A HOME-GROWN SUN? Page

A HOME-GROWN SUN?

Recent claims of creating energy in excess of input through fusion could be the answer to mankind’s energy woes, provided they turn real.

SYNERGIA FOUNDATION

RESEARCH TEAM

In an experiment that has left the science community thrilled at future possibilities, scientists at the National Ignition Facility (NIF), Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory in California, succeeded in creating a nuclear fusion reaction that generated more energy than it consumed. Put in simple terms, it was a collision of tiny atoms like hydrogen and helium that produced an explosion which lasted less than a billionth of a second. However, its impact will be everlasting. Scientific breakeven, or net energy gain, is the long-term goal of fusion research. This could be amongst the most remarkable scientific accomplishments of the twenty-first century. However, there are still miles to go before the commercialisation stage, and fusionpowered stations pump electricity into countries’ national grids. To cover its energy needs and supply power to the grid, such a reactor would need to produce 50-100 times more energy than its lasers emit. Additionally, it would need to vaporise ten capsules every second for extended periods.

THE SCIENCE BEHIND IT

This contrasts with the fission reaction, which is employed in traditional nuclear power plants and involves the splitting apart of big atoms like uranium. Because the nuclei are positively charged and repel one another, fusion is problematic. The way to produce energy is by getting them to move at extremely high speeds in a small area while generating a high-energy state of matter, known as plasma, to get them to overcome their opposition.

For many years, scientists have struggled to accomplish this. There are two methods - one is to use intense lasers to crush a tiny fuel pellet, which is what NIF did. The alternative is to heat plasma to temperatures hotter than the Sun and then use magnets to contain it. This is how International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER- the largest fusion project in the world now being built in southern France) will produce the reaction. The Sun and other stars can do this because they have enough mass to produce a powerful gravitational field. This field accelerates and restricts atoms to conduct fusion processes, providing the light and heat we survive upon millions of miles away.

Fusion releases far more energy than fission and is, of course, green and poses very little radiation danger. However, temperatures to the magnitude of ten times that of the Sun’s core are required for fusion, a feasibility that can challenge the best-equipped lab. So far, the experiments conducted by various countries have released less energy than required to maintain the necessary high temperatures. At most, some of these processes have generated “near breakeven energy.” Therefore, NIF claims are a breakthrough whose implications are huge.

AN INEXHAUSTIBLE ENERGY SOURCE

Fusion is nothing new for mankind- the first successful man-made fusion device was the boosted fission weapon tested in 1951 in the Greenhouse Item test. Since then, fusion has been created in lab settings, albeit sporadically and with a significant energy cost. The high cost of research has been the inhibiting factor all along. The NIF, with the might

of the U.S. behind it, has been leading the research in the field, having set for itself ignition as the benchmark in 1997. Ignition is defined as “gain larger than unity,” or more energy leaving the fuel target than energy coming in from the laser.

Although the energy output still falls short of what is required, NIF has significantly improved it. The primary indicator, often known as “Q,” is the fusion energy gain factor, the ratio of the energy required to initiate and sustain a fusion reaction to the energy generated. The reaction has achieved breakeven when the gain is 1. The most recent NIF statement displays an increase of about 1.5, indicating that the response is now energy-positive (but only if you restrict the definition of energy intake to the laser energy striking the fuel target).

THE CHALLENGES

However, there are still miles to go before the commercialisation stage, and fusion-powered stations pump electricity into countries’ national grids. To cover its energy needs and supply power to the grid, such a reactor would need to produce 50-100 times more energy than its lasers emit. Additionally, it would need to vaporise ten capsules every second for extended periods. Fuel capsules are currently very expensive and rely on tritium, a short-lived radioactive hydrogen isotope that future reactors need to produce locally.

NIF is utilising outdated laser technology, which offers much space for advancement. The conversion of electricity to laser light by the lasers is only approximately 1 per cent efficient, but more recent versions can achieve 20 per cent efficiency. Increases in target design, better predictive modelling supported by machine learning and “cognitive simulation,” improvements in laser capabilities, and other tweaks were credited by researchers as the reasons for the success following prior near misses.

