won three awards at the Lagos event in September, including Studio of the Year. Characters from pan-African footballing comic Supa Strikas and The Indomitables dominate the continental industry. “I’d love to beat Marvel and DC,” says Tope Akinsote, a new Comic Con participant. “Even if I can’t, I must beat Supa Strikas or I won’t publish.”

Across the Atlantic, creators like Roye Okupe of YouNeek Studios are also working hard to put Nigeria and Lagos on the comic book map. Okupe’s graphic novel series E.X.O.: The Legend of Wale Williams is about a superhero who returns to his native Nigeria to solve the mystery of his father’s disappearance and fight corruption. Okupe believes Nigeria can do what Japan did with manga if they can make enough noise about it.

And that’s what Comic Con has begun to do by giving comic creators a platform for their work to be appreciated. “Four years ago,” Martin says, “this place would have been empty.” Though there is still some way to go. The Cosplay competition in Lagos was won by a fan elaborately dressed as Kaguya Otsutsuki – cloak, horns and all – a character from the Japanese manga series Naruto. ● Oris Aigbokhaevbolo in Lagos

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

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Aar Maanta Passionate about his people’s struggle, the Somali-born British singer is working on his next EP, Somali Songs from the Diaspora 2 Who are you currently listening to?

I’m listening to the Somali bands of the late 1970s and 1980s, especially Waaberi, Iftin and Dur-Dur. They all had distinct sounds in those days.

What was the last book you enjoyed reading?

Black Mamba Boy by Nadifa Mohamed. I thoroughly enjoyed the descriptive storytelling and the historical context of her book.

As a Somali immigrant myself, it was relatable to me on many levels.

Which football team do you support?

I support Wamy FC, an orphanage school team in Isiolo, Kenya.

I became involved with them after the death of one of my closest friends in that area. I have no time to support clubs and players who know nothing about my people’s struggles.

Which famous deceased people would you have liked to host a dinner party for?

The Somali freedom fighter Sayid Mohamed Abdullah Hassan, the Somali nationalist Hawo Tako, Imam Ahmed Gurey and social activist Elman Ali Ahmed.

What is your guilty pleasure?

I watch [Eddie Murphy’s] Coming to America on repeat and can recite most of the script line by line.

What job would you do if you weren’t a musician?

Probably a teacher. I recently had the opportunity to undertake some workshops with kids in school and I thoroughly enjoyed it. ● Interview by Abdi Latif Dahir THE AFRICA REPORT

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Festive frolics by the sea It’s time to down tools and head for the beaches, water sports and historical charm of Kenya’s coast

C

ome the festive season Kenyans think of heading to the coast, and increasing numbers of African holidaymakers are following them. With the ‘short rains’ over it’s the perfect season in which to enjoy the country’s spectacular beaches, just over an hour’s flight from Nairobi or a six-hour drive.

Spreading north and south of the historical trading city of Mombasa, the Kenyan coast is where the Middle East meets East Africa. With a largely Muslim population the coast is heaving during festivals, when celebrants are decked out in colourful clothing, dancing along the streets to marching bands and taarab music, and sampling the local street food. With Milad un Nabi on 24 December this year, coinciding with Christmas Eve, it’s sure to be high times for everyone.

An enchanted island The Sands at Chale Island (1) About 40km south of Mombasa at the tip of Diani Beach, The Sands is one of the most exclusive resorts in Kenya and the only one on its own exclusive island.

It feels like you’re in another world altogether with unique Swahili architecture surrounded by forests. The 1.2km-long island is divided into two: the resort and the sacred forest, or ‘kaya’. If you want to be secluded away from the main resort you can stay in ‘banda’s (luxury huts), including water bandas on stilts, and the dreamlike Suite on the Rock, on a

separate islet connected by a bridge.

The island is full of historical relics and Chale is said to be named for an old warrior from the Digo tribe whose remains are buried on the headland. The island’s pristine beach is surrounded by a coral reef and the resort has a dive school.

