Network of Kindness, Production and Safespace: A Guidebook to Hong Kong's Commons

Network of Kindness, Production & Safespace: A Guidebook To Hong Kong’s Commons

Stephanie Wai Chi Tung 1

Content

1

00 01 02 03 04 05

Foreword Fragmented Fabrics Networks of Commoning Spaces, Structures & Objects The Bottom-Up City: Agents The Bottom-Uo City: Interventions Appendix

p.4 p.5-40 p.41-134 p.135-186 p.187-230 p.231-262 p.263-278

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00

FOREWORD

3

2019 marks a revolutionary year for Hong Kong. With the Chief Executive’s initiation of the extradition bill in responds to a murder case, sparked a mass protest in opposition to the bill as well as outcry for other unfulfilled demands from the Umbrella Movement Protest in 2014 and previous annual demonstrations.

In the mist of protests in 2014 and 2019, a great surge of bottom up initiatives in all sectors have evolved in responds to the incompetency of the government’s top down approaches in responding to reoccurring social, political and economic issues.

The discovery of the growing bottom up activities within Hong Kong prompted my research this summer in 2020. The research led to the production of this guidebook that presents surveys, catalogue and speculative design projects for Hong Kong.

The aim of the Guidebook is to shift and expand our perception and agency of bottom up activities observed through different narratives of people and architectural production in the city. The Guidebook aims to question my agency as a designer amongst these autonomous bottom up networks of people: “Can I use design as a tool to represent these emerging commons, networks and activities in a more visible, permanent and empowering lens? What can I do as a designer to help amplify the culture of bottom up forces through architectural production?” and most importantly, “How could we all join forces to build a hopeful and possible alternative future for the city together?”

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01

Fragmented Fabrics

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Evolution of Settlement Patterns & its Commons 1.1 Village Era - Houses, Farmland, Fishery and Markets 1.2 Industrial Era - Tenement and Factories 1.3 Metropolis Era - Infrastructure & Mega scale Developments 1.4 Modern Era - Capitalism & Reconstructing the Commons

6

Urban Ruins | Key Map | 1:18000

hawker street p.15-16

7

market settlement p.11-12

wah fu estate p.31-34

river mouth soccer pitch p.38 car park building p.37 park reservoir resting area p.40 refuse collection point p.36 oi man estate p.22-30 shared private streets p.19-20 retaining wall slope p.39 water common p.17-18

8

The Evolution of Hong Kong’s Settlement Patterns vs. Form of Publics & Impact on the Common

TIN HAU TEMPLE

PO TUN G RO AD

SA IK

TAK LUNG

FR ON T

STR

TA K

LU NG

BA CK

UN G

YE

E

KU K

ST RE E

T

ST RE ET

EET

ST RE WANG ET

The Villager Era Cluster Village Settlements 1925 | Shui Pin Tsuen

The Industrial & Manufacturing Era Tenement Housing (Tong Lau) & Private Streets 1866 | Bulkeley/ Cooke Street & Whampao Shipyard 9

The Villager

Gentrified Village S 1950 | Sai Kung

Housing Archipel

Public Housing & Public Pod 1970 | Oi Man T

ns

r Era

Settlements g Hui

lagos Era

The Metropolis Era

Projects dium Tsuen

High Rise, Shopping Malls, Civic Infrastructure 1970 | Yuen Long New Town 2010 | YOHO Mall 10

1.1 Village Era | Houses, Farmland, Fishery and Markets Typology:

1) Modern Market Village Settlements | Tai Po Market

History Tai Po started with the Tang Clan in 1892, who lived in the village and started a central market on Fu Shin Street, with direct access to Lam Tsuen River. The village have always depended on the river and adjacent farmland for a living. Then in 1898, it first expanded west and then eastwards in 1916 .As the village expands, shop houses and market streets are kept in the city fabric. Almost each village have their own market street which is still visible today, although parcels are no longer identified as villages. The site is accessible by vehicles in 1899 through the Tai Po Road (highway). Later, the first subway station was located in Tai Po Triangle Park. The parcel that is currently drawn is the latest parcel of the urban fabric of the Tai Po district, which kept the market streets as well as inserted cul-de-sec for loading areas for markets.

Fu Shin Street

Lam Tsuen River

1916 1898

1892 1919

1960 1964

1920 Tai Po Road

Parcel

Car Park 11

+

Pedestrian/ Market Street

=

Market / Pedestrian Streets

Tai Po Market

Traders travel into the Tai Po District and drops off products for the markets and shop owners through Tai Po Road and then into these cul-de-sec.

The vehicular system ends at the cul-de sec. The culde-sec are connected by smaller internal pedestrian streets that leads people to a plaza, surrounded by market streets and storefronts.

12

MOBILE STRUCTURES

The Bottom Up Evolution of Marketplace | Units to Institution

INFROMAL 1850s - 1920s

1950s

Mobile Vendors

Semi Fixed Wooden Stalls Angle Iron Framed Trolley

Influx of migrants of low skills,education and income from rural Mainland China moved in Hong Kong; informal economy through selling goods and crafts became a mean of making a living

Wooden stalls are set up with Sellers without a stall usually umbrellas to designate goods uses a trolley as both device stalls. for moving and selling goods.

1000

1000

700

700

1500

1075

1075

1950-2007

1500

Angle Iron Framed Trolley

Mobile Food Vendors

Different types of knotting and rope attachment also create extra room for storage

Mobile food vendors appeared along side with other mobile hawking businesses by refugees fled from Mainland during economic downturn in the 50s. The variety of good selling from these mobile carts evolved into food, snacks, household goods, clothing, and kitchenware.

1970s - Present

13

5156

2772

2772

5156

2772

2772

5156

Mobile Snack Vendors

Vehicalular Vendors

Other than hot foods, snacks like ice cream bikes, chestnut stalls, traditional sweets vendors have also been circulating in the city until today.

Influenced by British culture, food trucks and bikes are transferred from England as commercial food vendors. One of the most famous example of this typology is the Mister Softee the Ice Cream Truck.

Where music is played wherever it stops to attack customers. Smaller mobile snack bikes are also common mobile stalls around schools and campuses that caters to students.

5

1900s - 2004

Mobile Artisans/ Craftsmen

1900s

1945 - Present

FORMAL 2200

3200

1200

3200

2200

Dai Pai Dong (Licensed Fixed Pitched Stalls)

Wooden unlicensed food stalls first emerged near ferries to provide cheap everyday food such as congee, rice and noodles to the public and passengers. However, without regulations, fires and hygienic hazards eventually demands the government to intervene to regulate.

To exert control and regulation on hawkers, licenses are issued. Registered hawkers can operate cooked food services on a fixed stall.

1975 - Present

FIXED STRUCTURES

Unlicensed Foodstalls

‘Temporary’ Hawker Bazaar With the rising desire of the government to control the hygiene and fire hazard conditions caused by unregulated hawkers, temporary hawker bazaars are created as a typology to relocate hawkers to these complexes managed by the FEDH. However, these structures are cheaply built for “temporal” use, although most of them lasted more than 10 years. Recently, the rise for other types of market spaces, poor maintenance and lack of air conditioner made these spaces less desirable and eventually vacant. The government is also undergoing the stage of either phasing them our and converting these lands into residential developments. The progressively formalization of these informal structures not only destroys the existing informal economy accessible by a broader spectrum of public, but also cut down social ties that vital for community forming.

14

h Stand s

In an ecology of a network, it usually comes with units, clusters of units and networks of units. In this example of the marketplace in Sham Shui Po, it demonstrated the market typology can transform from a small scale like a vendor, to a middle scale like a market street or hawker bazaar, to a large scale like a market building.

Haw ke r

c The Market Ecology | Units, Scales and Networks d Pit

Haw ke r

The replication of such units and formation patterns in different areas forms a network.

15

ar a z a B

M M

S

xe Fi

Ma rk et

ing d l ui B

L L 16

The Water Commons Ecology | Units, Scales and Networks

M a

S

ts

uilding B et rk

L

wk Ha

M

bil Mo e

Bo a

As a trading port, Hong Kong’s water commons known for location for typhoon shelters for boats and ships. As an ecology, it consists of small scale units such as boats, to cluster of boats forming markets and restaurants on water, as well as large scale market buildings.

Boat Types

fishing boat

17

living boat

market boat

cooking boat

transport boat

ke

Stree r‘

M

Flo

Pie

t’

L

M

ry

estauran gR t n i at

elive rD

18

1.2 Industrial Era | Tenement Housing, Factories and Ports Typology: 2) Shared Communal Streets between Tenements History Whampoa used to be a shipyard in 1866 founded

by Douglas Lapraik and Thomas Sutherland during British Colonial period. Its workers are usually found living in single residential lodgings along Wuhu Street. These dwellings are usually 4 to 6 storey old style buildings built of sturdy red bricks. Residents in these buildings includes subcontractors from the shipyard, such as caulking, carpentry, machinery and painting.

Cooke Street was an internal street located adjacent to Wuhu Street, where a lot of tea houses and fixed hawker stalls (dai pai dong) are located.

Cooke Street was popular amongst workers for cheap meals. For example, you can get a dish of stewed pork rice for 40 cents (HKD). Even after work hours, the street is filled with people.

Apprentices usually would rent a bunk bed from their masters located on the ground floor of these dwellings to save money.

Main Roads 19

+

Internal Streets

=

Hung Hom Colonial Street Pattern (1960)

Tea houses are also popular spaces for cheap meals and socializing places. With habitual visits due to affordability and proximity to work and live, friendships between restaurant owners and customers are gradually built, forming tight communities through food and habitual visits.

1964

Dai Pai Dong are hawker stalls, prevalent informal businesses from 1940s to today. However, because of hygiene reasons, hawker licenses are no longer available to register today.

With government regulations, only around 1000 licensed hawker stalls remains today, these informal market street life also greatly decreased today.

20

1.3 Metropolis Era | Infrastructure & Megascale Developments Domestication of public territory with the vernacular Network Typology The layout of how our home is laid out, i.e. private quarters/ rooms connected to a public spine circulating by foot. This habitual and spatial experience is embedded in how we plan our city in Hong Kong. Home creates a sense of familiarity, it is theorized that the way we plan our cities, is also to domesticate “foreign” urban scape into shapes and forms that feels familiar to us as a collective to call home.

In the case of Hong Kong, this network typology is a vernacular typology traceable in different aspects of our urban scape and varying scales.

Room

Street

Building

Estate

Architects in the 60s often toy with the public space design of public housing projects - it is discovered house plan layout city street layout public housing podium that innovative spatial design and promotion of good public spaces were found in most public housing proposals 2D spine in the 60s.

2D spine 3D spine 2D & 3D spine Through my research on the images of public through different narratives of what “public spaces” means in Hong Kong. The contrast to the homogeneous, passive and family oriented public spaces usually provided by the government, there is a strong demand in rethinking what our public infrastructure can provide today, more than an efficient economic system that only meets basic needs. It is also shown that there is a need in re-examining how these multiple narratives of the public could be implemented in our public infrastructures and complexes today.

During the 60s, the public podium of public housing complexes was once a creative heaven for architects to design innovative and visionary ideologies towards new ways of living. The spatial qualities are somewhat influenced by visions of more greenery, family oriented play spaces, healthier communities, idea of “self-sufficient” and mini cities within the city.

I believe with the shifted demands in the public today, how can we translate these multiple and new narratives of public into our public housing demands today? Can these ideas be implemented in an hotel / escapism/ refuge program - these concepts are crucial bases of types of spaces that resonates with the idea of autonomous archetypes, vernacular typology as well as the representation of these ideologies in a design project.

21

Typolology: Public Housing Settlement | Wah Fu Estate (1978)

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Case Study | Wah Fu Estate (1978)

23

24

Units | Footbridges & Platforms

25

Units | Sports Courts

26

Units | Community Buildings & Marketplace

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Units | Car Parking Structures

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Units | Greenery & Leisure

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30

Oi Man Estate (1970) 1.3 Metropolis Era | Infrastructure & Megascale Developments Typology: Public Housing Settlement | Oi Man Estate (1970) The public domain became an important social infrastructure for the residents of public housing estates. Public housing were first built after a fire in squatter settlements in Shek Kip Mei ().It not only give residents a new order and hygienic way of living in a densely populated city, it also creates Population Capacity Site Areaarea for residents to play, a protected eat and 21 Acre socialize.

46,000

17,000 (2020)

The public podium became a1 acre ground for design innovation as a typology1 by architects during the acre x2190 50s and 60s.

