Issue 2269

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2 UmrJUmr

30 September - 06 October 2022

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Zaman Brothers CASH & CARRY

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30 September - 06 October 2022

KmùJkj

3

4

UmrJUmr

30 September - 06 October 2022

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UmrJUmr

30 September - 06 October 2022

7

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kKrmJPrr xhxqrJS IÄv ßjjÇ rqJKuPf pMÜrJÓs, fMrÛ, kJKT˜Jjxy KmKnjú oMxKuo ßhPvr kfJTJ KjP~ IÄvV´ye TPrj pMÜrJPÓsr oMxKuo jJVKrTrJÇ Fxm kKm© TJmJ vKrl FmÄ @u-@TxJ oxK\Phr ZKmxÄmKuf käqJTJct KjP~ @uäJÉ @Tmr ±KjPf oMUKrf yP~ CPb rqJKuKaÇ kPr UJmJr C“xm FmÄ oPjJù AxuJKoT xÄVLfJjMÔJPjrS @P~J\j TrJ y~Ç

8

UmrJUmr

30 September - 06 October 2022

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\jq ßxjJ KjpMKÜr fJKuTJ~ nMu yS~Jr TgJ ˝LTJr TPrPZ TftíkãÇ fJKuTJ~ KvãJgtL, m~Û FmÄ IxM˙ oJjMwPTS pMP≠ ßpJVhJj TrPf muJ yP~KZuÇ F KjP~ Àv jJVKrTPhr KmPãJPnr kr nMu ˝LTJr TPr ßvJirJPjJr khPãk KjP~PZ TftíkãÇ ßhvKar ßk´KxPc≤ n∞JKhKor kMKfj Vf 21 ßxP¡’r ßxjJ xoJPmPvr ßWJweJ ßhjÇ FA ßWJweJ KjP~ VfTJuS rJKv~Jr KmKnjú ˙JPj KmPãJn S xÄWwt yP~PZÇ ßhvKar Ijqfo Iûu hJPV˜JPjr rJ\iJjL oJUJYTJuJ~ VfTJu KmPãJn

mqJkT @TJPr ZKzP~ kPzÇ ˙JjL~rJ kMKfPjr ßWJweJr k´KfmJPh rJ˜J~ ßjPo KmPãJn ßhUJjÇ F xo~ kMKuPvr xPñ fÅJrJ xÄWPwt \KzP~ kPzjÇ FA KmPãJPnr xo~ KjrJk•J mJKyjL IPjTPT ßV´¬Jr TPrPZÇ ßmkPrJ~JnJPm KmPãJnTJrLPhr @aT TrJr UmPr CPÆV k´TJv TPrPZ rJKv~Jr ˝JiLj oJjmJKiTJr ßVJÔL SKnKc-AjPlJÇ xÄmJhoJiqo \JjJ~, hJPV˜Jj oNuf oMxKuo IiMqKwf FuJTJÇ Fr @PVS ßxUJPj KmPhsJy, KmKòjúfJmJh FmÄ \JKfVf xKyÄxfJr AKfyJx @PZÇ FKhPT Àv mJKyjLr yJouJ k´Kfyf TrPf pMÜrJÓs ßgPT Cjúf k´pMKÜr @TJv k´KfrãJ mqm˙J ßkP~PZ ACPâjÇ ßhvKar ßk´KxPc≤ nPuJKhKor ß\PujKÛ ßrJmmJr F Umr \JjJjÇ KfKj mPuj, jqJvjJu IqJcnJ¿c xJrPlx-aM-F~Jr KoxJAu KxPˆo (jJxJox) ßkP~PZ ACPâj; pJ hLWtKhPjr YJS~J KZu KTP~PnrÇ Vf xJf oJPx k´KfrãJ mqm˙J KTP~nPT ßh~Kj pMÜrJÓsÇ F xo~ pgJpg khPãk ßjS~Jr \jq ßk´KxPc≤ mJAPcjPT ijqmJh \JjJj ACPâPjr ßk´KxPc≤Ç KfKj mPuj, 'PmxJoKrT ImTJbJPoJ, yJxkJfJu, KmvõKmhqJu~-ÛMu rãJ TrJr \jq FKaA pPgÓ j~Ç' ACPâj pMP≠r lPu \ôJuJKj xÄTPa gJTJ \JotJKj \ôJuJKj KjrJk•J KjKÁf S KvP•Jjú~j @rS fôrJKjõf TrPf xÄpMÜ @rm @KorJPfr xPñ FTKa YMKÜ TPrPZÇ

rJKv~J~ ßpJV ßhS~Jr k´Pvú VePnJa

ACPâPj yJxkJfJPu nKft ßrJVLPhrS ßnJa ßjS~J yPò u§j, 27 ßxP¡’r - rJKv~J S oPÛJ xoKgtf mJKyjLr Kj~πPe gJTJ ACPâPjr YJr IûPu Vf ÊâmJr ßgPT ÊÀ yS~J VePnJa ßvw yPò @\Ç rJKv~J~ ßpJV ßhS~Jr KmwP~ F VePnJa ßjS~J yP~PZÇ VePnJPar ßvw KhPj oñumJr yJxkJfJPu ßrJVLPhr TJPZ ZMaPZj KjmtJYjTotLrJÇUmr oPÛJ aJAoPxrÇ KTP~n F VePnJaPT IQmi mPu KjªJ TPrPZÇ Fr oJiqPo oPÛJ @jMÔJKjTnJPm ACPâPjr k´J~ 15 vfJÄv nNU§ xÄpMÜ TrJr ßYÓJ TrPZÇ 2014 xJPu ˝PWJKwf ˝JiLj k´\Jfπ uMyJjÛ S ßhJPj“Ûxy hKãe ßUrxj S \JPkJKrK\~J k´PhPv oñumJr kpt∂ F ßnJa YuPmÇ rJKv~Jr mJftJ xÄ˙J fJx \JKjP~PZ, ˝•xo~xLoJ S k´pMKÜVf xr†JPor InJPmr TJrPe, APuTasKjT ßnJKaÄ jJ TPr GKfyqVfnJPm TJVP\r mqJua mqmyJr TrJr Kx≠J∂ ßjS~J yP~PZÇ Tftíkã k´go YJr Khj ßnJaJrPhr mJKz mJKz KVP~ ßnJa xÄV´y TPrPZÇ ÊiM ßvw Khj oñumJr ßnJaPTªsèPuJ ßUJuJ rJUJ yP~PZÇ KmPvwùPhr iJreJ, F VePnJa CKuäKUf k´PhvèPuJPT @jMÔJKjTnJPm rJKv~Jr IÄv KyPxPm ßWJweJr FT YNzJ∂ k´Kâ~JÇ ACPâj S ßhvKar Ko©rJ kKrÏJr TPrPZj, fJrJ VePnJPar lu ßoPj ßjPmj jJÇ

yrkkJr k´TJvjJ~

KkjJTL n¢YJPptr mA ❚ Song of Resistance in Dark Times ❚ ˝JiLjfJ C•r mJÄuJPhv ❚ hM”xoP~r TJPu k´KfPrJPir kÄKÜoJuJ

