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Korean Buddhism: Exploring Ways ol Harmonizing the Contradictory Chung Byong:Jo Professor of Korean Ethics Dongguk University

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Korea Foundation ;;g~1.ii!{l-~';I

KOREANA Vol.6/No.4 Winter 1992

48

6

Exploring Ways of Harmonizing the Contradictory

A Day at Songgwangsa Temple

by Chung Byongjo

by Don Yon Sunim

14

Buddhist Legends Light the Path to Enlightenment

1..

by Choi Rai-ok

by Lee Eun-Yun

62 Buddhism and I:

20

Son

A Personal Account of a "Foreign" Monk

by Choi Hyun-gak Sunim

28

Buddhism and Early Korean Literature

by Lee Jong Chan

32 Pagoda: Symbols of the Buddha Throughout Korean History

by Chung Young-ho

40

Sokkuram Grotto Shrine

by Hwang Su-young

56 Issues Confronting Korean Buddhism Today

by Mujin Sunim

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68 The Poetry of Han Yong-un Translated by Ko Chang-Sao CURRENTS

74 The Unmaking of a Korean Movie

by Kim Byongjae

79 The Korean Art Market

by Lee Kyu-Hwa

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ver the last several years we have witnessed a vast change in Korea's relationship with the other nations of the world. The Korean people are reaching out to take a more active role in international society, and other peoples are taking a greater interest in Korea and its culture. It is indeed an exciting time for me to serve as the president of the Korea Foundation.

It has already been a year since the Korea Foundation Law was promulgated, and today we find ourselves busier than ever, working to strengthen international cultural exchanges aimed at promoting a better understanding of Korea abroad and the cause of mutual peace and friendship around the world In this issue of KOREANA we have chosen to look at Korean Buddhist beliefs and the enormous influence that Buddhism has had on Korean culture over the centuries.

In the 1,600 years since it was introduced to the Korean peninsula, Buddhism has provided many Korean rulers with an effective tool for unifying the country under a central government and the common people with a rich source of spiritual strength. It has also nourished a magnificent blossoming in the arts and literature. Indeed, it would be difficult to find an element of Korean life that has not been influenced by Buddhism directly or indirectly. Just as Christianity has come to form the underpinnings of much of secular society in the Western world, so too has Buddhism become a part of Korean culture, thought and language at all levels of society. The influence of Buddhism goes beyond the religious to affect our art, our literature, our ways of thinking.

In the course of putting together this issue of KOREANA, we have realized, once again, how much of the Korean culture remains hidden from non-Korean speakers.

Although English is no doubt as rich as the language of Korean Buddhism, we have often found ourselves groping for words to express the true flavor of the Korean. In a few cases we have chosen to use the Korean itself. The term sunim, a respectful title for a Buddhist monk or nun, and Son, the Korean pronunciation of the Chinese Chan, or the more commonly used Zen are two examples. We hope our readers will take this opportunity to expand their vocabulary. After all, tolerance is one of the guiding principles of Buddhism.

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KOREANA Published quarterly by the Korea Foundation 526 Namdaemunno 5-ga, Chung-gu, Seoul, Korea.

KOREANA was registered as a quarterly magazine with the Ministry of Information, the ' Republic of Korea, on August 8, 1987.

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reproduced in anyform without the prior permission of theKorea Foundation. The opinions expressed by the authors do not necessarily represent those of theeditors of KOREANAor the Korea Foundation PUBLISHER/EDITOR: Son Chu-Whan EDITOR·IN-<JIIEF : Chin Chui-Sao MANAGING EDITOR: .

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1992

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HE TEACHINGS of the Buddha first arrived in China around the first century A.D. The towering Himalayas were a formidable barrier separating China from the Indian continent, but a thread-like trade route, the Silk Road, managed to find its way over the mountains and through the endless deserts and treacherous forests. It was over the Silk Road that India and China came to know one another. They were, however, very different in temperament, ethnicity and culture. The Indians were re-

T

ligious and transcendental, while the Chinese were practical and oriented toward the concrete. Indeed, in many ways, the relationship between these two Eastern cultures was like that of the East and West today-forever running parallel to each other like two railroad tracks racing toward the horizon.

Hence, it is no wonder that Buddhism, a product of Indian soil, ran counter to the Chinese disposition. The Indo-Aryan culture was extremely logical and rational, while the Chinese generally relied on intu-

ition over reason. Thus the Chinese people chose to accommodate Buddhism on their own terms. For example, Chan Buddhism (better known in the West by the Japanese transliteration, Zen) grew up in China as did Hwayen Buddhism, both distinctly Chinese in nature. Ultimately, Chinese Buddhism tended to emphasize intuition over logic and reflected a distinct Sinocentrism.

Buddhism Comes to Korea It was this modified Buddhism that came to Korea through China. Although scholars

still debate the possibility of Buddhism coming to Korea directly from India, the available data generally do not support this proposition. Few are persuaded by "evidence" such as the existence of Indian-style place names in the Kimhae area or the mention in the Samguk Yusa ( The Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, a history of Korea compiled by the Buddhist monk Iry6n (1203-1289)) of a statue of the Buddha sent to Korea by King Asoka of Maurya in the third century BC Buddhism was first transmitted to Kogury6 (37 B.C.-668 A.D.) in 372 and then to Paekche (18 B.C.-660 A.D.) in 384 and Silla(57B.C.-935 AD.) in 527, a natural order given their geographical locations. No friction seems to have arisen in Kogury6 or Paekche in connection to the arrival of Buddhism. In Kogury6, King Sosurim instructed his people to "seek happiness by respecting the Buddhist Dharma (teachings)" in 373 AD., one year after the teaching was introduced to his land. It was also around this time that nine temples, including theTemple Ibulansa, were built in P'y6ngyang, Kogury6's capital. When the Paekche Kingdom decided to embrace Buddhism in 384 A.D., the king welcomed monks from China with the utmost courtesy, traveling several miles from his palace to greet them.

These incidents show that both Kogury6 and Paekche adopted Buddhism in a topdown fashion. At the time, the Early Chin was the strongest of a plethora of warring states on the Chinese mainland, and for Kogury6, which shared a border with the Former Chin, armed conflict was hardly desirable. So when the king of the Former Chin sent statues of the Buddha and Buddhist scriptures, they were welcomed as symbols of amicable relations between the two. Paekche accepted Buddhism on similar terms.

Silla, on the other hand, did not accord official recognition to Buddhism for another 150 years. Why was this?

First, prior to the reign of King P6phung (r. 514-540), Silla had been a federation of six founding clans. No centralized royal authority existed. Second, it follows from this that Buddhism could not spread from the

court down to the commoners but rather had to flow in the opposite direction.

Thus, there must have been friction between the new religion and existing popular beliefs. Third, for the Silla rulers, internal cohesion was much more important that the importation of foreign culture. For Kogury6 and Paekche the acceptance of Buddhism meant not only friendly relations with China but also the accommodation of

How can we render benefit to all things?

How can we respect and offer benevolence to all living things?

an advanced culture, but Silla was not yet mature enough to take this step.

Ironically, Buddhism ultimately flourished in Silla, to the extent that Silla Buddhism is taken as the prototype for Buddhism during the Three Kingdoms period. Silla Buddhism represented an evolution in the eastward diffusion of Buddhism from India.

We cannot be certain as to the nature of

the beliefs and practices of the earliest Korean followers of Buddhism.

Nevertheless, it is safe to say that until the Koryo period (918-1392), the central tenet was the cultivation and practice of the spirit of the Bodhisattva, absolute selflessness on the path to enlightenmen~ one of the defining characteristics of Mahayana Buddhism.

Countless truth-seekers pursued Mahayana Buddhism, the greater vehicle for universal

salvation, as the lodestar of their lives. For them, Buddhism was a prescription for the sufferings of the masses. This splendid Buddhist thought also constitutes the backbone for many traditional Korean philosophies. In Korea, Buddhism breathes creativity, a special characteristic of the spirit of the Korean people. While the 500 years of the Chason Kingdom, when Buddhism was persecuted in the name of Confucianism, the

state ideology; were a dark age for Korean Buddhism, the religion survived as a spiritual pillar for the Korean people.

The Essence of Korean Buddhism As with every religion, Korean Buddhism is really two religions in one: first the ideology of the ruling class, and second a popular religion of the masses. In ancient times, history was shaped to a large degree

by th.e ideology of the ruling elite.

Buddhism also tended to take different forms at different times in history depending on the attitudes of those in power.

Having said this, however, we must remember that the masses' faith in the religion was constant. Of course, the popular faith was not always completely sound; at times it bordered on Shamanism. Nevertheless, we must always remember that this grassroot faith reflected the spirit of the times.

The great Chinese military strategist of the sixth century B.C. , Sun Wu, once said 10

that the primary precondition for victory in war was winning over the hearts of the masses. Without popular support, he noted, brave troops and brilliant tactics were no guarantee of battlefield success. This can be applied to Buddhism as well: it can never prosper without the support of the masses.

This does not mean, however, that the religion should cater to the people's every whim; rather Buddhism must always enlighten the spiritual !ife of the people, taking them to a higher place.

Buddhism and the People What do ordinary people demand from Buddhism? Their demands tend to be definite and immediate: they expect their belief in Buddhism to bring prosperity to their families and help their children pass important examinations, for example. Their immediate concerns are not with abstract ideas such as the "Four Preservations" or the "Six Perfections" but with their sick children.

Often their desires can be satisfied with simple magic, but an over-reliance on magic

is bound to reduce Buddhism to a kind of sorcery. Hence, true Buddhists must elevate the immediate and materialistic desires of the laity to a purer belief.

Throughout the 1,600-year history of Korean Buddhism, all believers have had one thing in common: they have all endeavored to solve their own personal problems and the larger social questions of their time through the teachings of Mahayana Buddhism. In other words, they believe that Buddhism is capable of coping with a wide range of challenges and tribulations.

Therefore it has been considered undesirable for Buddhism to remain silent about personal or social problems.

The Three Kingdoms Period From earliest times, the Silla people had a tradition of worshipping mountains. This tradition, exemplified by notions such as the "five holy mountains" or the "three divine mountains," was expressed in slightly different forms over time, but the essence remained intact.

Stemming from a primitive Shamanistic sense of awe in the face of nature, this primitive worship of nature took on a Buddhist coloring in later times. That is to say, Buddhism provided the theoretical underpinnings for primitive thought. This syncretism facilitated the acceptance of Buddhism by the Silla people. By smoothly integrating the two, Silla was no longer alien to Buddhism; rather it became the ideal "Buddhist Land." This concept developed further with the idea that Buddhism was, after all, an indigenous religion, rather than an import from abroad. So began the indigenization of Buddhism in the Silla Kingdom.

This process of indigenization and the concept of Silla as the "Buddhist Land" are to a great extent the fruit of the efforts of a few prominent monks, such as Master Chajang (608-686), National Preceptor in the seventh century Chajang initiated the worship of Mt. Odaesan in Kangw6n Province. This worship was later popularized by Poch'6n and Hyomy6ng who are believed to have been Silla princes.

Determined to leave the secular world, the two princes each built hermitages on Mt.

Odaesan and spent their lives studying there. Historical records suggest they worshiped the five peaks of Mt. Odaesan daily and finally witnessed the 50,000 "Bodies of Truth" and their transformation into different forms.

Each of the five peaks of Mt. Odaesan, one for each of the four directions and one for the center, were believed to have been inhabited by five different Bodhisattvas. The worshippers of the mountain paid their respects in two shifts that stretched through the day, reading texts specific to each peak and chanting. This practice is one example of the syncretism of Taoism and Buddhism, given the obvious connections with the Taoist concept of directions.

The unique historical consciousness of the early Silla people as revealed in this worship of Mt. Odaesan can be characterized by the tendency to accept the various Bodhisattvas as a whole rather than to prefer a particular Bodhisattva. That is to say, during Silla, there was a tendency to pursue unity amidst diversity rather than uniformity. The Silla people had the wisdom to understand the glorification of Mt. Odaesan as a means of returning to the spirit of Ekayana (One Vehicle), and not as a simple dogma. That is to say, their worship of Mt. Odaesan embodies both the pursuit of the Ekayana and the notion of ideological diversity, an important part of Silla Buddhism.

This distinctive tendency exerted great influence on the Silla's people's conception of art and left its mark on virtually every artistic creation of this period, including sculpture, painting and architecture. Indeed, through Silla's artistic legacies, we can confirm the nature of Buddhism during that period

Unified Silla The unification of the Three Kingdoms under Silla can be analyzed from a number of different angles. For example, it is often seen in terms of Silla's military victory and successful exploitation of diplomatic ties with Tang China. Sometimes it is viewed as the result of Silla's social solidarity built around the youthful elite force known as the Hwarang However, a major factor that enabled Silla to achieve unification was the

spiritual power flowing forth from the state's sound accommodation of Buddhism.

The ruling elite had a clear understanding of the religion and the masses were willing to follow them. Buddhism thus enhanced solidarity within Silla society. During the early years of Silla Buddhism, the spiritual ties between the rulers and the ruled owed much to a belief in Maitreya, the Future Buddha. This utopian doctrine satisfied the popular longing for a land of happiness, free of suffering. At the same time, it encouraged the ordinary people to identify their own monarch with a Buddhist deity: From the reign of King Chinhung (r. 540576), Silla became involved in a series of wars through which it greatly expanded its territory. While rapid progress was made throughout society, the continued war sharpened the sense of crisis among the people and created a gulf between the rulers and the ruled. It was in this context that Buddhism was actively embraced. Of the Three Kingdoms, Silla was the only state in which Buddhism served as a centripetal spiritual force, a catalyst transforming the clan-based society into a cohesive one committed to unification In fact, Silla Buddhism can be seen as an example of Buddhism realizing its historical mission-helping a clan society embedded in a primitive belief system develop a future-oriented consciousness. It helped the Silla rulers alleviate the anxiety of the various people from the conquered territories by presenting them with a religion that offered a way to a new life. By showing the way to the "other world," Buddhism encouraged them to pursue their lives in their new environment with renewed enthusiasm. In short, on the eve of Silla's unification of the Three Kingdoms, Buddhism served to bring the dispersed people of the peninsula together.

When it comes to the theoretical aspects of Buddhism, Silla was also far ahead of the other two kingdoms. The theoretical depth and maturity of Silla Buddhism was especially indebted to Mahayana Buddhist scriptures such as the Avatamsaka Sutra, the Saddharma-pundarika Sutra and the Samadhi-nirmocana Sutra. These texts 11

guided Silla Buddhism toward the pursuit of "oneness."

For example, the Saddharmapundarika Sutra teaches the merging of three states of being into one, the Ekayana (One Vehicle). The Avatamsaka Sutra emphasizes the doctrine of all-encompassing harmony. For the Silla people, these teachings suggested the ideology on which territorial unification could be based as well as the means by which it could be achieved. The visible world seems to consist of conflicts and confrontations, but when approached from the standpoint of the Ekayana, it reveals its true image: a seamless web of delicate harmonies.

According to Uisang (620-702), a prominent Silla monk, the world is a totality that cannot exist without individual units, but when the individuality of the units is emphasized, the totality disappears. The inevitable relationship between a group and its individual members is the same. An efficient group is one which respects the abilities of each of its members, while at the same time promotes the good of the whole.

However, if something is to be called "a whole," its individual units must share a certain quality. Uisang called this quality "identity" (tongsang>. The unique characteristics of the composite parts must be able to mould into an identity. The whole, in turn, must strive to achieve a perfect harmony among its individual units, a goal that cannot be achieved without self-sacrifice on the part of the individual components.

When seen from this dialectic perspective, the relationship between the state and individual citizens is much like the relationship between the one and the multitude as defined in the Doctrine of the Six Phenomena: the one (the state) contains the multitude (individuals) and yet the multitude is as one. This doctrine defines the attitude that the state and individual citizens should take toward one another. The code of action it provides can be applied to the king, his court officials and the people at large. This dialectic regulating the relationship between the state and the people is the essence of the historical consciousness that fueled the Silla Kingdom's unification of the Korean peninsula.

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Buddhism Under Koryo While Buddhism during the Koryo period (918-1392) was not without unwholesome elements both in terms of doctrine as well as practice, it made significant contributions to the development of national culture. For example, the Tripitaka Koreana (the collection of Buddhist texts), were produced with what were at the time the world's most advanced woodblock printing techniques.

The carving of the Tripitaka we know today was begun in 1236 amidst an all-out struggle against the invading Mongols. The original edition was destroyed during these invasions, and the ruling king, Kojong, ordered a new edition after he and his court moved from Kaesong, the capital, to Kanghwado Island in 1232.

It is impossible to tell from the historical sources available to us today how the Tripitaka was produced. All we know for sure is that white birch trees from the islands of Chejudo, Kojedo and Wando were used; that the wood was soaked in sea water for a long period of time and then dried in the shade before carving; that the main printing office was first located on Kanghwado Island; and that later, branch offices were set up in Namhae and Chinju for the actual carving of the woodblocks.

The main printing office was established in 1236, and most of the woodblocks were carved from 1237 to 1244. In 1248, a list of the woodblocks, a kind of table of contents, was also carved. It wasn't until three years later that the whole Tripitaka, totalling 81,340 blocks, was completed. The production of the Tripitaka was a national project involving not only the Koryo government but also the entire population, although it was actively promoted by the military regime which ruled under the Ch'oe family at that time.

What is the significance of the Tripitaka? First, it symbolized the Koryo people's determination to defend their country. Internal unity in Koryo society was essential in the face of the Mongol invasions, and the Tripitaka project provided a focus for that unity.

Confronted with the "barbaric" Mongols, the military regime of the Ch'oe family, the

power behind the throne, no doubt wanted to inspire a sense of cultural pride and mission among the Koryo people. The project was undertaken with this purpose, but the task was actually accomplished thanks to the people's determination to defend their nation and culture.

Second, the Tripitaka underscores the solid spiritual and cultural foundation of Koryo Buddhism. While Buddhism during the Koryo period tended to incorporate some elements of Shamanism, it also achieved significant progress as the official religion of the ruling regime. The inauguration and subsequent evolution of the Chogye Order greatly popularized Buddhism and provided the basis on which the colossal Tripitaka project could be successfully completely.

Third, the Tripitaka is the oldest set of Buddhist Mahayana texts extant today and, at the same time, the most precise. It is also one of the main sources of information on the contents of the original Mahayana texts, many of which have been lost or destroyed.

In short, the Koryo Tripitaka was the crystallization of a national culture of which Buddhism was an essential component.

The Choson Period When Japan invaded the Korean peninsula in 1592 during the Choson period, a monk named Yonggyu, a disciple of the Master Sosan (1520-1604), mobilized a group of monks to fight the invaders. The guerilla force attacked the Japanese troops occupying Ch'ongju Castle in North Ch'ungch'ong Province, driving the Japanese from the castle. This constituted the first victory by the Korean side since King Sonju fled the capital of Seoul for Uiju in the north. Yonggyu then joined forces with Cho Hon, another guerrilla leader, to wage a major battle against the Japanese at Kumsan, South Ch'ungch'6ng Province. Unfortunately, the combined force lost the battle and Y6nggyu and Cho were killed.

It was around this time that the king ordered Master S6san, who was staying at Mt. Myohyangsan, to organize an army of monks. Sosan took the role of commander and appealed to monks around the country to come to the nation's defense. His disci-

pies also organized many guerilla units around the country.

The patriotic activities of these monks stood in stark contrast to the passive stance of the Ch6s6n ruling elite and Confucian literati. The monks had been subjected to harsh repression since the beginning of the Choson period and yet they were the ones who rose up to rescue it. What motivated them? Firs~ it was their sense of mission to protect the Dharma (the teachings of the Buddha). This spirit of mission, calling for the destruction of evil so that good may survive, was deeply ingrained in Korean Buddhism by this period.

A second source of motivation was the monks' patriotism and dedication to "the benefit of the people." This reflects Buddhism's close relationship to the masses. Also the practical goal of revitalizing Buddhism must have played a role. Buddhism suffered from a tainted image during this period, and a short cut to overcoming that negative image was demonstrating the unity of the Buddhist community and promoting a proper understanding of Buddhism.

As a result, Choson era Buddhism was rejuvenated by the Japanese invasion.

Sosan, also known as Hyujong, left behind a number of theoretical works on Son Buddhism as well as a collection of Son poetry, all of which served to pave the way for the revitalization of Buddhism, at least on a doctrinal level, if not on a practical level. Sosan is also known for his cultivation of a number of distinguished disciples including Yujong (1544-1610), Ongi (1581-1644) and Taenung (1562-1649) who together established the mainstream of Choson era Buddhism.

Ch'oe Nap (1717-1790), a Buddhist scholar, well versed in the classical literature of both China and Korea, blazed new paths for the

Kyo (Study) school and for the Son (Meditation) school of Buddhism.

Nevertheless, Buddhism did not prosper during the Choson period. This was only natural considering the Choson regime's pro-Confucian/anti-Buddhist policy.

Buddhism during this period was characterized by Shamanistic practices, pessimism and a sense of frustration. It managed to

survive in this hostile environment thanks to the Buddhist community's efforts to provide religious consolation to the suffering and to protect the masses when the nation was in peril. In my view it was no coincidence that the great independence leader and poet Han Yong-un who fought against Japanese colonial oppression in the first half of the 20th century was a Buddhist. Han was just one more example of the vitality and tenacity of Korean Buddhism.