1

Oi Man Estate (1970)

Building Coverage

Site Capacity

2.7 Acre (13.4%)

2190 persons/ acre 880 persons/ acre (2020) Population Capacity

Site Area

21 Acre

2

46,000 17,000 (2020) 1 acre

Public Programming 1 acre

x2190

5

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

31

Outdoor Court Area Courtyard 1 Courtyard 2 3-storey Underground Car Park Food Stall Market Shed Mall Elder’s Club Residential Podium

1

Area

Outdoor Court Area Courtyard 1 Courtyard 2 BuildingUnderground Coverage Capacity 3-storey CarSite Park 2.7 Acre 2190 persons/ acre Food Stall (13.4%) 880 persons/ acre (2020) Market Shed Mall Elder’s Club Public Programming Area Residential Podium

1

6

7 6

5

2 4 3

8 7

Oi Man Estate (1970) 9

Population Capacity

Site Area

21 Acre

46,000 17,000 (2020) 1 acre 1 acre

Building Coverage

2.7 Acre (13.4%)

x2190

Site Capacity

2190 persons/ acre 880 persons/ acre (2020)

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Case Study | Oi Man Estate (1970)

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1.4 Metropolis Era | Top-Down Patchworks

Top-Down Approaches in Public Space Making Infrastructure is one of the major urban definer of the urban landscape of Hong Kong. Often, infrastructural need is placed in front of public or social spaces for the people. Only until recently, the idea of beautifying infrastructural spaces became a strategy of the government to fulfill demands for needs of public spaces. The most common tactic is the dual use of infrastructural space, transforming leftover spaces such as rooftop, under flyovers, bridge typologies and mountain landscapes as sites for public amenities. Yet, these spaces are learn to be not to be designed for people, since they are often found in unaccessible, remote and disconnected leftover spaces.

35

Case Study 01: Peace Avenue Playground & Refuse Collection Point | 1:1000 Refuse Collection Station Rooftop as Basketball Court, Ground Floor Public Bathroom and Resting Area

36

Case Study 02: Yau Ma Tei Carpark Building | 1:1000 Building Complex with carpark, public library and refuse station by-passed by a highway

37

Case Study 03: Shing Mun River Mouth / Tai Wai Soccer Pitch | 1:1000 A bridge-like structure is built on top of an existing artificial river bank as a basketball court.

38

Case Study 04: Wan Chai Retaining Wall Slope | 1:2000 Stairs and small park pocket spaces are introduced on to an artificial mountain stabilizing structure / slope.

39

Case Study 05: Kowloon Tsai Park Reservoir Resting Area The roof of a mountain resevior is used as green space.

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02 Networks of Commoning

41

In search of Commons 2.1 Memory-Based 2.2 Narrative-Oriented

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Fragmented Commons | Key Map | 1:18000

waste picker p.65-68 estate podium: floor is lava p.51 food angel p.70-73 homeless: public living room p.69-70 western district public cargo area p.131-132

43

farmer’s markets p.61-62 tai po bike path p.46

artificial hill p.48 wind fence p.47 #choihungestate p.133-134 the infraordinary p.99-114

laundromats p.75-98

#lokwahestate p.129-130

victoria park: urban oasis p.50 central pier farmer’s market p.63-64

44

2.1 Fragmented Commons | Memory-Based Fragments

“

One of my favorite memories of Hong Kong was during the summer of 2015. I was there for my first internship experience and it was my first time traveling abroad on my own. At the time, I lived with a family friend in a small apartment in the Chi Fu Fa Yuen housing complex in Pok Fu Lam. The apartment was very tiny (probably less than 200sqft) but it had a nice view of tree covered mountain tops on one side and a view that overlooked the Kennedy Town area down below on the other.

It was nice coming home to it, away from the loud and busy street life in Wanchai where I worked. It was located about a 10 minute steep and curvy minibus ride from the Kennedy subway station at the bottom of the mountain. One day after work I stayed out very late with friends. I soon realized that I had missed the last mini bus that takes me up the mountain when I got out of the subway station. My phone had died and I didn’t have any cash for a cab. I walked towards the nearest bank to try the atm, only to realize that all the machines were down. I started to panic. The only thing open was the 7eleven by the subway station so I walked towards it and began pacing back and forth in front of it. A group of what seemed like university students walked by and asked if I was okay. I told them my situation and they offered to pay and share a cab with me as they were headed in the same direction. Knowing that I didn’t have much choice, I decided to trust them. We laughed and talked about my time in Hong Kong so far during the cab ride up. I don’t know their names but I was able to get home safely that night thanks to them.

”

- Anne Kwan, Worked n HK for 1 year, Path between Work and Home

45

“

Retracing my memory back when I was in primary school (2000- 2005) in Tai Po New Market, most of my entertainment taken place in the outdoor playground, entertainment including basketball, Jianzi, and soccer. That’s because most of the entertainment in Hong Kong costs money. Usually these public playgrounds/ basketball court are located right next to a public school that is open to everyone (not gated). The organization of these public playground space consist of public washroom (very dirty and smelly because of the hot climate and the lack of maintenance), vending machine (with many selection of drinks), benches with trees nearby as a shading technique, one or two biker that bikes around selling cold drinks (larger # of liter) and froshies. Because there were only a few of these playgrounds in the neighborhood I live, it takes about 15 mins to get there. Majority of the time of the journey getting there is shaded by huge trees that prob have been growing for 20-30 years. In terms of the structure of the path, first half of the commute takes place along on a path shared by pedestrian and bikers, whereas second half there is a clear division with a metal railing: asphalt for walking, red/ green colored asphalt for bikers. One interesting aspect about the walk to the playground is the number of pedestrian tunnels, there are about 3, I remember this very clearly because I would enjoy the breeze when walking inside the tunnel every-time when I walk back home from the playground under the fucking sun, the tunnel have one of those urban wind tunnel effect, is so nice. Also the tunnels helps to shelter me every-time when this little dumbass forgot to bring umbrella outside and is pouring crazy.

�

- Andrew Lee, Worked n HK for 6 year, Path between School and Home

46

“

When I was younger, I always have swimming classes in the summer as pass time. Since there is a school located next to my apartment building, I would always walk up this slope to reach the pool. Along this path, I would always like to put my face in front of the fence. As they are perforated, wind would always go through them and create a cool breeze for the hot summer day. The fence appearance changes when its related property changes. On the portion close to my estate, Filipino maids will always been sitting on the ledge, either after walking the dogs, waiting for their kids to get dropped off from school bus or just chatting with their friends before going home.

�

- Stephanie Tung, Lived in HK for 26 years, Childhood Memory

47

“

During my internship period in Hong Kong in 2017, hiking became one of the memorable pass times during my weekends. After studying architecture and my hobby with photography, I love taking my camera to go explore the cityscapes.

Every weekend, me and my mom would pick a spot to go hike and take photos of.

This hike was one of those first hikes I found out online. This trail is located in an old industrial district, the path started from a small alley path beside Mei Ho Estate (an old public housing that recently got renovated). The hike started with a flight of general slope and then several steep steps. With the hot and humid climate in Hong Kong, I would pause once in a while, take a break and look back to see how far I have walked up. Because I am scared of heights, The first glance backwards was scary. After 15 mins of hiking up the stairs, I was finally at the top. While i was still gasping for air after those steep stairs, a wild dog came running and barking towards me. Luckily, some workers who were taking out weed on the viewing platform stopped the dog’s charge towards me, or else I would have been bitten.

Slowly, I walked towards the perimeter of the platform. The path is rather rugged and finally I see what i was looking for - the horizon of Kowloon.

”

- Stephanie Tung, Lived in HK for 26 years, Landscape

48

“

There’s a cycling path around my home where I have passed through numerous times since I lived in Tseung Kwan O in 1999. When I was a kid, I liked to walked along that path to the public library in Po Lam 20 mins away. Sometimes we would lie to our parents and play football in the playground instead of going to the library. When I got older, I met my best friend from high school who live in Po Lam. During our preparation for the A Level Exams, we often met at the mid point from our homes where a large banyan was erected. Our call it our “old place” (老地方).

The large banyan tree fell down during a very strong typhoon a few years ago (I think it’s 山竹in 2017). A thinner, younger tree was planted, and it’s still our old place.

”

- Pauline Fong, Lived in HK for 26 years, Childhood Memory

49

“

I had a hard time picking a space that is truly public because almost all the most memorable public spaces I could think of are all privately owned. Victoria Park is like the Central Park for Hong Kong to me. As someone who grew up in the New Territories I don’t think I’ve really appreciated this park until the year I had my first full time job in Tin Hau. Victoria park was like a portal. I would use it as a shortcut and walk through the park from Tin Hau to Causeway Bay afterwork, I would also have to walk through the park by the roller skating rink to the bus station.

On winter days my friend and I would bring our lunches out to the green fields facing the public library, sit on sheets of discarded big drawings from the office and watch as people do yoga and throw frisbee. At that moment I didn’t feel like I was in Hong Kong. I didn’t know lunch time could be like this in a city so dense and busy. It was a nice breather from a busy and long working day. We were surrounded by a layer of trees and the layer behind were tall skyscrapers.

Victoria Park is also the place where the biggest protests and marches begin.

People gather here multiple times every year in solidarity with each other. During Chinese New Year the park becomes a big market. Everyone remembers this park differently as it can be many things whether it is an outdoor gym, a gathering space or a landmark and I hope it stays this way, an ever changing urban oasis for everyone in our city.

”

- Chloe Lui, Lived in HK for 26 years, Work Breather 50

“

Me and my brother used to play floor is lava on the podium level of our estate in Mei Foo. We would avoid the red tiles to prevent stepping into “lava” zone. That was a great pass time with my brother when we were young.

”

- Vivian Lui, Lived in Hong Kong for 26 years, Imaginary Playscape

Floor is Lava!

51

“

There is a platform outside of my unit in Chun Seen Mei Chuen. It used to be an empty spot where me and my neighbors used to hang out. We would bring out our toys and tables to play there during primary school years. In October, we would also bring our lanterns and candles there to celebrate mid-autumn festival.

However, recently, a life was placed there and now kids or neighbors no longer hang out there.

�

- Gigi Yip, Lived in Hong Kong for 26 years, Childhood Playogrund 52

2.2 Fragmented Commons | Narrative Driven

Narrative: THE SURVIVAL Public as #Resources

53

Narratives | Urban Nomads 01 02 03 04

Farmers WastePickers/ Recyclers Homeless Mobile Crafter, Mobile Objects and Placemakers

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Urban Nomad 01 | Farmers Data Collected from Esri (Hong Kong) GIS

55

2018

4.8% Hong Kong Landuse is Agricultural Land = 50 kmsq =5000 ha 2016

Area of active agriculture land: 698 ha, i.e. 0.14% 56

57

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Urban Nomad 01 | Farmers Case Study 01 | Lok Tin Organic Farmers Local Farmers selling produce in the Central Pier Sunday Market

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Urban Nomad 01 | Farmers Architectural Footprint | Car Park / Pop-Up Market Typolology: Time-Based Temporal Programs/ Space Sharing Case Study 01 | Tai Po Market | 1:200

The car park space is turned into a temporal Wednesday and Sunday Market for local farmers.

61

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Urban Nomad 01 | Farmers Architectural Footprint | Pier / Pop-up Market Typology: Time-Based Temporal Programs/ Space Sharing 2006 Case Study 01 | Pier/ Market | Central Ferry Pier Sunday Market | 1:200

Decommissioned piers are transformed into museums/ gallery space

Pier no. 7,8 in Central were built to replace the 3rd generation Edinburgh Place Ferry Pier. The architecture resembles the second generation pier.

Since these piers are located at the waterfront, the government imagined these piers to also be public landmarks. These structures have two levels, the bottom level is usually used as boarding and waiting area for ferries. While the top levels are used as public viewing decks and restaurants with a harbor view.

On a normal day, the building is left unused.

Although these piers are often vital transportation tools for connecting people from new territories and islands to central urban core, these piers, especially the second level, are often underused during non-office hours.

Sunday Markets are temporal market stalls selling local farmer produces

1890

63

The Star Ferry Pier started off as a temporary shed for loading people on and off ferries to travel between Kowloon and Hong Kong Island.

1912

1957 The third generation pier, Edinburgh Pier, was decommissioned in 2006.

1:200

The idea of weekend markets started from 2000s with the influence of London retail markets. In 2013, the Hong Kong Cultural Center launched “Creative Market in Partnership� for creative talents to showcase their work. After Occupy Central Movement in 2015, bottom-up initiatives in support of local agriculture, crafts and conservation of culture became a popular theme within the city. These Sunday Market therefore became on of the popular means to show support to local agriculture, farmers and produces.