FORGING FUSION AROUND THE WORLD…

Nevertheless, fusion labs and businesses around the globe are working to overcome them. The Joint European Torus (JET), a research reactor located in Culham, England, broke the previous record for the quantity of fusion energy released in a single trial run last year. International Thermonuclear Experimental Reactor (ITER), a massive worldwide experiment that will replace JET, is now being built in France. Additionally, commercial businesses in the U.S. and the UK have developed new superconducting magnets that could aid in the development of smaller, more potent reactors.

Around the globe, fusion reactions are being explored with at least two different methods. These differ primarily in how the input energy is delivered to produce the intense heat necessary for fusion, but this also impacts design and capability. These temperatures, also known as “inertial fusion,” are attained using high-energy laser beams at the Lawrence Livermore laboratory. Strong magnetic fields are utilised for the same purpose at several other locations, such as the ITER, where India is a partner. The ITER project is anticipated to show the viability of a commercially scalable nuclear fusion reactor between 2035 and 2040 based on existing timeframes. After that, it may take another ten years for a fusion reactor to be installed and start producing electricity. In addition to cooperating at ITER, several nations, including China, Japan, the U.K., and South Korea, are working on this technology independently. Primarily, this is because fusion-based nuclear weapons, which would be much more potent and destructive than the current nuclear bombs, may be created using this technology.

Even though the ignition achievement is spectacular, scientists said they are already planning upgrades for fusion trials. According to Di Nicola, one of the principal scientists of the experiment, the team will develop studies and test shots using greater laser energy. This will give them more room for ignition and the potential to achieve even higher target gains with more funding.

Assessment

Fusion is still a long way off, and the experiment does little to further the objective of using fusion processes to generate electricity. Three decades from now, a significant investment is needed to create such an extreme climate in a lab. Even more, time may pass before the technology in the recent experiment is implemented. In the interim, the environment needs fewer fossil fuels and more renewables so that the planet can survive long enough to enjoy the fruits of inexhaustible fusion energy.

Although it is a fantastic claim, net energy differs from net power. Some private fusion enterprises with prototypes could reach net power within a decade, and five to ten years after that, there could be some commercial product demonstrations.

Fusion technology, like most technologies, is again dual-purposed- while it will give clean green energy with little nuclear waste hazards, it will enable nations to develop far more powerful thermonuclear weapons without carrying out a single test!

FEMINIST DIPLOMACY: MAKING IT COUNT

Will feminist diplomacy make a difference in confronting the integrated and extreme challenges of conflict, climate change and food crisis?

SYNERGIA FOUNDATION

RESEARCH TEAM

Feminist diplomacy or feminist foreign policy as a concept was introduced by the former Swedish Minister of Foreign Affairs, Margot Wallström, in 2014. Feminist diplomacy refers to policies promoting women’s rights, including reproductive rights and inclusive governance, and seeking to prevent gender-based violence in all its forms. These can also seek to incorporate climate security as it has been widely experienced that women are far more adversely impacted by climate change.

Recent crises, such as the Covid-19 pandemic, the resurgence of war and the use of food as a weapon have impacted women and girls, majorly setting back social and development goals. In particular, it has drastically impacted the 2030 Sustainable Development Goal No 5 (Achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls) and increased the pre-existing gender inequalities in various areas.

The case for encouraging women’s participation has never been stronger, given our tumultuous times. However, the statistics are bleak- women represented only 25 per cent in national parliaments and 36 per cent in local governments in 2020, a figure that has scarcely grown. Women in diplomacy and represented as ambassadors are almost insignificant.

A NASCENT TREND

and extreme challenges we currently face, whether it is the food systems crisis, climate or conflict requiring integrated and transformative solutions.

The feminist policy is relatively young in world politics. Sweden adopted it in 2014 and became the world’s first feminist foreign policy. Since then, more than a dozen countries and political parties have attempted this idea or have set up a target to develop a feminist foreign policy.

In keeping with the nascent stage of development of this doctrine, there is as yet no standard blueprint on how to develop these policies. There are currently some common themes as well as some differences between these policies. Many countries have published handbooks which detail the goals and means of feminist foreign policy or set up advisory bodies to guide the government in how to implement it.