What has been the spiritual mainstay of Korean Buddhism over the past 1,600 years?

As I have noted above, there were three important elements. The first is the pursuit of Ekayana. Korean Buddhism has constantly explored ways through which conflicting views and contradictory ideas can converge.

The pursuit of Ekayana extends to the dimension of bringing the masses and the Buddha into unity.

Next is the protection of the Dharma, the Buddha's teachings. When the protection of the Dharma was intertwined with national interests, Buddhism made an active effort to defend the nation. However, this crusade for national defense was only meaningful in Buddhist terms when it was motivated by the desire to protect the Dharma The third element is the spirit dedicated to rendering benefit to everything in the universe. Korean Buddhism has always tried to respect and offer benevolence to all living things.

These three elements run throughout the history of Korean Buddhism, although they have manifested themselves in varying degrees at different times. As in all religions and philosophies, the historical flow of Korean Buddhism has not been constant; it has ebbed and flowed with time.

Today, the most important task for Buddhists is attaining the wisdom to recognize the degeneration of Buddhist ideals, while at the same time endeavoring to establish these ideals as important forces in our society. By doing so, they can contribute to the formulation of proper relationships between humanity and society, humanity and nature and so achieve what is known as the "functional virtue" of religion. â&#x20AC;˘

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Buddhist Legends the Path to E tenment The life that we live today is the result of our actions in the previous world and will affect our existence in the next.

ChoiRai-Ok Professor of Korean Language Education College of Education Hanyang University

NCIENT BUDDIST LEGENDS handed down by word of mouth or recorded in historical chronicles are rich in universal truths and have helped many along the road to enlightenment. A survey of these legends not only provides us with a better understanding of the fundamental principles of Buddhism but also offers us a unique opportunity to reexamine our own values and priorities.

Buddhist legends or stories can be divided into two basic categories: ancient myths from India selected for inclusion in the Buddhist texts taught here in Korea, and tales born of incidents specific to Korean Buddhism. Indeed, one could say that the roots of these legends are found in both India and Korea.

The legends that have originated in Korea since Buddhism was first introduced

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L600 years ago can be divided into five categories: stories about the Buddhist texts, stories about temples, pagodas and other Buddhist edifices, anecdotes about monks, stories combining or contrasting elements of indigenous Korean beliefs (i.e. shamanism) and Buddhism, and fables aimed at promoting a better understanding of Buddhism among the common people.

Though legends include both lengthy epics and short, simple stories, one thing they almost all share is an edifying and moralistic outlook on the world. Let's look at a few examples.

The renunciation of greed is an important theme found in Buddhist legends. "The Tale of the Magic Hollow" is just one example of this genre.

Long ago there was a young monk who

secluded himself in a stone cave behind a temple to meditate and practice asceticism.

One day his teacher, a senior monk from the temple, came to him and said, "You will find a hollow in the stone here. Every morning one serving of rice gushes from this hollow, but if you poke into the hollow with a stick, the rice will come no more."

And with those words the older monk left the cave.

At first, the young monk followed his teacher's instructions carefully, but his curiosity grew with each passing day until finally he could restrain himself no longer.

He poked a stick into the hollow and stirred it around. Can you imagine what happened? First, water poured out, so the young monk poked into the hollow once more. This time blood poured out, and just as his teacher had warned, the hollow produced no more rice. The young monk had to give up his practice and leave the cave, only to be severely scolded by his teacher.

There are dozens of versions of "The Tale of the Magic Hollow.'' But what do they mean? Greed and suspicion are considered evil in Buddhism. A person pursuing a monk's life must not lust for material objects coveted by people in the rest of society.

They must be thankful for the small portions of food they receive and dedicate themselves to their studies and self cultivation. The young monk was not satisfied with his lot and so desired greater abundance. He was punished as a result.

Another tale demonstrating the evils of greed and the virtue of renunciation is "The Story of the Two Cups."

Long ago a Confucian scholar, active in politics, went to see a famous monk at a Buddhist temple.

"Teach me everything you know about Buddhism," he demanded arrogantly. "I've come to learn."

"Oh, there is nothing for you to learn here," replied the monk "What? Am I really that perfect?" asked the Confucian scholar.

"No, it's not that. If you want to learn from me, there must be a space for my 15

teachings, but your mind is already full. A cup that is full cannot be filled with something else. Just as we must empty a cup before we fill it anew, so too must you empty your mind before you can accept a new truth. Your mind is already filled with arrogance, greed and contempt for others.

Return when you have emptied it."

The Confucian scholar's face flushed with embarrassment and he rushed from the temple.

This tale is one of many depicting the conflict between Buddhism and Confucianism in the Chos6n period.

Buddhism was oppressed and many Buddhists persecuted following the establishment of the Chos6n Kingdom in 1392.

In fact, Buddhist monks were not even allowed to enter the capital of Seoul.

Nevertheless, Buddhism continued to develop during this period, and many Buddhist monks fought bravely in the defense of their country when it was threatened in the late 16th century by a Japanese invasion. As a result of the contributions of Buddhist monks, oppression of the religion was relaxed for a time.

Nevertheless, the Chos6n period gave birth to many interesting tales of the conflict between Buddhist and Confucian scholars. "The Story of the Two Cups" is just one example, which also reveals the importance of the Buddhist doctrine of "emptying one's mind" VERCOMING this religious oppression is another important theme of Korea 's Buddhist legends, most graphically revealed in the many tales of temples riddled with bedbugs.

As everyone knows, the bedbug makes its living sucking blood. Bedbugs are rare today, but in the olden days they were found in every household. Bedbugs also made their homes in Buddhist temples, so harassing the monks that they could hardly sleep. At some temples, there were so many bedbugs the monks had to abandon the temples, and all the bedbugs died for lack of food. Turn over a stone in one of those abandoned temples today and you

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will find thousands of bedbug carcasses! story with the unusual title, "Better the Wife It wasn't until I heard the story of a tem- of a Salted Shrimp Peddlar than the Wife of ple near Ch6nju in South Challa Province a Prime Minister." that I finally understood the significance of these bedbug tales. According to this tale, a Once upon a time there was a respected group of monks were driven from their prime minister who returned home from temple by bedbugs, but as they left the tem- court one day to find his wife gone. His ple and headed down the mountain, they wife was a happy woman by any standard: all stopped to kick the tombstone of a de- she had a beautiful house, a fine husband vout Confucianist that stood by the side of and many successful children. However, the path. The monks should have been an- the people in the neighborhood said she gry at the bedbugs so why were they kick- had run away with the salted shrimp pedding the tombstone of a local hotshot who lar, a ugly little man of low social status. happened to believe in Confucianism? The peddlar had come to the neighborhood Because the bedbugs symbolized the op- to sell his shrimp, and as soon as the prime pression of Buddhism by the Confucian minister's wife saw him, she called, "My darpowers running the Chos6n Kingdom. The ling!" and disappeared down the street with monks were leaving their temple because him. they could no longer endure the hardships The prime minister could hardly believe imposed on them by the local Confucianists. it. How could any woman prefer a lowly Of course, the bedbug tales don't all sym- peddlar to a famous prime minister? They bolize religious oppression and the destruc- had spent such a happy life together, full of tion of temples during the Chos6n period, love and good fortune- how could she posbut they are, for the most part, an accurate sibly leave him for another man? reflection of circumstances during the The prime minister puzzled over the Chos6n period. problem for days and went to the king to resign from his post. He left the capital and A third type of Buddhist legend involves spent nearly ten years scouring the country a fundamental principle of Buddhism: for his wife. He finally found her working causality or retribution. Buddhism deals in a restaurant near the seashore. with life in three worlds: the world in The husband sat down in the restaurant which we are living now (isiing, and placed his order. His wife responded, kiimsaeng), the world in which we lived in a happy voice. Indeed, she seemed much prior to birth in the present world happier than when she was living with him (ch6nsaeng, ch6nse), and "the other world" in their fine house in Seoul. The prime (ch6siing) or "the world to come" (naese) minister couldn't understand it. How could where we will go after our death in the she be so happy working jn this lowly present world. restaurant?

The life that we live in the present world "Don't you recognize me, woman?" he is the result of our actions in the previous asked. world. Our previous lives are the cause and "Oh, it's you, my beloved husband," the our present life is the effect. By the same woman replied. token, when we look into the future, our "Yes, it's me. Give up this life and return present lives are the cause and our lives in to Seoul with me. I'll forgive everything. "the other world" are the effect. Thus, we I've been searching for you for ten years." must be circumspect in all our actions. The But the woman shook her head sadly happiness I enjoy in the present is all thanks "I'm sorry I can't go with you. I'm hapto virtuous actions in my previous life, and py here." if I wish to enjoy a happy life in "the other "Happy? How can you be happy as the world," I must be virtuous in my present wife of a salted shrimp peddlar? Do you life. In this respect, Buddhism constitutes a mean to say you'd rather be the wife of a moral conception of time. This concept is salted shrimp peddlar than the wife of a found in many ancient legends such as the great prime minister?"

"Yes," she replied without the slightest hesitation.

And so the prime minister's ten-year search ended-he had no wife but he was swept up in a baffling riddle.

He became a monk and prayed to the Buddha for an answer. He spent years studying the relationship between love and hate, meeting and separation, longing and forgetting, husband and wife, nobility and humbleness. Then one day, after ten years at the temple, he looked into the sky and saw the morning star. Suddenly he realized what had happened. He had achieved enlightenment and everything from his previous life appeared before him like a movie on a screen.

In his previous life he had been a monk studying in a large temple. However, this monk had a serious problem. A louse had attached itself to the his body but the monk couldn't kill it because of the Buddha's precept against killing living things. The louse was growing larger and larger, sapping the monk of his strength. What should he do?

He tried to get the louse to let go but to no

avail. A common person would have simply crushed the louse between his fingers, but how could a monk do such a thing?

One day as the monk headed down to the village below the temple to beg for alms, he saw a large ox.

"Louse, please make your home with that ox. I can't take this anymore(' And so the louse attached itself to the ox.

The former prime minister suddenly realized the importance of causality. He was the monk, his wife was the louse, and the ox was the salted shrimp peddlar. In his previous life, the monk had served the louse, offering it love and sustenance, and in return the louse had felt gratitude toward the monk As a result, the two had become husband and wife in the present world.

According to Buddhist thought, there is a reason why certain people marry. A woman marries a man because of the gratitude she feels for him from a previous life. We generally think of marriage as an expression of love and respect but this story reveals that gratitude and service to others is

the real foundation of a marriage. The woman in the story repays her debt of gratitude to both the prime minister (the monk in her previous life) and the peddlar (the former ox).

ANY BUDDHIST TALES deal with the concept of emptiness or nonexistence. Everyone has desires. In East Asia as a whole, and in Korea in particular, people long for riches, hope, long life, good health, success, marriage, fertility, a peaceful death after a long, healthy life. They struggle to fulfil these desires; indeed, these desires serve as the motive force behind many people's lives. However, a preoccupation with the fulfillment of these desires can lead to greed that harms others, to deteriorating mental and physical health, and even to premature death. A person cannot live a humane existence if one is preoccupied with these material desires. That is why religions instruct us to restrain our desires.

They are asking us to search for spiritual and religious happiness rather than material ¡

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or physical happiness. Wealth, status and glory do no last long.. In fact, !ife is no more than a fantasy; a dream as transient as the morning dew, as clouds, as fog, as lightening, as a fragile bubble.

The Buddhist admonition against a preoccupation with rank, prosperity and material gratification does not mean we should embrace pessimism or nihilism. Rather, we should awaken to the realities of life and Iive fulfilling Iives.

spair. Life is empty.'' cried the woman.

All of a sudden the woman felt someone tapping on her shoulder.

"Why are you lying here crying when you should be filling the pail with water?'

The young woman looked up in amazement to see her husband's uncle standing over her. It was all a dream. She had been dreaming from the moment she had asked the monk begging- f e r ~emptiness" meant. The uncle told her to go look for the three graves in the mountains, but there were no graves, only pots of treasure representing the Three Treasures of Buddhism: the Buddha himself, Buddhist teachings, and the community of Buddhists.

These treasures represent the truth.

Through her dream, the young woman had learned that one's earthly desires are merely a dream, as fragile as a bubble. She went on to become a devout Buddhist and led a truthful life. Learning is enlightenment; enlightenment is truth.

HE BUDDHIST CONCEPTS of "nothingness" and "emptiness" are extremely difficult to explain to the average person. That must be why the following stories about relationships with the opposite sex were created.

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There was once a young woman who could not understand the Buddhist concept of "emptiness." Why were people always saying that life is empty?

One day the young woman went to the well for water. As she poured scoop after scoop into her pail, she thought about the word "emptiness." All of a sudden, a handsome young monk walked up and asked her for alms.

"Monk, monk. I will give you all the alms you want if you will explain what 'emptiness' means," the young woman pleaded The monk smiled and grabbed hold of her arm.

"Come with me," he said, and the young woman followed him, leaving her pail at the well.

"Let us marry and live a prosperous life with many sons. I will give you everything you've ever wanted," the monk said "Oh, thank you, my darling husband," replied the young woman, and so they began their life together. The monk let his hair grow long and he became a farmer.

The woman gave birth to three healthy sons who grew up to be strong, intelligent young men. All three sons went to Seoul to take the state examinations, and, remarkably enough, all three passed the rigorous exams. What more could a mother want?

Not long after that, the eldest son re18

''Life is no more than a fantasy, a dream as transient as the morning dew, as clouds, asJog, as lightening, as a fragile bubble."

HE LEGEND related above has been passed down through history by storytellers. "The Tale of Chosin," recorded below, was included in the Samguk Yusa (The Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, a history of the Three Kingdoms and Buddhism compiled by the Koryo monk, Iryon, (12031289)).

turned home to visit, but as soon as he stepped in the courtyard, he keeled over and died. His mother ran to him but there was no reviving him.

The second son walked in the gate, but what do you think? He keeled over and died too. Then the third son walked in, but he too died as soon as he set foot in the courtyard Why had all their sons died? The woman and her husband buried their sons' bodies in a sunny spot in the mountains and collapsed in tears at their graveside.

"Oh, I feel so empty. In a single moment, all my beautiful hopes have turned to de-

Once there was a young monk named Chosin who fell in love with the daughter of the local magistrate. Chosin prayed to the Buddha, asking him to make the girl love him, but his prayers went unanswered, and the lovely daughter was married off to another man. The young monk cursed the Buddha for his heartlessness.

Then one day the magistrate's daughter came to Chosin's door and confessed her love for him. She said her parents had forced her to marry another but she had escaped and wanted to become his wife.

Imagine how Chosin must have felt! He left his temple with the beautiful girl and returned to his home village where they loved each other deeply; had five children and lived happily for 40 years. But alas misfortune overtook them. They could no

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longer feed their many children and had to take up the life of beggars. Their eldest child died of starvation and was buried along the side of a road, and one of their daughters was attacked and killed by a dog when she was out begging. The rest of the family was on the brink of starvation when the wife finally suggested that they divide the remaining children between them and try to make their way begging separately.

"Oh, is this what love brings? It's so miserable," Chosin sighed, and then he opened his eyes to see his lamp flickering dimly in the dawn light It had all been a dream-from the moment the magistrate's daughter had appeared at his door.

That morning Chosin went to the spot in the road where he had buried their eldest son in his dream, and there was a stone image of the Maitreya Buddha. Chosin decided to take the Buddha back to the temple and worship it. All thoughts of women and worldly desires melted away like ice in a fire. "Life is a dream, I must not spend it wrapped in desires," he thought as he walked to the well to wash. When he leaned over the basin of water and saw his reflection, he realized that his hair and beard had turned white as snow, evidence of the fift y years he had spent in that dream.

Yi Kwang-su (1892-?) based his novel "Dream" on "The Tale of Chosin" as have a number of modern-day film directors.

HE SAMGUK YUSA also contains "The Tale of the Two Monks, Puduk and Pangpak."

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Puduk and Pangpak were two young Silla men who left their village and went to the mountains where they each built houses, far removed from each other, and pursued the life of ascetic monks. One night an indescribably beautiful young woman appeared on Pangpak's·door and asked him to take ~er in for iliemght-as she had lost her ~ __:_____ \ "I am a monk," Pangpak proclaimed. "I have forsaken all distractions in search of the proper way. You must not try to tempt me with your youthful body. Go away and

leave me alone. That is the only way I can This tale sings the praises of Mahayana live my life."

Buddhism, which emphasizes sacrificing The young woman left his house in tears one's self for the good of others. and crossed the mountains to Puduk's house.

Perhaps one of the most dramatic leg"A man studying the ways of the ends contained in the Samguk Yusa is the Buddha should not get involved with wom- tale of the great monk W6nhyo's journey to ~uEluk said ''But the mountains are dan-· Tang China. gerous at night so I cannot refuse you.

Please come in" It happened 1,400 years ago when two Did Puduk's resolve waver as he sat in Silla monks, W6nhyo and Uisang, set out to that tiny room with the young woman? No, study in Tang China, known for its adhe simply remembered the Buddha. vanced development of Buddhism. Night However, toward dawn, the young woman fell as they traveled toward China, so the suddenly doubled over in pain. Puduk had two monks scurried into a cave to sleep. no choice but to draw closer and ask what During the night, W6nhyo woke up with a was wrong. great thirst and found a bowl of water be"I'm going to have a baby. Please help side him. He drank the water, which had me." the most marvelous taste, and slept soundly Puduk assisted her and she gave birth to through the rest of the night.

The following morning, however, a baby. Nevertheless, hec body was very W6nhyo woke to find that the cave was beautiful.

"Monk, I need to take a bath. Please heat filled with dead bodies and the bowl from which he had drunk was actually a human some water," the young woman asked Puduk filled a tub with hot water and skull filled with rain water! W6nhyo vomit- . the young woman bathed. She was so ed in disgust, but then he realized somebeautiful! ~hing.

----;;Ah, the water was so sweet and my "Please come and scrub me," the young woman asked. "Why don't you get in too? sleep so restful when I didn't know where I was. Ignorance can be medicinal and I'll bathe you."

Puduk had no choice but to bathe with knowledge can be harmful. Everything dethe young woman. He was careful not to pends on one's mind. Water from a skull let his resolve waver, but suddenly a won- can be sweet and fresh water can be bitter. derful fragrance filled the air.

A skeleton can seem beautiful and a beautiful woman can seem as horrible as a skele"Who are you?" Puduk asked.

"IaiY!Avalokitesvara, tfieBoonisattva of ton. It is all in the mind. I can understand Compassion. I appeared to you as a beauti- the world if I study the miBd, so why do I ful young woman to help you achieve en- need to go all the way to China?" lightenment, and this bath water is golden And so W6nhyo returned to Korea. water which will help you become a great Later he became one of Silla's greatest monks, as did Oisang after he returned monk, brilliant as gold" The following day Pangpak, fearing that from his studies in Tang China. These two Puduk might have fallen under the spell of great monks help us realize that there is the beautiful young woman, came looking more than one way to come to the truth. for his friend, only to find him bathing in a These are just a few of the many legends tub of golden water.

"My dear friend, may I take a bath in gracing the rich history of Buddhism in Korea. I hope that they have helped you your golden water?"

"Of course," Puduk answered. "There's on your own road to enlightenment. • plenty of water left."

And so Pangpak became a brilliant monk as well, although his sparkle was not so bright as his friend Puduk.

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onjong the meditative sect of Korean

Buddhism, was first formed under the influence of the Chinese Chan meditative sect (Zen, according to the Japanese pronunciation), but as time went by, it established its own unique character. This formation process began in the late Unified Silla period and was not completed until the early Koryo period when Buddhism played an important role as the "state protector" and Son showed remarkable developmell!jHowever, in the Choson period, Buddhism was severely oppressed. The religion managed to survive by retreating to the mountains where monks practiced Son in isolation. Fortunately, there were enough Son monks and so Korean Son has been sustained to the present day.

Son constitutes the main stream of Korean Buddhism. In many ways, the Son spirit pervades all Buddhism in Kor~d the Son tradition, including eating customs, clothing, and lifestyle, is still maintained at every temple.

In this article, I will look at Son as it is practiced in everyday life. I will focus on Son's status within Korean Buddhism as a whole and how Son principles are being passed on to future generations.

What is Son? Son is u_sually understoo~as a kind of

meditation. However, in th-e13uddhist tradition, Son is distinguished from other meditative techniques and referred to as chodo, "the teachings of the masters." Of course, the esteem that Son enjoys is the result of the achievements of the great Son masters, but it is also distinguished from customary Buddhist thought by certain unique features.

Generally speaking, we can divide the practices performed in temples into three different traditions: Kyo ("the study of the teachings of the Buddha") which focuses on the Tripitaka, Buddhist texts; Yul ("the discipline") which studies the rules of monastic life; and Son meditation. All aim at the attainment of enlightenment with Son practice considered the most important 22

Through meditation, we IJecome aware of our consciousness and our behavior - that is the three poisons ofgreed, anger and ignorance.

Kyo involves research into the Tripitaka, the teachings of the Buddha. This study takes place in a school inside the temple, known as kangwon. Buddhist masters are invited to teach young monks and nuns on a professional basis. The master hands down the tradition to an able disciple, and a family tradition is formed. This tradition is known as the Kyo lineage.