64

Urban Nomad 02 | Street Recyclers Data Collected from WastePicker (NGO) Statistics 20-39 0% >90 3% Male 20%

30-39 2%

80-89 14%

Female 80%

50-59 15% Lives Alone 64%

70-79 26%

60-69 39%

Gender

Age

According to surveys from NGO WastePickers, 505 Nomad Recyclers were interviewed and 80% are female; 20% are male.

Majority of Nomad recyclers are elders with age around 60-69 years old.

Home Condition of Elders

25.8%

58

24.5%

26.0% 64.0% 23.0%

Income

Reasons for being a nomad recycler

64% of nomad recyclers work to make additional income to their minimum wage.

Other reasons includes: income for survival (24.5%); Extra cirricular (23%); To keep oneself active (26%); Support environmental purposes (25.8%); Others (7.5%)

Community Recycling Centre Points

45 65

Amongst the elders, 64% of them lives alone.

Yuen Long 7.5%

Approximately 60% of these nomad recyclers are classified as low-income personels, i.e. monthly income of $1000 CAD

Lives With family 36%

Number of Waste Pickers Surveyed

Sheung Shui

45

Tai Po

94

Kwai Chung

64

Sham Shui Po

70

To Kwa Wan

Yau Ma Tei

162

Kwun Tong

94

87

North Point Central West District

71

Wan Chai

57

10

66

Urban Nomad 02 | Street Recyclers Case Study 01: Che Fong Street

3

9:00am - 10:30 am

1

Bringing the recycling to the recycling collection point with trolley

6:00 am, 3:004:00pm

Arrival at pick-up locations and collect items from stores

These pick-up locations are usually within a 15min. radius from local recycling collection points

Nomad Recyclers are often found near wet-markets. supermarkets, drugstores and fruit stalls

3

1 2

6:30 am-9:00am

Sort out collected items (Typically takes 2-3 hours) 2

67

Average Working Hours 4

10:30 am - 11:00am

Arrival at pick-up locations and collect items from stores

Waste Pickers usually do multiple rounds a day.

Typically one round takes about

These local recycling collection points will then pay nomad recyclers the recyclable items by weight.

4

Often, a 3x4m open space adjacent to these pick-up locations are needed for nomad recyclers to organize and disassemble collected items, e.g. cardboard box, styrofoam

Using cardboard recycling as an example, it is typically $0.3-$1 HKD/lb., i.e. $0.18 CAD/lb.

68

Urban Nomad 03 | Homeless People | 1:6200

69

Through the lens of a homeless person, the public domain became their living room. In order to survive on the streets, it is essential to domesticate the public domain in order to satisfy their basic needs, i.e. eat, sleep, work and bathing.

Viewing Sham Shui Po as an example, with one of the hightest numbers of homeless people amongst 18 districts. One can see the network archetype that is dictated by time (travel distance), availability and necessity. While the location of nodes might shift as those mentioned variables shift, but the overall archetype remains a nomadic network.

70

Urban Nomad 03 | Homeless People | 1:6200 Food Banks & its social value Typology: Supporter/ Complementation Case Study: Food Angel Food Bank

Summer months are low on food donations, because schools closes (less donation from schools); vegetables or fresh produce turn bad easily in summer (need more food storage) 4/F | Food Processing Factory

11/F | Kitchen

1/F | Floor Museum 2/F | Administration Office 3/F | Community Center

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Narrative: THE LOCALS Public as #Extension of Home #Everyday

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Narratives | The InfraOrdinary 01 02 03 04

Laundromats: Extension of Home Kowloon City: Vendors & Domestication the Streets Sai Kung: Village & Modernization of the Streets Western District Public Cargo Working Area: Instagram Pier

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Networks of Commoning 01 | Utilities as Public Typology: Activator / Gateway

The concept of LAUNDROMATS in HONG KONG The manifestation of a certain space represents a hidden social condition/ demand/ need within the city. Despite the space is a small amenity popping up on narrow streets. Viewing these fragmented spaces in sum at the level of the city, it combined footprint of these laundromats, the network reveals not only the geographic locations of lower income housing, but also hidden networks of informal leftover/ underused public spaces.

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South China Morning Post Excerpt

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Laundromat spatial archetype

internal street

main street

utility alley

Always located in internal streets (less cars, more pedestrian, quite); some times dead-ended streets

Adjacent to communal (parks, sitting out area) & residential program (complementary to waiting area)

G/F G/F ENTRY ENTRY

utility utility alleyalley

Usually located next to/ in close proximity to an alley (utility corridor)

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Ground Floor Access

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Scale Comparison

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Architectural Footprint of laundromats = 82600 sqm

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= Olympic sized pools

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Laundromat Sketches

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17 21 Lok Shan Road

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Dead-ended streets are open ground opportunities to be appropriated for other functions, in this scenario, a car-park space for the residential complex in the North is made.

These laundromats are located in an internal street that is sandwitching a street converted into car park spaces for the residential complex in the North.

Laundromats are also located next to stair cores, which is also where the utility cores of residential complexes above are connected to.

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Laundromats are the type of programs that activates the public extent of the street.

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Cross Ln.

This leftover space sandwiched between a building and a slope was used as a sitting out area. Often resting spot for morning runners, elders that visits the park, or nearby residents.

Laundromats are the type of programs that activates the public extent of the street.

Laundromats are also found in dead-ended streets. For this case, the street ended with an entrance to Wan Chai Park and a seating area.

A Refuse Center with Washroom on the 2F is located near a laundromat.

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Laundromats are always located on an internal street, adjacent to an alleyway (close access to utility core of the street)

Adjacent to the laundromat, a lot of communal / noncommercial buildings are often found. For example, this building is a church complex

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Potential Ideas Laundromats represents two potential typology to activate spaces as commons: 1) activator; 2) gateway

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Networks of Commoning 02 | Domesticating the Publics Typology: Territory Extension Case Study | Kowloon City: Walk, Observe, & Map

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3.2 Material Lookbook Case Study | Kowloon City

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Networks of Commoning 03 | Sai Kung: Village & Modernization of the Streets Typology: Territory Extension Case Study | Sai Kung

TIN HAU TEMPLE

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Case Study | Sai Kung

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Narrative: THE TOURISTS Public as #Frame #Landmark #Refuge #Escape

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One-Day Tourist 01 Lok Wah South Estate 02 Western District Public Cargo Working Area 03 Choi Hong Estate

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Networks of Commoning 04 | One Day Tourist Typology: Frames Case Study | Lok Wah South Estate

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Networks of Commoning 04 | One Day Tourist Typology: Landmarks Case Study | Western District Public Cargo Working Area

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Networks of Commoning 04 | One Day Tourist Typology: Landmarks Case Study | Choi Hung Estate

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03 Space, Structures & Objects

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Architectural Manifestation 3.1 Architypes of Hong Kong 3.2 Material Palettes

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3.1 Archetypes of Hong Kong

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UNITS

SOLID

PLANES

Kit of Parts: Elements that made up the fabric Upon an exercise of sketching and categorizing, this chapter aims to both distill primary elements as well as extract unique architectural expression that represents both generic and specific identity of Hong Kong.

Based on photo analysis, Hong Kong’s urban fabric is made of 4 generic types: Planes, Solids, Units and Frames. The middle showcases selected buildings as-found that are mostly agglomerations using these basic elements.

The elements below showcases the variations of combinations.

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3.1 Archetypes of Hong Kong | Elements in the City The following pages showcases a specific typology of urban elements found in Hong Kong. Images on the right showcases as-found object examples that represents the type. The sketches on the left showcases elements of personal interest that characterizes Hong Kong’s identity.

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3.3 Material Case Studies Case Study | Public Housing

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3.3 Material Case Studies Case Study | 8 Ring Street & 13 Street, Hung Hum & To Kwa Wan

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3.3 Material Case Studies Case Study | Yuen Long

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3.3 Material Case Studies Case Study | Peng Chau (Island)

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04 Intervention: Agents

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Agents 4.1 Network of Kindness

4.1.1 Jeff Rotmeyer, Founder & CEO, ImpactHK (Charity for the Homeless)

4.1.2 Food Angel, Food Bank

4.2 Network of Production

4.2.1 Angela, Partner at the Coffee Terrace

4.2.2 Rhoda Chu, Volunteer Farmer at Lok Tin Organic Farm

4.3 Network of Safespace

4.3.1 Wong Tin Yan, Kwai Tsing District Councilor 4.3.2 Clara Wong, Happy Valley District Councilor

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4.1 Network of Kindness: Communal Infrastructures

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Interviewee: Jeff Rotmeyer, Founder & CEO, ImpactHK The Homeless has always been an unsolved social issue that exists in Hong Kong. ImpactHK is one of charities that focuses on a holistic aid for the homeless, including kindness walks, regular visits with food, rehabilitation program for the willing to get back on their feet, community, job opportunities and eventually a comfortable home.

Unlike the remote and impersonal strategies employed by the government, which usually results in limited monetary aids, these strategy often do not resolve the root problem of homelessness, i.e. a sense of hope during one’s most hopeless moments in life. The reason for being homeless can be vast, such as economic difficulties, mental illness, and even recently political tensions that forces families to break up, pushing some younger people to the streets.

Food Angel

Charity Food Bank

Interviewee: Food Angel, Food Bank

Food Angel is a food rescue and food assistance program launched in 2011. The program rescues edible surplus food from different sectors of the food industry that would otherwise be disposed of as waste. The organization also provides nutritious hot meals from the central kitchen to serve the underprivileged communities in Hong Kong.

Jeff Rotmeyer

Founder + CEO of ImpactHK (Charity for the Homeless)

Waste Picker Platform NGO

Interviewee: Waste Picker Platform, NGO

Waste Picker Platform is an NGO that advocates for better rights for street waste pickers, such as better pay, fighting for dignified working spaces, etc.

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Interview: Food Angel (Food Bank)

ST:

I am reaching out because I have went through your website and have a basic understanding of how the organization operates and would like to know more about specific information that could potentially tie to a discussion with architecture and my subject of research. Can you tell me more about Food Angel?

FA:

We are a NGO providing food rescue and food assistance services to the needy in Hong Kong.

We rent spaces in factories for 1 food station for processing rescued food, 2 hot kitchens for preparing hot meals, and 1 food factory for preparing cook-chill ST: meals. We rent spaces in a residential building for our office, education center and community center for serving meals to the needy. This is basically how our operation works.

ST: FA:

ST:

FA:

ST:

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FA:

Are there spatial restrictions in which limits your size of operation?

FA: The spatial restrictions of our kitchens and food station do confine how many meal boxes and how many volunteers we can cater in a certain period of time. The size of the community centre also determines how many beneficiaries we can enroll in our meal service as they enjoy dine-in service each meal.

For the current building locations you have right now with Food Angel, can you explain more about how you choose these site locations to put the kitchen/ food processing progress, etc.? Is it mostly finding industrial buildings because of the space and location based on the higher population of people in need in the district, e.g. sham shui po?

We chose the location as they are available to be rented.

ST:

I am also wondering do you set up mobile stations to hand out meals? or people usually visit these buildings to do so?

FA:

We work with our charity partners to distribute meals as well.

Did the organization though of collaborating with local farmers or other collaborators (if applicable) to ST: raise awareness or extend the people you are able to help?

Engaging local farmers is not our primary objective as an organization rescuing surplus food and offering FA: food assistance to the needy. We normally work with food industry such as supermarket, wet markets, restaurants, hotels, food processing companies and food manufacturers, to rescue surplus food daily.

We also work with schools to raise awareness of importance of cherishing food and caring for the community.

If there are restriction, are there any services (on top of current ones) your organization would like to expand/ target “clients� you want to help but is not possible that could be done by adding any architectural input? (e.g. more kitchens to process food, or a need for bigger classrooms for more training/ cooking studios/ workshops for your organization;)

We would like to use appropriate channels to reach to the underprivileged locally with food safety concerns in mind. We currently reach out to beneficiaries living further away in smaller towns in the New Territories with our new meal product- the cook-chill meal, which is an addition to our usual hot meal services provided. We also have our own logistics team to distribute the prepared meals to various charity partners to reach to their beneficiaries.

How do people usually know there are meals available? Online promotion? Are there any street vendor type of stall to reach more people in other districts? Or mostly based on Online registration?

We put up notices around the neighborhood, and we work with local NGOs in recruiting members.

Interview: ImpactHK (Charity for the Homeless)

ST:

Can you briefly introduce yourself and how ImpactHK ST: and Guestroom were started?

Is there a different in where the homeless individual would be found, based on gender?

JR:

My name is Jeff Rotmeyer, I am the founder and JR: CEO of Impact HK, which is a charity working with the homeless in Hong Kong. As a charity, we started with the aim of showing kindness to the homeless.