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UmrJUmr

30 September - 06 October 2022

9

pMÜrJPÓsr jKg lÅJxTJrL ß˚JPcjPT rJKv~Jr jJVKrTfô KhPuj kMKfj

u§j, 27 ßxP¡’r - rJKv~Jr ßk´KxPc≤ n&uJKhKor kMKfj ßxJomJr FcS~Jct ß˚JPcjPT rJKv~Jr jJVKrTfô k´hJj TPrPZjÇ ß˚JPcj, xJPmT @PoKrTJj KjrJk•J KbTJhJr KpKj xrTJKr j\rhJKr TJptâPor Km˜JKrf ßVJkj jKg xŒPTt fgq lÅJx TPrKZPuj FmÄ fJrkPr KmYJr ßgPT mÅJYPf pMÜrJÓs ßgPT kJKuP~ KVP~KZPujÇ P˚JPcj, (39) rJKv~Jr ßjfJ TftíT jJVKrTfô k´J75 \j KmPhvLr oPiq FT\jÇ fPm KfKj

mPuPZj, fJr @PoKrTJj jJVKrTfô fqJV TrJr ßTJPjJ AòJ ßjAÇ rJKv~J fJPT 2013 xJPu @vs~ ßh~, ßpUJPj KfKj fUj ßgPT mxmJx TrPZjÇ 2017 xJPu, kMKfj FTKa fgqKYP© mPuKZPuj, KfKj xrTJrL ßVJkjL~fJ lÅJx TrJr \jq ß˚JPcjPT ÈFT\j KmvõJxWJfT' mPu oPj TPrj jJÇ kMKfj mPuj, KfKj fJr ßhPvr ˝JPgtr xJPg KmvõJxWJfTfJ TPrjKj FmÄ KfKj Ijq ßTJPjJ

ßhPv Foj ßTJPjJ fgq ˙JjJ∂r TPrjKj, pJ fJr KjP\r ßhv mJ fJr KjP\r ßuJTPhr \jq ãKfTJrT yPf kJPrÇ ß˚JPcj pJ TPrj, KfKj k´TJPvq TPrjÇ P˚JPcj, ACFx jqJvjJu KxKTCKrKa FP\K¿r FT\j xJPmT KbTJhJr, 2020 xJPu rJKv~J~ fJPT ˙J~LnJPm mxmJPxr IjMoKf ßh~J yP~KZu FmÄ ßxA xoP~ mPuKZPuj, KfKj fJr @PoKrTJj jJVKrTfô k´fqJyJr jJ TPrA rJKv~Jj jJVKrTPfôr

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ßVyuPar kqÅJPY ßmTJ~hJ~ rJÉu VJºL

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PT KTZM TrPfA yPò jJÇ TÄPV´xA yJrJKTKr TrPZÇ FUj rJÉPur kPã xmPYP~ xÿJj\jT kg yPf kJPr, pKh ßVyuPar IjMVf TJCPT rJ\˙JPjr oMUqoπL TPr ßVyuaPT TÄPV´x xnJkKf TrJÇ fJPfS vKYPjr TJPZ rJÉPur oMU kMzPmÇ'

ALAM PROPERTY MAINTENANCE All building work undertaken

❚ Project Management ❚ Property Refurbishment ❚ Plumbing & Heating ❚ Roofing & Guttering ❚ Electrical and Lighting ❚ Carpentry and Joinery

❚ Painting & Decorating ❚ Flooring and Tiling ❚ Loft Conversions, Home extensions, etc ❚ Architectural Design ❚ Planning Application

Email alamplumbing007@gmail.com Mobile 07957 148 101

10

UmrJUmr

30 September - 06 October 2022

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30 September - 06 October 2022

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14

oMÜKY∂J

30 September - 06 October 2022

Ko~JjoJr kKrK˙Kf S @ûKuT në-rJ\jLKf \~∂ ßWJwJu ßuUT: nJrfL~ xJÄmJKhT

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oMÜKY∂J 15

30 September - 06 October 2022

oMyJÿh xJ:-Fr ˝J˙qjLKf TPjtu (Im:) cJ. ß\yJh UJj ßuUT: xJPmT rJÓshNf S xKYmc. ACxMl @u TJr\JKn

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16

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30 September - 06 October 2022

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TPctAPrJ mPuPZj, Ík´gPo FKa mq~mÉu yPmÇ fPm k´KfPpJKVfJoNuT mJ\JPr xoP~r xJPg xJPg UrY iLPr iLPr ysJx kJPmÇ TJre FKa Foj KTZM yPm pJ xmJr CkTJPr @xPmÇ" fJr oPf, ßpPTJjS k´pMKÜ jfMj Im˙J~ hMmtu S Ifq∂ mq~mÉu y~Ç fPm fJ xoP~r xJPg VefJKπT fgJ xy\k´Jkq S oNuiJrJ~ kKref y~Ç ßxA xPñ TPo pJ~ UrYÇ SA hMA k´PTRvuL mPuPZj, fJrJ APfJoPiq fJPhr FA ßTRvu hMA mZr iPr mqmyJr TrPZjÇ fPm fJ IQminJPm TuK’~JPf- ßpUJPj ß\PjKaT oqJKjkMPuvPjr KmwP~ Kj~oTJjMj KTZMaJ KvKguÇ fJPhr k´go ßrJVL FKu\JPmg kqJKrv jJPor FT\j jJrLÇ KfKj mJitTq\Kjf uãeèPuJ ßhUPf ÊÀ TPrKZPuj FmÄ \JjPf YJKòPuj ßp, FKa k´KfPrJi TrJr \jq TL TrJ ßpPf kJPrÇ pKhS fJr KYKT“xJ ÈUMm ^MÅKTkNet FmÄ FojKT IQmi', Cc mqJUqJ TPr mPuj, ÍfPm FA oMyNPft KfKj nJu @PZjÇ ßTJjS k´KfTNu kJvõtk´KfKâ~J ßjA FmÄ fJr rPÜ ßaPuJPoPrPxr oJ©J È@PVr ßYP~ 20 mZr To'Ç" xmPvPw Cc mPuj, Í@Ko YJA ßp ߸j FA k´pMKÜr KmPvõ FTKa \J~VJ uJn TÀT FmÄ ßhKUP~ KhT ßp @orJ kJVu jAÇ" Èhq ßcg Im ßcg' mAKa k´gPo YJrKa nJwJ~ k´TJKvf yS~Jr TgJÇ ßxèPuJ yu- ¸qJKjv, AÄPrK\, kftMKV\ FmÄ ßTJKr~JjÇ Fr Kmâ~ ßgPT @P~r xm IgtA ßuUTPhr VPmweJ~ mq~ TrJ yPm

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FuJY : mKor xoxqJ hNr TrJr Ijqfo TJptTr CkJhJj yPuJ FuJYÇ pUjA Foj xoxqJ ßhUJ ßhPm oMPU FTKa FuJY ßrPU KhjÇ KmPvwùPhr oPf, FuJPY @PZ mKo nJm hNr TrJr TJptTr CkJhJjÇ

kMKhjJ kJfJr ßfu : mKo mKo nJm hNr TrJr Ijqfo WPrJ~J CkJ~ yPuJ kMKhjJ kJfJr ßfu mqmyJr TrJÇ KmKnjú VPmweJ~ CPb FPxPZ kMKhjJ kJfJr ßfu mKo mKo nJm ToJ~Ç ßx \jq yJPfr fJuMPf TP~T ßlÅJaJ ßfu KjP~ Vº ÊÅTPf gJTMjÇ FPf mKor xoxqJ IPjTaJA hNr yPmÇ

KTZM oxuJ : mKo mKo nJm hNr TrJr \jq KTZM oxuJ KmPvwnJPm TJptTrÇ ßpoj ßoRKr, hJÀKYKj S nJ\J K\rJ ßUPu mKor CPhsT hNr y~Ç Fxm oxuJ KhP~ YJ ‰fKr TPr ßUPuS KouPm CkTJrÇ fJA mKor CPhsT yPu mJKzPf gJTJ FA oxuJèPuJ ßpPTJPjJKa ßUP~ Kjj mJ oMPU KhP~ rJUMjÇ FPf xoxqJ hNr yPmÇ