Some countries that have not adopted a feminist foreign policy have both a national action plan on women, peace and security and a foreign policy gender strategy, such as Norway or Australia. Most of these policies cover similar

Feminist diplomacy has attracted considerable interest in the recent past as an alternative approach to promoting gender equality and empowerment of women. The goals of feminist diplomacy are based on longstanding commitments to women, peace and security or gender equality in development and humanitarian assistance.

themes. They vow to mainstream a gender perspective in all foreign policy actions and agencies, advocate for progress in gender equality in their bilateral relations and in regional and multilateral organisations and aim to achieve substantive equality and parity in the foreign service and allocate adequate resources to gender equality as part of their development and humanitarian aid.

THE CHANGE MAKERS

Sweden has maintained a pioneering role in this movement, and in Jan 2022, the Swedish Foreign Minister announced a Feminist Foreign Policy Plus Group that currently includes sixteen countries. Sweden’s definition covers a commitment to gender equality as the central goal of foreign policy, as well as committing to applying a gender lens across all areas of their work and operations. It includes aspects from various international agreements on human rights and gender equality, including the UDHR, CEDAW, Beijing Platform for Action, International Conference on Population and Development, UN security council resolution 1325 on women peace and security, and the 2030 Agenda.

At its core, Sweden’s policy can be described through “The Three Rs,” which cover rights, representation and resources. Rights promote all women’s and girls’ full enjoyment of human rights and combat all forms of violence and discrimination that restrict their freedom of action. The representation covers promoting women’s participation and influence in decision-making at all levels. Resources form an integral part of the doctrine, which aims to ensure that resources are allocated to promote gender equality and equal opportunities for all women and girls to enjoy human rights.

Canada’s international assistance policy puts gender equality at the centre of its work. Their vision for feminist international assistance aims to “to eradicate poverty and build a more peaceful, more inclusive and more prosperous world” with the intention that “Canada firmly believes that promoting gender equality and empowering women and girls is the most effective approach to achieving this goal.” Canada’s feminist approach to international assistance aims to promote gender equality and empower women by transforming social norms and power relations. The policy includes six action areas (gender equality and women’s empowerment, human dignity, inclusive growth, environment and climate action, inclusive governance, peace & security).

The underlying commitment is that “95 per cent of Canada’s bilateral international development assistance initiatives will target or integrate gender equality and the empowerment of women and girls by 202122.” These will, in turn, be measured against the OECD DAC marker and include 80% to programs with gender equality as a secondary objective and 15% to programs with gender equality as a primary objective. The government further tracks progress against this policy via the ODA Accountability Act, the Departmental Results Report, and the International Aid Transparency Initiative. Canada has committed to ensuring that no less than 95 per cent of bilateral international development assistance initiatives will target or integrate gender equality by 2022, and they are well on their way to meeting this goal.

The UK has seen a commitment by various political parties, including the Labour party, which has adopted a feminist international development policy. The policy is framed around the achievement of the SDGs and aims to amend the purpose of international development to reduce both poverty and inequality. Five areas have been prioritised, including a fairer global economy through action on trade and taxation, support for a global movement towards increasing development assistance for public services, a feminist approach to development through DFID’s support to grassroots women’s organisations, building peace and preventing conflict, and action for climate change and ecology.

France has developed a comprehensive accountability framework with timelines, indicators, and responsible stakeholders. It has transitioned towards feminist diplomacy through an explicit commitment to “feminist foreign policy,” which encompasses international development and diplomacy. Its commitments include advocating for gender equality in international forums and a strong focus on gender equality as part of its 2019 hosting of the G7. France’s international strategy for gender equality (2018-2022) outlines five “areas of intervention”: to lead by example by increasing the number of women in senior departmental and ambassador roles, bolstering public support for gender issues, improving financing for actions on equality, and making action for equality more visible.

Additionally, the strategy outlines five thematic priorities for action towards equality for women and girls: access to services (including education and SRHR); access to economic resources and decent work; access to rights and justice and protection from violence; participation in economic, political and social decision-making forums; and equal participation in peace and security, supporting civil society and sharing actions. France has prioritised development funding and committed

Women are often the first victims of conflict and bear the brunt of these situations such as climate change. We have made efforts to double the number of women in diplomacy over the past four years – feminist diplomacy is at the heart of our public policy. 30% of our budget is geared towards helping women achieve equality.