It resulted in learning more and adapting, and understanding how important friendship, community ST: and connection is, in terms of getting individuals off the streets. The best chance for helping them getting a better and happier future. Since then, we have had 6000 volunteers and helped over 200 individuals to the shelter in the last 2 years. As a homeless charity, we checked every single box that a homeless individual need. We provide housing, serve JR: 6000 meals a week outside on the streets. We also employ the homeless in our own social enterprise.

We are counseling individuals we help off the streets.

They have a holistic program includes counseling, mentorship, sport classes, art, community events, etc. We are getting stronger in our rehabilitation work and education sector, empowering the youth. We are also aiming to create more jobs that are helping themselves, as well as helping Hong Kong.

Any homeless females are extremely vulnerable outside. For obvious reasons like more vulnerable to violence, mental illness, etc.

ST:

How long has your organization been established for?

JR:

We are officially been a charity for 3.5 years.

ST:

The network you mentioned above was quite an accomplishment within 3.5 years. Have you collaborated with other NGOs or charities in implementing all these services for the homeless?

JR:

We did it step-by-step within the organization of ImpactHK. We are a comprehensive homeless charity.

ST:

Based on your interactions with the homeless, where are the usual places/ common daily routines that the homeless go or do in Hong Kong? E.g. for shelter, sleep, storage, washroom, food, work, etc.

JR:

There are some homeless individuals that want to be found and seen, so they can get support and feel safer. There are other homeless individuals that want hide. Most common areas for those wanted to be seen will be parks, tunnels, footbridges, benches, Mcdonalds. Individuals that want to hide would be in parking lots, stairwells, rooftops, public toilets. For Mcdonalds, its mostly for safety.

Based on your interaction with the homeless, what is the most difficult thing for them to experienced living on the street that could be alleviated by some sort of physical space/ design aid in the public space? E.g. shower stations, privacy & sense of safety during the night while sleeping on the streets, etc.

When I think of the homeless to me personally, first, it is unacceptable to sleep outside. Everyone that wants to sleep inside should be given an opportunity.

We need to understand that we cannot force the individuals to accept an offer just because we are offering it. We also have to understand no matter what you provide, like shower, food, etc. for anybody on the street, that is not going to be the secret ingredient to keep people off the streets. There are two things to consider for such intentions. Is the ultimate goal is to keep them comfortable, safe and alive on the streets or to keep them off the streets?

As a charity, we try to do both. In terms of shower stations, there are public showers in private stalls in Hong Kong. They are not glamorous in any way, the locker systems are sometimes malfunctioning.

Although the showers provide hot water, how are you going to shower without a clean town or soap? If you made the design of the shower stations to have easy access, safe and clean showers, that would make a big difference. Because personal hygiene and vanity really helps build one’s confidence.

In terms of food, we provide a hard boiled egg, bananas and water. Those are the 3 items we always do, just in case they do not need it now and would like to save it for later.

The goal for us is to earn trust from people on the streets. The trust is built by going multiple times a day or week or month, get to know people. When they get to know you as a friend and understand what you are doing just because you care, then we take a step to get them off the streets. That’s our thought process.

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ST:

Based on your experience, what is the most difficult thing a homeless person has to go through living on the streets?

ST:

How does the process work once the individual decided to part take in their rehabilitation program?

JR:

Total hopelessness. I got hope for the future and I have thoughts and things I want to accomplish in my life and I know I can if I work hard and keep going. People on the streets have gotten to a point where they see absolutely no way forward. That’s the devastating thought. Hard boiled eggs and bananas don’t solve that, to give someone hope, hope comes from your heart.

JR:

We start with providing them shelter with 2 weeks.

After then, they have to check in with us daily. We have food support for them daily which make sense for them to check-in with us daily. Realistically, it is 5 times a week, since they might not make it all the time. If they are engaged and getting to know us, we will be able to learn more about them and know what to help them with.

ST:

How does your charity acquire housing for these homeless people? Is there a system, connections or what is your strategy?

ST:

I saw articles mentioning your painting company venture. Can you talk more about what its mission is and its relationship to ImpactHK? Was it thought to be an extension to the goal of providing the homeless with job opportunities?

JR:

We are getting small hotels in guest facilities. We transition individuals to co-living apartments or JR: private apartments. We are a young charity, we do not have our own shelter yet. With COVID-19 going on, there are a lot of hotel space.

ST:

Are you partnering up with other NGOs to acquire these co-living/ private apartments or it is mostly your own efforts?

JR:

It is mostly our own organization’s efforts but we do partner up with NGOs, who is renting us a shelter.

We are not a government funded charity, we do have good support and charity partners. For housing part, it is really just guesthouses at this time. Saint James Settlements are one of the partners that presented us with hostel support that we have to pay for. There is the Charatis Group that provides hostel. Saint James Settlements is the biggest homeless shelter in Hong Kong. We have a 160 people sheltered (at Saint James Settlements) tonight.

ST:

Are these shelters a temporary or long term accommodation for the homeless?

JR:

We do not have an end date. There is no end date to a ST: friendship. We are really focused on the community, connections and friendship. We don’t put an end date the stay with us, it could be indefinitely. As JR: long as they are engaged in our community, active and progressively thinking what’s next. We are not interested in housing individuals who are comfortable with just staying in pain. We wanted them to move forward and take opportunities to themselves.

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We want to create more jobs. The painting company transform spaces from old to new, the idea is reflective of the work we would like the hired individuals to do themselves, the transformation. It also give them an opportunity to work and helping out at old-folk homes, renewing spaces. A lot of individuals that got off from the streets enjoys physical rewarding work. I like that type of work as well, the reason of us coming up with job creation ideas and not just settling with one - like our clothing and coffee shop for example, is already financially sustainable themselves. I am sure they would be more so after COVID - However, not every person got off from the streets would want to go into retail work. Our goal as a charity provide opportunities that provides hope, that gives individuals hope.

By doing so, they would have an opportunity to do something they like to do. So we have got a coffee shop, a painting company, we are also opening up a kitchen, and the Guestroom. At the Guestroom, it is where an individual are employed and their job is to help others. Serving food, taking care of people, the homeless, the elders, etc.

Were the job types catering existing skill that you found or general direction what you would like to provide as a service representing the charity?

Honestly, I have not looked into specific skills of each person. The work that our charity provides are easyfitting job positions. With the kitchen, there are a lot of chefs on the streets. Since COVID, a lot of restaurants have gone down, restaurants hit the hardest. Most of the people on the streets have some degree of mental illness and pain. These are individuals that also do not have the opportunity to become part of a family setting or environment. These individuals are

JR:

not going to get a suit and work at Central. They want ST: to work on something meaningful.

Does the interior designs of these shops also reflect the concept of the store or you are going more for a very simple/basic look?

ST:

Is there a particular type of people that are on an increase in terms of becoming homeless?

JR:

My friends are artists and they did an incredible job for our interiors.

JR:

It is getting younger for sure. The event happened last year (protest in 2019). In average, we usually find male who are in their 60s and recently we have helped some younger kids at 22 or 24. It was quite shocking.

ST:

How do you see the future for this organization? Will you be expanding the network of the charity through more small ventures as mentioned? Or will you be focusing on acquiring shelters.

JR:

We will be opening a lot of shops and social enterprise. In terms of rehabilitation, we are going to create a revolutionary rehabilitation center in Hong Kong. Also, we would like to expand our reach of the education wing of our charity – making sure the youth understands the importance of helping people in need. We will keep going. Long way to go but it is clear what we need to do.

ST:

Do you mind telling me more about the names of the ventures you mentioned?

JR:

The coffee shop is called 1ofaKIND. We have a Facebook. The name explains my logic in terms of I said earlier referring to each one of us are one of a kind that has different skills, needs, passions, talents.

There is also a second hand clothing shop inside the coffee shop. It is a good name that reflects the ST: concept.

The painting company will be named the second coat.

The kitchen will be called My Kind of CafĂŠ.

ST:

Is there a sort of marketing direction in place for these ventures, similar to the retails or does it have a different approach?

JR:

The companies sells itself. It sells extremely lowcost things. Our second hand clothing shop sells retail samples and second hand clothing. 70% of the clothing in the company are brand new sample clothing from a company called Kiabby. They give us their samples instead of throwing it away, we also get nice donations of clothing. We also sell it at a cheap price. Our kid’s clothing is at $20HKD for kids clothing and $40HKD for adult clothing. Our coffee are sold by donation. We sell black coffee, oatmeal, very simple items. We have our own coffee now, which we rebranded a Columbian/Brazilian coffee brand. Those are great coffee and sustainable.

Where do the source of volunteers or demographic of volunteers for this type of work?

JR:

Most volunteers are at their 20s or 30s. There is a real mix and a nice volunteer exercise for all ages.

ST:

The organization structure similar to a network infrastructure that you are trying to build, would you see that the network could be more robustly built with collaboration with the government? Or you prefer it to remain as a non-institutional venture?

JR:

I am not a big fan of the government and quite franking would like working without government.

However, I do realize to have the biggest impact for the society and the homeless, the ideal situation would be to able to work with the government hand in hand. I hope it gets to that stage some time.

However, at this moment I do not think that we are in the position to have a fruitful collaboration with the government on this homelessness issue.

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Interview: Waste Picker Platform (NGO) 拾平台

ST:

ST:

If you organization has interviewed more cardboard pickers and mapped out their territories/ usual routes to the collection points? (if not, do you have any information of the routine routes verbally or in text that I could refer to, so I can map it out?)

TWK:

In 2018, we approached approximately 800 TWK: waste pickers. We send volunteers to station at recycling points and invite them to answer some questionnaires. They usually pick spots with a lot of cardboard boxes or recyclable items, like markets, medicine stores, supermarkets, fruit stalls, etc., or routes locating close to (a walkable distance) to recycling collection points. After collection, they would find an open space on the street to sort their collected items and flatten them. This process of disassembling boxes or sorting process takes 3-4 hours. The flattened cardboards will then be wheeled to recycling points. The maximum distance between the item collection point and the recycling point is ST: usually no longer than a 15 min. walk.

ST:

For your organization, who classify as waste pickers?

Is it just cardboard pickers or who else are you looking into?

TWK:

We classify our study of “waste pickers” by defining them as persons that are collecting cardboard on TWK: the streets for a long period of time, i.e. 5.5 hours in average. We do not include those that brought down their cardboard or recycling items from their residence estates. We also include street cleaners who occasionally collects cardboard boxes after their full-time position or during off-hours, since they usually collect a greater amount of cardboards.

ST:

TWK:

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How do these waste pickers tie to bigger networks as a productive actor? (e.g. cardboard pickers are the ST: front line for recycling industry in Hong Kong, which also helps recycling firms to effectively collect these TWK: cardboards, more effective i believe than mobile collection stations? or is not?)

Usually waste pickers only makes connections with local recycling points (instead of government organizations or bigger recycling companies/ commercial recycling companies), as since they are mostly “freelancers” and do not get “picked up” as essential workers / frontlines that works for big recycling companies, they do not have government support in terms of rights or benefits working in the industry. However, they are essential to local recycling networks, which are often smaller local operations that service the neighborhoods.

When i was looking up FEDH refuse stations, as mentioned in the video link, there are 700 official ones, and when i research, there are privately owned ones; are there a specific type of point that these waste pickers usually go to and why?

Waste pickers do not go to FEDH refuse stations, since these recyclable goods that are left in these refuse stations are usually picked up by government funded staffs for their own side-income. However, waste pickers might communicate with malls or residential estates for cardboard boxes or recyclable paper items. However, it is less accessible now as these private entities often hire contractors to pick up these recyclables for bigger companies. Therefore, the only source for waste pickers now are usually along the streets, construction sites or with small businesses within the neighborhood.

Do these waste pickers have routine pick up points (how long do they usually keep this routine if so, e.g. a month and then switch to somewhere else); what determines where the waste picker choose to pick up their cardboard? (e.g. 20 min radius from refuse stations, or any specific geographical/ time-based/ personal preference, etc.)

Waste pickers usually identified specific spots or areas that forms their “territory of search” or network from visiting on a regular basis. They will establish relationship with store owners and help clearing out the mess. The usual working hours for waste pickers could be up to 10 hours. Since the rate for recycled items are currently pretty low, the older waste pickers also shortened their time or even gave up on collecting as the pay back price is too low.

Do these waste pickers have their own hang out spots?

Demographics of waste pickers are not limited to marginalized family members or low income persons, but it could also be elderlies with a home who wanted to spend some time outdoors working.

So, in their spare time, they might go yum cha. I tried going out with one of the waste pickers to yum cha as well. Some of them like to walk around in malls or parks. If they got family, usually they will go to the market and cook for their family.

ST:

What are the general reasons for being a waste picker? What is the demographic of these waste pickers?