ßumM : mKo mKo nJm yPu ßx ßãP© TJP\ uJVJPf kJPrj ßumMÇ TJre ßumMr rPx gJTJ FKxc mKor CPhsT ToJ~Ç ßx \jq k´gPo KjPf yPm FT VäJx yJuTJ Vro kJKjÇ Frkr fJPf ßovJPf yPm ßumMr rx S FT KYoKa umeÇ FnJPm ßUPu mKo mKo nJm hNr yPm xyP\AÇ fPm UMm ßmKv UJPmj jJÇ fJPf xoxqJ CPfiJ ßmPz ßpPf kJPrÇ @hJ : @oJPhr vrLPrr IPjT irPjr I˝K˜ mJ xoxqJ

oMÜKY∂J

30 September - 06 October 2022

17

kMKuPvr èKumwte KTPxr @uJof ‰x~h @mhJu @yoh ßuUT: KxKj~r xJÄmJKhT, xJPmT xJiJre xŒJhT, \JfL~ ßk´x TîJm

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KkKaP~KZuÇ ˝rJÓsoπL @xJhMöJoJj UJj F WajJ~ fJ“ãKeT kMKuPvr Skr ãM… yP~ mPuKZPuj ÈkMKuv mrèjJ~ mJzJmJKz TPrPZÇ' TP~T\j kMKuv TotTftJPT F\jq mhKu FmÄ hJK~fô ßgPT xKrP~ ßh~J y~Ç KT∂á YJr\j rJ\QjKfT TotLPT èKu TPr ßoPr ßluJ yPuS ˝rJÓsoπL F KjP~ KTZM muJr k´P~J\jL~fJ IjMnm TPrjKjÇ ßTj èKumwte yPuJ jqNjfo fhP∂r mqm˙JS y~KjÇ CPfiJ xrTJPrr oπL FmÄ vJxT hPur ßjfJrJ kMKuPvr kPãA xJlJA ßVP~ YPuPZjÇ fJrJ mPuPZj, KmPrJiL hPur ßjfJTotLrJ kMKuvPTA jJKT yJouJ TrPZÇ ßTJPjJ ßTJPjJ ßjfJr oMU ßgPT FS ßvJjJ pJ~, fJrJ mPuPZj, kMKuvPT yJouJ TrPu fJrJ KT mPx gJTPm? @®rãJ~ jJKT fJrJ èKu YJKuP~PZ AfqJKhÇ Vf 31 \MuJA ßnJuJ~ kMKuPvr èKuPf ZJ©hu ßjfJ jNPr @uo FmÄ ß˝òJPxmT hu ßjfJ @mhMr rKyo oJrJ pJjÇ ßnJuJ~ KmFjKkr KmPãJn KoKZPur k´JÑJPu kMKuv IfKTtPf yJouJ S èKumwte TPrÇ WajJ˙Pu k´Je yJrJj ß˝òJPxmT hu ßjfJ jNPr @uoÇ IgY VeoJiqPor KrPkJat IjMpJ~L SAKhj èKu TrJr oPfJ ßTJPjJ kKrK˙Kfr CØm y~KjÇ vJK∂kNet TotxNKYPf mJiJ ßh~J yPm jJ mPu xrTJPrr @võJPxr xJf KhPjr oJgJ~ F WajJ WPaÇ k´iJjoπL ßvU yJKxjJ VenmPj fJr hPur xJÄVbKjT xŒJhPTr xPñ ‰mbPTr kr mPuKZPuj, KmPrJiL hu KmPãJn TrPu, xoJPmv TrPu fJPhr ßpj ÈKcˆJmt' TrJ jJ y~Ç ßxA oPot KfKj TL KjPhtv KhP~PZj fJS mPujÇ ßvU yJKxjJ mPuj, ÈKmPrJiL hu FTaJ xMPpJV kJPò, fJrJ @PªJuj TrPm, TÀTÇ @Ko @\PTS KjPhtv KhP~KZ, UmrhJr, pJrJ @PªJuj TrPZ, fJPhr TJCPT ßpj ßV´lfJr TrJ jJ y~ mJ KcˆJmt TrJ jJ y~Ç fJrJ FojKT k´iJjoπLr IKlxS ßWrJS TrPf @xPmÇ @Ko fJPhr IKlPx mxJm, mKxP~ YJ UJS~JmÇ' (k´go @PuJ, 14 @Vˆ)Ç FTA

mÜmq k´iJjoπL @PrJ @PV 23 \MuJA huL~ @PrTKa xnJ~ KhP~KZPujÇ KT∂á Fr xJf Khj kPrA WPa ßnJuJ~ kMKuPvr èKumwtPer WajJÇ èKuPf hM'\j Kjyf ZJzJS @PrJ 24 \j èKuKm≠ yjÇ k´iJjoπLr FA KjPhtv KjÁ~ KZu kMKuv FmÄ KxKnu k´vJxPjr CP¨PvÇ rJÓsL~ nmPj IjMKÔf huL~ xnJ ßvPw xPmtJó kptJ~ ßgPT FA KjPhtv ßh~J yPuS F KjPhtv ßTj oJjJ yPuJ jJ fJr ßTJPjJ mqJUqJ \jVe \JjPf kJPrKjÇ k´iJjoπLr oMU ßgPTS F KjP~ ßTJPjJ mÜmq ßhvmJxL kJ~KjÇ mrÄ oJjMw uã TPrPZ ßnJuJ~ WajJr kr jJrJ~eVP† kMKuv KmFjKkr KmPãJn TotxNKYPf èKu YJKuP~ jJrJ~eVP†r pMmhPur FT TotLPT yfqJ TPrPZÇ ßfoKj oM¿LVP†S @PrT pMmhu TotLPT FTAnJPm yfqJ TrJ yP~PZÇ jJrJ~eVP† KTnJPm vJSjPT yfqJ TrJ yP~PZ fJr ZKmS k´TJKvf yP~PZ xÄmJhkP©Ç vJxT hPur oπL S ßjfJrJ È@®rãJr' TgJ muPuS ZKmPf ßhUJ pJ~ YJ~Kj\ rJAPlu KhP~ èKu YJuJPjJ yPòÇ ZKmPf pJ ßhUJ pJ~ fJPT muJ pJ~, È mKcuJAj èKuÇ' PnJuJr èKumwtPer WajJ xŒPTt xÄxPh ÀKoj lJryJjJ FoKk fJr mÜPmq Kmw~Ka CPuäU TPrKZPujÇ fJr mÜPmqr \mJm KhPf KVP~ vJxT hPur ßjfJ ßfJlJP~u @yPoh xÄxPh Kfj irPjr mÜmq ßhjÇ k´iJjoπLS F xo~ xÄxPh CkK˙f KZPujÇ ßfJlJP~u @yPoh fJr mÜPmq FTmJr mPuj, ßnJuJr ßZPuKa KjP\r ZMPz oJrJ APar @WJPf KjP\A oJrJ pJ~Ç @mJr xPñ xPñ mPuj, KoKZPu gJTJ ZJ©hPur ßZPuPhr oJrJ AakJaPTPur @WJPf oJrJ pJ~Ç ßxUJPj@S~JoL uLPVr mJ ZJ©uLPVr KoKZu mPu KTZM KZu jJÇ @mJr KfKj k´vú ßfJPuj, kMKuvAmJ TrPm TL? ßjPoA pKh KmFjKk ÊÀ TPr, fJyPu ßfJ KTZM TrJr gJPT jJÇ IgtJ“ Kfj irPjr mÜmq- ÈKjP\A KjP\PT ßoPrPZ', ÈZJ©hu ßoPrPZ' FmÄ ÈkMKuv ßoPrPZ'Ç F Im˙J~ \joPj k´vú CPbPZ kMKuPvr FA èKumwte KTPxr @uJof?