Yul involves the study of the discipline or rules in particular. These rules are to be kept by all monks, but certain monks, known as Yulsa, dedicate themselves to the research and perpetuation of these rules, thus establishing what is known as the Yul lineage.

The Yul lineage is only established when proper behavior as well as intense study is achieved. Hence, from a religious point of view emphasizing practice over study; the Yul lineage is considered more important than the Kyo lineage. This may in part derive from the fact that the Yul lineage has been handed down from Sakyamuni Buddha (the Historical Buddha born in northeastern India in the fifth century B.C.), whereas the roots of the Kyo lineage are unclear. In any event, the preference for the Yul lineage indicates the importance of Buddhist practice.

The Son lineage attempts to achieve the Buddha-mind (enlightenment), transcending letters or words. This tradition contains a deep message which can only be conveyed from mind to mind, and so it is seen as a higher practical tradition than the Kyo or Yul lineages. Like the Yul lineage, the Son lineage has succeeded directly from the Buddha and maintains the orthodoxy of Buddhist practice.

Korean Son sustained its unique characteristics through the Kory6 period, but under the persecution of the early and middle Chos6n period, various Buddhist sects were amalgamated and lost their special features.

As a result, the sects were mixed, and Buddhism became a kind of pan-Buddhism.

The concept of a Dharma (literally "the teachings") lineage has been handed down from Sakyamuni Buddha; hence, in the Son tradition, it is considered more important than the Kyo or Yul lineages. The system of "standing the flag of Dharma," when a per24

Son attempts to transcend language and empty the mind to achieve enlightenment.

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Haeinsa Temple, the main temple for Son Buddhism

son succeeds the dharma from his or her teacher, is much like a rite of passage, initiating the new monk into the orthodox lineage of Son Buddhism. Therefore, the system is governed by strict procedures and forms.

The teacher is the Dharma teacher and the newly ordained monk or nun is the Dharma disciple. A bhikkhu (monk) or bhikkhuni (nun) can make his or her own disciple ten years after being ordained. However, from the point of view of the Dharma lineage, any monk or nun who has achieved enlightenment, even a sami (male novice) or samini (female novice), can have a disciple.

The Dharma lineage is the most important aspect in the Son tradition, so a person who succeeds the Dharma of his or her teacher must impart the Dharma to his or her own disciple. Therefore, "initiating Dharma" does not simply mean having a teacher or disciple.

"Succeeding the Buddha-Dharma" is an26

other expression for nirvana or enlightenment, the final goal of Buddhism. The Dharma lineage has traditionally been considered the most orthodox because it has been carried down from the Buddha Unlike a family lineage in which hierarchy is established by age, in the Dharma lineage, the degree or stage of enlightenment, not simply age, is the criterion by which the hierarchy is set. Thus, a novice, or even a layperson, can be a member of a Dharma family The Dharma lineage was introduced to Korea from India via China; thus Korean Dharma lineages originated from Chinese Son masters through the late Koryo period.

These lineages were cut off and obscured during the Choson period when Buddhism was politically and socially persecuted. It was only during the 16th century that Master Sosan, also known as Hyujong (1520-1604) revived the system and restored the Dharma

lineage of Korean Son. As a result, all monks and nuns of Son Buddhism belong to Hyujong's Dharma lineage. Hyujong restored Son and Kyo, and from that time forward, Korean Buddhism developed into panBuddhistic Son Buddhism.

After the mid-Choson period, Son began to regain precedence over the other sects, and Buddhism developed into what could be called a pan-Buddhistic Son Buddhism. Since that time, Son has been the main-stream of Korean Buddhism.

The Practice of Son The actual practice of Son is quite technical. Son monks live together in sonbang, meditatioh centers separate from other monks. There are very few yulwon, discipline halls, in Korea, although there are many kangux'5n and sonbang Some temples have both, while temples with only one are

usually located in the mountains, far from towns. In towns, the temples are usually meant to propagate Buddhism, so they do not maintain special sections, such as yuluxm, kanguun, or sonbang Traditionally, Son temples are found deep in the mountains. Many of Korea's most famous temples are known as sites for Son meditation. There are also many small Son hermitages scattered throughout the mountains around the peninsula. Accordi!}gj o statistics published by the Sollimboe,-an organization of Son monks and nuns, there are i 415 monks or nuns practicing in 54 Son centers around Korea. Of these, 27 are centers for monks and 23 are centers for nuns.

The practicing Son monk and nun population accounts for approximately 14 percent of all members of the Chogye Order. These monks and nuns devote themselves to the practice of Son exclusively. While they only constitute 14 percent of the entire order, they are treated as the elite and have a strong voice in the order's affairs.

Son monks and nuns practice a special tradition known as chosason, the way of Son handed down from the great Son masters. Chosason has two branches: kanhwason, which involves the study of great masters and meditation to achieve enlightenment, and mukchoson, the practice of silent meditation. Korean Buddhism is fundamentally based on the kanhwason school. While Chosason transcends Kyo (study), Korean Son does not neglect the importance of Kyo. As I have already mentioned, contemporary Korean Son is a "pan-Buddhistic Son." Chanting and the study of Buddhist texts all coalesce in Son, so the amalgamation of these practices has given birth to a synthetic view of the practice of Son. Hence, Son is considered the best of all Buddhist practices, and Son monks and nuns are highly respected There is a standard meditation position.

First, one must sit up straight. The spine is held straight and firm, and the head is kept straight, facing forward The legs are crossed and the knees touch the floor.

Controlled breathing and concentration are essential. The person meditating must look straight ahead and breath in and out, deeply and quietly. The meditator should fo-

cus the consciousness on the belly, just below the navel. The practice of this meditative technique restores life by bringing it into the present and actual and overcoming conceptions of the past or imagination about the future. Through meditation we become aware of our consciousness and behavior-the three poisons-greed, anger and ignorance.

And we obtain a proper understanding of our mind and body to finally attain enlightenment filled with freedom and happiness.

This practice was considered important in Chosason, establishedl-i~iddle of the Tang period in China.\ In Chosason, concentration is focussed on hwadu, enigmatic problems, established by Son masters, upon which thought is concentrated as a means of attaining inner unity and illumination.

When a person tries to solve the problem posed in a hwadu, three things are essen!ial: he or she must be filled with a sense of doubt and questioning, eager to understand the hwadu fully; he or she must firmly believe in the potential for final enlightenment by solving the hwadu¡ Jnd he or she must question why a master would assign such a hwadu. The solution cannot be obtained through words but rather from mind to mind, and finally from non-mind to nonmind This is also the tradition of Chosason - In Son, the main idea is awakening or enlightenment of the mind or heart which can only be transmitted from one mind to another. It is here that we find the fundamental difference between Son and Kyo, which conveys ideas by way of words or letters. Kyo is limited to the boundaries of consciousness, while Son transcends consciousness. The Kyo tradition emphasizes the study of Buddhist texts, that is the teachings of the Buddha, whereas Son cuts through all ordinary thinking and mental discrimination

Son, Kyo and Yul are often said to be the mind, the teachings and the behavior of the Buddha, respectively. All originated in the Buddha and differ in appearance only. This phenomenon is best explained with a metaphor: when someone looks at a mountain covered with red and yellow autumn foliage and explains how beautiful it is, that conception of beauty is a most complicated thing. In order to understand how that per-

son feels, we must not only try to understand their emotional state but also the external conditions influencing that situation as well as that person's relationship with oth~ rs. Everyone feels something unique when they see that mountain A poet experiences nature in that scene, a painter sees the profundity of the colors, a musician hears the harmony of nature, and a n~ligious person sees the message embodiec:l in nature. The images are multifarious. J n_order to best understand the inner conditicrns of the mind of the person, we'd best communicate intuitively from his or her mind to our own, rather than try to logically understand the meaning of the words used to express their conception of beauty.

This is the way of Son. It transcends the boundaries of ordinary, logical ideas and, in that sense, is only achieved through a high level of mutual mental exchange.

However, the practice of Son is not simple. One must pass through a number of set stages. First of all, Kyo must be practiced; that is words or letters must be learned so that a person can attain the wisdom to overcome the knowledge of those words or letters alone. Kyo is the gateway to Son, and when Kyo is completed, the practice of Son begins. To use another metaphor, Kyo is the boat which is essential to cross the river but which becomes unnecessary when we reach the other side. Stepping out onto the bank on the opposite side of the river is analogous to entering Son after leaving Kyo behind Korean Son Buddhism and Son masters believe it is best to move ahead after completing Kyo. That is, the core of Son is beginning with words to ultimately achieve a stage of no-words.

Most Buddhist lineages in Korea have been sustained by the Son lineage.

Buddhism is known as the "religion of enlightenment or awakening," and the transmission of enlightenment from mind to mind is the core of Buddhism. Buddhism is, after all, a religion or philosophy of self-realization based on the manifestation of universal truth.

The vigor with which Korea's Son monks and nuns pursue their practice is living evidence that the Dharma is alive in the Korean Buddhist community. â&#x20AC;˘ 27

Buddhi11n and Early Korean literature Both Buddhism and literature are dedicated to the discovery of the true nature of human existence. trends of that era. Nearly all the hyangga, literally "native songs," or Old Korean Poems, recorded in the history are based on Buddhist themes. The hyangga were originally performed as songs, but they have survived as poems, remarkable for their rhetorical style and expression.

What made the hyangga so exceptional?

Clearly it was the writing skills of the authors, a handful of learned Buddhist monks, including the masters W6nch'uk (613-696) and W6nhyo (617-686). In the . preface to his Pulsolpan 'gomiltasimgyongch'an, W6nch'uk lays out what could be seen as his literary philosophy:

HE HISTORY of the Korean people stretches back some 4,300 years but the history of our literature is less than half as long. Generally when people speak of the origins of Korean literature, they start with stories of the Three Kingdoms period when the Korean peninsula was divided into the Kogury6, Paekche and Silla kingdoms, or the Unified Silla period (668-935) when the three kingdoms were united under Silla's rule. However, the source of most of these stories is the Samguk Yusa ( The Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms), a chronicle of the Three Kingdoms compiled by the Buddhist monk Iry6n in 1285, well after the founding of the Kory6 Kingdom (918-1392).

Much of the Samguk Yusa deals with Buddhism, a natural consequence of its compiler's interests and the intellectual

T LeeJongChan Professor of Korean Literature Dongguk University 28

A great work is one in which principle runs deep and profound, breaking the limits of existence and nothingness so that the reality of the universe transcends all that may be expressed in words.

What did W6nch'uk mean by "breaking the limits of existence and nothingness" and "transcending all that is expressed in words"? Literary theorists today might call this a kind of transcendentalism, much along the lines of what, in the field of modern literature, is known as surrealism.

Similarly; W6nhyo used the metaphor of a man awakening in a room lined with mirrors, dreaming a dream within a dream, to dramatize the state of meaningless fantasy that the average unenlightened person experiences in everyday life. Considering the emphasis placed on the analysis of dreams in today's literary theory; one can't help but feel proud that a Korean scholar actually came up with this concept some 1,300 years ago.

When I am drowsy Sleep envelops my mind And in my foolishness I am plunged into a vast body of water.

Unaware that it is all a dream I am swept downward And a great fear is born within me.

Even before I wake from that dream Another begins And !think Ah, but that was just a dream.

Unaware that I am still in my bed, I thrash about Struggling to awake, And when I do, I grope through my dream To find that everything that was, The deep water, my floating body, Is not, And all I see is my bed Lying in silence.

Even my longest dreams are thus.

Conjusion envelops my mind I am foolish, Swept up in the six ways of the world Flowing in the eight hardships of life.

Before we even consider this from the point of view of Buddhist doctrine, we recognize an example of surrealistic literary theory. Wonhyo shows us that both Buddhism and literature are dedicated to the discovery of the true nature of human existence and thus belong together.

Buddhists of the Son Sect do not appreciate the written word because enlightenment cannot be expressed through language, which by its very nature is limited.

Nevertheless, there is no avoiding the use of

the written word or language as a tool for conveying information. The danger is that, through the use of language, we may make the truth, reality, more complicated than it actually is, thus confusing the issues at hand. This is why the language we use to express life's truths must be simple and concise. Whether expressed in spoken language or the written word, the object is the substance of existence, that is, truth itself, the origin of the true form of the universe.

And the best way to express this is as it is.

To use an old Korean expression, there is no need to stir up a storm in the midst of dead calm. When expression is unavoidable, it must be simple.

Thus the language expressing truth is decidedly ordinary. However, if that ordinary language is an authentic representation of truth itself, that language is nothing more than a tool, and it is the truth that is ordinary. According to the Son rules of language, what is ordinary is not ordinary, and from this we can induce that this ordinary and yet extraordinary language is the language of literature. It is the link between Buddhism and what we know as literature.

Many of the collections of writings left behind by great Son masters are simply called "analects," or literally "collections of sayings." This is, of course, partly a reflection of the modesty one would naturally expect from a Son monk, but also it reveals their belief that ordinary language is truth.

The content of these "analects" is extremely simple, and yet therein lies the profound truth.

The teaching delivered on New Year's Day by the National Preceptor Chin'gak

Just as one must pass through the shallows to reach the depth, one cannot find a simple path without understanding the-ways of the real world.

(1178-1234) is one example of the expressive power of ordinary language.

Today I would like to discuss the meaning of time. Children are eager to grow a year older but old people wish they 29

could grow younger with the passage of time. Infac~ neither can be true. There can be neither more nor less.

In Korea, everyone becomes a year older on New Year's Day. Individual birthdays are celebrated, but age is calculated from the first day of the year in which one is born.

In that instant between the old and the new years, everyone becomes a year older, and consequently that instant takes on great meaning, bringing joy to the young and melancholy to the aged. Imagine the feelings of an old grandfather seated across the breakfast table from his young grandson on New Year's Day. The grandfather can feel the wrinkles forming on his brow while the young boy is filled with joy at his approaching manhood. Really; there is no difference between that morning and the previous morning. It is just a matter of feeling. If one were not conscious of the connection between the passage of time and the advancement of age, there would be nothing to worry about. The existence of time is simple; the problem is our consciousness of that time. It is by breaking out of this consciousness that we achieve Buddhist enlightenment or emptiness.

This state of emptiness is achieved by accepting the ordinariness of truth. By wishing we were a year older or a year younger we are not accepting the passage of time in its true form. We are embellishing the concept of time with our own useless emotions.

Thus we experience the bipolarity of emotions that we observe with the grandfather and his grandson on New Year's morning.

This bipolarity occurs when we have attached ourselves to one side of a conflicting 30

relationship. This is why Buddhism instructs its believers never to attach themselves to one side of a conflict. This is the principle of moderation The National Preceptor Chin'gak'stalk or teaching also includes the following instruction:

Who said there are no superhuman ascetics in the human world? We must believe that each bottle contains unique space.

What is the significance of this paradox?

Logically humanity does not possess divine powers, and yet he says that it is possible. A person who can accept the reality of existence as reality is divine. A simple glass bottle meant to hold water can also hold divine space. Everything we observe as simple truth becomes its own unique world born of that simple truth. The conception of truth as a simple thing is embodied in Buddhist expressions such as "Mt. Sumeru (the mountain at the center of the Indian cosmology) is hidden within a tiny grass seed" or "All the universe can reside in the tip of a single strand of hair."

Thus, enlightenment is a simple thing, and if we must express the meaning of enlightenment with the tool known as words, those words must be as simple and ordinary as the truth itself. I believe that it is because of this simplicity, this truth, that Buddhist writings are literature. When writing is forced, when a writer tries to embellish his or her work, there is danger of glossing over the truth, of burying it in "words."

Indeed, literature has much to learn from 1

the simplicity of Buddhist language.

When you think about it, the birth of a human being is a mysterious thing. By "mysterious" I mean that action or event does not intend to be anything and therefore inspires that sense of "mystery" within the observer.

Such mystery was a natural part of life for primitive man and is the source of primitive belief. The songs and dance of primitive society; what we call primitive art, are . born of primitive man's fascination with the mysterious. Over time, these songs and dances have taken on the form of ceremonies or rites to become a kind of folk religion or shamanism.

Buddhism, as it spread, embraced such native religions around the world, harmonizing with local belief. One could say this is because of Buddhism's tolerant nature based on the expansive concept of emptiness that allows it to attach and grow anywhere. As a result, the mysteries found in indigenous religions have been embraced

by Buddhism over the centuries.

URING THE SILLA ERA, Buddhism firmly rooted itself in Korean life and was accepted as the national religion. A perusal of the hyangga surviving from this period reveals literature rich in mystery.

One could assume that Iryon, the Buddhist monk who compiled the Samguk Yusa in which most of the hyangga are recorded, had a vested interest in recording works with a Buddhist theme, but no one can ignore the deep literary content and inspirational power of these religious songs.

D

The existence of time is simple; the problem is our consciousness of that time.

It is by breaking out of this consciousness that we achieve Buddhist enlightenment or emptiness.

The National Preceptor Chin'gak (1178-1234)

Just one example is the "Hymn to the Thousand-Eyed Bodhisattva," a song sung by a country woman named Huimyong who lived in the time of the Silla King Kyongdok (r. 742-765). Huimyong's child was blinded at the age of five, so the woman took the child to a temple where she sang the following song to the portrait of the Thousand-eyed Bodhisattva, Avalokitesvara, painted on the north wall of the temple.

I fall

on my knees and implore you.

Thousand-eyed Bodhisattva.

You have so many rye_s; Can you not spare two for my child?

Your compassion is so great

And with this song, her child's sight was restored. The roots of this song lie in the Lotus Sutra in which the compassion of the Buddha and the Bodhisattvas is revealed.

Huimyong expresses her heartfelt wish for that compassion with such simplicity that the poem inspires sympathy in all who come in contact with it.

The songs of the Buddhist monks of the Silla period are equally compelling. Master Wolmyong, or "Bright Moon," earned his name for his beautiful flute playing.

According to legend, the moon would stop in its tracks when it heard the sound of the monk's flute.

In the 19th year of the reign of the Silla King Kyongdok, the sun split in two and hung in the sky for ten days straight. This was truly a strange incident, especially in a society where the sun was a metaphor for the king himself. Clearly, the double sun

was a sign that someone was challenging Kyongdok's rule. Naturally, Kyongdok responded by summoning the mysterious powers of religion. He called in the official in charge of astronomical phenomena who suggested they enlist the aid of a Buddhist monk with whom the king had an affinity.

It was then that the monk Wolmyong appeared. They asked him to perform a Buddhist ceremony but Wolmyong replied that he knew only hyangga and nothing of "the Brahmans' ceremonies." The king had no choice but to accept. Wolmyong sang his Requiem (Dosolga) and the two suns melted back into one.

Did Wolmyong have mysterious powers or were the words he wrote the source of that power? Literature embodies the inspirational power of the writer. This is what makes the works of the great monks of Silla so powerful.

result. Kyunyo prayed that the growth detach itself from Uisun'gong and grow on the tree standing to the east of the main temple building. It did and the tree soon fell sick and died. Kyunyo was so deeply impressed by this mystery that he wrote 11 devotional poems (Pohy6nsiwon'ga). In his introduction to this collection of songs, Kyunyo explained his motivation for writing them.

This tradition was carried on by the Great Master Kyunyo (923-973) of the Koryo period. Kyunyo was an extraordinary person from the day of his birth. Born prematurely to a 60 year-old mother, Kyunyo's life was the source of many inspirational stories such as the tale of the queen's growth. According to this story, Taemokhwanghu, the queen ruling during Kyunyo's life time, had a large growth on her genitalia. Of course, she couldn't show the growth to a doctor so she called Uisun'gong, one of the great monks, and asked him to treat her with Buddhist techniques. Uisun'gong prayed that the queen's malady would be transferred to his own body, and soon the queen was cured.

However, Uisun'gong was incapacitated as a

Kyunyo is saying that the spiritual bridge between humanity. and the gods must be found in common language. The words of the songs are at one with the Bodhisattva's prayers; herein lies the songs' inspirational power. Each of the Great Master Kyunyo's poems embodies a devote attempt to achieve enlightenment. The poems became so popular that people often wrote them on walls and used them as objects of worship. These religious songs, and so much of the early literature influenced

by Buddhism, testify to the inspirational energy created by the harmonization of the spiritual power of human language and the power of aspiration. â&#x20AC;˘

Songs are usually sung/or enjoyment but they are also the core of human effort to become a Bodhisattva. Just as one must pass through the shallows to reach the depths, just as one must begin close-by to reach far, one cannot find a simple path without understanding the ways of the real world, nor can one communicate the deÂŁ?p meaning of causality without relying on the language of the rea,l world.

31

HEN THE HISTORIC Buddha Sakyamuni died some 2,500 years ago and his body was cremated, conflict arose among the peoples of several Indian clans concerning how to divide the sarira, or holy relics, from his ashes. The dispute was settled by a venerable old Brahmin named Dona who contended that they should not quarrel over the relics of one who taught peace, and as a resul~ the relics were divided into eight portions to the satisfaction of all.