TWK:

From our research findings, one of the reasons to become a waste picker is to help out financially for a household, i.e. personal daily allowance for food or yum cha that need not depend on household expenses. Other reasons could be when a person is living off from social welfare and would need extra money, then waste picking allows an alternative income source. As for the population of waste pickers in Hong Kong, we have unofficially estimated around ST: 3000 of waste pickers exists in Hong Kong. However, with the economy not doing so great, we are foreseeing a decline in the number in coming years.

TWK:

ST:

What space or tools they need to complete their routine while picking up these waste? e.g. in che fong street, an open air area for cardboard collectors to flatten the cardboard); will tables help? will additional canopies help to shade them from the sun?

TWK:

The space that they usually use up to sort out cardboard is technically an illegal act in occupying public space for personal use. As most of the spaces that these waste picker occupies are public streets, the government also did not allow them to legally occupy public space for sorting cardboard or storing collected cardboard. Therefore, sometimes people would issue complains regarding their “freelance” tools, such as their carts be disrupting the street circulation or pre-occupying public space with “garbage”. I think the ideal space they need would be 3m x 4m or 3m x 2m for organizing cardboard boxes.

In case of Chi Fong Street, the location is pretty messy as not only waste pickers use it as a storage spot, but also surrounding market stalls throw out their garbage there, street cleaners will also use that spot to temporary store their tools as they go on a break. They usually just wear a sun hat.

ST:

In the case of chi fong street, what is the schedule/ time frame that these cardboard collectors would usually go to collect cardboard? (e.g. after 6pm after markets are closing; 6am after products are usually delivered to the market); are market spots the only place that cardboard collectors go to? are there other spots?

TWK:

In the case of Chi Fong Street, the waste picker, Sister Lan, would usually start collecting at 6-8am. By 9am, she would need to finish sorting out the morning batch of collected cardboards and delivered them

to the recycling point. Then she will take a short lunch break. After that, she will start her afternoon collection shift during the “golden hour” 3pm-4pm and deliver them to the recycling point before they close (usually 6pm). So therefore the whole process is quite hectic and messy. Since the location at Chi Fong Street is a “pedestrian cul-dec-sac” typology, her usual route of collection would be from the ground floor stores surrounding the middle park square. That’s her “territory” Do you have any statistics on how many waste pickers there are in Hong Kong and their contribution in keeping the city clean/ contribute to the recycling process?

I can share with your our research findings and you can read into further detail on them.

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4.2 Network of Local Production: Productive Hubs

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Interviewee: Angela, the Coffee Terrace The Coffee Terrace is a farmers collective in Lai Chi Wor that specializes in producing sun-dried turmeric powered products and coffee beans.

Angela

Co-Founder of Coffee Terrace, HK

Interviewee: Rhoda Chu (Lok Tin Organic Farm: Volunteer Farmer) Lok Tin Organic Farm is one of the farm plots that was owned by old generation farmers - the Tin’s family. Since 2014, new generation farmers have initiated interest in helping out in the farm as volunteers. Rhoda Chu was one of the volunteer farmers that helped out since till summer 2020.

Rhoda Chu

Farmer Volunteer at Lok Tin Organic Farm

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Interview: Lok TIn Organic Farm (Farmer) ST:

RC:

I would like to learn more about Hong Kong’s farming industry between continuing the knowledge from old farmer to young farmers. I recently watched this documentary () and have learn quite a bit about the story of how your farm is a collaboration between an older farmer lady and a bunch of younger local farming advocates. I am really interested in knowing more about your operation. Can you tell me more about your involvement with the farm?

In 2014, I followed another NGO organization (耕作人) in the New Territories as volunteer farmers. Through the workshop, I learn about Lok Tin Organic Farm.

During the Umbrella Movement in 2015 and the North East New Territories Protest, a bunch of university students set up (耕作人) to support old farmers. I am not young but I was interested in learning more about farming, hence I volunteered.

Members in the NGO organization eventually became actual farmers. Four of them joined Lok Tin Organic Farm, owned by Grandma Tin, learning more about the whole operation of farming and selling produce.

Part of Lok Tin Organic Farm are used to plant organic vegetables where the other half was not.

Since the original owner, Grandpa Man passed away around 2015, it was a great time for those university students to join the farm as new farmers to help tend the farm. While us as volunteers went to another farm to help out at that moment.

In 2018, Grandma Man told us after 4 years of learning the university students eventually left the farm one by one. Eventually the farm plot return back into a lawn. Knowing that, I suggested to help her out with her farm. Grandma Tin agreed so I went to help her out on September 2018.

When I was volunteering for the farm, I also opened my own tutorial center. I volunteer at the farm twice a week during the day time. When I became a committed farmer for Lok Tin Organic Far, I moved near the farm so I can help out at the farm full time.

I discovered that Lok Tin Organic Farm are a relatively traditional farm. Grandma Man and her deceased husband are in their 70s. Without much education, they rely mostly on experience. Therefore, they are more reluctant to try new methods of farming. Although the university student suggested new ways of farming previously, the old farmers refused the ideas and eventually the new and old generation farmers parted ways.

In my opinion, I think that the way that Lok Tin Organic Farm operates currently does not encourage the fusion or passing on of knowledge between old and new farmers. Due to the reluctance of older farmers to try new methods, new farmers became less enthusiastic about the idea of collaboration when their ideas are constantly rejected. Another reason for difficulties for such collaboration between

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old and new generation farmer is that either there are monetary disputes or trust issues between stakeholders.

I discovered that Lok Tin Organic Farm are a relatively traditional farm. Grandma Man and her deceased husband are in their 70s. Without much education, they rely mostly on experience. Therefore, they are more reluctant to try new methods of farming. Although the university student suggested new ways of farming previously, the old farmers refused the ideas and eventually the new and old generation farmers parted ways.

In my opinion, I think that the way that Lok Tin Organic Farm operates currently does not encourage the fusion or passing on of knowledge between old and new farmers. Due to the reluctance of older farmers to try new methods, new farmers became less enthusiastic about the idea of collaboration when their ideas are constantly rejected. Another reason for difficulties for such collaboration between old and new generation farmer is that either there are monetary disputes or trust issues between stakeholders.

ST:

RC:

In regard to the farm operations and produce selling, can you elaborate more on those aspects? What is the general day-to-day routine for farmers?

ST:

RC: When my husband and I worked at Lok Tin Organic Farm, we typically work in the farm 6 days a week, i.e. Monday to Saturday. Field work such as planting, weeding, fertilizing.

During the summer, we would need to wrap melons and fruits to prevent pest issues. On Saturday, we usually harvest and package the produce for sale on ST: Sunday. Some of the vegetables needed to be harvest on the morning of Sunday.

RC: During the winter, we would harvest peas as early as 6am in the morning. It takes around 3 hours to harvest 5-6lbs of peas/ person. On Sundays, we often sale our produce at a Farmer’s Market hosted by the Kadoorie Farm in Central Pier. We usually start selling at 11am and finishes at 4pm. After that, we would return to the farm.

ST:

When you rest, what do you usually do?

RC:

When I was still working at the tutorial center, I would finish my farming duties in the day time and return to my center in the afternoon to teach my students.

However, now I am a full-time farmer, so I would go ST: have a tea break after my morning duties. Grandma RC: Man will go to play mahjong!

ST:

What is the difference between traditional farming methods practiced by Grandma Man and the natural farming method proposed by the university students?

RC:

Grandma Man practices traditional farming. Firstly, she is very strict about the schedule of planting, usually referring to a traditional calendar. Secondly, the types of produce she plants must be first nurtured as seedlings from a separate tray and then transfer it to the farm. Hence this adds another layer of process to the farming routine. Thirdly, usually she will plant more than expected because you never know which plants would grow successfully and which doesn’t. Therefore, on a good harvest, she usually has too much produce than the demand.

There was once where she was able to harvest an approximate of 100lb of cucumber, however only half was sold. This leaves the rest to be thrown out without a buyer to purchase the remain melons.

Personally, I think this practice is wasteful. Lastly, she doesn’t like planting western vegetables. The university students who volunteered tried planting herbs and butterfly peas, I have also suggested planting basil, but Grandma Man doesn’t seem too excited about these new ventures.

If there are leftover produce from the markets, will you consider donating them to food banks?

Since the farm belongs to Grandma Man, I don’t have a say in what to do with the leftover produce. It is also up to her if she wants to donate it. However, if I was in charge, I would be willing to.

Do you live in the farm or you live elsewhere and then came to work at the farm?

To make things more convenient, we moved into one of the houses owned by Grandma Tin. By moving closer to the farm, we would be able to contribute more to the farm. For example, we would start watering the plants in the farm when the sun rises around 5am in the summer and we would work till the sun sets at 7pm. However, we stop working at mid-noon and resume field work after 4pm. In winter, due to the shorter daylight hours, we would usually work from 6:30am to 6:30pm. Since there are not that much produce on the farm, we rarely turn on lights to work after the sun sets.

Where do local farmers usually sell their produce?

The government has a central produce collection station to approve the quality of produce provided by the farmers. Market vendors will then buy these produce from another authorized government selling center and resell them in markets. Another method of selling produce depends on NGOs or independent organizations who sets up farmer markets. This way, the farmers are also able to price their produce.

In Hong Kong, there are several farmer’s market, such as Tai Wo Farmer’s Market, Mei Foo Farmer’s Market and Sai Kung Farmer’s market. There are also private farms that set up their own markets within their farm, such as Mapopo Farm in Fanling. Most of the population in Hong Kong though, usually buys produces from local markets. The rivalry of local farmers are usually imported produce from mainland China, which are usually cheaper with a larger quantity of supply.

Although the produce from mainland China is cheaper, however they usually use a lot of pesticides.

As a price comparison, snow peas selling in wet markets are costing at $24HKD/lb, however if you buy it in a farmer’s market (from local farmers), it will cost you about $80-$100HKD/lb.

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ST:

What is the general income? What is the standard living cost for farmers to survive or operate their farm and make a living?

RC:

Organic Produce can be sold at a higher price, the demand for organic produce are also stable.

RC: However, the revenue from selling organic produce is not necessary so great that would lead farmers to greater wealth. For example, we work 7 days a week, usually we are able to earn an approximate of $3000HKD (~$507 CAD) every Sunday from Farmer’s Market, that comes to about $12,000 HKD/ month (~$2030CAD/month). However, if we have to split it with Grandma Man, we only get $6000 HKD/ month (~$1015CAD/month). The farm also requires other fees to operate, such as utilities, water, electricity, fertilizers, pesticides, seeds and seedlings, maintenance and farming tools (plowing machine & diesel), etc. Eventually, I also learn the reason why those university student volunteer farmers left, since the income as a farm is too low and is not a sustainable job in the long run.

I am originally a primary school teacher, later I operated a hypotonic farm. I think I do not want to be traditional farmer but to also include education along with the farming process. I also want to grow quality food produce, especially in researching on ST: how to prolong the shelf life of fresh produce. Since I witnessed a lot of leftover produces being thrown out, I convinced one of the farmers at another farm I volunteered at to use leftover lemons to make a Chinese drink – Crystal Sugar Lemon or even floral scented jams. In Lok Tin Organic Farm, we used dried Bak Choi and dried carrots for making Carrot Turnip Cakes.

RC:

ST:

What is the size of the farms in Lok Tin Organic Farm? Can you explain the seasonal schedule of working in the farm? (e.g. harvesting, waiting period for some plants to grow, what else do you do in this waiting time, etc.)

RC:

Lok Tin Organic Farm is a medium size farm. 70% (e.g. 50,000m2) of land is certified for growing organic produce. The remaining 30 % of land is either resting or non-certified organic farming land.

However, we started preparing the land for growing watermelons.

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ST:

What are the common types of produce that farms in Hong Kong particularly produce? (Based on your volunteering experiences in different farms) Is it possible to relocate these farming activities in the urban context, and if not, why?

To be frank, most local farms practice farming as a lifestyle and perhaps baseline income through selling partial produce. Most older generation farmers are not commercial farmlands. However, recently there are more diversity in the category of farms, such as commercial farms organized by private organizations or farms that supply solely for farmer markets and cultural events. I also tried hydroponic farming myself. However, Hong Kong’s economy weighs little on agriculture and heavy on land development for building properties, hence making the remaining farmers harder to sustain their farming activities and businesses. In the past few years, there has been protests and conflicts in the New Territories districts regarding the government’s query in taking back farmlands to develop housing. Part of Lok Tin Organic Far belongs to private developers, once the developers decided to build new buildings, the farm plot can no longer be used for agricultural use.

You mentioned that it is hard to collaborate between old and new farmers in discussing how the farmlands should be managed -Do you think education, e.g. setting up classes, where older farmers teach younger people who want to be farmers, would be a good idea to pass on the knowledge or continue the lineage of local farming?