kMKuv KT KjP\Phr Kx≠JP∂ KoKZu-xoJPmPv èKumwte TrPZ, jJKT ßjkPgq xrTJPrr KjPhtv rP~PZ? KmPrJiL hu KT fJPhr k´KfmJh TrPf kJrPm jJ? rJ\QjKfT k´KfmJhPT FnJPm èKumwte TPr, ßjfJTotLr uJv ßlPu ˜… TPr KhPf yPm? ßhPv Foj IrJ\TfJ KT YuPfA gJTPm? ßhUJr KT ßTC ßjA? KmFjKkr xoJPmPv ßTj yJouJ \ôJuJKj ßfu S KjfqkPeqr oNuqmíK≠xy \jVPer ßoRKuT hJKmèPuJ KjP~ rJ\kPg ßjPoPZ ßhPvr k´iJj KmPrJiL hu KmFjKkÇ Vf hM'oJx iPrA huKa rJ\kPg xnJ-xoJPmv, KmPãJn TrPZÇ Fxm k´KfmJh TotxNKYPf 2014 xJPur KmjJ ßnJPar KjmtJYjL k´yxj FmÄ 2018 xJPur rJPfr ßnJPar KjmtJYjL k´yxPjr TgJ fMPu iPr xrTJPrr kfj YJAPZ KmFjKkÇ huKar kã ßgPT xM¸ÓnJPm muJ yPò, F xrTJPrr IiLPj ßTJPjJ xMÔM KjmtJYj x÷m j~Ç FToJ© KjmtJYjTJuLj huKjrPkã xrTJPrr IiLPjA V´yePpJVq KjmtJYj yPf kJPrÇ fJrJ KjmtJYj TKovPjr f“krfJr KmÀP≠S mPuPZj ßp, FA KjmtJYj TKovj xrTJPrr fK•mJyTÇ xrTJr FPhr KjP~JV KhP~PZ FmÄ xrTJr pJ AvJrJ TrPZ ßx IjMpJ~L TKovj TJ\ TrPZÇ ßhPvr ßmKvr nJV oJjMw AKnFPor KmkPãÇ rJ\QjKfT huèPuJ AKnFPor KmkPãÇ rJ\QjKfT huèPuJ AKnFoPT TJrYMKkr mJé KyPxPm KYK¤f TPrPZÇ KT∂á KjmtJYj TKovj AKnFo KhP~ KjmtJYj TrJr \jq oKr~J yP~ CPbPZÇ xrTJr fJPhr jLujTvJ mJ˜mJ~Pjr \jq k´J~ @a yJ\Jr ßTJKa aJTJ mqP~ AKnFo ßoKvj ßTjJr k´T· yJPf KjP~PZÇ FT KhPT ßnJa \JKu~JKf, Ijq KhPT aJTJ uMakJa TrJA fJPhr uãqÇ KmFjKkr ßjfJrJ @PrJ mPuPZj, FA xrTJr ßoVJ k´TP· ßoVJ hMjtLKf TrPZÇ aJTJ kJYJr S hMjtLKfr TJrPe ßhPvr IgtjLKf ±ÄPxr KTjJrJ~ FPx ßVPZÇ ßhv ßhCKu~J yP~ pJPòÇ 10 kOÔJ~

18

UmrJUmr

oMyJÿh xJ:-Fr ˝J˙qjLKf (15 kOÔJr kr) oJjMPwr YuJr kg ßgPT xrJPjJPT BoJPjr FTKa IÄv xJmq˜ TPrPZjÇ pMP≠r xo~S lumJj míã TJaPf KfKj mJre TPrPZjÇ KfKj mPuj, ÈßTJPjJ oMxKuo ßTJPjJ míãPrJke TrPu ßx míPãr lu ßgPT pKh oJjMw S \Lm-\∂á UJ~ fJyPu fJ fJr \jq xJhJTJ yP~ pJPm'Ç FTKa ßhPvr rJÓsk´iJj S ˝J˙qoπL ˝J˙qjLKf k´e~j TPr gJPTj, KYKT“xJ ßhj jJÇ @oJPhr rJxNPur ˝J˙qjLKf ÊiM fJK•ôT mJ S~J\ jKxyPfr oPiq xLoJm≠ KZu jJ; mrÄ fJ xoJP\ KfKj mJ˜mJ~j TPrKZPujÇ FT\j IoMxKuo cJÜJr (x÷mf yJKrx Kmj TJuJhJ) oKhjJ~ KYKT“xJ TrPf FPujÇ ßmv KTZM Khj oKhjJ~ Im˙Jj TrJr kr ßTJPjJ ßrJVL kJS~J ßVu jJÇ TJre \JjPf YJAPu rJxNu xJ: muPuj, È@orJ ãMiJgt yPu UJmJr UJA S ãMiJgt Im˙J~ UJS~J mº TKr'Ç TJPuJK\rJ, rÜPoJãe AfqJKh : mMUJKr vKrPl ÈKTfJmMf Kfm' IiqJP~ rJxNPur KYKT“xJxÄâJ∂ ßmv KTZM yJKhx @PZ pJ @iMKjT KmùJPjr @PuJPT mqJUqJ TrJ TKbjÇ ßpoj∏ TJPuJK\rJ, rÜPoJãe, YªjTJb, @èj KhP~ hJV uJVJPjJ, CPar ßkvJm KhP~ KYKT“xJ AfqJKhÇ F mqJkJPr ßU\MrVJPZr krJVJ~j xÄâJ∂ yJKhxKa èÀfôkNetÇ oKhjJ~ Ky\rPfr kr rJxNPur krJoPvt @jxJrrJ ßU\MrVJPZr krJVJ~j mº TPr KhP~KZuÇ fJPf ßU\Mr luPj oªJnJm ßhUJ ßh~Ç fUj KfKj muPuj, ÈÆLPjr mqJkJPr @Ko pKh KTZM mKu fJ ßoPj jJS, @r hMKj~Jr mqJkJPr @Ko ßfJ ßfJoJPhr oPfJA FT\j oJjMw (IgtJ“ @oJrS nMuÃJK∂ yPf kJPr)'Ç F mqJkJPr @∂\tJKfT UqJKfxŒjú AxuJKo KY∂JKmh c: ACxMl @u TJr\JnLr IKnof k´KeiJjPpJVqÇ KfKj TMr@Pjr FTKa @~JfPT CkoJ KyPxPm ßkv TPrj ßpUJPj muJ yP~PZ- ÈxhJxKöf ßWJzJ v©Mr ßoJTJPmuJ~ k´˜Mf TPr rJPUJ ßpj fJPhr nLfvKïf TrPf kJPrJÇ' (TMr@j 8:60) FUJPj ˙J~L CP¨vq

30 September - 06 October 2022

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30 September - 06 October 2022

19

TáKY∂J Âh~PT TuMKwf TPr ßoJ. @mhMu VjL KvæLr

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Bangladeshi government Continued from page ➠ Back Without Borders (RSF) says.

“In their quest to silence opposition journalism, the Bangladeshi authorities have just imprisoned individuals whose only crime is to be related to a critical journalist,” RSF’s Asia-Pacific desk said. “Such actions are completely unworthy of a government that claims to be democratic. We call on Attorney General A. M. Amin Uddin to put an immediate stop to such harassment of journalists based abroad.”

Around 15 plainclothes policemen went to the home of Nur Alam Chowdhury in the southern district of Noakhali on 13 September and took him away without showing a warrant or explaining why he was arrested.