Stupas, dome-like shrines, were built over these relics, and feasts were held to commemorate the Buddha It was a century later that King Asoka (r.274-236B.C.) of the Indian Mauryan dynasty, a devout Buddhist, had all eight stupas excavated to retrieve the sacred relics of Sakyamuni Buddha. He then had them divided into hundreds of portions and ordered the construction of numerous stupas to enshrine them throughout his vast kingdom. This gave birth to Buddhism's tradition of considering the stupa to be a symbol of the Buddha In later years, stupas housed holy relics associated with the historic Buddha or other attained people. Naturally, stupas, together with images of the Buddha, came to be considered primary objects of worship and remembrance. Later, although the concept of a relic has expanded to include sacred texts, the basic symbolism has been retained over the centuries. Worship of a stupa consists mainly of walking around the monument with one's right arm toward the stupa. This is a remnant of the ancient custom of baring one's right shoulder in the presence of superiors, especially the Buddha

W

The five-story stone pagoda at Wanggung-ni, one of the few remaining Paekche-sty le pagodas 34

HE ORIGINAL, hemispherical- turies, have been discovered in the shaped stupa is believed to have P'yongyang area. At each site, the central been derived from pre-Buddhist structure was a tall, octagonal wooden pagoburial mounds or Vedic altars in da with chambers facing it on three sides.

India. This conception of the stu- -r his one pagoda-three hall layout was appa evolved in shape as it,spread throughout 1 parently the earliest Buddhist temple plan the Buddhist world. result is a variety used by the Koreans who borrowed from of different monuments such as the bell- contemporary Chinese examples.

Paekche (18 B.C.-660 A.D.) soon followed shaped dagaba of Sri Lanka, the terraced temple of Borobudur in Java, the Lamaist Koguryo in accepting and propagating variations in Tibet, and the multi-storied Buddhism. Its temples had one central square wooden pagoda, as seen in an old pagodas of China, Korea and Japan.

The pagoda, like the stupa, is considered temple site in Puyo County in South to be an architectural diagram of the cos- Ch'ungch'ong Province and the Chesokmos. The great pillar running up the core sa temple site in Iksan County in North Challa Province. ' These early Paekche temof the structure, known as the Indrakila, the peg of the god Indra, is symbolic of the ples, like those of Koguryo, adopted the invisible world axis joining the centers of "one pagoda-three hall" plan as did Japan's earth and heaven. The various stories, ta- Asuka-dera Temple near Kyoto. However, pering in size as they mount upward, may most Paekche temples erected in later years be seen as the many terraces of a mythical were characterized by a "one pagoda-one mountain. The disks that form the finial of hall" layout, which meant that each pagoda the pagodas correspond to the heavens of was accompanied by a single hall for ceremonies. These structures were usually surthe various gods. rounded by roofed corridors to form an inDuring the first centuries following the dependent complex. introduction of Buddhism to their country, It wasn't until the sixth century that Silla Koreans generally built replicas of Chinese multi-storied wooden pagodas. However, (57 B.C.-668 A.D.) came under Buddhist insince wood was expensive and difficult to fluence. Silla was geographically isolated maintain, Koreans began building stone from China by Koguryo to the north and pagodas around the sixth century. Wlie" Paekche to the west. As a result, China's Korean peninsula is mountainous and the cultural influence came much later and was quality of its stone, especially granite, is diluted. Among the early Silla temples, well-suited for sculpture and building. Hwangnyongsa Temple in Kyongju was Numerous granite pagodas were built undoubtedly the best known. According to throughout Korea in the succeeding cen- the Samguk Yusa (Memor.abilia of the turies, while others were made of other dia- Three Kin[!,doms, a history compiled by the terials such as wood, brick, stone dressed to Koryo monk Iryon in the 1400s), the look like brick and bronze. All the wood- grandiose state temple had a nine-story en pagodas have been destroyed in wars wooden pagoda, built by a Paekche archiover the centuries, but Korea is still home to tect named Abiji. The largest of its kind more than 1,000 granite pagodas, which known in Asia, the pagoda stood some 80 stand in sharp contrast to the brick pagodas meters high. The square foundation stones of China and India and the wooden pago- of the gigantic pagoda were discovered during an extensive excavation of the temple das of Japan. site in the 1970s.

All these wooden pagodas of the Three Koguryo (37 B.C.-668 A.D.), the first of Korea's three kingdoms to accept Buddhism Kingdoms period have been destroyed, in the latter half of the fourth century, however. Only three stone pagodas from copied China's multi-storied pavilion-like this period remain today, two in the former wooden pagodas for the most part. Three Paekche territory and one in the old Silla temple sites, dating to the fifth or sixth cen- realm. These stone pagodas shed some light

rite

35

on their wooden prototypes and at the same time anticipate the development of pagodas built during the Unified Silla period

(668-935).

The oldest of these three stone pagodas stands on the ruins of Miruksa Temple in Iksan County, North Challa Province.

Though seriously damaged and buttressed with mortar, the seven-story pagoda, believed to have been built around 600, is still of great historic value as it illustrates the transition from wooden construction to stone. The pagoda stands 14.24 meters high on a relatively low, square foundation. A huge square pillar at the center of the structure, accessible through the four side entrances, supports the interior framework.

Lining the exterior of the main structure are angular stone pillars supporting a set of architrave beams, girders and a bracketing system to hold up the roofstones.

Recent excavations of the temple site have unearthed an identical stone pagoda to the east of the extant one and the foundation of a taller wooden pagoda in between.

Each of these pagodas had a corresponding worship hall located to the north.

The other extant Paekche stone pagoda is located on the site of Ch6ngnimsa Temple in Puy6 County, South Ch'ungch'6ng Province. This five-story pagoda is built with as many as 149 pieces of stone, suggesting that it was patterned after a wooden structure, but it transcends simple imitation in its refinement and creativity.

The square pagoda stands on an elevated granite platform, and each story is capped by a thin roofstone with projecting eaves.

The stories taper in size as they go upward; the finial is missing.

The 17th century P'alsangj6n, a five-story pavilion-type wooden structure in P6pjusa Temple compound in North Ch'ungch'6ng Province, echoes the style of the Paekche wooden pagodas and Horyuji Temple near Nara, Japan, which is said to have been built

by Paekche engineers, although it was built nearly a millennium later. This 65 meterhigh structure, the tallest Buddhist pagoda in Korea, has four altars surrounding one central pillar. Each altar, facing one of the four cardinal directions, has an image of the 36

The seven-story stone pagoda at the Miriiksa temple site (above), the five-story pagoda at Chongnimsa Temple (right above), the stone pagoda at Punhwangsa Temple (right below), P'alsangjon at Popjusa Temple (left below).

Buddha at a different stage in his life. Thus, when worshippers circle the pagoda as is the Buddhist custom, they are also circumambulating the Buddha himself.

A unique three-story square pagoda, built of stone but resembling brick, can be found on the site of Punhwangsa Temple in Kyongju. The pagoda was constructed of dark brown andesite cut in the shape of bricks. This Silla pagoda, built in 634, bespeaks a completely different concept of pagoda construction from that of contemporary Paekche.

OLLOWING SILLA'S UNIFICATION of the Korean peninsula in the seventh century; Buddhism flourished as the primary source of national power, and Buddhist art and architecture developed to spectacular levels.

Unified Silla adopted the Paekche approach to stone pagodas for the most par~ although certain architectural details were ignored and others simplified. The number of stories was reduced to three in most cases, symbolizing the three treasures of Buddhism: the Buddha, the Buddha's teachings, and the Buddhist community. The main structure stands on an elevated twotier base, and the roofstones have fivestepped corbels, or projecting blocks, sup-

F

So kkat' ap Pagoda at Pulguksa Temple

37

Tabot'ap Pagoda at Pulguksa Temple

38

porting a superstructure. Si5kkat'ap, the Sakyamuni Pagoda, found in the main courtyard at Pulguksa Temple in Ky6ngju, is the finest example of this style.

Si5kkat'ap is widely admired for its proportions and simple but graceful style. The ratio of the widths of the three stories from the bottom up is 4 : 3 : 2, and the width of the lower base is equal to the height of the main structure above the upper base. This deliberate layout, unique to the Unified Silla period, gives the pagoda aesthetically pleasing proportions.

The simplicity of Si5kkat'ap, representing the historic Buddha Sakyamuni, is enhanced

by Tabot'ap, "the Pagoda of Many Treasures,"

which stands about 100 feet away in the same complex. Tabot'ap symbolizes Prabhutaratna, the Eastern Buddha.

Tabot'ap is actually an enlarged version of a sarira shrine. The main shrine is supported by a roof-like square slab resting on four pillars with massive brackets. The pillars in turn stand on an elevated platform approached by four staircases. On top of the octagonal main shrine is a small roof adorned with a complex finial.

Legend has it that both these pagodas were built by a mason named Asadal, who came from the former Paekche domain. He left his young wife, Asany6, at home pledging that he would return as soon as the pagodas were completed After years without news from her husband, Asany6 traveled to Ky6ngju to visit him. However, she was not allowed to see him as there was a rule prohibiting outsiders from observing the sacred project before it was finished.

Asany6 was told to wait by a pond near the temple until the completed pagoda cast a reflection in the water. She waited in vain and eventually threw herself into the pond.

Hence, Si5kkat'ap is often called Muyi5ngt'ap, "the Pagoda Without a Reflection."

The granite pagoda and lantern at Hwa6msa Temple on Mt. Chirisan in South Ch6lla Province also date from the Unified Silla period and are noted for their unique design. The central pillar of the three-story stone pagoda features a female figure, something rarely found in pagodas. Four lions crouch at the corners of the pagoda's square base which is decorated by elegant floral carvings and angels. The lions, two male and two female, face outward in the four directions, and the woman at the center stands with her hands folded in salutation as she faces the stone lantern located a few meters away The lantern is also unusual for its design.

The octagonal light chamber is supported by three pillars set on a lotus pedestal A monk is seated at the center, holding a tea cup in his hand as he looks toward the pagoda.

It is said that the Hwa6msa lion pagoda and lantern were commissioned by Chajang, a renowned Korean monk living in the seventh century, in memory of the Indian monk who founded Hwa6msa Temple.

The Indian monk, Yon'gi, preached the Avatamsaka Sutra to 3,000 disciples at the temple and was known for his devotion to his mother, a nun, who accompanied him to Korea. Perhaps this is why there is a female figure in the pagoda and the image of a monk in the lantern.

Buddhism flourished during the Koryo period (918-1392) and contributed to its refined aristocratic culture. Wealthy noblemen kept miniature gilt-bronze pagodas and statuettes of the Buddha and various deities as well as lavish icon paintings in their homes. However, Koryo stone pagodas were unique for their carefree styles and unsophisticated, naive local flavor, unlike the more uniform Unified Silla pagodas.

During the rule of Koryo, numerous pagodas were erected at temples across the country, obviously with support from rich local gentry. The pagodas were often multistoried and hexagonal or octagonal. Among the extant "unconventional" Koryo stone pagodas is the seven-story cylindrical pagoda with mushroom-like roofstones at Unjusa Temple in South Challa Province.

Dating from the late Koryo period, this is one of 18 stone pagodas at this site. Legends

The IO-Story marble pagoda from Kyongch'onsa Temple, now standing in the compound at Kyongbokkung Palace in Seoul (top), the lion pagoda at Hwaomsa Temple

suggest that 1,000 such pagodas once stood . there.

A 10-story marble pagoda from Kyongch'onsa Temple, now standing in the compound of Kyongbokkung Palace in Seoul, is of a completely different style. Built in 1348 at the end of Koryo's rule under the Lamaist influence introduced by the Mongols, the pagoda is decorated with gorgeous sculpted deities and flowers.

A similar 10-story marble pagoda, obviously inspired by the Kyongch'onsa Temple version, stands in Pagoda .Park in central Seoul. This pagoda is extravagantly embellished with sculpted designs of deities, humans and animals as well as scenes from famous Buddhist episodes. The three-tier pedestal and the first three stories of the main structure are cross-shaped, while the remaining stories are square. Each story has ornate corner pillars and railings. The 12 meter-high pagoda is believed to have been built in 1467 during the reign of King Sejo who, unlike most of Choson's Confucianoriented rulers, generously supported Buddhism. Few doubt that this is the most beautiful pagoda made during the Choson period when Buddhism was so severely persecuted â&#x20AC;˘ 39

OKKURAM GROTTO SHRINE was built in the mid-eighth century during a period of growing prosperity under the rule of the Unified Silla Kingdom. This was a time of peace and affluence in East Asia, coinciding with the golden age of Tang China and the Nara period in Japan. S6kkuram Grotto Shrine reflects this cultural radiance and the Silla people's reverence for the Buddhist religion.

The people of Silla had a deep-rooted belief in the sanctity of the Three Mountains surrounding their capital of Ky6ngju.

Therefore it is no wonder that they chose those mountains as the site for their most revered places of worship.

Mt. T'ohamsan, on which S6kkuram Grotto Shrine was built, is the mountain closest to the capital. It stands like a great folding screen to the east, serving as a natural barrier against invasion by Japanese pirates. This mountain was the object of worship from ancient times and the site of frequent sacrificial rites. The Buddhist temples found on Mt. T'ohamsan are intimately linked to historical sites in the Eastern Estuary where the waters of Taechongch'6n Stream, originating from a spring directly behind S6kkuram Grotto Shrine on Mt. T'ohamsan, empty into the Eastern Sea.

S

are associated with the tale of King Munmu's reincarnation as a dragon to protect the Silla state and Buddhism from foreign invasions. They are also closely linked to the construction in the eighth century of S6kkuram Grotto Shrine on the eastern slope of Mt. T'ohamsan.

HE CONSTRUCTION of S6kkuram was initiated by King Ky6ngd6k (r. 742- 764), who oversaw reforms the governmental system and ordered the construction of a number of Buddhist temples, stone bridges and pagodas, and the casting of Buddhist bells.

According to recent research, the construction of S6kkuram was supervised by Kim Tae-s6ng (700-774), prime minister under King Ky6ngd6k from 745-750, who resigned his post to devote himself to the construction of the stone grotto and Pulguksa Temple. According to the Samguk Yusa (Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms, a history of Korea compiled by the Buddhist monk, Iry6n, in the 13th century), Pulguksa Temple was built to pray for the well-being of the Kim clan, rulers of the Silla Kingdom, and S6kkuram was built to pray for their reincarnation. S6kkuram was built in the east because the eastern slope of the mountain and the Eastern Sea visible from the Y FAR THE MOST IMPORTANT grotto site were sacred places. The ashes of historical site on the Eastern members of the royal family and their arisEstuary is the undersea tomb of tocratic relatives were scattered there, espeKing Munmu (r. 661-681), the 30th cially after the unification of the Three ruler of Silla who oversaw the uni- Kingdoms when cremation became fashionfication of the Kogury6 and Paekche king- able.

Ancient records refer to S6kkuram as "a doms under Silla rule. In the latter years of his reign, King Munmu ordered the con- stone niche woven like silk." This alludes to struction of a temple on the shore of the the grotto's unique construction which comEastern Sea to safeguard the state. He died bined large and small stones. Grotto tembefore the temple was completed but his ples had existed in Indian and Chinese culson, King Sinmun (r. 681-692), saw to the . ture but they consisted of hollowed-out natcompletion of Kamunsa Temple in 682, and ural caves; S6kkuram, on the other hand, his father's ashes were buried in an under- was built by piling stone upon stone. sea tomb to the east of the temple. For many years, the site where King Munmu's HE BASIC LAYOUT of S6kkuram ashes were buried, known as "The Rock of is a rectangular anteroom connectthe Great King," was thought to simply be ed to a rotunda at the rear. Stone the spot where his ashes were scattered, but cave temples were designed not in 1967 archaeologists confirmed that the only to enshrine pagodas and statking's ashes were actually buried there. ues, but also to provide space for people to This undersea tomb and Kamunsa Temple worship and make offerings to the Buddha.

B

42

Pagodas and Buddha statues are objects of worship in Buddhism, so the inclusion of these objects of worship requires space for the performance of rituals.

The oldest examples of stone cave temples in Korea, found in Kongju, South Ch'ungch'6ng Province and on Mt. Tans6ksan near Ky6ngju, suggest cave temples were first built in existing natural stone caves in mountai s Later manmade caves were constructed. Jfie Samguk Yusa contains references to Maitreya (the Future Buddha) triad from one such cave temple on Mt. Namsan in Ky6ngju which was made in 644, 100 years before S6kkuram was constructed. While the cave is long since lost, this reference suggests that stone chamber shrines were in fashion in the seventh century.

S6kkuram was modelled after smaller stone caves of that period. The original architects cleared a building site by cutting away a stone cliff and constructing the shrine against this cliff on a foundation of stone slabs. Another layer of granite stones slabs was added on top of the original foundation during renovation in 1%3.

The walls of the grotto consist of carved stone slabs placed side by side around the walls of the rectangular anteroom and the inner rotunda where the Buddha is enshrined. Two massive stone pillars stand at the entrance to the rotunda.

The top of S6kkuram appears to have been originally covered with tiles. The outside wall of the rotunda was reinforced with two layers of granite stones, and the mound was made with earth and clay and covered with tiles. Repeated repairs of the tiled roof were made after its construction in the eighth century.

The ceiling is formed by curved square

The ceiling serves as a canopy protecting the Buddha.

stone slabs and knuckle stones. The center of the vaulted ceiling consists of a round stone slab decorated with a lotus flower design which also serves as the canopy for the Buddha. This canopy stone is cracked in three places. The source of these cracks is mentioned in the Samguk Yusa Before starting to carve the Buddha, a stone slab was being dressed to finish the vaulted ceiling when it suddenly broke into three pieces. Kim Tae-s6ng felt bitter about this and fell into a deep slumber. In the middle of the night, a horde of heavenly gods descended to earth, completed the ceiling, and returned to heaven. Kim Tae-s6ng awoke and ran up Namny6ng Peak to burn incense and make an offering to the gods.

From that time on, the place was called Hyangny6ng, Incense Peak The mountain mentioned in this legend stands to the south of S6kkuram and is still known as Hyangny6ng today.

HE CIRCULAR MAIN HALL, or rotunda, follows the Indian prototype with the main Buddha enshrined slightly off center toward the rear.

A lotus-shaped nimbus hovers on the wall behind the Buddha, giving the impression of a halo. This halo-like nimbus is unique to S6kkuram and an indication that the original architects built the grotto for worship, not simply for enshrinement of the Buddha.

The various figures arranged around the main Buddha in the rotunda and along the walls of the anteroom are masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture and the supreme embodiment of the religious spirituality of the Silla period The first figures one encounters upon entering the anteroom are the eight guardian deities carved in relief on the north and south walls. The guardian deities, believed to have been carved after S6kkuram was built, are clad in armor and stand on stone bases, looking straight ahead.

Some wear helmets or appear as an animal figures, providing some hints as to their identity; however, I have only come up 44

with definitive identifications for three of the eight figures.

The first figure on the southern wall as one enters the anteroom from the outside is an Asura, a titan who, according to Indian mythology, changed into a benevolent god.

This figure is scantily clad and has the face of a devil carved in its abdomen. The figure was damaged at one time by the collapse of the stone wall.

The second figure I have identified is a Naga, the fourth figure on the southern wall. This Naga has a dragon on his head and holds a cintamani, a talisman-pearl capable of fulfilling all wishes. The dragon was an important symbol during the Silla period, signifying the protection of the nation.

The first figure on the northern wall is a Garuda, a mythical bird of infinite strength said to be the personification of the Dawn or the Sun. The figure carries a weapon with a short handle and has two wings on its head, suggesting a bird Two Vajrapanis, or deva kings, stand at the end of the anteroom on either side of the entrance to the rotunda. A pair of Vajrapanis are usually housed in a gate house at the entrance to temples. The figures stand with one arm raised level and the other extended down to the side. They are carved in deep relief to show their vitality. These figures are believed to be reproductions put in place after a fire destroyed the originals.

The four heavenly guardians of Buddhism adorn the walls of the short corridor that connects the anteroom to the rotunda. These figures, standing in pairs on either side of the corridor, are more refined

The Ten Disciples line the walls of the rotunda as if they were waiting for the Buddha to speak.

and elegant than the Vajrapa.nis. Each figure is portrayed trampling a different grotesque demon. The heavenly guardians are dressed in military uniforms and carry iong swords. Originally, each of the four guardians was assigned a different direction to protect, and, in most ancient temples, the figures are housed in a separate gate house, two on each side.

After passing by the heavenly guardians, we enter the rotunda Directly to the north, or right as one enters the rotunda, is a carving of Indra, a heavenly god, who, according to Indian mythology, rules the thirtythree heavens. To the south stands Brahma, the god of creation in Indian mythology, carrying a kundika bottle containing the holy water of life.

Just beyond Brahma and Indra are two Bodhisattvas. The one on the north wall, standing on a lotus pedestal, looks into the grotto. This figure is the most elegant in Sokkuram, with its round halo, flowing

robes and personal ornaments. The Bodhisattva on the south wall carries a sutra scroll. Scholars are not certain as to the exact identity of either of these figures.

The Ten Disciples line the wall to the right and left of these two Bodhisattva figures as one enters the rotunda Each of the disciples is the master of one power or gift such as wisdom, supernatural powers, discipline, deva vision, explaining the void or irnmateriai expounding the law; explaining the fundamental principles, maintaining the rules, explaining the teachings, or hearing and remembering. The most interesting feature of these figures is their facial expressions. Each one is different, although they all have deep-set eyes and long noses as they were originally Indians.