I think to revive the farming industry in Hong Kong is to promote the linkage between supporting local farmers and quality healthy food alternatives for customers. However, this ideology differs from most mindset of the older generation farmers who practices traditional farming and usually comes from a lower education background. Therefore, they usually limit the potential of farming in the category as a product between the seller and customer.

Sometimes, they might also unintentionally hurt the ecology system and soil quality if they over plant

ST:

RC:

ST:

Do you think it is a workable idea to move traditional ST: farming on a farm to urban context, such as rooftop planting or urban farms? Since this way, more people of different demographics can engage with the farming activities. Do you think there are restrains of what type of things you can plant (other than size of produce that is limited by space availability) if so?

RC: I think schools can be a medium to promote agriculture, however due to a lot of different existing administrative systems within the school, for example, teachers have big workloads, students are busy with exams, tutorials and classes, etc. it is hard to realize activities related to planting other than just an extracurricular class. If it was just to be reduced to an extracurricular class, it usually only hosts around 20 persons, in which less people could benefit from the education. Other than that, there aren’t enough training for teachers nor the time to allow them to be familiar with urban farming or the topic of planting, therefore it is harder to promote it in a broader scale. We tried hosting planting competitions, but usually due to the lack of experience by students, it usually ends up being the host teachers of each class who will be taking care of the plants, losing the educational intention of the competition.

I tried operating a hypotonic farm with a group of people in schools, however I was unlucky and realized someone was messing with the books, so the operation is called to a halt. Comparing hypotonic farms to urban rooftop farming, it is less laborious.

Based on living in the farm with Grandma Man, what do you wish the house could be designed or improved to aid the work of her in the farm or even processing of the harvested? (e.g. bigger porch, more shade, a patio extension from the house for resting in mid day, etc.)

RC:

The basic necessity for a house in the farm would be a bed and a fan. The house also works as a storage space for farming tools. The exterior of these houses cannot be renovated or altered, it takes a lot of effort to maintain them.

ST:

Do you have images of the farm or the house Grandma Man is living in?

RC:

(img1,2) The houses are usually constructed of wood, clay tiles, corrugated metal sheets. When we first moved in, the roof was heavily corroded by white ants.

If there were better temporal housing accommodations for remote farmers, do you think it would attract younger farmers or enthusiasts to come and learn more about farming? E.g. workshops could be hosted on top of 1-2 night stays, including culinary courses or handmade products, etc.

I have a friend who has a farm in Lantau Island, she promotes the concept of “Farm-to-Table”, she also teaches farming. If the farm were to host anyone, the quality of the facilities are usually higher.

I believe that there are several business models for farms, i.e. commercial farms, educational farms, recreational farms, etc. These business models determine what type of plants they will grow, methods of growing crops and whether the farm can host outsiders. For me, I would like the practice the education model. My husband is more concerned about the commercial side of the farm, i.e. how to sell surpluses when we couldn’t consume all produce we planted. Taking Lok Tin Organic Farm as an example, we usually sell surplus produce once a week. We can also consider setting up an online platform to sell our products. These are the operational concerns that farmers from all types of business models need to consider.

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Interview: The Coffee Terrace (Farmer) ST:

Can you briefly introduce how the Coffee Terrace (荔 林咖啡) started?

Angela:

Agricultural industry in Hong Kong is not respected as an industry. However there are more people that wanted to take part in the agricultural industry.

Especially within the past few years, there are more people that wanted to take part in the Angela: industry. Despite the passion involved, the reality of reintegrating agricultural industry back into our economic system is tough.

There are a lot difficulties in becoming a productive farm owner. For example, if you wanted to become a farmer in practice in Hong Kong, it is comparatively more difficult than other context of the world, as we lack land, resources to farm and lack support from the government. Most of the existing farms right now are mostly recreational, but there aren’t a lot of land plots dedicated to productive farms. If you wanted to be a farmer and make a decent living, connections are important. Even if you are lucky enough to get a piece of land to farm, the climate in Hong Kong is very hot and humid, it is physically demanding job as well. Most Hong Kong people of our generation grew up with a desk job, it is hard to transition from a generation of office clerks to farmers which is a rather laborious career. You would need to learn how to farm, the operational and management of a farm, but also marketing of how you would sell your ST: products.

I believe the surplus of farm products is one of the biggest problems that most farmers in Hong Kong Angela: faces. Since the amount of surplus is in an awkward position where the volume is not big enough to be profitable for big private companies to purchase, nor it is a small amount which make discarding them without any purpose seemed wasteful. At the moment, the only means of selling the surplus products are through markets. Since most traditional farmers’ schedule is already packed with tasks tending the farm, and the fact that farmers are also needed to drive out to sell their produce in markets, takes up a lot of time.

Currently, most of the new generation farmers are catering their business towards organic farms or eco-related farming practices, therefore compared to traditional farmers, the initial capital invested into running these farms would cost more. The amount of products that these farms could produce would also decrease. With the short shelf-life of these fresh produce, limited time balanced between working in the farming and driving out to sell, these are all the dilemmas that farmers are commonly facing and in need in thinking some alternative means to at least make ends meet.

ST:

In regard to the revival projects/ vision in 荔枝窩 for farmer/ agriculture industry, can you briefly describe what are the visions or outcomes expected from current projects happening in 荔枝窩, if you know any? And if it is going as well as expected by the collaborators?

A few years ago, several institutions and NGOs acquired for funding (HKU, Lok Tin Farm, Conservancy Association) and initiated a project to help revitalize the agricultural practices with these abandoned farmlands. For more details you can refer to the HKU website. The purpose of this project is to 1. Revitalize the abandoned farmlands back to productive farmlands, and 2. To promote agricultural activities and encourage the re-integration of agricultural industry. Therefore, one of objectives is to attract and introduce new farmers to this industry. To facilitate this, paid positions as willing farmers were offered to reactive the farmlands and that they would continue to work there even beyond the funding ended. Therefore, the project also act as seed funding for these hired farmers to set up their own farm operations. Hoping that these farmers will eventually be self-sustainable. The Coffee Terrace entered this partnership during Phase 2 of this project in 2017.

Can you briefly describe the history, background and work scope of the Coffee Terrace?

Although we only collaborated with the project in 2017, we actually have started working as farmers before 2017. We officially registered our company, the Coffee Terrace, with the intention of selling farm produces as products. Unlike other participants of the project, who might have intentions of creating a recreational farm, artistic venture or even retirement, however, we are the first for-profit farmers company that supplies 1-stop-shop service. We plant our own products, process and package them, and eventually markets and sells them.

The reason for deciding to collaborate with the projects as farmers is that Lai Chi Wor has a lot of natural benefits as a farming site, with good natural resources such as sunlight, water sources and soil quality, located in a remote location that is not polluted. However, although the location has an abundant of natural resources, due to its remote geographic location, we are not able to sell fresh produce harvested and sold on the same day. If we were to delivery our products to the urban area of Hong Kong, it would take a bus trip plus a ferry trip, that would take up half a day. The logistical cost of such delivery is also high.

For our brand, we are aiming to grow coffee beans on the terrace and sell them as products. However,

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Angela:

... coffee beans takes at least 5 years to grow before Angela: its ready to harvest. Therefore, in the meantime, we are also planting turmeric and ginger at the same time in our farm. One of our partners was originally a paid farmer in phase 1 of the project and she/he was involved in the research to investigate what types of species are suitable to be planted in Lai Chi Wor. Considering challenges such as preventing attraction of animals from eating the fruits of the plants before harvested, climate and site conditions, he/she that turmeric was one of the suitable species.

In 2016, he/she tested the first batch of turmeric that was successfully harvested in 2017.

Starting 2017, turmeric was one of the produce we ST: planted in our farms. Instead of targeting the sales of fresh turmeric to markets, we decided to process Angela: 90% of the turmeric into turmeric powder. The whole processing and packaging procedure of these turmeric products are done on site in our farm in Lai Chi Wor.

ST:

What is the name of your farm and Where is your farm located?

Angela:

Our farm is located in Lai Chi Wor, it is a very remote ST: location. This location has a history of almost a 100 years of Hakka culture and tradition. Most of the villages originate as fisherman and farmers.

However, several years ago, the village is technically abandoned by its villagers mostly to move elsewhere to make a living. Some of them immigrated to Europe, some of them moved out to urban context of Hong Kong. Although not a lot of native villagers currently live in Lai Chi Wor, villagers will come back annually or make visits from time to time. One of the significant heritage of Lai Chi Wor famous for its agricultural backgrounds are the terrace farms.

These terrace farms take up a large area on the Angela: perimeter of the village settlement. With the lack of maintenance now, most of them became forests.

ST:

Can you elaborate on the process of bringing the produce to product? (e.g. selecting coffee/ turmeric to be packaged, where do you package them, marketing/branding of them, where did you find the funding (any collaborations, e.g. I saw university and bank institutes were part of the projects with Rural Sustainability projects etc.)

Angela:

The procedure of producing a jar of turmeric power starts from digging them our from the farm, washing it thoroughly under water, cutting them into slices, the sun-drying them in an open area. When they are dried up, with the texture like chips, we will then crush them and put the crushed pieces into different level of grinders to create a power-like state. The powder will then be packaged in a glass jar and be sold.

...Timeline: Annual Harvest • Feb-March (Spring) – Start to plant • Dec/ Jan (Winter) – when the leaves turn yellow, it means it is ready to harvest • Within 2 weeks of the harvest, we would dig, wash and sundry the turmeric • The process is done within a day: digging, de-root, washing -> slicing-> sundry • Best sun is in the daytime • All the sliced ginger will then we sundried on a rack to be dried How about coffee?

We started planting coffee trees since 2017. Part of the plants are imported. Part of them are bigger potted plants, 2020 marks the first year of harvesting.

However, the amount that they produced are still pretty low and we are still experimenting with the processing arrangements, hence we are still in the early ages in developing our coffee products.

You mentioned previously that HKU is also partnering with another organization好夠薑, which also buys the turmeric grown by on-site farmers funded by HKU and resells them as products. They also uses similar processing procedures as your operation with the turmeric powder. Is there ever an arrangement suggested by the institutions or co-founders of the collaboration project to share tools/ machines for production to lower cost for both parties? Do you personally prefer to have your own set of processing machines, or you support the idea of sharing machines between different organizations with similar requirements of equipment for production?

HKU provided an option for us to rent their set of tools for processing. However, for our organization, we prefer not to share tools with them. Since the machinery and tools, we used for processing our turmeric products are essential in impacting the quality of our products. We also have similar harvest times and similar restrictive time frames, in which the fact that we would need to also allocate time compromises when sharing the machines, doesn’t seem to work for us. And we use it very frequently.

Considering sharing tools might mean different levels of cleanliness and attention to care for the machines, as well as the mixture between different products processed by these share machines will compromise the hygiene and quality of our products, hence we prefer having our own machines. The cost for these processing machines considerably to start with as they are small.

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Angela:

ST:

Can you describe the tools/ machineries involved in the process? Were they provided with the funding of the project? How big is this production area?

Angela:

To produce turmeric powder, you would technically need few small machines. We invested in our own machines as we are planning to mass produce these products. We rented a house in the village to be our production center. The house is divided to 2 parts, where the front is left for storefront and production and we live in the back. We would sundry the turmeric on the ground floor and bring them up to process on the 2nd floor. The machines are small.

ST:

Production capacity? Platforms of selling your products?

Angela:

We have accumulated several means of sales.

Originally there are farmer market inside Lai Chi Wor. On weekends, hikers and visitors will come into Lai Chi Wor and purchase our products. We have also ST: set up online shops on Facebook and through word of mouth amongst friends to sell them. We have also Angela: sold our products through individual retail stores or supermarket branches outside of Lai Chi Wor and sold our products through their retail locations. We would also attend big scale market events such as FarmFestHK (本地漁農美食嘉年華), in collaboration with several sellers in Lai Chi Wor. The production capacity is rather irregular as sales fluctuates by time.

ST:

What are your future plans for the business?

Angela:

We have been scaling up our business through copurchasing/ group-buying within Lai Chi Wor and platforms outside. There are also growing trends demanding local products, therefore there are increase collaborations with platforms, where they would gather all locally produced products and sell to their customer networks. To expand our customer networks, collaboration with these platforms, events and institutions would be beneficial to help increase our sale.

ST:

Angela:

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How does physical retail space or market spaces play a role in your business when the digital online platform seems to be more favored?

Currently, some online shopping platforms have reached out to source products from us. In fact, the sales at physical stores has produced higher income revenues than online platforms. However, I think the current trends of a successful marketing strategy for agricultural products would be to pursue a hybrid platform – having both online and physical presence.