It was only when he was taken before a court that he learned that he had been arrested because he was the brother of Shamsul Alam Liton, the editor of the Weekly Surma, a Bengali and Englishlanguage newspaper based in London.

Chowdhury was detained under Section 54 (1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which says a person may be arrested without a warrant in the event of a “reasonable suspicion” of an offence. The police explained that Chowdhury was suspected of a “possible” connection with his brother.

Harassed for denouncing enforced disappearances A journalist for the past three decades, Liton was President Iajuddin Ahmed’s deputy press secretary from 2003 to 2005 and then joined Weekly Surma, which is very critical of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government.

On 19 August, he wrote an editorial about money-laundering by Bangladeshi officials and the following week, on International Day of the Disappeared, he organised a demonstration outside the House of Commons in London for the victims of enforced disappearances in Bangladesh. Weekly Surma’s website was then subjected to a wave of cyberattacks that made it inaccessible.

RSF has seen a report by investigators that describes Liton as “a provocateur and a leader of an anti-government organisation” and claims that Chowdhury was an “accomplice” who “directly and indirectly assisted his brother in spreading anti-government propaganda in many places in Bangladesh.”

Two similar cases a few days apart Abdul Muktadir Manu, the brother of anther Weekly Surma journalist, Abdur Rob Bhuttow, was arrested at his home in the northeastern town of Moulvibazar on 9 September, just four days before Chowdhury’s arrest. Like Chowdhury, he was arrested under Section 54 (1) of the Code of Criminal Procedure by plainclothesmen. He was released 12 days later.

A Weekly Surma special correspondent, Bhuttow is being targeted for reporting that is critical of the prime minister and intelligence services. In August, he appeared in a Facebook live video with Hasinur Rahman, a former Bangladeshi army lieutenant-colonel who has exposed enforced disappearances carried out by the Directorate-General of Forces Intelligence.

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Cases of the authorities using enforced disappearances to harass critics are frequent in Bangladesh. The Dhakabased photo-journalist Shafiqul Kajol was subjected to a shocking and deeply cynical 53-day enforced disappearance in 2020, as RSF reported at the time. In 2021, RSF reported a surge of acts of intimidation in Bangladesh that are designed to pressure Bangladeshi journalists based abroad.

Italians Didn’t Exactly Vote for Fascism London 30 September : Afew years ago, I stopped to fill up the tank of my mother’s Fiat 500 at a gas station close to our family home in southern Tuscany. When I went into the store to pay, I noticed that it had started to sell lighters bearing the face of Benito Mussolini, the fascist leader who ruled Italy as a dictator from 1925 to 1943.This came as a shock. Tuscany has historically been a left-wing region.

The Monte Amiata, a densely wooded mountain on whose slopes my village perches, served as a base for partisans who fought the Nazis during World War II. Why would our local gas station be selling fascist memorabilia?

I put the question to the attendant. He squirmed. “I don’t like it either.

Headquarters sent us those a few days ago,” he told me. Then he perked up, happy to think of something that would, he assumed, be sure to mollify me. “Don’t worry: Next week, we’re getting in some lighters with the face of Che Guevara!” The Italian constitution, which came into force in 1948, is resolutely anti-fascist, yet the country’s political culture has never made a clean break with its extremist past. For a German gas station to sell items that commemorated Adolf Hitler would be truly shocking (and probably illegal); in Italy, the sight of Mussolini memorabilia for sale in stores is not that unusual. Similarly, mainstream German political parties shun far-right extremists such as the Alternative for Germany; in Italy, parties with roots in fascism have long been an accepted part of the political scene.

Even so, Sunday’s electoral success for Giorgia Meloni and her party, Brothers of Italy, is unprecedented. It marks the first time in Italy’s postwar history that a party with fascist roots has won the most votes in a national election.

Meloni, who received just over a quarter of votes cast, is now very likely to become prime minister at the head of a far-right coalition with the League, led by Matteo Salvini, and Forza Italia, headed by Silvio Berlusconi. How will the new government change Italy? And how much damage could it inflict on the country’s democratic institutions?

Italian history gives reason to worry about what lies ahead. Brothers of Italy is descended from the Italian Social Movement, or MSI, which was founded in the aftermath of World War II by fascist politicians who had played a significant role in the Republic of Salò, the pro-Nazi puppet regime that governed the northern half of Italy after the Allies invaded Sicily in 1943.

Meloni’s party has as its symbol a green, white, and red flame, which many regard as intended, in its original

design, to express enduring loyalty to Mussolini.

Meloni herself, who has led Brothers of Italy since 2014, grew up in Garbatella, a working-class neighborhood of Rome, and cut her teeth in the youth wing of the MSI. Today, she regularly inveighs against immigrants and the gay-rights movement, and has made common cause internationally with farright parties and illiberal leaders such as Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. In June, she spoke at a campaign event for Vox, a rightist party in Spain. “Five hundred thirty years ago, the capitulation of Granada put an end to the Reconquista, Andalucia turned Spanish, and Europe became Christian,” she said. “Today, the secularism of the left and radical Islam threaten our roots.” Compromise with such opponents is unthinkable: Parties of the right such as Vox and Brothers of Italy, she said, needed to say a clear no to the “LGBT lobby,” to “gender ideology,” and to “mass immigration.

The prospect that a far-right party with fascist roots may soon lead Italy has understandably spooked international observers. “Giorgia Meloni May Lead Italy, and Europe Is Worried,” read a recent New York Times headline. “Is Italy on the Verge of Returning to Fascism?” a Foreign Policy podcast asked. But things aren’t always what they seem in Italy. Although there are strong grounds for dismay at the prospect of Prime Minister Meloni, the actual likelihood that Italy will return to the darkest hours of its history is low.

Part of the reason is that Meloni has, to an extent, distanced herself from her party’s past. She has declared that “fascism is history” and suspended members who persisted in praising fascist leaders. Meloni has also sought to demonstrate that she would prove a reliable partner for Italy’s European and North American allies. She has, for example, moderated the party’s criticism of the European Union, emphasizing that she wants the country to stay in the eurozone. And unlike many other far-right leaders in Europe, Meloni has been a vocal critic of Vladimir Putin and a staunch supporter of Ukraine.But the chief reason to doubt how much Meloni will change Italy is simply that she is neither as popular nor as powerful as her electoral victory may suggest. Her star is burning brightly now, but it may dim just as quickly.

In the country’s previous national elections, in March 2018, the Five Star Movement stunned international observers by winning nearly a third of the vote; Meloni’s Brothers of Italy took just 4 percent. Over the next three years, two consecutive governments collapsed amid chaos and acrimony, making it impossible for any political parties to form a cohesive governing majority. Out of options, all of the major factions in the Italian Parliament agreed in February 2021 to form a technocratic government of national unity under the leadership of Mario Draghi, the former president of the European Central Bank.

Meloni’s Brothers of Italy alone stayed in opposition. As many observers predicted at the time, that holdout position practically guaranteed her ascent. Given the economic stagnation and pandemic pain the country has experienced lately, Brothers of Italy’s rapid rise in popularity was hardly

surprising.This suggests that Meloni’s victory on Sunday has less to do with nostalgia for Italy’s fascist past than with anger at the country’s parlous present. But by the same token, Meloni’s popularity may soon wane after she takes on the responsibility of governing. The fate of the last newcomer hyped as the future of Italian politics is instructive: Since its surprise success in 2018, the Five Star Movement has lost more than half of its vote share and now languishes on the sidelines.

Even how long Meloni will be able to stay in office is unclear. Although she now heads the biggest faction in the Italian Parliament, she will need to maintain the support of both cantankerous coalition partners: Salvini will do what he can to take the limelight and is likely to clash with Meloni on foreign policy (he is, for instance, much less willing to help Ukraine), and Berlusconi, ever the opportunist after three terms as prime minister himself, will have little compunction about selling out a political partner if it suits him. Given how volatile these personalities are— and how unstable coalition governments in Italy have proved in the past—a collapse of Meloni’s government within a year or two would not be shocking.