At the center of the wall behind the main Buddha stands an exquisite wall carving of an eleven-faced Avalokitesvara, the Bodhisattva of Compassion, who is said to have been born from a ray of light emanat-

ing from the head of Amitabha Buddha (the Buddha of Infinite Light). This Bodhisattva is generally considered the receiver of the world's pain; indeed, her name means ''Hearer of Cries." The placement of this statue directly behind the main Buddha reveals the high esteem in which this Bodhisattva was held by the Silla people.

Avalokitesvara is named for the eleven faces on her head. The three heads on the Ieft have angry expressions, the three on the right smile serenely, and the three on the second tier have compassionate expressions.

The small figure in the front exudes a serene equilibrium, and the eleventh face at . the back is Ia ughing, a sign of Avalokitesvara's wisdom F COURSE, the main reason for building a grotto temple was to enshrine the Buddha. The various other Buddha figures in the grotto are all subordinate to, and

0

A side view of Sokkuram. One enters from the right to pass through a short corridor before stepping into the main rotunda.

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yet synthesized with, the main Buddha.

This does not mean that the other figures are insignificant. Rather, it simply means the size, style and placement of the other figures were fixed in relationship to the main Buddha in the overall grotto plan S6kkuram's main Buddha reflects a style prevalent from the beginning of the seventh century immediately after the unification of the Three Kingdoms. This style is characterized by two features: the robe draped over the left shoulder, and the hand gesture signifying the bearing of witness. (This hand gesture, or mudra, originates from the time just after the historical Buddha's enlightenment when he was challenged as to his right to sit under the Bodhi Tree. The earth bore witness to his right because of the many good deeds that he had performed.)

This style reached its zenith in the eighth century; remained in fashion through the Choson era and is still popular today.

All evidence, both stylistic and historical, indicates this sculpture depicts Amitabha Buddha of the Western Pure Land sect.

This Buddha emanates from the meditation of the primordial Buddha. The draping of the robe over the right shoulder and the gesture of the right hand are characteristic of a style closely associated with Amitabha Buddha in the eighth century when Sokkuram was built. It was during that period that belief in Amitabha Buddha began to prevail over belief in Maitreya Buddha which was in vogue during the previous era.

The ornaments supplementing the main figure, such as the halo on the back wall and the pedestal on which the statue sits, are decisive features that add to the overall effect of the shrine. From the very beginning, the architects of Sokkuram created the stone rotunda to enshrine the Buddha and the anteroom to provide a place for ceremonies. Both the anteroom and rotunda were designed to enhance the impact of the Buddha figure on all who entered. The statue is set slightly off center of the rotunda so as to enhance its appearance, and the features have been carved in such a way as to appear to change depending where the worshipper is standing.

The Sokkuram Buddha's full, sensual fea-

tures and ethereal smile represent the best of Silla sculpture. By the ninth century, a neo-realistic style began to take hold, and Buddha figures became more solemn and human in scale. Nevertheless, the Sokkuram Buddha lives on, reminding us of the Buddha's tolerance and warmth. â&#x20AC;˘

The eleven-faced Avalokitesvara, the Bodhisattva of Compassion, is said to have been born from a ray of light emanating from the Amitabha Buddha.

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A Day at

Songgwangsa Temple Don Yon Sunim Tut'ach'oam Hermitage

Reach into the depths Of your sleeping spirit And prompt a journey to that interior that we can never leave.

Footsteps that have left all behind Rush forward without hesitation Ttodurak ttak ttak Ttodurak ttak ttak Ttodurak ttak ttak Where does it come from?

That sound

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Pouring forth from between the hearty laughs Of stone guardians Laying somewhere beneath this sleeping earth, The light of Dharma's eyes.

Resounding it lifts the bolt of the mind that bas not been touched.

Get up.

Get up.

Get up.

HREE IN THE MORNING. The mokt'ak is sounded by the monk in charge of the morning chanting, waking the sleeping temple compound shrouded in silence .

Songgwangsa Temple has awakened to this sound every morning since it was founded

by Son master Hyej6n more than 1;300 years ago. The echoes of the mokt'ak resound off Mt. Chogyesan, unchanged since the beginning of time, as it reaches out to embrace the temple.

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In 1190, Master Chim':'!! (1158-1210), one of Korea's greatest monks, founded a circle of dedicated monks at Songgwangsa Temple in an effort to attain samadhi, the perfect state of spiritual concentration, and wisdom through the study and practice of Son Buddhism. His work served as the fertile soil for the propagation of esoteric Buddhism in Korea.

Lights come on one by one as if the sound of the mokt'ak were driving the darkness from the monks' minds as it resonates through the temple compound.

One can hear people stirring in the kangw6n, or monks' college, the S6nbang the Meditation Center, and in the back gardens. It is not only humans that are awakened. A magnificent zinnia, planted after the war rustles in the garden as if it were rubbing sleep from its eyes.

The mokt'ak began its rounds at the entry to the Main Hall, and now it crosses the garden, under the Bell Pavilion and back and forth through the Gate of the Four Heavenly Guardians, up the stairs to circle the My6ngbuj6n, the shrine to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva who vowed to save those suffering in hell, and the Kwanumj6n, the Hall of the Bodhisattva of Compassion , Avalokitesvara. Sometimes the mokt'ak is sounded without chanting, but most of the time the monk recites the Thousand Hand Sutra as he circles the compound. He

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A lecture at the monk's college (left), The Susonsa, "the higher Son room," where monks gather for meditation (right).

moves on to the camellia tree next to the Munsujon, the Meditation Hall honoring the Bodhisattva of Wisdom and Intellect, Manjusri, and returns to the entryway of the Main Hall.

HE MOKT'AK that this monk is carrying is extremely large; indeed, he wears it slung by a cord over his shoulder and supports it with one hand. The whole compound is awake by the time the monk has made his rounds and returned to the Main Hall.

All are awake and yet the day remains splendidly quiet.

There are strict rules governing the ringing of the morning mokt'ak as well as the

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time, course taken by the monk, and duration. It must begin in a low tone, then accelerate gradually; slow down once more and finish with a low tone. The morning mokt'ak is an important responsibility for the nojon sunim, the monk in charge of the Main Hall and all the ceremonies held there.

This job is always taken by a devout older monk who has lived in the temple for many years. Seasoned with the passage of time and free from the torments of joy, anger and love, the nojon sunim recites a soothing chant as he circles the temple compound with his mokt'ak. The chant flows smooth as water, washing away the tedium that can sometimes arise in the temple community.

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-----

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And so another day at Songgwangsa Temple begins.

FTER THE MOKT'AK has made its rounds, the morning chants are recited to the accompaniment of a small bell, which signifies the monks' efforts to break away from torment and worry and attain wisdom, a wisdom that must be used to enhance their neighbors' lives. The bell wakes all living things, reaching into hell, to all the evil ghosts, to birth, to human beings, to deities, to the Asuras, the giant battling demons. Then it rings to tell the insects and birds about the Buddha's compassion. It rings to the grass and trees, to the roof tiles and stones that form the foundation of the temple.

The sound of the bell is the sound of all thoughts funneled into one. It is not simply the sound of brass against brass. Rather, it is pregnant with the long-cherished wishes and self-restraint of the temple's monks.

This is why the ringing of bells in a temple never sounds frivolous. It is the sound of a process of enlightenment that melts into the passage of time, washed by the stormy waves, directed to the other side of the river of joys and sorrows.

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We pray that the whole universe will hear this bell, and that all hellish environ men ts will be brightened by the sound. May the beings in the hells and ghosts and animals all be relieved of their suffering and may all hells disappear so that all living creatures may gain enlightenment Following the ringing of the small bell, the sound of the great drum, the wooden fish and the cloud-shaped gong reverberate through the temple. The drum is enormous, a wooden barrel covered with leather on either end and decorated with brilliant designs. The sound of the great drum calls animals, and the sound of the Wooden Fish calls all that live in the sea and other waters. The cloud-shaped gong calls all flying things.

Next the great bell is rung 28 times. The massive bell is made of cast iron and rung 52

Morning study ends, the doors are flung open, and everyone inhales the fresh morning air, long before the rest of the human world awakens.

every morning and evening to inform all of the Buddha's compassion in teaching them.

The sounds of these four instruments call all living things to the chanting of the words of liberation taught by the Buddha.

There is nothing so calming as the sound of the great bell tolling in a temple deep in the mountains. It is a solemn sound, never arrogant, deep, but not dull. When a monk dies, the great bell is rung 108 times. This is called "The Bell of Nirvana." All monks leave their physical lives to the sound of that bell ringing 108 times, departing this world like a person strolling through the woods at twilight.

The temple's residents all sit quietly in the Main Hall as the four instruments are rung. Many monks live at Songgwangsa Temple, and visitors are always welcome at the ceremonies.

In a broad sense, all 24 hours of a monk's day are dedicated to remembering the Buddha. Through the process of meditation and hard work, enlightenment is . achieved, and then comes the task of Vipassana, or Insight Meditation, and the propagation of Buddhism. This is how the Buddha spent his life: in training, enlightenment, and finally the sharing of his thought.

Meditation and study are achieved on the basis of humility, frugality, solemnity and honesty. Through a harsh examination of one's inner self comes the wisdom that opens the way to the study and practice of Son Buddhism. It all begins with remembering the Buddha.

The morning chants are recited in unison by all the monks seated in the main hall.

I have made a sweet nectar from pure water To give to the Buddha, to the teachings, To the community 0, please accept this humble offering!

0, great teacher of living things!

0, my teacher Sakyamuni Buddha I pledge my weary life to you.

The first part of the prayer is performed by a leader, but the refrains are chanted in unison. The combination of those many

voices in the solemn chant brings all listeners to attention.

Everyone bows to the sound of the mokt'ak or the small bell after each phrase of the chant is completed. When bowing, one must touch the floor with five body parts: the forehead, both hands and both knees. The bow is a display of respect and, at the same time, an expression of humility.

After the chant is finished, it is time for the reading of the monks' wishes to the Buddha, something that is done only at the morning prayer meeting.

Every morning every evening I light incense and candle To express my devotion to the Buddha To his teachings, to the community.

I pray for fine weather and a fruitful harves~ For a good life for all our neighbors.

I pray for peace in our country, For an end to the conflict between classes, For harmony in our society, For unification of our nation under democracy.

I pray for an end to racial prejudice and disputes, For creation of a world where humanity can live as one.

The monks make three deep bows at the sound of the mokt'ak each time the reading of a wish is completed. Then the Heart Sutra, generally regarded the central teaching of Mahayana Buddhism, is recited in honor of the guardian deities of Buddhism. The chanting of the Heart SutrCfi a part of all Buddhist ceremonies, signifies that the monks are speaking on behalf of the Buddha.

The morning and evening ceremonies at Songgwangsa Temple are an expression of the monks' longing for a true understanding of the Buddha's teachings and of their wish to follow in the Buddha's footsteps together with all the creatures of the world. All Buddhists long for the same thing. It is often said that monks sleep with the Buddha in their arms and wake up every morning carrying the Buddha on their backs.

The morning chanting meeting in the Main Hall comes to an end around four

o'clock. After the chants are finished, the sound of recitation filters out of the monk's college (kangw6n), and from the kitchen comes the sound of people bustling to get breakfast ready.

But one corner of the compound is still enveloped in silence. It is the Meditation Center where monks gather to study 56n.

The monks studying here do not attend the prayer meetings in the Main Hall. They merely bow three times to the Buddha and begin meditation with the striking of the chukbi, a hollow bamboo rod, three times at the start of each session. Every movement is made in silence. Simplicity is the key.

Even before the mokt'ak has finished reverberating, the monks have finished their three bows and sit in meditation. The fight with the self has already begun. At Songgwangsa Temple, there are two 56n meditation halls. Sus6nsa, where one circle of monks gather on a continuous basis, is the "higher 56n room," and Munsuj6n, the hall honoring the Bodhisattva of wisdom and intellect where a different group gathers each season, is the "lower 56n room."

The two rooms differ in that the study period for the Sus6nsa is longer than that of the Munsuj6n, and its daily schedule lasts longer into the night. The Munsuj6n's schedule is planned on a seasonal basis, and the time devoted to study is relatively short compared to the Sus6nsa. An international 56n center for foreign monks was located in the Munsuj6n until recently.

In the old days, one had to complete one's study of the Buddhist texts before one embarked on the study of 56n. 56n is the Chinese character transliteration (pronounced Chan in Chinese and Zen in Japanese) of the Sanskrit word, Dhyana.

Dhyana has many meanings-calm thoughts, thought along a single track,,concentration meditation-and is often broadly defined as the criteria for all thought.

FTER LEAVING HOME, the Buddha went through six years of harsh asceticism. When he was on the verge of dying, he realized that he couldn't find a path to enlightenment if he died, so he stopped his ascetic practices and began meditating in

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a contemplative sitting position. So began his simple meditative life, eating at regular times, walking, sitting down. After a week or so, enlightenment, total understanding, swept over him as he looked up at the morning star.

Meditation is the Buddha's way, and Korean Buddhism has traditionally deemed meditation the highest form of study and practice. Although Korean Buddhism has been influenced by Chinese Buddhism in terms of philosophy, it has also developed its own system of advanced thought.

The Silla Master Toui (early ninth century) was the first to bring 56n practices to Korea. Toui went to study Buddhism in Tang China in 784 and returned in 821 with an understanding of the ways of the mind which can only be transmitted from one mind to another. Toui's thoughts were handed down to Master Chinul who developed the principles more systematically and extended Songgwangsa Temple. Chinul's writings revealed his intentions clearly, and . so his successors at Songgwangsa Temple have established a research center dedicated to the study of his thought. An international seminar on Chinul's thought will be held at Songgwangsa Temple next year.

IERCE INTERNAL struggles may be brewing inside of the monks' minds as they meditate, but the 56n Meditation Halls seem tranquil.

The only thing provided to the monks is a hwadu, an enigmatic question on which a monk focuses his or her meditation, and the only tangible element of that meditation is the strength of dedication that burns inside the monk's mind The self and the body confront the mystery of the universe alone. It is a solemn beauty. 56n is a practice performed by people with true courage.

In a way, 56n transcends extreme misery: Not only are words eschewed but all reading and writing is prohibited The meditation room is silence itself. With the exception of a ceremony held at lunch time, every moment is spent in meditation. The meditating monks do not participate in any group meetings. They simply bow to three

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cracks of the chukbi and return to their meditation. No matter how many monks there are, they move as one, in silence and harmony.

Medi'ftlte at dawn in a silent rnounmin temple.

Lonely and quiet One with nature.

Why does the west wind slxlke the eastern woods?

Could the cry of a wild ffJOSe be the tears of the sky?

Around five-thirty, the chukbi is struck three more times, signalling the end of the morning study and breakfast.

The doors are opened, the floor is cleaned, and everyone inhales the fresh morning air.

The magnolia in the courtyard is getting ready to flower, having finally gathered enough dew A bell rings five times in the back garden, and everyone heads for the dining hall.

The monks and nuns have their own bowls, which they carry with them wherever they go.

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In early Indian Buddhism, monks ate only one meal at midday, but in Korea where the climate can be harsh, three meals are the norm. Temple meals are called kongyang a term which literally means an offering of food from supporters. At mealtime, everyone gathers in the main room which doubles as a dining hall.

Each monk eats from his or her own set of four bowls.

Mealtime etiquette is strict. At lunch, the monks recite a chant, simgy6ng, which expresses their thanks for the Buddha's teachings and for the labors of those who have worked to produce the food. The simgy6ng is followed by a ritual sharing of the food with nature's birds and fish. The

monks wear their ordinary clothes for the morning and evening meals, but ceremonial robes are donned for the midday meal.

they fulfil their prescribed role? A candidate's educational background or intelligence are not factors in the decision

Work is an important part of any person's life, especially in the Buddhist tradition. This spirit of work has become an essential part of life, not only in Son meditation centers but in temples in general.

Between study and devotion, there are many chores to be done: weeding, cleaning, collecting firewood, housekeeping, moving tiles, repairing buildings, tending the garden Labor is called the "moving power'' (ully6k ).

If a monk grows lazy and does not do his or her share, the elder monks are sure to scold the idler.

According to the Buddha's teachings, monks need not eat after noon. Thus lunch starts at eleven so it will be finished by noon. But in Korea, because of the climate, food taken after noon is called yaksok, meaning "medicine rock" to indicate its curative, rather than nutritive function.

Breakfast generally consists of gruel.

HE LIGHTS are not extinguished in the Son meditation rooms during the sleeping hours. This is part of the process-to sleep in the midst of wakefulness and to be awake in the midst of sleep. The Son participants all share a single-minded drive for enlightenment, dedication that does not even rest for sleep.

At a quarter to midnight, the chukbi is struck to signal the end of the day's meditation. The Munsujon, or the "lower" Son Meditation Hall, and the main room of the monk's college have been asleep for hours, and the moon has gone to rest behind Mt. Mohusan. Already the mountain and forest seem to be stirring with the dawn spirit preparing to rise. The monks of Susonsa rise from the meditation posture, go to the outhouse, yawn, glance briefly at the white magnolia blossoms under the moonless sky; . and head inside to cover themselves with their thin quilts and rest their heads on wooden pillows. They fall asleep immediately. The new day is only three hours away.

Evening chanting is the final group routine of the day participated in by the temple community as a whole. The evening session differs little from the morning session, although it is simpler and progresses a bit more quickly because the mokt'ak is not sounded prior to the ceremony and pledges are not recited. In the summer, some light lingers over the mountains when evening chanting ends, but in winter the temple is shrouded in darkness long before the ceremony is completed After the evening ceremony; everyone returns to his own room, meditates, studies, or rests until the bell is rung for bedtime. At precisely nine o'clock, three rings of the bell signal bedtime. All the lights go out, except in the Son Meditation Halls, and the monks go to bed.

T IS AN UNWRITTEN LAW in temples throughout Korea that everyone rises at three and goes to bed at nine.

This tradition is based on the great master Wonhyo's ban on monks sleeping more than six hours a night In ordinary Son Meditation Halls, prepa-

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ration for the conclusion of meditation is begun at nine, but if it is a particularly rigorous program, the chukbi signaling the end of the meditation is not struck until ten.

And in some special Son meditation rooms that offer intense meditation, the chukbi is struck at midnight. These special Son sessions can be held anywhere, and the concluding time is set in accordance to the opinion of the majority of the people participating at any given time. The type of meditation is also decided on the basis of a number of factors: whether the participants are experienced in meditation, whether they have an experienced leader, whether the temple office can support the program, and whether the chief of the meditation program has granted permission The special practices performed in the Susonsa are called ky6lsa, or "the special circle." It is no surprise that the original meaning of the term kyolsa is "knotting many hearts together under one purpose" for the participants sleep only three hours a night, meditating till midnight and rising at three.

In addition, there are special periods lasting for three years. Candidates for the program must go through a rigorous screening process. Are they capable of living in harmony with others? Will they benefit from the meditation experience? Can they withstand the hardships or will they give up midway through? Will they obey their elders? Will

Where are we beading?

We have left our home, so dista.nt now, On this pa.th of dreams Where the sun rises and the moon sets Tbis place, right here, We endure with all our might Churning with enormous courage.

One great breath Stops with itself Rushingfar ahead Even beyond the spirit We stop to rest our aching legs As we grope along that empty road Lie down where you are Lie down comforta.bly.

Lie down but do not sleep.

(Editor's note: The poems included in this article were written by Don-yon Silnim , or are translations of traditional chants.) â&#x20AC;˘

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Issues Confronting Korean Buddhism Today Buddhism can provide humanity with the spiritual values our modern times demand, but it first must solve its own problems.

Lee Eun-Yun Deputy Managing F.ditor, Joong-ang Economic Daily 56

The Buddha's Birthday at Chogyesa Temple in Seoul

UDDHISM may have been introduced from abroad but it has Jong since established a firm place as one of Korea's "national religions."

Over its 1,600 year history; Korean Buddhism has contributed significantly to the formation and development of Korean culture and has penetrated the Korean mind to become a dominant element in Korean thought and behavior. Buddhism flourished during the Three Kingdoms and Kory6 Kingdom and remained strong during the Chos6n period despite the regime 's "Revere Confucianism and Suppress Buddhism" policy. Today; however, there is a great deal of concern and criticism of contemporary Korean Buddhism.

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The most serious issue is the modernization of the religion.

In our rapidly changing industrial society; people feel contempt for a Buddhism that cannot keep up with modem times.

Implicit in this contempt is a sense of remorse about the decline of the Buddhist tradition which was once such a dynamic force in our history, culture, morality and ethics.

The history of Korean Buddhism is rich with references to respected monks renowned for their intellect, moral influence, ethics and character. These monks were spiritual mainstays for society in times of national crisis so it is no wonder

that today's Buddhism se(}ms dwarfed in comparison.

Recently a Buddhist I know complained that he never sees any high-ranking government officials at the Buddhist functions he attends. He meant that temples no longer draws the elite of our society. This is, of course, an exaggeration.

Many Buddhist believers are college professors, businessmen and social leaders.

However, they are reluctant to attend large religious gatherings, and they do not visit monks or temples of ten. Sometimes, they don't even like to admit that they are Buddhists. They study Buddhist doctrine on their own and keep their religious revelations to themselves. It is not Buddhist 57

doctrine that they are ashamed of but rather the musty attitudes of monks and temples.