Swimming with dolphins Temple Point Resort (2) On a small headland 20km south of Malindi, Watamu offers a pace of life even slower than normal on the coast. The small and peaceful village is surrounded by several world-class beaches within the

protected biosphere of Watamu Marine Park, where sea turtles, whales, dolphins, coral reefs and bird life are allowed to thrive. Tranquil it may be, but the hyperactive will never be bored at Temple Point Resort, which boasts of the largest selection of sports and leisure activities in Kenya. Built on the site of an ancient temple with ruins visible along the beach, it has its own football field for guests, as well as archery, swimming with dolphins, boat rides, sunset cycling and a whole lot more. History enthusiasts can visit the 12th-century Gedi ruins and museum, a 15-minute drive from the resort.

Heritage a hop away Travellers’ Beach Hotel (3) After exploring Mombasa in the heat of thedayarefreshingcolddrinkandaswim awaits at the Travellers’ Beach Hotel, only a few minutes from the town with easy access to its nightlife and cultural heritage. This all-inclusive family hotel has a host of activities at its Beach Club including diving, water sports, tennis and a spa. The world famous Old Town and Fort Jesus sites are close by and the beach is only five minutes away.

Rachael Muthoni THE AFRICA REPORT

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DAY IN THE LIFE EXTRAORDINARY STORIES OF ORDINARY PEOPLE

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Camera man As a child in northern Uganda Stephen Okello became a ‘night commuter’ to save his skin. Today he documents the lives of those most affected by the war

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y father was born in the same village as Joseph Kony and Alice Lakwena – the inspiration behind the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). He died when I was two years old, fighting for Lakwena.

In 1992, when I was about six years old, I had to join my aunt and sleep in the bush. We had to hide from the LRA. By then they were already known for abducting children and forcing them to become child soldiers. My aunt, the last born of my grandmother, was 14 years old at the time and I joined her because she was a girl and she could not be alone in the bush.

Sometimes we stayed out for two or three days. At night it was very cold and I was afraid of wild animals.

During that time I became very mistrustful of people.

Sometimes the Ugandan army came to our village to search for LRA rebels, but because we didn’t know if the government soldiers were rebels we had to fear everyone.

Later, when the LRA started attacking villages around Gulu, we moved closer to that town too. The chance to be abducted in town with thousands of people was smaller than in the rural area. It was then I became a so-called ‘night commuter’, children who took shelter in the centre of Gulu town hoping not to get abducted. At night thou-

sands of children flocked to town, sleeping in plastic bags to protect us from the weather and mosquitoes.

Gradually non-governmental organisations started to come and help us children, including an organisation called ‘Listen To My Pictures’. They gave us point-andshoot cameras to document our lives. I was immediately hooked. I was already interested in photography – when photojournalists came to take pictures of us they intrigued me. But for a long time, I thought photography was a white man’s job.

One day in 2013, the Daily Monitor newspaper wanted a photo of an Internally Displaced Persons camp. I showed them what I had and quickly after that they asked if I wanted to work for them. I remember receiving my first salary, 200,000 shillings ($50).

Wherever I go, my camera is with me, oftentimes in my hand. Most of the time I go into the field where the impact of the war was really felt. By now a lot of people in and around Gulu know me and know that I’m a photographer, which gives me a lot of freedom in my work.

When I take a photo I want it to explain something about the person’s life, the community they’re part of or something that changed their life. I used to take a lot of pictures of vulnerable people, especially ‘child mothers’.

It’s not that I want to expose their vulnerability, but I want to tell something about the situation they’re in.

My life was not documented, but it could have maybe helped others who have been living like I did. I know I’ve a story to tell to the world, which can change someone else’s life. My mission is to mean something for photography in the region. Something that’ll last for a hundred years. ● Interview by Serginho Roosblad THE AFRICA REPORT

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