The most immediate concern about Italy’s new government is not any threat to the country’s democratic institutions, still less a return to fascism. Rather, it is what the electoral dominance of the far right will do to the hard-won progress that immigrants and sexual minorities in Italy have made over recent decades. Italians of the postwar era lived and breathed politics to an unusual degree. The country’s major parties had millions of members.

Campaign events in the run-up to national elections drew huge crowds.

More than 90 percent of eligible voters typically turned out to the polls. The political stakes seemed existential.

Today, despite appearances, those times appear to be over—at least for now. In the towns and villages I visited over the past week, public space reserved for campaign posters remained half empty.

In one Tuscan hilltop town, a campaigner for a right-wing party spoke passionately and at length, but drew only a handful of spectators. In another town, an elderly left-wing candidate attracted a few onlookers when he played a hit by Fabrizio De André, a singer-songwriter of the 1960s and ’70s, from the van he had repurposed for his campaign, but quickly lost their interest when he started telling them about his campaign promises. Voter turnout in this election fell below 70 percent, a record low.

Most of the Italians I have spoken with in recent days await the new government with weary equanimity.

One neighbor, an outspoken woman in her 70s who, like most people in her village, has voted for the left all her life, told me of her intense dislike for Giorgia Meloni. But when I asked her whether she was worried about what the leader of Brothers of Italy would do to the country, she gave a nonchalant shrug. “In the end, the new government won’t be that different from all the others,” she said. “It’ll fail to get much of anything done. And then it’ll collapse.”

I hope she’s right.

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30 September - 06 October 2022

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Hindu nationalists now pose a global problem

Continued from ➠ Back page elections, Conservative candidate Zac Goldsmith sent anti-Muslim campaign literature to Hindus and Sikhs to bring down his Muslim opponent, Sadiq Khan, of the Labour Party. On the eve of the 2019 UK general elections, there were reports that Hindu nationalist groups in the country were actively campaigning for Conservative candidates, since Labour’s then-leader, Jeremy Corbyn, had criticised the Modi government’s 2019 crackdown in Indian-administered Kashmir. Many of these groups have direct links to the BJP and their actions represented attempts at influencing an overseas election.

However, this is not just a UK problem. The scourge of Hindu nationalism has gone global.

‘True friend in the White House’ Like in the UK, Hindu nationalists have actively campaigned for rightwing, Islamophobic candidates in the United States. This was apparent during the 2016 presidential elections when Hindu groups went all out in their efforts to mobilise Hindu Americans for Republican candidates.

In 2015 an Indian American lobby, the Republican Hindu Coalition (RHC), was launched by Chicago-based businessman Shalabh Kumar, who has had close ties to Modi. Its members donated to former US President Donald Trump’s campaign and the RHC supported him as he ran for the presidency. At an event with the group ahead of the vote, Trump declared: “The Indian and Hindu community will have a true friend in the White House.” He also praised Modi, calling

him a “great man,” and released a campaign video wooing Hindu Americans.

Ahead of the 2020 US presidential election, Modi acted almost as a campaigner for Trump, holding two joint rallies with the realtor-turnedpolitician – one in Ahmedabad, India, and the other in Houston, Texas. In the latter event, Modi seemed to give tacit backing to Trump’s re-election campaign, even uttering the phrase “Ab ki baar, Trump sarkar (This time, it’s going to be a Trump government)”.

However, like in the UK, the Hindu right in the US has now moved from electoral influence to demonstrations of street might. In August this year, bulldozers adorned with posters of Modi and the BJP chief minister of Uttar Pradesh, Yogi Adityanath, appeared at an Indian Independence Day parade in Edison, New Jersey, apparently celebrating the disturbing trend of local governments demolishing the homes of Muslim activists in India. Following criticism, the organiser – the Indian Business Association – apologised for the incident.

Open threats In Canada too, Hindu nationalists have been making waves. In December last year anti-Sikh slogans and the Hindu swastika appeared outside a Sikh school. Canadian academics have been harassed and faced death and rape threats from diaspora Hindutva supporters for criticising the Modi government in India. In June, Ron Banerjee, a Canadian Hindu

nationalist openly called for the genocide of Muslims and Sikhs. “It is awesome what Modi is doing,” Banerjee said, in an interview to a YouTube channel. “I support the killing of Muslims and Sikhs in the Republic of India because they deserve to die.”

Australia too is witnessing an uptick in hate crimes committed by Hindus against Muslims and Sikhs. One such attacker, Vishal Sood, was eventually arrested for a series of attacks on Sikhs, and was convicted and deported since his visa had expired. When he got back to India, he received a hero’s welcome. Attempts have also been made by Indian authorities in Australia to silence critics of Modi and his Hindu nationalist policies. Thirteen academic fellows resigned from the Australia India Institute at the University of Melbourne citing interference from the Indian High Commission and attempts to censor research and writing that presented an “unflattering” image of India.

Why has Hindutva gone global?

Undoubtedly, the rise of Hindu nationalism globally has much to do with the rise of Modi. Since becoming prime minister in 2014, he has overseen a highly controversial citizenship reform that discriminates against Muslim asylum seekers, scrapped the constitutionally guaranteed autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir and built a temple at the location of a historic mosque demolished by Hindu hardliners in 1992. All while going after opposition leaders, activists and critics.

Modi’s success in delivering on Hindutva’s promises at home has inspired his supporters in the diaspora to exude a sense of chauvinistic pride abroad. However, world leaders are guilty too, of legitimising Modi, giving this subsection of Hindu expatriates the conviction that their bigoted vision has some global cache.

From Trump to former British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, and from former Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, multiple right-wing politicians have presented themselves as “friends” of Modi.

Even those Western leaders who do not have a particularly pronounced right-wing agenda have been keen to establish and develop their economic and strategic ties with India while turning a blind eye to the Modi government’s dismal human rights record.

What is next?

Islamophobia now appears to be a matter of public and foreign policy for India. The Indian High Commission in the UK responded to the events in Leicester by specifically referring only to the worries of the Hindu community there. However, Leicester should serve as a wake-up call: Hindu nationalism cannot be ignored any more as a domestic, Indian issue. The movement has gone international – and is taking an increasingly violent form in other countries too. It is now a threat to democratic principles, equality and human rights everywhere. India under Modi will not address it. The world must.

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India's Congress party likely to get first non-Gandhi chief in 25 years Continued frome ➠ Back pag London 30 September : India's main opposition Congress party is likely to elect a new party president from outside the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty for the first time in nearly 25 years, as it looks for a reset ahead of the next election to compete with Prime Minister Narendra Modi. Formed 137 years ago during India's struggle for independence from Britain, Congress was thumped by Modi's Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the last two general elections.,Many senior Congress leaders have quit to form their own party or to join the BJP, blaming the weak Congress leadership of Rahul Gandhi, the son of ailing party president Sonia Gandhi, who took charge temporarily in 2019.

The party has ruled the country for much of India's independent history, mostly led by a member of the Gandhi family. Around 9,000 party delegates will vote for a new president. Gandhi family loyalist Ashok Gehlot, the chief minister of Rajasthan state, and Shashi Tharoor, a lawmaker from the southern state of Kerala and a former top UN official, could file nominations this week, party sources said. "The election authority of the party started the election process on Sept. 22 for which polling will happen on Oct. 17 if there is more than one candidate," said Pranav Jha, secretary at the Congress's Election Authority.