HIS PROBLEM is born of several factors: the poor quality of the ordained Buddhist, Shamanistic elements that emphasis the fulfillment of worldly desires, trivial factional disputes among sects, and careless secularization. I can hardly criticize passive believers who are ashamed of their religion without first discussing these problems plaguing the Buddhist community today.

In modern society, spiritual "poverty" grows in inverse proportion to material abundance. This loss demands a re-examination of the values and reasons of human existence. As the limitations of Western culture become increasingly evident, Koreans are searching for new answers.

The spiritual values for which the human race yearns are embodied in the immutable truth that Buddhism has always embraced as its central principle. Thus Buddhism can provide humanity with the spiritual values our modern times demand.

However, in order to fulfil that mission and flourish, Korean Buddhism must discard atavistic habits and solve its many problems.

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Reinterpreting Doctrine Many eminent Western scholars, warning of the collapse of modern Western civilization, have long considered Eastern thought an alternative to existing theories.

Buddhism and Taoism are two philosophies that have attracted attention in the West. Western scholars' examination and re-interpretation of ancient Buddhist scriptures in the light of contemporary circumstances have already confirmed that the doctrine taught by the Buddha 2,500 years ago had unparalleled religious significance.

What does it mean to be a human being? What is the essence of humanity?

These age-old questions are urgent issues in modern industrialized society as well.

Buddhist doctrine-teaching spiritual discipline and psychological control-is undeni58

ably a vital source of philosophical insight.

UDDHIST philosophical doctrine, through the practice of religion, has played an important role in purifying human experience-transcending scholarly; contemplative and logical boundaries.

However, contemporary Korean Buddhism has not only failed to serve as a cleansing force in our society but also has failed to promote human maturity; morality and ethics. Indeed, it seems to have degenerated into a secular occupation. If we are to reverse this deterioration of Buddhism and reestablish the religion as a dynamic social force providing the energy needed to help human beings live like human beings in accordance to Buddhist doctrine, we must re-evaluate, in terms of our present circumstances, the principles embodied in the Buddhist scriptures.

Unfortunately; there have been few notable developments in the reinterpretation of doctrine by religious sects or Buddhist academia. Most religious orders seem to think the translation of Buddhist texts, which some consider their main task, is the goal of research. In fact, the translation of these texts involves little more than adding Korean endings to the Chinese or, at best, a literal interpretation in Korean. This can be a first step, but it is a far cry from the colloquial translation needed to promote an understanding of the religion in contemporary society.

Furthermore, there have been no attempts to translate directly from the Pali or Sanskrit, so there is no way when or if when Korean scholars will break away from their dependence on Chinese texts or Japanese publications.

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One of the elements that have deterred the modernization and spread of Buddhism is the pedantic attitude of highranking monks who have, over the centuries, insisted on quoting difficult Chinese texts. There has been no modern reinterpretation of these ancient traditions nor has there been any attempt to preserve the original style of the old Zen poems and texts chanted during Buddhist cere-

monies. As a result, ignorance reigns.

Korean Buddhism, the tradition of textual We must reinterpret Buddhist texts in interpretation begins with the great Silla terms of contemporary sociology, eco- monk W6nhyo's Taes6ng Kisinnonso nomics, politics and ethics. The truth is (Treatise on the Awakening of Faith). unchanging, of course, but the objects to The reinterpretation of Buddhist doctrine which the truth is applied have been within the context of contemporary polichanging throughout history; as told in tics, economy; society and culture is the Buddhist teachings. While television sets. most fundamental and most neglected orand cars did not exist in the Buddha's der of business facing the Buddhist comtime, they have become everyday necessi- munity and academics today. The deties today. An example of this outdated- mands of contemporary society must be ness is found in the precepts taking by met through advancement in fields such Buddhist monks prohibiting the use of as Buddhist sociology; Buddhist ethics, and makeup, visits to places where songs are Buddhist economics so as to help provide sung, and even listening to songs. But how solutions to the problems of modern incan a monk avoid hearing popular songs dustrial society. If this does not occur, while waiting for a bus or train? And ev- Buddhism will have a hard time finding a ery temple owns a television set meaningful role for itself in today's world, nowadays. This is a trivial example, yet it and it will never be more than a primitive reveals how Buddhism has been thrust in- religion. to the modern world. Old rules must be re-interpreted in order to broaden modes Quality of Ordained Buddhists of behavior. However, Korean Buddhists One of most pressing problems facing today are clinging to antiquated rules they Korean Buddhism today is the deterioratcannot faithfully uphold. ing quality of its ordained members. Few monks graduate from four-year colleges OR MODERN DAY KOREANS, sec- and universities, and the behavior of some ular problems-human rights, the is despicable by any standard. just distribution of wealth, and soThe separation of politics and religion cial welfare-are not independent in modern society has resulted in a deteriof religion. The Mahayana oration in the quality of the ordained branch of Buddhism has always empha- members in all religions. Traditional relisized that "worldly passions are the teach- gious values have deteriorated with the ings" and "the secular world is Nirvana." In spread of materialism, and religious leadother words, Buddhism has rejected the ers can no longer depend on the younger division of the world into the holy and generation's sense of "calling" to recruit the the secular. It has actively promoted reli- best and the brightest. gious practices that would bring about Thus, it is no wonder that today's orchange, trying to transform the present dained members do not measure up to the world into Nirvana. The will to change re- religious elite that once shared, with the ality and to become involved in the secu- aristocracy, the leading role in traditional lar world have been important elements in government when politics and religion the tradition of Maitreya thought and Zen were linked. The decline in the number Buddhism. of prospective clergy is a worldwide pheIn order to overcome the weaknesses nomenon, and those people who do reborn of non-involvement in the world, pri- spond to the calling are often far from the ority must be given to the reinterpretation cream of the crop. of Buddhist texts. There are numerous inWhen Buddhism was the national reliterpretations for each verse of the Bible, gion, it was not uncommon for Korean and as a result, various branches of princes and preeminent intellectuals, the Christian theology have arisen, including most intelligent and virtuous of their day, the Liberation Theology now sweeping to join the Buddhist orders. Even during certain regions in our modern world. In the Chos6n Kingdom when Confucianism 59

was the ruling ideology; many outstanding intellectuals still dedicated their lives to Buddhism, playing important roles in the perpetuation of the religion. Recently, however, the quality of monks has degenerated. Except for a few special cases where a young person experiences a true sense of inspiration, it is rare for the brightest high school graduates, students with scores of over 300 on the National Pre-College Test, to choose to go to theology schools or Buddhist colleges.

This is not, however, the only problem related to the general quality of ordained Buddhists. The temple school education is totally different from modern education and is usually limited to reading Chinese or translated texts. English, one of the most important subjects in any formal education, is generally neglected. Some people may ask why English is necessary for a Buddhist monk, but if monks are to participate in international society and read Western research books on Buddhism, they must know English.

The education of ordained Buddhists also lacks in comprehensive interdisciplinary study. In some religions, prospective clergy go on for advanced degrees in other disciplines, such as sociology, economics, politics, literature and philosophy; and then return to teach at theological seminaries. This is rare in Buddhist academic circles. This lack of interdisciplinary expertise is an urgent problem, because, as I mentioned before, a reinterpretation of Buddhist teachings is essential in our modern times.

HE SECOND REASON for the deterioration in the quality of Korean monks stems from the sectarian discord that rocked the Buddhist community in the 1950s.

This discord arose during "the cleansing movement against married monks " launched when President Rhee Syngman issued an instruction calling for the expulsion of married monks from temples nationwide. Celibate monks, vastly outnumbered by the married monks, welcomed this instruction but were unable to enforce it because of their small numbers. They 60

The reinterpretation of Buddhist doctrine within the context of contemporary societythat is the fundamental task of the Buddhist community today.

began recruiting indiscriminately to build up their strength, and many of their recruits were former gangsters. These gangsters were dressed in monks' robes and sent out to expel married monks from temples by force.

The recruits were a thoroughly secular lot, hardly suited for the monkhood, and the sects intended to let them go after the cleansing movement. However, when a new government, established after the military coup of 1961, implemented a policy aimed at mopping up the criminal population, the gangsters-turned-monks found they were safer in the temples. By and by they acquainted themselves with the customs of temples and became proper monks, partly of their own volition, and partly as a consequence of the times.

The cleansing of married monks was both a boon and a burden for Korean Buddhism, but it ultimately sowed the seeds of violence and corruption within Buddhist sects. The problem of violence, the most humiliating aspect of the declining quality of the ordained Buddhist, intensified when former gangsters began inviting their old cohorts into the monkhood.

The admission of gangsters tapered off after the 1970s, but the second-rate monks who entered around the time of the cleansing movement now occupy the middle rungs of the Buddhist hierarchy; and their behavior tends to muddy the entire community.

THIRD REASON for the deteriorating quality of the Buddhist clergy is the traditional acceptance of lowly; unfortunate people into the monkhood, a legacy of primitive Indian Buddhism and the Buddhist suppression policy of the Chos6n Kingdom. During the period in which Buddhism was suppressed, most prospective monks were orphans, the poor, or illegitimate children. This trend persists today; albeit faintly; and there still are some people who enter the monkhood to escape broken homes or misfortune.

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The Image of Buddhism in Contemporary Society Korean Buddhism is of ten seen as a nihilistic, secular religion, an image first acquired during the Chos6n Kingdom.

Many people accuse Buddhism of being a paradise for escapist pessimists. Indeed, the Buddhist tradition of personal discipline and transcendence of worldly affairs is more an object of criticism than praise.

In fact, Buddhist doctrine rejects selfish individualism.

Mahayana Buddhism is based on compassion for humanity as a whole, as summarized in the phrase, "my own disease cannot be healed as long as humanity remains afflicted." It also emphasizes that "one must work to enlighten humanity first, even if it means postponing one's own enlightenment."

There is no question that Korean Buddhism belongs to the tradition of Mahayana Buddhism, which gives precedence to helping others. Modern day Korean Buddhists are wrong to insist on their own enlightenment. While self-cultivation must precede all else, it is not the end to which Mahayana Buddhism aspires.

Furthermore, the frequent use of difficult expressions derived from Chinese and lectures that have little to do with the realities of everyday life tend to alienate young people.

Of course, one could say all religions have an element of praying for one's own good fortune, or that the passive emphasis on self-enlightenment has always been a part of Buddhism. But today's religions are moving toward an embracing of the secular world and a more mature concern for the human community.

NOTHER PROBLEM LIES in the tendency to concentrate on the fulfillment of worldly desires.

Each year as the university entrance examinations approach, people flock to Buddhist temples to pray that their children will pass, and monks encourage this trend in order to collect more donations. This bodes ill for the present and future of Korean Buddhism.

The most urgent problem from the point of view of the propagation of Buddhism is the lack of young male believers. Buddhism is often referred to as a "women's religion," and most Buddhist believers are women or elderly people.

The main factor which lessens participation in Buddhism by youth and men could be the emphasis on religious practice for personal good fortune and self-interest.

The practice of faith and the management of temples are also important issues.

In a word, the ultimate virtue in the practice of Buddhism is chabihaeng (compassionate action). This sense of compassion (karuna in Sanskrit) connotes a feeling of sympathy for all unfortunate beings and a sharing of pain. Korean Buddhists chant about compassionate actions, but they seem most concerned with attaining Buddha's protection and the sympathy of others for themselves.

From the time it was a national religion, Korean Buddhism has been a passive Buddhism. However, today's world demands the opposite: Korean Buddhism must take an active, giving role.

The management of temples is a case in point. Monks sit cross-legged, decked out in flowing robes, as they accept the bows

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and donations from believers, using the money to decorate their temples, erect pagodas, commission Buddha statues,. and take care of their daily needs. The customs of going on alms rounds, still alive and well in Thailand, Burma and Sri Lanka, has disappeared from Korean Buddhism.

NOTHER SERIOUS problem is the failure to actively seek out believers. No one seems to be playing the traditional role of the Bodhisattva who offers to share the heartache and happiness of the lay believer.

Rarely does a monk go to a believer's house to chant or help prepare a body for a funeral. Originally the practice of Buddhism meant sacrifice and the performance of tasks avoided by others.

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In short, Korean Buddhism seems to have lost sight of its original doctrine and teachings. Not only does it suffer because of the quality of monks, contemporary religious practices, and the failure to reinterpret the teachings, but it is also plagued with problems related to propagation, the observation of rules, and reform. Some recently revived practices suggest Buddhists are less interested in plumbing the depths of religious profundity than in indulging in superficial and eccentric behavior, such as changes in rules about eating and behavior.

Eccentric behavior and ignorance of the true spirit of Zen Buddhism can hardly help believers live healthy, meaningful lives.

Perhaps the human spirit, worn out by modern civilization, longs for the dazzling insight offered by Korean Zen Buddhism.

Korean Buddhism is saddled with many pressing problems and weaknesses but it remains a rich source of the power and tradition needed to help modern humanity overcome the spiritual poverty we face today. A sincere effort, albeit weak, is being made of late, giving us hope that the future of Korean Buddhism is not so dark after all. â&#x20AC;˘

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Buddhism and I: A Personal Account of a "Foreign" Monk MujinSunim Director Lotus Lantern International Buddhist Center

NE DAY, a group of us were sweeping outside the temple, Songnam-sa. Some women passed on their way to climb Kaji-san, the peak behind the temple. I happened to look up and they saw my blue eyes. They all stopped dead in their tracks.

"A foreigner, a foreigner!" they screeched as they jumped up and down. Needless to say, I did not quite know what to do. Then one of the bhikkhunis -an ordained Buddhist woman-came to my rescue and told the women that I was an ordained Buddhist, like the others. The women then greeted me in the traditional manner and proceeded to ask many questions before walking on.

This was one of the first times that I became aware that there is much surprise about foreigners wanting to be ordained Buddhists in Korea. Daily we are greeted with amazement and curiosity. This article is a kaleidoscope of experiences, opinions and ideas which aims at giving you some insigh ts and impressions of a "foreign" Buddhist monk's life in Korea.

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It was hard to decide how to tackle the subject of being an ordained fore ign Buddhist in Korea. My first problem was that I don't consider myself foreign, I just see myself as a citizen of the world. But in Korea I am always set apart! Secondly, I realized that I could have written a eulogy on Buddhist monk's life, as my experience of Korea has been wonderful in most ways.

However, I decided that this would be onesided and rather false-as everywhere there is good and bad. Also it would be of little value for you as it gives a lopsided view Therefore I have opted for a slightly 62

rosetinted reality with splashes of black ink on it. In spite of the splashes of black ink, I wish you to know that Korea is an exciting, beautiful country with tremendous, unrealized potential. The influence of the social restrictions of Confucianism in a nonpragmatic environment, history, and overcrowding are just a few dimensions that have stultified the natural, creative blossoming of the Korean people, in my opinion.

The potential remains and, I think, no matter what religion, philosophy or ideology each person follows, everyone can learn from the principles and teachings of Korean Buddhism. Today, Korea needs open-mindedness, tolerance, flexibility and generosity-all keystones of Korean Buddhism-in order to evolve in the modern world In this article, I start by considering some relevant, Korean history. So that you can see where my ideas are coming from, the next section deals with my personal history. And then, I look at the adventure of living in Korea as an ordained Buddhist.

So, if you are Korean, I hope that you will become more aware of your heritage. If you are not Korean, I hope that you will see something of the hidden jewel, Buddhism, which Korea possesses.

Yesterday and Its influence on Today: Some Korean Buddhist History Whenever considering Korean Buddhism, it is essential to remember that it is in its present state after withstanding persecution during the Choson Dynasty (13921910). Luxury and political power, the two main enemies of Buddhism everywhere, reached a climax in the Buddhist communi-

ty at the end of the Koryo Dynasty and left the door open for something new This new philosophy came in the form of NeoConfucianism. A healthy and vibrant social system in the hands of the pragmatic Chinese, in Korea Neo-Confucianism became increasingly, as time went by, a straight-jacket, a pressure cooker with the lid tightly sealed. Buddhism, often the bugbear of the Confucian scholars, had occasional spells of respite from persecution, flowering for short periods, but the reverse . was violent persecution and even the murder of religious leaders. The persecution took many forms: monks were banned from the cities and had to hide in the mountains; restrictions on temple building and ordination were imposed; and the people were even prohibited from having ceremonies in the temples. Amazingly, the Buddhist communities fared on uder tremendous strain and great poverty.

The result, today, is a sangha (Buddhist community) that has yet to found its feet in the modern world. The Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis are still trying to cope with the changes in and needs of today's people.

Although at present free from governmental persecution, the sangha, suffers from terrible slander by other religions in the press and vicious attacks like the ransacking of temples. As a "foreign " monk, I was shocked and horrified to find myself in the midst of a religious war. However, I must honestly say that from my personal experiences, I admire and respect the strength of the actualization of the Buddha's teachings in that the sangha has remained non-violent and tolerant in the face of this constant and wrong onslaught

In spite of all of this, Koreans remain curious about "foreign" monks. this inquisitiveness springs from their lack of awareness of the extent to which Buddhism has spread and is spreading in most of its from (Mahayana, Theravada, Japanese, Chinese, Burmese and so on) in almost every country of the world. They do not realize that Buddhism is the fastest growing religion in Korea (1990 Gallup Poll found Buddhism increasing by 2.1% per year since 1984).

Although it seems strange in these days of instant communications that people should still be so ill informed, they are. The result is that many harbor wrong opinions about Buddhism, considering it to be old-fashioned, superstitious and nothing but idol worshiping-a legacy of the years of persecution among other things. In order to please their boss, Koreans who work with foreigners often claim to belong to another religion or they never mention religion; it is rare that a person openly claims to be Buddhist.

The above is the historical and social environment that confronted me when I started to live as an ordained Buddhist in Korea.

Against this backdrop, I started off staying in S6ngnam-sa, a temple near, Pusan, and then went on to help create an international Buddhist center in Seoul. Before going into these experiences, let me give you a brief look at my personal history and how I came to Korea.

Buddhism and I From my earliest memories, I felt the need to find out about the world. I wanted to know the whys and wherefores. Others did too. We talked and talked-about eu63

Finally, ten years after myfirst thought of going to Korea, I arrived at Songnam-sa Temple near Ulsan to begin my experience of Zen.

thanasia, death, life. Then one day, I found I was the only one who was still asking the questions; the others had ceased I pondered. I listened to the Beatles. I heard about different religious movements. I searched in my own way I thought of religious life-a Catholic nun being the only option-and felt that was not the right way for me. I wasn't Catholic and I was searching for freedom, true freedom.

I felt a deep urge from very early on to go to India. I tried everything I could to get there. Finally, I got a job helping the less fortunate in Morocco-half way to India.

After a year, I returned to Europe and then joined some friends for a pilgrimage to India. I stayed. Then I went to Singapore where I worked and spent every extra moment studying Buddhism. I read Chuangtzu, the Zen masters' stories, and was carried away by the transcendental, fleetingly and gracefully expressed in words. Then I met my first Korean.

He was a young student of eighteen, a diplomat's son, and I loved his vivacity and spontaneity It seemed clear to me then that Korea was the country for me to experience Zen in.

Then I met my next Korean. In Malaysia, in those days, everyone use to hitch-hike everywhere. I got a lift with a Korean engineer working on the new trans-Malaysia highway and he, too, had the same spirit that I had experienced in my first Korean. I felt it was in tune with me. This all happened in 1974.

Time passed and I studied Buddhism and worked. Then one day I decided I would like to be ordained in order to spend 64

all my time on Buddhism and so I was advised to go to Sri Lanka. On May 16, 1976 I took the Ten Precepts given as the first ordination. My teacher was Ven. B. Ananda Maitreya Maha Nayaka Thera. I settled for two years in Sri Lanka to study and meditate and then I set off for India.

And there I stayed for the next five years, traveling and staying, meditating, studying, visiting and thinking. I felt the atmosphere of the places - all the places - in which the Buddha had been. I talked with monks of all ages, and of ten I saw groups of Koreans. There would always be some bhikkhunis in these groups. I admired their strength and determination. They told me that they ran their own temples in Korea

and that their movement was very strong (unlike the ordained women in Sri Lanka). I became more sure of my wish to go to Korea one day I returned to Sri Lanka. I lived in a tiny hut in the hills and life was beautiful.

Everyday the birds sang and the rain came down in torrents and I studied and meditated. Then, one day, I realized that it had been nearly ten years since I had left Europe. I saw that it had taken me that long to get some idea about the glorious teachings of the Buddha. I was no scholar but I had read, questioned and meditated until I could feel the osmotic absorption of the Dharma (the Buddha's teachings) that had slowly, imperceptibly become part of me. All that time

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had passed and so I decided it was time to go and see my family before they were too old The plane was to leave at 5 A.M. and in order to reach the airport I had to sleep nearby. There is a temple between Colombo and the airport. I went there and asked if they could give me shelter for the night.

I saw a young, Singhalese bhikkhu coming out of a doorway. I approached and found, much to my surprise, that he spoke perfect English. After discussing the over night stay, he told me that there was a Korean bhikkhu staying with them. He wondered if I would like to meet him.

Considering my past experiences with

Koreans, I unhesitatingly said yes. The bhikkhu came, he was W6n-my6ng Sunim.

He told me that he would soon be going to England. We talked for a short while and he told me that I should come to Korea because it would suit me very well. Then they took me the women's place where I was to sleep.