Since the online platforms are also dependent on

...a lot of communication and real-life relationship building through interacting with farmers and customers. While a physical store could not only depend on walk-in customers, and would need some sort of online presence that attracts a great crowd of customers. Therefore, for our business that sells local agricultural products, the hybrid model works the best for us. Based our interaction with our customers, a lot of them enjoys the process of chatting with us regarding the product. Through conversation, establishes trusts in the product and our brand. Since we are not a well-known brand, these interactions allow customers to learn more about our company and provides quality assurances to our products. Even for our returning customers, they enjoy chatting and sharing with us about how to use the turmeric powder, what to cook/ eat/ drink it with, feedbacks regards to how the product impacts their physical wellness, etc.

Can you elaborate your role within the company?

We have 4 partners, in which one of us is a full time farmer and another is a native villager in Lai Chi Wor. I used to work in an office full time, but ever since 2017 I have started full-time working for the Coffee Terrace. Although I am also a farmer and helps out in the farm everyday, I will also help out in other areas such as marketing, administrating, processing and packaging. Other than us 4, we would hire both volunteers in peak season and part-time during harvesting period (December). With the great correlation between climate and quality of our products, it is important to make sure our sun-drying process can capture natural sun light. We are also, in my knowledge, the first farmers in Hong Kong that specializes in turmeric product production with a high quality. With the growing trend of superfoods, our turmeric products have also been a big hit.

We have high standards in regards to our products, one of them was our instant soluble turmeric powder.

In order to create such fine grains of turmeric powder, we would go through at lease 3 stages of grinding. We also keep high standards of hygiene in our production area, in order to keep the freshness and cleanliness of our product.

We are confident in our quality of product and hence a higher price. I believe once our customer understands and saw the process that we have went through to produce the turmeric powder, they would believe it is worth the price. (This also shows the importance of a physical store that allows us to convince and demonstrate to our customers its quality and educational explanation of the product in comparison to other similar brands or producers)

ST:

What sort of difficulties have you faced as a localproduced brand?

Angela:

The price point that we set at supermarkets are comparatively higher. If customers do not know the brand story or the quality of our products, they would be thrown off by the price. However, once customers understand our difficulties and challenges in producing and ensuring high quality of local product (that usually sells in a smaller quantity), they would be more appreciative and understanding of the price.

ST:

What are your thoughts on having a local-sourced produce only market in Hong Kong? Will that be possible as an essential infrastructure to give a boost and incentive to reactivate the revitalization of agricultural developments in Hong Kong?

Angela:

I think the government support on this scale is very minimal in Hong Kong. Unlike other Asian countries like Taiwan, Korea and Thailand, their government is willing to invest money in helping to set up the infrastructure to facilitate the boom of locally produced agricultural products. Without government support, it is hard for our agricultural network to scale up. I believe the idea of having a centralized place to sell locally produced products is very much supported by our community, and there are growing pop up markets to materialize this idea. Such as Kadoorie Farmers Market, Central Pier Markets, etc.

However, these markets are very temporal. With the lack of administrative resources to generate a bigger supporting network and fragmented organization of different markets, without the time and labor, we aren’t able to scale up as quickly as we hoped.

Supermarket organizations such as YatTin and CitySuper, are one of the more commercial platforms that helps aid selling of fresh local produces through themed promotions. But these are still limited to temporal or seasonal promotions.

ST:

What is your company’s goal in selling these products and if there are any difficulties in terms of physical space/ structure requirements that prevent you from scaling up the production?

Angela:

Since we are a very modest set up, our production area is not that big. Our set up is also very simple and straightforward, the quality and branding of our product hopes to resemble the feeling of home-made products. The general set up of the production space consists of 3 machines: the chopper, the grinder and the mixer. There are also several tables for processing and packing area. Because of the brand of home made, we also do not wish to have too big of a manufacturing space or machine driven factory.

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MOBILE STRUCTURES

Network of Agricultural Production

Farmer

Trolley

Farmers usually works 6-7 days a week. In order to generate revenue, farmers would need to sell their products on the Sunday.

Trolleys are common tools used by farmers to push harvested products around narrow paths (1m-2m) in the farm.

Renovated Village Homes as Temporary Hostels

Home-Made Processing & Packaging

Vacating village houses are growing in rural areas as population grows older and residents moving out to the urban areas of Hong Kong. Some houses have been rented out to farmers as small production houses and temporary hostels.

Make-shift tools are built with found elements from the rural domestic areas for small production set up.

Bamboo Structure allows set up for drying tumeric slices.

(From case study of Coffee Terrace)

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On-site Farmer’s Market

Transportation

To reduce logistical set up, big farms close to transportation hubs usually sets up farmers market in harvest seasons, attracting urban dwellers to come visit and support.

Trucks are used to transport packaged produce to collection to wholesale vegetable collection points.

Vegetables Collection Stations These are set up in rural networks of farms as a middle man to help resale vegetables to urban markets.

Transportation Trucks are used to transport vegetables to urban markets.

Wholesale Vegetable Market Vegetables/ Produce are received from the vegetable collection points in Cheung Sa Wan.

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Local Wet Markets In 5am in the morning, wet market vendors will go to the wholesale vegetable market to purchase goods.

Vendors will then set up their stall at around 7am-4pm. Their cost of produces are also relatively cheaper than supermarkets.

Alternative Markets | Pop Up Sunday Market (Central Pier) Other than regular wet markets, farmers also attends pop-up Sunday markets to reach a broader range of customers who likes to interact personally with the farmer themselves.

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Alternative Markets | Pop Up Sunday Market (Tai Po CarPark) Car parks in rural area are also often converted into Sunday Markets.

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4.3 Network of Political Safespaces: Workspaces & Forums

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Interviewee: Wong Tin Yan, District Councilor Tin Yan Wong is a district councilor serving the Lai King District. As a full time art educator, he strives to bring concepts of social cohesion and community building into his main goal as a district councilor. He also believes a district councilor has a crucial role as a mediator between the people and the government.

Tin Yan Wong District Councilor

Interviewee: Clara Wong, District Councilor Clara Wong is a district councilor serving the Happy Valley District. She is also a full-time parent and art curator. She believe her communication and management skills from the role of the curator aligns with her role as a councilor very well. Her role as an artist and curator also influences the events she hosts as a councilor, such as community art projects during COVID and the alley art gallery and small community library she set up with her partner.

Clara Wong

District Councilor

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Interview: Clara Chung (Councilor) ST:

Can you briefly describe your day-to-day work schedule in relation to engaging the public/ survey people about issues in the district?

CC:

My role consists of setting up meeting conversation with community. Through Facebook posting for minor agenda, e.g. a pizza shop in the district is requesting advice with the intention of wanting to extend their ST: territory out to the pedestrian walkway in front of their store as outdoor patio. I would then help set up a Facebook group and set up communication means CC: amongst the storeowners along that street and ask for consensus of this action. Another small project I was involved with is to do a Market Rooftop Flooring design, therefore my role is to help set up a core group with professionals to discuss/ set up open call to start discussion.

ST:

What is the role of your office in this area of public participation?

CC:

My office’s role is to help the distribution of resources to the community, e.g. sanitization tools (COVID); set up appointment meetings with the public and workshops to engage community.

ST:

How are the location of the offices selected? Rent based or it is more community based (i.e. locate close to specific communities that your office would like to service in your term as councilor)? Does the government help select these sites or its a personal preference?

CC:

The selection of our office is firstly based on rent price and availability of offices in the district. It has to be located within the district and community I serve. I also wanted my office to be big enough for citizens to open meetings, e.g. tenant/owner building meetings (10-12 person).

The government doesn’t intervene with the planning of where our offices would be located, If the district has public housing estates, the government would assign vacant offices within the complex to district councilor to rent out (e.g. Lai Tak Tsuen, Tin Hau district). The budget for councilors to facilitate their work from renting a store to other administrative activities like hiring, maintenance, to hosting any activities within the community fluctuate every year.

ST:

215

What is your schedules of reaching out to different communities in the district? e.g. give out pamphlets, street stations for promoting different policy you would like to initiate/surveys? How frequent do you do that?

CC:

Since we are currently in the mist of COVID season, there are no fixed schedules currently. However, in normal circumstances, we would do pamphlet handouts 1-2 times a week. We would also walk around the neighborhood to chat with random residents.

What activities do you usually initiate to engage the public? e.g. workshops, etc.

We partnered up with one of the NGOs in the area, and rented out a space for community engagement.

It is called C&G Art Triangle. In the space, there is a book borrowing corner for communities to donate and take away books with a great variety of topics, including philosophy, art, fiction/non-fiction. We also hosted art exhibitions there during COVID, where we given out canvases to willing residents and encouraged them to express their feelings through art during this period and to be exhibited in the space. There were decent amount of submissions.

ST:

CC:

ST:

CC:

Based on my current knowledge of councilor offices, ST: it is mostly an administrative space for staffs and councilors to work and sometimes a storage space for the props or items you use for setting up street stations. Although most councilors encourages citizens to visit them and talk about issue but most CC: often the space itself are not really accessible or welcoming. (You can correct me if my assumptions are wrong, but these are based on images or video clips I saw online; office layouts might vary too by different councilors) Can you describe your office layout or use right now in terms of public engagement? Do you think your office design / layout right now or spatially can accommodate how you interact with the public?

Our regular office hours is Monday – Wed 10am-6pm; Thurs - Friday 11:30am-7:30pm; Saturday 10:30am -1pm. There is a collaboration between our office and Mil Mill. We placed a recycling station to help collect paper carton boxes from our community and donate it to Mil Mil, a Hong Kong based recycling program that based factories in Thailand. They recycle paper carton boxes and reproduces toilet paper and resell them to Hong Kong. Another campaign we are part of in the context of Hong Kong, is the Waste No More Campaign. It is an activism for better recycling system and education in Hong Kong. An activity initiated by NGOs and district councilors in Hong Kong to set up pop-up recycling stations twice a week, encouraging community to participate and ST: educate them on proper ways of recycling.

Do you think if the design of the space and location of your office is more intricately thought out, with other offices in different districts, as a public network and accessible amenity, that the public will be more willing to come visit you in person? For example, adding libraries related to policy making, providing CC: workshop/classroom space in your office so you can hosts workshops or educational classes or even public engagement forums in or around your office, so you can truly reach out to the public or engage participation in planning and policy making to suit actual needs specific to your district demographics, etc.

My current office was a rental residential unit. It was originally with 2 rooms and a living room. We have tear down the wall between the rooms and created a better space for workshops and events. We would ST: also host mindfulness workshops for people to come do yoga together. If I have the budget and option to pick, I would prefer to have another additional room CC: for a more spacious room for activities.

What difficulties do you face when engaging the public regarding policy suggestions or amendments in the district? How do you usually gather community opinions?

I am a Wan Chai District Councilor (Happy Valley).

Some work we are doing in connection between districts is to set up a network to solve common issues that all districts faces. Such as: i.

Sports court booking ii.

Non-transparent and non-democratic system between public use/ control and local football owners of public space iii.

Cultural policies – museum management and performing art theatre spaces by LCSD (Leisure and Culture Services Department); Policy of them are linked to a top-down more overall policy of public space  regularization; how to localize different things apply to different district; it is not enough to just communicate into individual officers, but doesn’t work  All district council have to approach the government agency (headquarters) as a whole in order to do any change The biggest challenge currently is the drastically different political stance exists in different districts and there is a need for a more neutral platform for discussion. Currently, Social media is the most active venue for engagement.

As a councilor, do you usually initiate conversations based on what you observe first or do you usually have some sort of engagement activities to understand what people need in that district before you propose something? I would like to learn more about the overall process of public engagement process to policy making suggestions to the government.

There are several ways to decipher what the neighborhood needs. Such as brainstorming session between stakeholders of Wan Chai between NGOs, design, art/ cultural groups, mall cooperation, etc.

We also have a 灣仔區議會工作小組會議, where we advocate for more transparent access to data of the councils and policy making process; for launching research projects; and for survey and polling activities. We also decipher the needs of the neighborhood through data we collected.

As a professional curator and now full time councilor, how does the role of curator affect you as a district councilor I am a part-time councilor and part-time working at C&G Apartment as a curator. As a curator / creative, I am more focused on spatial designs. Projects such as local cultural policies related to exhibition displays, I am able to merge my expertise into a 216

policy regarding to engage the locals with art. By setting up an event in regard to an open wall space in community or community center. Engage and invite local artists to paint them.

ST:

What are the merits of differences between the transition between a curator vs. councilor in terms of public engagement?

CC:

As a creative, I am more focused on spatial design.