The party has unanimously elected a president for a term of five years, except in 1937, 1950, 1997 and 2000, when elections were held as there was more than one candidate, Jha said.

Sonia Gandhi, the widow of former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi, led the party uninterrupted for nearly two decades until 2017. Rahul Gandhi, who took over from her but resigned in 2019 following the drubbing by Modi's party, has declined to stand in the party election. He is currently leading the party's five-month-long protest march against rising prices and what it calls Modi's divisive politics.

World leaders honour Japan's slain former PM London 30 September : Japanese and foreign dignitaries paid tribute to Shinzo Abe, the assassinated former prime minister of Japan, at a controversial state funeral on Tuesday, as long lines of people gathered to offer flowers and prayers. Mr Abe's ashes, carried by his widow Akie, arrived at the storied Budokan venue in Tokyo, where a 19-gun salute sounded in honour of the slain former leader.The motorcade carrying his remains had travelled from his widow's home in the capital, past a row of white-uniformed armed troops who stood to attention.

30 September - 06 October 2022

Outside the Budokan, thousands of Japanese people stood in line as the ashes arrived, waiting to deliver flowers and say a prayer in two mourning tents. Toru Sato, 71, leaned on his cane as he waited. "I only know Abe-san on TV. He worked so hard.

His death was so tragic. I felt so sorry for him," he said. Koji Takamori, 46, came all the way from northern Hokkaido with his nine-year-old son. "I wanted to thank him. He has done so much for Japan," he said. "The way he died was so shocking. To be honest, I also came because there has been so much opposition. It's almost like I'm here to oppose those who are opposing this (funeral)," he added.

Mr Abe's opponents were also visible in Tokyo, albeit in much smaller numbers, marching near the tents before an expected demonstration in front of the parliament. He resigned in 2020 over recurring health problems, but remained a key political voice and was campaigning for his ruling party when a lone gunman killed him on July 8. The shooting sent shock waves through a country with famously low gun crime and prompted international condemnation. But the decision to give him a state funeral - only the second for a former premier in the post-war period - has provoked opposition, with around 60 percent of Japanese against the event in recent polls.

Japanese and foreign dignitaries paid tribute to Shinzo Abe, the assassinated former prime minister of Japan, at a controversial state funeral on Tuesday, as long lines of people gathered to offer flowers and prayers. Mr Abe's ashes, carried by his widow Akie, arrived at the storied Budokan venue in Tokyo, where a 19-gun salute sounded in honour of the slain former leader. "The way he died was so shocking. To be honest, I also came because there has been so much opposition. It's almost like I'm here to oppose those who are opposing this (funeral)," he added.

Mr Abe's opponents were also visible in Tokyo, albeit in much smaller numbers, marching near the tents before an expected demonstration in front of the parliament. Mr Abe was Japan's longest-serving prime minister and one of the country's most recognisable political figures, known for cultivating international alliances and his "Abenomics" economic strategy. Shinzo Abe state funeral: World leaders gather over state service for former Japanese PM He resigned in 2020 over recurring health problems, but remained a key political voice and was campaigning for his ruling party when a lone gunman killed him on July 8. The shooting sent shock waves through a country with famously low gun crime and prompted international condemnation. But the decision to give him a state funeral - only the second for a former premier in the post-war period - has provoked opposition, with around 60 per cent of Japanese against the event in recent polls.

Mr Abe's accused killer targeted the former leader believing he had ties to the Unification Church, which he resented over massive donations his mother had made to the sect. The assassination prompted fresh scrutiny of the church and its fundraising, and uncomfortable questions for Japan's political establishment, with the ruling

party admitting around half its lawmakers had links to the religious organisation.

Prime Minister Fumio Kishida has pledged the party will sever all ties with the church, but the scandal helped fuel discontent over the state funeral.

Thousands have protested the ceremony and a man set himself on fire last week near the prime minister's office, leaving notes reportedly expressing his objection to the event.Some politicians from opposition parties are also boycotting the funeral.

The controversy has various causes, with some accusing Mr Kishida of unilaterally approving the funeral instead of consulting parliament, and others resentful of a nearly £11 million price tag. It is also the legacy of Abe's divisive tenure, marked by persistent allegations of cronyism, and opposition to his nationalism and plans to reform the pacifist constitution. Mr Kishida's government may be hoping the solemnity of the event, attended by an estimated 4,300 people including 700 foreign invitees, will drown out the controversy.

Kamala Harris, the US Vice President, and world leaders including Narendra Modi, the Indian prime minister, and Anthony Albanese, the Australian prime minister, were among those in attendance. Theresa May, Britain's former prime minister, was also present. Japan's emperor and empress were not present as neutral national figures, but Crown Prince Akishino and his wife were among the mourners offering flowers at the end of the 90minute service.

Bank of England to action the prop up of UK currency Continued frome ➠ Back pag Bank of England will be forced to intervene. The rout for sterling, which began after Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng revealed a £45bn tax cut plan on top of government aid for energy bills, was a consequence of concern over the levels of borrowing required. It essentially called into question the confidence the market had for sustainable public finances in the UK, pushing up the rates demanded by investors to hold UK bonds government IOUs - which will be used to fund the growth plan.

The pound hit an all-time low versus the dollar of $1.03 early on Monday but it later recovered some lost ground and had settled around $1.08 early on Tuesday.

Cost of living latest There were three main factors behind the limited fightback. One was a statement from the Treasury on Monday aimed at soothing nerves around Friday's giveaways. It revealed that Mr Kwarteng was to set out a "mediumterm fiscal plan" on 23 November which would also contain independent analysis from the Office for Budget Responsibility - a check that was lacking in the mini-budget.

The second was due to a statement from the Bank of England which

affirmed it would "not hesitate" to raise interest rates to prop up the value of sterling but added that it would make a full assessment at its next scheduled meeting.

The final facet can be traced across the Atlantic where the dollar - the world's reserve currency which has strengthened significantly this year amid the economic turmoil linked to Russia's war in Ukraine - fell back against a basket of international currencies.

Analysts cited renewed investor interest in stocks but remained cautious about the outlook as markets, already jittery at the prospect of US interest rates staying higher for longer, have been further unnerved by the upheaval for the pound and UK bond yields.

There was some relief for the government when the Treasury successfully raised £1.2bn through a bond sale on Tuesday morning. The amount was covered 2.3 times, which Sky's economics and data editor Ed Conway said showed there was "no shortage of appetite" for the debt. The market volatility has been blamed for a number of mortgage providers withdrawing products from sale. Such moves are expected to be only temporary amid the turmoil of the past few days.

Many market participants talked about a long road back to recovery for sterling because credibility had been lost.

Allan Monks, an economist at America's largest bank JP Morgan, said the statements from the Bank and Treasury had been "measured". "But there is still no clear sign that the source of the problem - the government's fiscal strategy - is being reversed or reconsidered," he complained. "This will need to happen before November in order to avoid a much worse outcome for the economy."

Larry Summers, a former US Treasury Secretary, also spoke about credibility being lost and suggested that the crisis would affect London's viability as a global financial centre. Seema Shah, chief strategist at Principal Global Investors which manages around $500bn in assets, told the Reuters news agency: "Once a market starts to move with this kind of momentum, it's hard to put a number on where it (sterling) will trough. "But as an investor you take a long-term view. If you look at the UK as somewhere to invest over five years, for me that's a no."

Others said another factor behind sterling's performance since Monday afternoon was that money leaving UK bonds was finding its way to the currency instead - but only because of the higher rate hike expectations.Victoria Scholar, head of investment at Interactive Investor, said markets were pricing in an emergency rate hike with 175 basis points' (1.75%) worth of increases by November. "The slump in sterling could exacerbate the UK's inflation problem, with price levels currently flirting with double digits.