And so my fate was sealed, finally, ten years after my first thought of going to Korea. I now had a definite direction: I was going to Korea to experience Zen and to encounter the strong women's movement.

Two years later, I arrived in Korea.

Korea After a short time in Seoul, I was taken

to S6ngnam-sa on Kaji-san, near Ulsan. All the senior bhikkhunis gathered to consider me carefully. They looked at me from every angle in the charming yet perceptive way that Koreans do. None of them was over 5 feet in height! Finally they said that I could come and stay with them. ("Am I going to be like Mount Everes~ toweing above them!'

I wondered.) Someone suggested that the senior bhikkhuni, In-hong Sunim, give me a name and so become my Korean teacher.

She thought and after about half an hour, she came up with Mujin, which means "Unlimited" It is hard to explain the feeling. You arrive; you sit bolt upright being careful of your every move and then suddenly you can relax and make fun; you've passed the test; you are accepted, you are OK. The warmth, love and understanding with which all the bhikkhunis treated me remains something that I only wish I could show and share with others. (By the way, there actually are a few taller bhikkhunis in the temple.)

As I sat there on that first day, I began to perceive the difference in Theravada and Mahayana. Long ago I had realized that these different branches of the same teaching, Buddhism, can only really be experienced (there is still no good, basic book on Mahayana.) And there I was in a Zen temple, a monastery, feeling the difference between my life in the hut in the hills of Sri Lanka-the aloneness of Theravada- and the collective togetherness of a Korean monastery-Mahayana. Let me elaborate on this dimension, Theravada and Mahayana, of Buddhism as I see it.

Theravada and Mahayana For many years I lived Theravada Buddhism. I drank the Pali sutras (in translation) and they remain a constant source of inspiration and fascination. I still have close contact with my Theravada teachers and love to meet them. But in the few moments that I sat with those bhikkhunis, I could feel the vastness of the Mahayana, the almost imperceptible trascendental quality that permeates the Mahayana world and especially Zen. For, in spite of a variegated history and many different influences, the Korean 65

Buddhist Chogye Order (to which the bhikkhunis at S6ngnam-sa belong), the largest order in Korea, has evolved from the Linchi, Chan lineage through China. Its heritage is those inspiring stories of enlightenment experiences collected in the Blue Cliff Records as well as the !ife and teachings of the Sixth Patriarch Hui-neng-all of which had offered strong inspiration to me from the beginning of my Buddhist studies.

However, I knew that to really experience the teachings of either Theravada or Mahayana, I had to live in places where they were still alive. I had experienced something of Theravada during my years in Sri Lanka and India and now it was time for Mahayana-a natural evolution As the days turned to months and the months to years, I often remembered the stories of Bodhidharma, a massive man, of very dark skin, bulging eyes and vigor from South India, who traveled to China in the sixth century. His untameable vivacity and his clear perception of reality made him the founder of the Chan School of Buddhism. It also gave him the strength to defy the Emperor of China, the Son of Heaven.

This absolutism, this direct, unwavering clarity can still be glimpsed in the way of life and behavior of Zen bhikkhus and bhikkhunis. Their detachment is not cold and indifferen~ but it is the witness of living compassion and wisdom-the principal qualities which make an enlightened being.

This spirit can best be understood in the "definition" of Zen.

Outside the teaching Apart from tradition.

Not founded on words and letters.

Pointing directly To the human mind!l:mrt.

Seeing into one's nature And attaining Buddhahood.

Life at Songnam-sa After a few weeks of adjusting to Korean temple life, my teacher decided that I should go into the meditation hall. This was an unusual move as I had not gone through the traditional Korean training, having been ordained elsewhere. However, it is customary 66

in Buddhism to accept the ordination of other Buddhist traditions and teachers, merely translating them into the tradition that is being lived at that moment And so I joined the bhikkhunis sitting in the meditation hall and learned how to live with them. However this was not before one of the most important events of my life: the 3,000 bows.

The 3,000 Bows Having practiced Theravada meditation until my arrival in S6ngnam-sa, I wanted to learn Mahayana/ Zen meditation. This consists of hwadu practice, the constant bearing in mind of an enigmatic question which defies logic and so, hopefully, breaks through the limits of the mind through intuition. The problem with the practice is that one must maintain the concentration always and not let up-ever. This is so much emphasized that monks who have performed their tasks badly because they were concentrating on their hwadu have been praised. (A recent example is a monk who was supposed to weed between the rows of cabbage and radish plants. He was so intent on his hwadu that he constantly pulled up the cabbage and radish plants instead of the weeds; his teacher praised him!)

As my teacher is a long term devotee of S6ng-ch'61 Sunim, the Patriarch of the Korean Chogye Order, the bhikkhunis from S6ngnam-sa always go to him to receive their hwadu. It is difficult to explain the reason for the practice of doing 3,000 bows before receiving the hwadu but basically it is a way of expressing one's determination to practice energetically as well as underlining in one's memory the event of receiving the hwadu. Anyway, I had to do the 3,000 bows.

So one evening in the summer of 1985 I started to bow. I had a string of 108 beads and a pile of clean pebbles. The afternoon was warm and I was facing Amitabha, the Buddha of Infinite Light. Since my arrival in Korea, I had quietly watched and practiced bowing and had managed the tremendous number of 50 bows in one go. Now I was intending to do 60 times that number and I knew it would be difficult. I started at 2 P.M. and finished at 2:30 A.M. (Yes, it is a world

record in slowness. The "professionals" take six hours!) The system is as follows: first you put your hands palm to palm. Then you drop onto your knees, put the right hand and then the left hand on the floor, flatten your feet carefully crossing the right over the left, pivot forward touching your forehead to the floor, lift your palms up in offering, place your hands back on the floor, pull your feet under, pivot back with the toes under (painful for us westerners with non-flexible toes), and get up. It's this last bit that really takes the toll! Maybe it was the strange perception of the night, maybe it was a miracle but I am convinced that it was with the inspiration of Amitabha Buddha that I managed to complete the whole 3,000.

At 2:30 A.M., when I finished, the entire world was silent. The moonlight was pouring down and I felt the great joy of achievement.

Two days later we traveled to Haein-sa to receive our hwadu and with it to enjoy and admire the silence of the quieting of . the logical mind (at least for a little while)-a profound ecstasy.

Meditation Armed with my fresh hwadu, I entered the S6ngnam-sa Meditation Hall. All the bhikkhunis were patient, considerate and kind in spite of my persistent ignorance and ineptitude in the technical aspects of the highly organized !ife of a Korean meditation hall. In return, I offered my wry English humor which seems to fit in well with the humor of Koreans, or at least with Korean bhikkhunis.

It is easy to understand that precise order must be kept if 50 bhikkhunis are to live, eat, practice and sleep together 24 hours-a-day for three months. For things to run smoothly, everyone must know what to do so that each one, by taking care of herself, takes care of everyone else. It is a great training in patience, flexibility and selfawareness.

The three months ended and I went to Seoul to study Korean. In 1986, I toolr the second ordination and I also returned to S6ngnam-sa for two more winter seasons, embracing the quiet serenity with joy and

loving the delicate snow resting on the pagoda eaves. And always hope to return again later...

Life in Seoul In Seoul, I studied Korean hard. My motivation was to be able to communicate with my tea cher and so was very strong.

Between classes I found myself working with the celebrated Professor Rhi, Ki-yong who was involved in the production of a series of books on Korean Buddhist History.

What a great mind! I loved to listen to him.

How lucky I was! With little hope of learning anything about written Korean Buddhism because so little is translated and I would never be able to learn Korean that well, here I was working in English (and French) with a great scholar. I will always be grateful to him.

Many hours of Korean and a few more seasons of sitting later, in 1987, W6n-my6ng

Songnam-sa Temple where I joined the other nuns in the meditation hall (top), the main gate at Songnam-sa Temple (above).

Sunim, Brian Barry; Michael Roehm and I decided to found an international Buddhist center; we called it Lotus Lantern. The aim of the center was three-fold. First, it was to be a place of information about Buddhism in general, Korean Buddhism in particular and Korean culture. Second~it was to be a bridge between Korean culture and the foreign community. We aimed at working using the methods of both cultures: western and eastern (very difficult to do but highly interesting). Third, it was to be a place where interested people could study and practice Buddhism (as far as the facilities permitted).

Now, at the beginning of the sixth year of Lotus Lantern, there are many more anecdotes, experiences and opinions to relate concerning being a "foreign" Buddhist monk in Korea but they will have to wait until another time. â&#x20AC;˘

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IDELY RECOGNIZED AS ONE of the greatest poets Korea has ever produced, Han Yong-un (1879-1944) was also a Buddhist monk and a patriot who played a major role in the independence movement against Japanese colonial rule. Han's collected poems, Loveis Silence, stand as a landmark in Korea's literary history. Many of these poems deal with philosophical and religious questions concerning the phenomenal world versus ultimate reality. This is largely the case with his poems about love as well; inextinguishable religious aspirations underlie expressions of physical love. Nevertheless, Han's poetic diction remains plain and conversational, even when his subject matter is metaphysical and religious. The poet frequently employs, with great mastery; the language of paradox and irony in the manner of a Zen enigmatic question (hwadu).

Much of Han's poetry brings home the Buddhist dictum against "looking at the finger that points to the moon." The subtly incantatory quality of his narrative draws its dynamism from the Korean Buddhist philosophy that permeates his poetry as a whole.

Han Yong-un's poems consist of many layers of reference and meaning subsuming those of Buddhist thought, patriotic sentiments and human love. The beauty of his poetry derives in part from his free-ranging Korean Buddhist imagination and his exceptional poetic sensibility. In his poems, Han weaves sound and sense into captivating works of art.

Nowhere is this more true than in "Love's Silence." Ostensibly; this poem is about the meeting and separation of two lovers, but it also addresses man's relations with an ultimate being. The "silence" of the lover suggests the silence of Truth as opposed to man's "dubious" verbal pronouncements. This poem is often referred to as a patriotic poem, the lover being the poet's country. Thus, the lover represents many things: a human lover, Han's motherland, and a transcendental being.

"I Do Not Know" is perhaps the most cosmological of Han's poems. Individual details drawn from nature are mere symbols which seem to point to an ultimate being. The sensuous images evoke the mystery of existence and help the reader visualize an ultimate being.

"Come" is an excellent example of the use of paradox in poetry.

The poet masterfully uses the logic and imagery of the ineffable.

The speaker addresses his or her lover but the relationship does not seem entirely human. Rather, it resembles the relationship between man and a transcendental being which may be better explained through the language of paradox.

At first glance, "Boat on the River" seems like a charming vignette. However, the person waving from the riverside tavern adds a new dimension to the scene. Whether it is because of the poet's longing for attachment to or detachment from a human love, or because of some transcendental perspective on the riverside scene, the person waving adds a pathetic beauty to the situation.

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Celebrating Korea's Buddhist Tradition

e oetryof

Translations and Introduction by Ko Chang-Soo

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Love's Silence

L

CNe

has gone Ah, my love has gone

You have left, shaking me off and breaking the green mountain light along the small path toward the maple grove. The old promise that was firm and bright as golden flowers has been carried away like cold dust by a breath of breeze.

The memory of that keen first kiss has receded changing my fate's course. Your sweet voice has deafened me and your fair face has blinded me.

Love, after all, is a human affair; so I feared our parting when we first met But this parting has been too sudden; my surprised heart is bursting with new sorrow To make parting a source of idle tears will only mar love itself.

So I have poured my hopeless sorrmy into a keg

of new hope. As we dread parting when we mee~ so we believe in reunion when we part.

Ah, my love has gone, but I have not let you go.

A love-song that cannot bear its own music hovers over love's silence.

71

I Do Not Know

hose footprint is that paulownia leaf that drops softly, rousing ripples in the windless air?

Whose face is that blue sky glimpsed between the dark, threatening clouds blown by the west wind following a long rain?

Whose breath is that fragrance in the sky over the flowerless tree, over the dilapidated tower?

Whose song is that bickering stream that quietly flows, starting from nowhere and making the stones moan?

Whose poem is that evening glow that adorns the waning day, its lotus feet on the boundless sea, its jade hands patting the sky?

Burnt ash becomes fuel again My endlessly burning heart!

Whose night does this flickering lamp illumine?

72

Come

c ome It's time you came Hurry up.

Do you know when it's time for you to come?

My waiting will signal your time to come.

Come to my flower bed Flowers are in full blossom in my flower bed If someone pursues you, go and hide in a flower.

I'll become a butterfly and sit on the flower

where you hide.

Then your pursuer won't find you.

Come, it's time you came. Hurry up.

Please come into my arms; I have a soft bosom.

My bosom is soft as water when you caress me.

But it can turn into a golden knife and a steel shield if it's to protect you from dangers.

My bosom can become a withered flower trodden under the hoofs of a horse.

But your head cannot fall from my bosom.

And your pursuer cannot lay his hands on you.

Come, it's time you came. Hurry up.

Boat on the River

Come into my death.

Death is ready for you any time.

If anyone pursues you,

you just come and stay behind my death.

he small boat moves up the river,

Nothingness and omnipotence are equal before death.

loaded heavily with twilight.

Death's love is infinite and eternal.

The river's lucid wind fills its sails.

Warships and artillery become dust before death.

The plaintive boating song fades

The strong and the weak are friends before death

in the spring skies.

Then your pursuer cannot capture you.

Someone waves from a riverside tavern

Come, it's time you came. Hurry up.

73

The Unmaking of a Korean Movie A lack of capital and investment problems plaguing the Korean film industry.

Kim Byong Jae Reporter, Munhwa !Ibo

NUKE OTHER ARTISTIC ACTvities, filmmaking is an industry profoundly influenced by developments in technology. The making of a film is like any other manufacturing process: it involves production, distribution, and customer service, that is screening. And in order to be competitive, marketing-advertisement and promotion-is essential.

American filmmakers have most effectively responded to the unique features of the film industry. Korean filmmaking is, of course, based on the same principles, but local filmmakers are a long way from realizing the levels of quality achieved by their American counterparts. In fact, the Korean film industry is still in the cottage industry stage, producing low quality and sometimes defective products.

However, recently there have been some changes in the Korean movie industry.

There is a trend toward bolder investment in production, more scientific and systematic planning, and greater attention to market research.

Among the most conspicuous problems plaguing the Korean film industry are the lack of capital and the slanted nature of investment problems, the absence of longterm movie policies, abnormal distribution, and the public's penchant for foreign films.

In this article, I will consider the problems arising in the course of producing and distributing films for the local market as well as possible solutions to these problems, taking the recently completed film, Blue in You (Kudaeui bullu) as an example.

74

Director Yi Hyon-sung discussing a scene with Kang Su-yon.

The making of every film starts with the planning stage. In February 1992, two young producers, Sim Chae-myong and An Tong-gyu, were given an original screenplay entitled A Nearly Translucent Blue (T'umy6nge kakkaun bullu) by Yi Hyonsung, an up-and-coming director and graduate of the Film Academy affiliated with the Movie Promotion Corporation. They considered producing the film in light of its theme, content and potential audience. The story explores the relationship between a woman who dreams of having it all -work and love- and a man who is more interested in sex and material possessions than intangible emotions. The main characters' outlook on all aspects of life, including love, work and sex, are completely different from the characters in ordinary melodramas. After determining the film could draw an audience, the two producers asked Yi Hyonsung to rewrite the script.

This early stage is always a problematic one for Korean films because the director considers the movie an art form and the producer. insists it must be a commercial product. Most studio heads are unfamiliar with the concept of planning, and even if they do accept the need for planning they aren't interested in systematic planning or market research. However, the planning of a movie is like the blueprint for a building.

No good house can be built without a blueprint and no good film can be made without a sound plan.

In early March, the two producers made the rounds of the movie studios with their revised screenplay in hand. First, they approached Cinema Family Studios, but nothing came of that contact because of the script writer's fee, it was the director's first work, and the studio felt that the film would not draw a large audience. However, the young filmmakers' second choice, Sei Kyung Film Co., accepted their proposal.

The planning team invi!ed two script writers to revise the scenario in mid-March after Kang Su-yon agreed to take the female lead. Sei Kyung changed the title to Blue in You, revised the script to fit Kang and launched into full production.

What factors were most decisive in Sei Kyung's decision to move ahead with the picture?

First, the material was fresh, quite different from ordinary melodramas. It would appeal to teens and young people in their Jwenties, the two groups that make up the bulk of today's movie-goers.

Second, the studio believed Kang Su-yon gave the film drawing power. Kang attracts

An Song-gi and Kang Su-yon in Blue in You.

people to theaters because, unlike other actresses, she doesn't appear in television dramas or commercial spots. What's more, she is considered an actress of international stature becase she has received a number of awards at international film festivals, one reson why she receives WlOO million per film, the highest guarantee of any Korean film star.

The Korean film industry sorely lacks qualified movie actors and actresses. Most prefer the less strenuous work in television or commercials. As a result, the film studios have to fight for quality actors. Actors popular on television demand W40-50 million per film, and fledgling television actors sometimes ask for W20-30 million per film.

Still, studios are lucky to get actors at that price. Many producers cannot start shooting for want of actors and have to give up production altogether.

Why are there so few actors and actresses? Today's young people avoid working in the "Three D" - dirty, dangerous and difficult - occupations, and this holds true for

the film industry as well. Another reason is there are no professional acting schools for the film industry. Film studios have come to rely on the use of popular television actors and have never bothered to nurture their own actors.

The third reason Sei Kyung chose to produce Blue in You was to revamp their image and boost their business performance.

The studio is still quite young but has rung up considerable profits from the import of foreign movies, such as Terminator II and Universal Soldier. In Korea, a studio must show some interest in producing films kx;ally; even if they are doing a good business importing foreign films., because that is how they maintain a positive image and hold down the taxes applied to profits from foreign movies. By channeling some of their profits from foreign movies into the production of Korean movies, their costs can be treated as expenses.

In early April, Sei Kyung signed a WlOO million contract with Kang Su-yon. The planning team approached An Song-gi for

the male lead and revised the screenplay for the last time.

In mid-April, they signed contracts with An Song-gi and most of the staff including the photography and lighting teams. An Song-gi was paid W55 million, the highest guarantee of any Korean male actor, since he is Korea's most popular male actor and performs in films only. .

Chong Kwang-sok and his cinematography team were signed on at W25 million and Sin Bak-song's lighting team was signed on at W20 million. The cinematography and lighting teams consisted of four or five members working as apprentices.

In mid-May after all the contracts were signed, the director and his team began scouting for locations, matching the screenplay to actual shooting locations.

On June 2, shooting began, signalling the launch of actual production. The first scene filmed involved Kang Su-yon bolting out of a wedding hall. Filming continued for approximately 40 days in downtown Seoul, on 75

The industry needs to take a serious look at itself and consider its influence over Korean youth.

the Ky6ngbu Expressway and Haeundae Beach in Pusan. The average Korean film is shot in 20 days, but the director of Blue In You took twice as long to insure the quality of the film.

The film did not require many actors, so it was, for the most part, filmed in Korea and scheduled around Kang Su-y6n's personal calendar. Filming went well: there were few scheduling problems because neither one of the main actors had conflicting engagements. This is rare, since most actors must juggle a number of obligations, including television dramas and other films.

When filming in Korea was finished, some of the actors and staff left for Italy, followed by another team of four a few days later. Production costs were held down by taking only 23 staff members. The Roman airport authorities refused the director's request for permission to shoot at the airport so he had to settle for filming at a train station. Many Korean movies are made on location overseas these days, but in most cases they are being shot on the sly without official permission. The staff of Blue in You finished shooting on October 11 and returned to Korea, thus finishing what is known as the "early" stage.

Then comes the "late" stage, when the editing, recording and mixing are done.

This stage is the weakest link in the Korean filmmaking process. Of course, that doesn't mean the early stage is trouble-free, but the problems in the"later" stage are much more severe. The main reason is the lack of quality equipment and know-how. Meager production budgets also force filmmakers to neglect the "later" stage, even when they are 76

aware of its importance. Many people blame sloppy finishing for the failure of Korean products to compete on the international market. This holds true for Korean films as well.

It took 40 days to complete the editing, recording, mixing and developing for Blue in You. During the editing, the director and the editing director construct the story around the script, and in some cases, they re film.

Recording and developing are decisive in determining the quality of a film. Most Korean movies are recorded and developed at the Film Promotion Corporation, but in the case of Blue in You, extra attention was paid to the color, a central element in this film.

The cost of the film at this point was approximately W600 million: w6o million for planning, script and directing fees, W25 million for cinematography, W20 million for lighting, W25 million for stills, music, hairdressers and make-up, W20 million for art, W30 million for film, w60 million for domestic operations and WSO million for overseas operations, w6 million for transportation, WlOO million for the female lead, W55 million for the male lead, a total of W20 million for four supporting actors, WlO million for extras, Wl5 million for editing, W30 million for recording and developing, Wl05 million for promotion, and W30 million for sets.

It is rare for the premiere theater to be chosen before a Korean film goes into production. In fact, most Korean movies perish on warehouse shelves because they can't

find a theater. However, Blue in You is set to open around December 19 at the Picadilly Theater in Seoul. I! was relatively easy to find a theater to run this film because theater owners believed it would draw a large audience with its big-name stars, and local movie theaters are required by law to show Korean films for 146 days every year (2/5 of the total) so they have no choice but to screen Korean movies, however reluctantly, even though they do not attract enough an audience.