JOSÉ MANUEL ALBARES Minister of Foreign Affairs, European Union and Cooperation of Spain. At the Paris Peace Forum, 2022

to reaching 50 per cent of gender-focused aid by 2022. Luxembourg committed to developing a feminist foreign policy approach in March 2019, which defines feminist foreign policy as one that acknowledges women’s rights as human rights. It defends the rights of women and girls with emphasis on policy and economic rights and the right to sexual self-determination. It emphasises strengthening the representation and participation of women within foreign policy and defence establishments and implementing the women’s peace and security agenda (via Luxembourg’s National Action Plan on WPS).

Luxembourg’s Development Cooperation Strategy includes “enhancing socio-economic integration of women and youth” as one of its four goals and includes gender equality as a cross-cutting priority along with human rights and environmental sustainability. Luxembourg has led the way in committing to allocating 0.7% of GNI to ODA, and since 2009 has exceeded that target, allocating 1% of its GNI to ODA.

In 2020 Mexico became the latest country to launch a feminist foreign policy approach and the first in the global south to do so. Its policy is based on human rights and commits to applying a gender perspective across all work areas. The policy aims to advance gender equality, achieve gender parity at all levels of foreign policy, combat all forms of gender–based violence, and practise intersectional feminism. The last approach values not only women’s rights but also other intersecting social, economic, and environmental justice issues. Mexico has committed to reaching full employment parity, equal pay, and the application of a gender lens to every foreign policy position, resolution, and mandate by 2024.

Spain has appointed a Special Envoy on its feminist foreign policy and will present annual reports to its parliament. It has the highest percentage of official development assistance devoted to programmes that advance gender equality as a principal objective (24 per cent). All these countries already have a national action plan on women, peace and security.

IN ACTION

Feminist diplomacy has attracted considerable interest in the recent past as an alternative approach to promoting gender equality and empowerment of women. The goals of feminist diplomacy are based on longstanding commitments to women, peace and security or gender equality in development and humanitarian assistance.

In addition, feminist foreign policies provide a unifying political framework for the diverse strands of gender-related strategies being implemented by governments, improve coordination and effectiveness and the involvement of the highest levels of leadership, and become a clear and visible brand that makes it easier for the public, civil society, or journalists to hold governments accountable to their commitments to advance gender equality or women’s rights. Russia’s aggression against Ukraine has had global consequences. Despite progress in the areas of Women, Peace, and Security as outlined in UN Security Council’s resolutions, women remain excluded from recovery decision-making in this case too. There is an urgent need to empower the women of Ukraine to participate in peacebuilding and recovery decision-making at the local and national levels.

Ukrainian Women’s Fund (UWF) is an International Charitable Foundation based in Ukraine. Founded by women’s rights activists in 2000, the UWF aims to support women’s/feminist organisations in protecting women’s rights and promoting gender equality. Since Russia’s military aggression against Ukraine, the UWF has been actively supporting women’s rights NGOs and activists in helping the affected population and influencing local and national policymaking.

On the ground, one in six soldiers in the Ukrainian Armed Forces is a woman. Regular tactical clothing and equipment do not consider women’s size and fit. To change the approach to supplying military units, this issue was to be raised by women on the levels of decision-making.

There is a larger discourse at play with respect to a reflection on the militarism-trade nexus and harmful economic or trade policies, including the role of extractive industries, and their migration and asylum policies, to name a few. Advocates of feminist foreign policies debate whether increases in military spending can be justified under these policies and, at a practical level, question whether specific military exports to countries with a poor record on women’s rights are permissible and the best ways of dealing with authoritarian actors that oppress women. Some of these debates are far from settled.

Assessment

Feminist diplomacy is a relatively new concept with its genesis in development work supporting women’s rights and marginalised communities. It has gained currency in the current situation of integrated and extreme challenges and has come to represent an umbrella term for commitments on women, peace and security or gender equality in development and humanitarian assistance.

At a starting point, feminist diplomacy deals with the representation of women, combating all forms of gender–based violence and access to economic resources and decent work. At a larger discussion point, feminist diplomacy pushes the needle on many themes, including military aggression, harmful economic or trade policies, migration asylum policies and emerging technologies.

Many issues need to be explored further, such as the impact of emerging technologies, artificial intelligence, the surveillance of women and girls or the development of autonomous weapons.