"More expensive imports may add to the UK's upward price pressures, which is likely to prompt more aggressive action from central bank policy makers."

News

30 September - 06 October 2022

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WHAT IS THE TRUSS REGIME REALLY UP TO? ONE ANSWER:

THIS IS A RECKLESS GAMBLE

little alternative but to keep on hiking until markets calm down.

Continued from ➠ back page fighting package, roughly costed at £150bn, with a further £45bn in tax cuts that primarily benefit the rich? It also delivered this news at a time when inflation is running faster than at any point since the 1970s and flouted the need for vetting by the Office for Budget Responsibility. What did it expect?

Far from reviving growth, the effect will be to deliver a body blow to the UK economy. Tens of billions are being pumped into family purses to help with energy bills. Tens of billions more are being dished out in tax cuts.

But interest rate increases will squeeze anyone on a flexible rate mortgage or needing to re-finance. How buoyant does the government expect growth to be when millions of homeowners who bought their homes expecting mortgage rates to be about 1% face interest rates of 6% or more? And that is not even the last of the bad news.

Defenders of the government insist that the mini-budget was only the start. Kwarteng promises further tax cuts. But he also promises to bring the deficit under control. How is that to be squared?

Astonishingly, in the bubble of Downing Street, the answer seems to have been applause. Apologists for Liz Truss and Kwarteng insist that they are embarking on a new era of supply-side reform, in which taxes are set with a view to incentivising entrepreneurship and reviving the growth rate. If this contributes to inflationary pressure in the short term, it is the job of the Bank of England to counter that with higher interest rates.

You might wonder why anyone would want government economic policy and the Bank of England to pull in opposite directions. But that kind of division of labour is not unusual. In the wake of the banking crisis of 2008, we saw tight fiscal policy – in the name of austerity – flanked by ultraloose monetary policy. That combination has not been a success.

Growth has been lacklustre and booming financial markets have fed inequality. The basic idea of Trussonomics seems to be to invert the formula. And there would be a point to that if the £45bn were focused on renewable energy, or investment in education or the health service. But tax cuts for the rich are a terrible way to stimulate growth and one could hardly think of a worse time to deliver such giveaways.

As far as the Bank of England is concerned, it comes as a rude awakening. In the 25 years since it was given its independence the bank has been largely successful in controlling inflation, but it faces a surge in prices and a government pushing determinedly in the wrong direction. Though the Truss team has signalled that it wants to put an end to

low interest rates, whether it really likes the medicine it is apparently asking for from the Bank remains to be seen.

In any case, the markets don’t buy it.

If they had found the Kwarteng vision of economic policy plausible, rather than selling off sterling in response to the mini-budget, they would have bought into sterling on the expectation of profiting from higher interest rates.

Instead, investors simply want out of what looks to most analysts like a doomed experiment. To hold sterling assets they are now demanding what some are calling a “moron risk premium”. To hold debts issued by such an incompetent government requires a reward.

There has been some talk that the UK is at risk of being relegated to the class of emerging market borrowers, whose creditworthiness has to continually be demonstrated to foreign investors. So far, at least, that is exaggerated. The UK has borrowed on a large scale from foreign investors, but unlike an emerging market, it has done so in its

own currency. Furthermore, claims against the UK are offset by large British holdings of foreign assets. As a result, even a severe devaluation of sterling would not unleash a destabilising spiral of depreciating currency and rising debt burden.

However, the Bank of England is under intense pressure, and the feeble statement it issued on Monday won’t change that. Clearly, rates are going to have to rise and rise fast. The monetary policy committee no doubt regrets the decision at its last meeting to raise interest rates by only 0.5 percentage points. But though it is obvious that it must now raise rates, the Bank faces a serious risk. If it does not act, it will look weak and that may unsettle markets. But if it does make an emergency rate increase, and markets take that action as a sign of panic, the selling of sterling may intensify. That truly would put the UK in emerging market territory, where rate increases are seen as a sign of weakness, not strength. Furthermore, once the Bank of England has embarked on this course, it will have

The answer is public spending cuts.

Among Republicans in the US, the tactic is known as “starving the beast”.

Cut taxes and, as public revenues contract, this will create irresistible pressure for spending cuts. The argument is all the more urgent if you can invoke pressure from the financial markets. In 2010, when David Cameron’s coalition government embarked on austerity, it invoked a bond market panic to justify its painful cuts. Then, the panic was more imaginary than real. The debt crisis in Greece served as the bogeyman. Now Britain has a bona fide homemade panic on its hands. Yields on UK bonds have now risen above those of the eurozone debt-victims Greece and Italy.

The markets trust Britain’s Tory government less than the heirs to postfascism in Rome. Did the Truss government unleash this avalanche on purpose? That is hardly what the “moron premium” suggests. But we should certainly expect them to turn the crisis that they have created against the public sector in pursuit of their misbegotten vision of a smallstate revolution.

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44 Years Issue 2269 30 September - 06 October 2022 Britain's Highest Circulated Bangla Newsweekly

Bangladeshi government uses relatives of expatriate journalists as hostages: RSF

London 30 September : The collapse of the value of the pound in the wake of Friday's mini-budget appears to have stalled, for now, but only thanks to market expectations that the Page ❚◗ 22

Page ❚◗ 22

WHAT IS THE TRUSS REGIME REALLY UP TO? ONE ANSWER:

THIS IS A RECKLESS GAMBLE

London 30 September : The brothers of two Bangladeshi expatriate journalists who are critical of the government have been arrested in the past few weeks without any warrant. These arrests constitute grave press freedom violations, Reporters Page ❚◗ 20

Bank of England to action the prop up of UK currency

INDIAN CONGRESS PARTY MAY HAVE A NON-GHANDI CHIEF

London 30 September : Markets have delivered a devastating judgment on Kwasi Kwarteng’s taxcutting mini-budget. The pound has collapsed to historic lows. And investors have sold UK government debt, driving the price of bonds

down and the effective interest upwards at a rate not seen since the currency crises of the 1950s. The combination of the two is particularly worrying because it signals what some fear could become a comprehensive loss of confidence

in the pound and UK assets.

You might ask how it could be otherwise. How did the government expect the markets to react when it followed a giant energy crisisPage ❚◗ 23

HINDU NATIONALISTS NOW POSE A GLOBAL PROBLEM London 30 September : India’s Hindu right wing has long advocated for its vision across the world. Overseas offshoots of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) have helped in this, as have allied groups like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad or World Hindu Council.Now, recent events in Leicester in the United Kingdom suggest that their dream of propagating Hindutva, their political philosophy, is coming true in new ways – violently, on the streets of cities far from India. On September 17, young Hindu men marched through the streets of Leicester, chanting “Jai Sri Ram” – now a Hindu nationalist war cry – and attacking Muslims. This is the muscular brand of Hindu pride and chauvinism that Hindu nationalists have always aspired to.

These tensions have been in the offing.

In May, a Muslim teenager in Leicester had to be hospitalised after an unprovoked attack by a Hindu crowd. In August after India’s win against Pakistan in a cricket match, a Hindu group walked through the streets chanting “Death to Pakistan” before attacking a Sikh man. There were similar reports after a second cricket match between the two countries that India lost. In response, groups of Muslim men have also held protests – in one instance, a man pulled down a flag from outside a Hindu religious centre.

There is, of course, a long history of Hindu nationalist and Conservative Party collaboration in the UK. In the lead-up to the 2016 London mayoral Page ❚◗ 21

CHIEF EDITOR: Farid Ahmed Reza ❚ EDITOR: Shamsul Alam Liton ❚ Managing Director: Md. Emadur Rahman

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