What does the production ofBlue in You tell us about the stumbling blocks facing the Korean film industry? How can the local industry grow stronger and more popular?

Let us examine the problems and solutions in three categories: production, distribution,

filmmaking tradition, are suffering in the face-off with American movies.

As a result, rriany nations are introducing policies aimed at promoting their local film industries. Some subsidize production costs and others offer tax favors to the movie industry: How should Korea deal with this issue?

First, the Korean government must protect and promote the local film industry: Film is the showcase of the Korean spirit, so it is essential to the protection of Korean culture as a whole. Any program to protect the film industry must recognize, however, that the industry will always operate in the red.

In other words, we must recognize the true power of American movies. Any government support policy must allow for subsidies to cover the deficits arising in the production of movies locally: Second, people in the movie industry must recognize their own shortcomings.

They must stop producing soft porn and violent movies, the only purpose of which is profit making. The audience is composed mostly of young people in their teens who will one day be responsible for the future of this country We must offer them something better.

and screening.

The arrival of American direct distribution companies, such as UIP, Warner Brothers and Columbia Tri-Star, facilitated by the July 1987 proclamation of the sixth revised film law, which reflects, to a great degree, the interests of the American film companies, was a tremendous shock to the Korean film industry: At the time, the American government was pressuring Korea for increased market opening, citing Article 301 of the Commerce Treaty: The American government demanded that the Koreans allow foreign film companies to come to Korea and deal directly with local theater owners and abolish the $5 million annual foreign movie import quota.

The Korean government's acceptance of these demands rocked the local film industry:

There were a number of problems on the production side: quick, slapdash productions, a flood of grossly sexual materials, and a lack of production funds. Professional producers, like those who produced, Blue in YQu,=have only recently appeared on the-scene. In the past, studio presidents and a few executives plunged into production at the drop of a ha~ and even today, at least half of all films are made that way: The solution to this problem lies with the producers and requires support from the government. National movie industries are on the decline around the world. With the influx of big-budget American movies made with state-of-the-art technology, movie makers everywhere are having trouble fighting back. Even Japan, with its enormous economic power, and France, so proud of its

The film distribution system is also a souce of serious problems. The distribution structure consists of distribution cartels for each region--Seoul and Ky6nggi Province, Kangwon Province, th~ Ky6ngsang Provinces, the Challa Provinces and the Ch'ungch6ng Provinces. A movie always opens in Seoul, and then the studio sells the rights to the movie to theaters in the various regional divisions. There are no simultaneous nationwide film releases because it is difficult to get an accurate count of box office receipts at theaters outside of Seoul. It is much easier for the studios to simply sell the rights to the film at a fixed price to theaters in each regional division, regardless of the commercial success of the film.

Many people in the film industry believe nationwide distribution companies should be created as soon as possible, because if a film is rejected by the people in charge of 77

the regional cartels, it usually ends up in storage and is never released So what kind of films are regional dealers looking for? Mostly sexually explicit films because, according to the regional film distributors, this is what the local audiences want. However, if nationwide distribution companies are going to make a go of it, they must have the cooperation of these regional dealers. This will only happen if the government compensates the regional dealers for relinquishing their privileges.

The final stage in the filmmaking process is screening. However, Korea still has many problems in this field. There are always morejilms thanltheaters willing to show them so it is not uncommon for a lot of money to change hands in order to get a film screened. The gap between supply and demands seems to have grown wider since the arrival of the American direct distribution companies. It is almost taken for granted that movie studios will pay premiums to have their film screened in a theater in downtown Seoul, and advertising costs are almost all covered by the studios.

The government has established a number of administrative guidelines to deal with these problems and the law governing filmmaking includes restrictive clauses, such as the screen quota system and the alternating system. There are some problems with the screen quota system, but all in all it has had a positive influence in getting Korean movies shown in theaters. On the other hand, the system requiring theaters to alternate between showing Korean and foreign movies, exists in name only Many people in the film industry insist there should be theaters where Korean films are shown exclusively. In essence, they are saying we must accept the fact that theater owners favor commercial American or Hong Kong movies and offer tax favors to theaters that specialize in Korean films.

The Korean film industry is run on the basis of investment-oriented capital. Some producers still produce movies with funds from regional promoters dubbed "money 78

bundle dealers" who generally demand sexually explicit films. Thus the whole process-from production to distribution to screening-is trapped inside a vicious circle.

The lack of any comprehensive film promotion policy is also a serious problem.

The current policy, heavy on restrictions, discourages the production of Korean movies. There have been some improvements recently, such as the construction of a multipurpose studio, subsidies for pre-production costs, and post-production compensation for quality movies, but the movie industry complains that these policies are simply not sufficient.

From these problems, it is clear that the

prospects for growth in the Korean film industry are not bright. These problems have existed since the industry's infancy in the 1920s when moving pictures were first introduced by the Japanese. Films have always been thought of as a form of simple entertainment rather than art and, as a result, the film industry has been subjected to a series of restrictions and suppressions throughout the Japanese Occupation, the First Republic, the Park Chung Hee period and the Fifth Republic. During those days it would have been unreasonable to expect filmmakers to establish solid professional values or lead a life of virtue. Now, however, the Korean movie industry must change.

First of all, the people engaged in the industry must change their attitudes. They must have a strong affection for what they

do and arm themselves with the professionalism needed to make high-quality films that the general public can truly enjoy To achieve this, producers, distributors and theater owners must establish relationships based on mutual respect and accumulate enough capital to effectively produce films. That is the only way to assure that the profits earned from films will return to the producers who made them.

It is the policy maker's job to introduce policies that can help change the consciousness of the industry. The existing environment rules people's behavior, and we can hardly expect quality work in an environment where producers are so cowed by outside elements, the lure of commercial success, censorship and pressures from interest groups that they cannot dedicate themselves to their work Next, there should be a policy that can help the Korean film industry respond to American direct distribution companies.

Korean movies have crumbled in the face of market opening. The Koreans simply flung the market open without taking any defensive measures. For example, the restriction on the number of movie prints will be lifted in 1994, permitting commercially lucrative American movies to be shown at theaters around the country simultaneously.

Clearly, the screen quota system, the last line of defense for the Korean movie industry, will disappear at that time.

In the spirit of cultural exchange, we can hardly slam the door on American movies.

Nevertheless, Korea should have regulated the opening itself, for the sake of its own culture, as permitted under Article 4 of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Taxes, "Special provision concerning motion picture film."

The coexistence of Korean and Hollywood movies-this is the most pressing issue facing the Korean film industry today.

Isn't there some way we can avoid handing the W2,000 million domestic market over to Hollywood? If not, well-made films like Blue in You will never see the light of day.

The Korean Art Market The art market is plagued by a number of problems not the least of which are structural imbalances and a skewed pricing system.

LeeKyu-Hwa Reporter,joongang !Ibo

HE HISTORY of the Korean art market is very short compared to that of the Western world. The first galleries to exhibit art works were founded in the 1910s but it wasn't until the end of the 1950s that commercial galleries came into existence. And Koreans had to wait until well into the 1970s before art works were displayed in galleries as objects for sale, and a supply and demand relationship developed between artists and collectors.

The problems facing the Korean art market are closely linked to its short history.

The Korean art market is, in a word, primitive and unable to respond flexibly to economic fluctuations or social changes. In addition, the number of specialized collectors is extremely limited so oversupply is a constant problem.

T

In this article, we will take a brief look at the history of Korean galleries, focusing on those acting as art dealers. Second, we will consider the problems facing the Korean art market such as its limited size, the dual nature of the market structure, and the tendency to favor a few select artists. Third, we will look at non-artistic factors that affect the Korean art market such as economic fluctuations, tax issues and the increase in international art transactions.

First, the history of galleries in Korea.

The Hyundai Gallery, which opened in April 1970, launched the slow but sure trend toward the purchase of art works as commodities. Until Hyundai's opening show; art purchases were rarely made on the basis of a buyer's willingness to pay a certain price

for a specific work Rather it had been common practice for a buyer to pay an arbitrary price decided more or less on the basis of his or her personal relationship with the artist. The artist, on the other hand, rarely expected his or her works to sell in the first place and often gave them away as gifts or in return for favors.

A number of commercial galleries specializing in Korean painting opened on the tail of the Hyundai Gallery's success. These galleries were instrumental in the boom in Korean painting that swept the art community toward the end of the 1970s. They also played an important role in the founding of the Korea Galleries Association aimed at the systematic organization of local art dealers.

Galleries continued to sprout up in the 1980s, most dealing with Western style paintings and thereby stimulating the popularity of that style. Gallery growth was accelerated by the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games, and the number continues to rise today The main engines of this growth have been the general economic development since the 1960s, the trend toward internationalization and liberalized cultural policies implemented since the Seoul Olympics. In Seoul there are over 220 galleries that sponsor special exhibitions at least four times a year. The figure probably exceeds 350 nationwide and is increasing daily However, many galleries are going under because of management difficulties resulting from the recession that has plagued the art market for the last year and half.

More than 80 percent of the galleries operating in Seoul were born towards the end of the 1980s. It was only then that

there were enough regular collectors to sustain a true art market.

Antique dealing is an integral part of the art market but transactions in antiques traditionally take place on a more private basis than modern art transactions. For this reason there is a strong tendency to distinguish the antique market from the general art market.

The Korean art market is estimated to handle approximately W300 billion in transactions each year. This is, however, an esti- ¡ mate unsubstantiated by either the Office of Taxation or the Office of Statistics. An accurate calculation is nearly impossible because, with the exception of the transactions recorded in the galleries' books, most ofthe business, including direct dealings between artists and buyers or among the buyers themselves, is virtually untraceable. Thus the W300 billion figure is an estimate which includes these private transactions.

Also, I should note that_ the figure includes the "lower" end of the art market dealing with kitsch art or what are often called "barbershop pictures." Since the upper and lower levels of the market are basically equal in size, we could say the "high brow" art market, which is our true interest here, totals about Wl50 billion a year.

Rapid economic growth in the 1970s and pluralistic social tendencies that began to emerge in the late 1980s played a crucial role in the qualitative expansion of the Korean art market. In less than two years, from 1989 to the spring of 1991, new galleries sprouted up in Insa-dong and the Kangnam area like bamboo shoots after a summer rain, and gallery managers were 79

beating down the doors of popular artists.

However, the boom did not last long.

Since the summer of 1991 the market has seen fewer and fewer collectors for a number of reasons. First, the market lacked the structural resilience and foundation that could absorb economic fluctuations. Art dealers were too inexperienced to detect the signs of a coming recession when their own businesses were booming. Second, while the number of collectors did increase, it did not keep up with the increasing number of artists or galleries. Oversupply caused a deterioration of quality; which disillusioned collectors. Third, the collectors themselves did not have particularly high standards or informed taste.

Currently there are an estimated 1,000 collectors in Korea. By collectors, we mean those who purchase art works on a regular basis (more than four times a year). Less than 30 percent of these are professional collectors. Most of these collectors are wealthy real estate owners, businessmen or major corporate shareholders. While many of them collect for the pure pleasure of owning fine art, quite a few purchase art for speculation purposes, and, as a consequence, they have no qualms about dumping their collections when inflated prices fall.

The narrow market testifies to the galleries' failure to popularize art in Korea.

Since 1986 the Korea Gallery Association has held an annual sample fair aimed at vitalizing the art market and popularizing art in general, but it has done little to interest the average citizen in collecting, although it may have succeeded in discovering a few new artists.

The Korea Gallery Associations' Gallery Festival has, however, stimulated some interest among the middle and upper middle classes and, as a result, an increasing number of well-paid office workers and private businessmen are frequenting galleries.

There have also been stronger sales of the mid- and low-price works of younger artists as compared to the exorbitantly priced works of established artists. This indicates the birth of a new breed of collectors.

80

The Korean Gallery Association's annual sample fair

Ironically, it took the recession to bring about the much needed restructuring of the collector class.

Nevertheless, the art market is still plagued by serious structural problems which show no hope of immediate improvement. For one, there is a notable discrepancy between the quoted price and the actual price on which the transaction is made. Of course, Korea is not the only art market with this problem, but the breadth of the gap is worrisome. The discrepancy does not cause a serious problem when an artist rents a gallery for a one-man show because in that case transactions are made directly between the artist or his agent and

the collector. However, if the show is sponsored by the gallery; in what is called an invitational exhibition, the gap can vary widely depending on terms of the contract between the gallery and the artist. The gallery is entitled to a commission of 30 percent of total sales if the artist is well-known. So the actual selling price paid by the collector is determined by the gallery which can cut its commission, usually by about 10 percent.

On the other hand, if the show is initiated by the artist, even a recognized master, the gallery gets a 40 percent commission which means it has an even larger margin and so can sell at a price much lower than that quoted. The gallery's commission for established artists (not yet recognized as

works at international auction houses?

Korean art works have found th.eir way to the auction blocks at Sotheby's and Christie's several times a year since the early 1990s. Generally, their reserve prices have been lower than their prices on the Korean market, and, in the case of modern works, ¡ the final bids have been much lower. This clearly shows that Korean art works are overpriced on the local market This price difference is not limited to the works of Korean artists, however. It has also become an obvious factor in domestic dealings of international art works since the Korean market was fully opened to the import of foreign art in 1991. At the time there was a stampede of American pop prints, most of poor quality and hardly likely to stimulate the development of the Korean art community, which sold at exorbitant prices for the simple reason that they were the work of internationally famous artists.

However, with the recent increase in international exchanges of information, plus the ¡ recession that has hit both the Korean and international art markets, we have seen definite improvements in the pricing of foreign works.

"masters"), rising artists, and unknowns increases by increments of ten percent. Since the gallery has a larger margin at its command in these cases, it can sell at a much lower price than the quoted price, thus causing a sizable difference between the actual and quoted prices.

When the artist is under exclusive contract with a gallery, there are no set rules on commissions. There are few artists under exclusive contracts with galleries but some fifty to seventy artists are on flexible contracts. The gallery subsidizes the artist's living and work expenses and underwrites overhead expenses such as public relations costs in exchange for more than 50 percent of the sales, undoubtedly causing another

gap between the quoted and actual prices.

There is also a gap between the domestic price of a work and its price on the international market. Korean artists active abroad price their works quite modestly at foreign exhibitions, but when they come home for an exhibition in Korea, they often jack up the price, in essence asking for a premium for their overseas study and experience. This practice was particularly serious through the mid-1980s when information on the international art market was scarce. It has, however, become less of a problem in recent years.

What about the response to Korean art

Another peculiarity of the Korean artmarket is the disproportionate fondness for a handful of artists. Of the 3,000 artists active in Korea today, only 300 are traded regularly on the local market. The rest make their living as teachers in schools or private art institutes. In fact, only 50 artists actually can live off the income they make from their art work The primary cause of this concentration is the relative immaturity of the market which has yet to build up a varied body of artists. Also, most of art dealers and collectors are unwilling to take risks and so prefer to deal with well-established artists. To make matters worse, the market is racked with factions of artists divided along academic and stylistic lineages.

These adverse circumstances are being redressed as the market strives to survive the recession. Since July 1992, exhibitions of the works of modern masters have been 81

rare while those of newer artists in their thirties or forties have become more common. The trend is obviously shifting toward newly established artists. More galleries and collectors are making their selections on the basis of the work itself and the individuality and expressive energy it conveys.

The pricing mechanism is another factor complicating life in the Korean art market.

In Korea, the price of a work iscalculated on the basis of its size as measured in ho, a 22.7 by 15.8cm unit. This unique calculation method applies not only to canvases but also to sculptures. Thus the weight and bulk of a work are directly related to its price. It is not clear when this system was introduced but it seems to have been in practice since the 1950s.

The appraisal of a work on the basis of its ho count has had many adverse effects.

The artistic value of a work is often neglected because a large piece fetches a high price regardless of its quality, and by the same token, small pieces are slighted and often treated as mere decorations. Somewhere along the line Koreans have accepted the notion that an artist can only express himself fully on a canvas measuring 100 ho or more. A number of revised pricing systems have been introduced but there has been little success in holding down price increases or rescuing artistic quality from the ho system.

The ho pricing system is not all bacl,however. It is useful in remunerating production costs including the cost of the canvas, paint, frame, etc, and it can also provide a reasonable solution when pricing two works of similar quality but of different size.

The value of an art work should be determined on the basis of the artist's achievement, his commitment to his art,technique and individuality and other factors identified by art critics. However, in Korea the artist always asserts his or her own worth on the basis of personal reputation, schooling, experience, age, and last but not least, the relative worth of other artists.

Things are changing lately, however. As 82

more galleries organize selective invitational shows, pricing is being set by mutual agreement between the gallery and the artist, and the new breed of middle and upper class collectors is becoming knowledgable enough to evaluate an art work by their own artistic standards. As a result, prices are showing slow but steady improvement, and the artist, the gallery, and the collector are developing a more equitable relationship.

A point of great apprehension and controversy in the Korean art market at the moment is the capital gains tax to be imposed on art works. An amendment was passed in 1990 to prevent speculation in the art market and tax income derived from profits incurred in art transactions. However, implementation has been deferred for two years because of potentially devestating effects on the art market.

Taxation on art dealings has been limited to the 10 percent value-added tax on each transaction and the composite income tax imposed on galleries. Under the new legislation, paintings, calligraphy and antiquities valued at over W20 million will be subject to a 40-60 pertent capital gains tax. However, rumor has it that the Korean Galleries Association and other related organizations have successfully lobbied for another three year deferment and an increase in the minimum taxable value to between WSO and 100 million.

Those opposed to the capital gains tax fear that requiring accurate bookkeeping and tax returns for each gallery transaction will drive away publicity-shy collectors and cause the collapse of the market. They also claim the tax will push up prices and demoralize artists. By the same token, however, it could be argued that the capital gains tax will eliminate chronic problems such as unreported or underhanded transactions and the dual price structure.

An auction system could eventually help reduce shady transactions and eliminate the dual price structure. The Korean art market has experimented with auctions in the past.

The Shinsegye Gallery auctioned modern Korean works in 1979, and antique dealers at the Changanp'y6ng Art Market organized periodic auctions in 1984. However, the Hanaro Gallery, which started auctions in1986, is the only auction house operating in Korea today: The limited size and quality . of the local market seems to run against the success of an auction system here. Also, auctions have failed to stir much public interest because popular works rarely make their way to the auction block, and the artists themselves are reluctant to have their works evaluated in front of an auction house audience. Nevertheless, if the Korean art market wishes to move toward open and fair trade, it must institutionalize an auction system appropriate to the Korean art climate during the three-year deferment period Many art fans have high hopes for the Museum and Art Museum Promotion Law which went into effect in June 1992. The law was passed to encourage the establishment of more private museums, easing restrictions on facilities and construction, simplifying application procedures, and permitting deferments of inheritance taxes on listed collections as long as they remain in the museum. It also endorses reduced utility rates. Officials in the Ministry of Culture are so confident in this law that they predict Korea will have 1,000 museums by the year 1999. As of November 1992, however, only a handful of museums has registered under the new law, indicating the need for more public information and technical improvements.

This is where art journalism comes in. It is the task of the art journalist to provide accurate, informed information to the art market. However, the contribution of Korean art journalism on that score has been marginal. Some journalists have tried to cash in on prejudiced coverage of certain artists, and lobbying by galleries has also hurt Korean art journalism. If art journalism cannot overcome these problems and provide accurate information, we are better without it. â&#x20AC;˘

It's More Than a Pretty Lobby

- I

Think of Hotel lotte's lobby as the dynamic hub of downtown Seoul.

In a simply unbeatable location that businessmen best appreciate.

And we offer the business traveler even more: 8 executive floors, each staffed by bili ngual assistants and equipped with all the office machines and reference m:uerials needed co get clown to busi ness.

To keep you at your peak, we offer no less than 23 restaurants and bars. For a no less refreshing experience, drop by the health club, fabled as the Orient's most luxurious.

To save more of your precious time, we offer unbounded shopping opportunities next door, including the JO-floor Lotte Department Store and the Lobby Duty Free Shop Asia's largest.

Lotte: We put enjoyment into business travel

~

HOTEL LOTTE SEOUL KOREA

Member in Seoul, Korea

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For Reservations: New York: (201) 944-1117, Toll Free 800-22 LOTTE, LA: (310) 540-7010, Toll Free 800-24 LOTTE, London (071) 323-3712/4 Hotel Lotte: C.P.O. Box 3500 Seoul, Tel : (02) 771-1000, Telex: LOTTEHO K23533/4 , Fax: (02) 752-3758, Cable: HOTELOTTE

Our Prestige Class Is Modelled On Everybody Else's First Class.

So What Could Our First Class Be Like?

Come aboard our Prestige Class, and you might be forgiven for wondering if you'd stepped into the wrong cabin. Because every seat is at a window or an aisle, and arranged with room to spare.

Room to let you sink into the 21-inch wide cushions, adjust the back to tilt a full 38 degrees, and stretch out in the full three and a half feet of legroom.

Space other airlines set aside only for their first class passengers. As your hostess gently sets about looking after your needs, you may be left with just one unfulfilled wish - to experience what our First Class could be like.

We've worked hard to take our Prestige Class a class above the rest. Fly with us, and experience the dedication that could only be Korean.

KSREANAIR Fly the Spirit of Dedication.