I think there are commonalities between the role of curator and a councilor – they have a similar mindset in organizing things. The difference between artists and councilor would be that as an artist, it would be more driven on self-expression and personally I emphasis a lot of abstract work in public space that encourages thinking and multitude of artistic thinking. I also believe that art can be a medium in initiating a range of community engagement.

ST:

What made you want to become a district councilor?

CC:

It was a personal preference or stance in making a voice seems to be as a district councilor in this time and age of Hong Kong. I would like to participate in a role that could do practical changes and try my best to induce change in this role.

ST:

Operation allowance (on top of salary as a councilor)

CC:

Approximately $40,000/month (i.e. $6700 CAD).

This includes administrative fees, hiring and fee for renting space.

ST:

How do you prioritize different problems in the community vs. personal agendas/ vision for the community?

CC:

My work is always community based, as when I was elected, there were promises listed with my campaign that records all the kind of work I would like to help and induce change in the community.

ST:

How do you evaluate whether or not if the policy changes are what people demanded and if they are satisfied?

CC:

Demands of the people could sometimes just be addressed from direct responses such as building bus stations and establish more bus lines for a request for better transportation route to and from the district to other parts of Hong Kong.

Another way is through statistics collection (e.g. collaborating with community researchers/ analyst) to measures to see if the policy worked to solve a certain problem (e.g. recycling programs)

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Interview: Tin Yan Wong (Councilor) ST:

What is the role of the councilor between the government and the people as a middle person?

TYW:

I believe the system and the people are always in opposition, no matter which country. However, CC: I believe councilors has the identity and role the become a buffer, mediator and translator between the people and the government. Often, people treat councilors as more as the manager of a neighborhood’s affair. In normal circumstances, people not necessary reach out to councilors unless they need direct consulting on legal affairs or affairs relating to the neighborhood. However in 2020, with the recent COVID-19 outbreak and the on going social issues (extended from the 2019 protest), we found more and more people will reach out to us councilors.

It is also when people have to deal with certain circumstances that has ties to bureaucracy or the government system, they would realized that there are a lot of obstacles in the system that prevents one from serving the people – including councilors.

For example, at the start of year when COVID-19 first broke out in Hong Kong in January 2020, the government was not able to acquire mask supply to its citizens (nor any effective responds towards precaution measures), However, as councilors, we have been effectively sourcing for mask supplies, toiletries, etc. independently. We are also effective and rapidly responding to the inquiries from our designated district residents. Hence, that was the different attitude between us as councilors that serve its people versus the government that is still very bureaucratic, slow to respond and mobilize tasks. The ways in which the government responds to people are also very non-personal, e.g. they would only provide hot-lines for citizen in need of counseling or enquirers that would usually take a long process for an answer to a simple question. In fact, the way our government works does not evolve at the same speed as time. Their way of responding and processing people’s needs and demands are very slow and old fashioned.

ST: Although in this circumstance, we play an opposing role to the government. However, in reality we are still hired by the government to help mediate between the people and the government. I believe as councilor we have a role as a bridge between the CC: two parties. Therefore, I do not understand why the government would work so hard to intervene and disqualify councilor applicants who has a passion to serve its people. I do not believe by preventing people of different voices to be elected into the government body is wise, as I do not think the government treasure the role of councilors as mediator.

ST:

What is your work description as a councilor? Do you get involved in setting up policies after getting feedback from serving the district?

We represents the voices of the people and has a certain administrative power in leveraging what gets passed as policies, infrastructural projects etc. Kwai Ching Park can be used as an example to demonstrate this. The site used to be a landfill and a brown-field site that was abandoned for 40 years.

LCSD and the Architecture & Planning Department suggests to convert it into a public park. As district councilors, we have the power to reject this proposal through voting. Before the voting process, we found out certain details for the proposal questionable and we are able to suggest alterations to their design proposals to fit people’s needs.

Another example is the Hong Kong Football Association is a sports charity that is currently under investigation by the government in terms of suspicious funding and expenses on local football leagues hosted in Hong Kong. As councilors, we can then object or question certain expenses or funding transactions that relates to accessing the public’s trust fund. Therefore, councilors are also gatekeepers of the taxpayer’s money and how they are spent on social welfare.

Unlike legislative councilors who handles bigger issues concerning the city, district councilors handles smaller yet crucial issues within a neighborhood scale. We are also monitors of the governments to hold their promise to the people accountable. For example, there are always issues with illegal parking on the streets. Small issues as such, as councilors we are able to use more informal with high flexibility to targeting these issues with notes or banners and resolve them without having to go through bureaucratic processes which takes a much longer time. I believe with a small scale of people group to manage, as councilors, we can use our own informal and community ways to resolve issues.

Speaking about informal community participations, Is there any hidden orders you discovered since becoming a councilor?

As a new generation councilor, our way of operating this term is way different from how councilors from the previous years used to work. Using my district as an example, the old councilor was in position for the last 30 years. Ever since, he has been managing the district with old fashion ways of communication, for example phone calls and a passive office hours.

However, for us, we advocate for higher advocacy and by taking advantage of technology, we set up 24-hour whatsapp numbers associate with our office. So instead of in-person drop-ins, citizens can now reach 218

Interview: Tin Yan Wong (Councilor) TYW:

us through a text that would likely be responded TYW: in an hour. The informality of communication tool also made us more approachable. Unlike other councilors, I believe our generation’s councilors are more pro-active and eager to part-take in field work to talk, communicate and listen to our residents in the neighborhood. Unlike older generation councilors who are usually from the conservative party that blindly supports the government. Us as new generation councilors advocates for being the middle ground that critically supports the government while also actively reach out to the people about what’s happening with the city. Addition to technology, social media also became an effective platform ST: for us to educate the public about civic duties and increase awareness of what is happening within the neighborhood. For example, within 10 min of CC: a fire alarm setting off, residents nearby would be able to understand what caused it by visiting the councilor’s Facebook page. Overtime, this consistent communication and dedication to serving the people gives them trust in us. Social Media also created a platform for residents to form a common through conversations and acknowledge same care and love for the community.

ST:

What is your typical schedule for the day as a councilor? Do you have an office where people can find you?

CC:

Currently, I do have an office. Since I am serving a district with public housing estates, there are office spaces assigned for district councilors. We also set up street stations. From Mon-Fri (9:30am-6:30pm), including 1hour rest in the middle of the day. On weekends, we will be open for half days. Every Wednesday evening, we will be setting up a street station inside the public plazas inside public estate.

In Lai King, this is Lai King Hill Road. One end that reaches Mei Foo and the other end to Kwai Fong.

There are 2 public housing estates. The MTR is located in the middle. Our office is located in one of the public housing. Since our office is located further away from one of the housing locations, we usually target this small community shopping mall and the Chinese Restaurant within or areas near the MTR to place our street outreach stations.

Most of the demographic we serve are from public housing estates, ie people that needs financial help, educational help, etc.

ST:

Are there options for what types of office space you can rent out from the government?

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Most office spaces are standardized and designed way back when the housing estates are built. Since the ground floor storefronts are zoned as retail use only, in order to change the use/purpose of these spaces, 3 rounds of tenders have to be issued. Only after 3 rounds of tendering showing no one has interest to take over the space for retail use, can then the councilor apply for zoning change for the space into an office space. This process might take at least half a year to do so. This is some photos of our office space – it is a very tiny space. It is quite a pleasant location behind a park.

You are original an artists, do you think your role as a district councilor can benefit from this background?

I believe the experiences of hosting events, developing art projects are one of the advantages/ mindsets that could benefit the role as a district councilor. Since the concept of place-making, community participation and , to make the residents feel they are more than just a user of the space they inhabit, i.e. a stakeholder, it is important. Once these people gain the sense of belonging to a community, they would most likely have a desire to contribute.

They might lack resources or connections or guidance on this path, and I believe as councilors, we can become this mentor and advisor to them to aid the completion of their missions.

This reminds me of a story – there was once a residents that bought an air conditioner and found out it is not as cold as he wanted. He then investigated and tried reaching out to the reseller regarding the issue, however nothing helped to fix the issue.

220

Recent Statistics | Political Activism in Hong Kong 2015-2019

Since 2015, the Umbrella Movement has sparked an increased interest in politics and discussion about political events amongst Hong Kong people. In 2019, the anti-extradition bill triggered an even bigger population to act on their political expressions/ opinions through institutional means.

According to the statistics from Voting Registration Hong Kong, it is seen that there is a great surge in prodemocratic political affiliations between 2015-2019.

The number of registered voters in 2019 has also increased significantly compared to other years, resulting in a population of 2,943,842.

There is also a significant increase in participation in voting amongst younger people in 2019.

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6 0 % of

HongKong Population voted in 2020

Despite the passing of national security law, with the increased censorship of freedom of speech and expression and the postpone of district council election for 2020. The number of registered of voter this year increased further up to 4,466,944 people. This represents of 60% of the population has expressed a desire to use the voting system to express their political will in the institutional voting system.

Other than official statistics, the emergence of new virtual political activist groups on social media like Facebook and Instagram, verified the growing interest in the younger generation in participation, discussion and action in regards to political activism.

Emergence of Political-Related Communities Organizations

Liber Research Community

Hong Kong Public Opinion Research Institute

Establishment Date: 2010 Registered NGO: 2014

Establishment Date: Feb 19, 2019

After 2015, different types of discussion groups are formed from the bottom up in reaction to the political conditions happening in Hong Kong. It continues as there is a growing atmosphere of distrust with the government in dealing with issues in the society. The burst of bottom-up efforts have manifested into different online activist groups.

After 2015, different types of discussion groups are formed from the bottom up in reaction to the political conditions happening in Hong Kong. It continues as there is a growing atmosphere of distrust with the government in dealing with issues in the society. The burst of bottom-up efforts have manifested into different online activist groups.

Newspaper Headline

Crowd Funded Ad on Newspaper

222

Recent Bans and Censorship of the Political Groups/ Digital Platforms

LIHKG Discussion Forums

Role of District Councilors

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Telegram Encrypted Communication Means

HKmap Live Crowd Sourcing Mapping App Crowd sources and tracking of location of the protesters and police in Hong Kong.

The service was launched during the 2019-20 Hong Kong protests that gathers reports on police patrols and tear gas developments via Telegram

Spark Alliance Crowd Funding Organization An organization or individual which finances bail payments for persons arrested in connection with the 2019–20 Hong Kong protests.

Demosisto 香港眾志

With the censorship and reinforced crackdown on speech related to Hong Kong’s political debate, the digital platforms became an important tool amongst the grassroots communities to communicate and mobilize action during

The impact of freedom of speech and political expressions has been reflected by the disbandment of political parties after the pass of National Security Law.

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Network of Political Spaces Lady Liberty Sculpture made by Hong Kong people as a symbol of hope during the Protest of 2019

Public City Forum in Victoria Park

2800

5100

Pop-Up Container Rental Office District Councilor’s Office 2020

Form Society + Coffee Shop Privately Owned Retail/ Studio Space

District Counilor Office in Public Housing

District Counilor Public Housing Office

1m

1000 2500

1m

2000

225

Councilor’s Temporary Distribution Stations (Resources, Information)

District Councilor Rental Office Clara Chung Happy Valley

District Council Chamber Internal meeting space amongst 18 districts

District Counilor Public Housing Office Wing Tin Yan Kwai Chung

Street Protest Genereal Public’s Legal Right of Demonstration

Local District Countil Meeting Chamber Meeting Space between Councilors within the same district

Liber Research Office Privately Rented Political Resarch NGO

1m 1m

Legislative Council Chamber Largest Meeting Chamber (Government Officials, District Council Representatives, General Public Person-in-Charge requested for enquiry

226

4.4 Program Matrix Based on each individual needs of each groups of agents, a program matrix of 270 combination of these sygnerized programs have been generated.

8 out of the 270 programs has been selected to further define the characteristics of the speculative city proposal in the next chapter.

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228

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05 Intervention: Design

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Speculative Proposals Network of Kindness 5.1 5.2

Kindness Hotel & the Neighbor’s Library Waste-to-Space Upcycling Stations

5.3

Laundry & Meet

Network of Productive Hubs 5.4 5.5

Home-made Factories Taste-at-Source Markets & Restaurants

5.6

Made in Hong Kong Marketplace

Network of Safespaces 5.7 5.8

Pop Up Park Forums Knowledge Exchange Collective

232

TASTE-ATSOURCE RESTAURANT

TASTE-ATSOURCE MARKET

KNOWL EXCHA COLLEC

POP UP PARK FORUM

233

LEDGE ANGE CTIVE

WASTE-TOSPACE UPCYCLING STATION

HOME MADE FACTORY MADE IN HONG KONG MARKET

LAUNDRO-MEET

KINDNESS HOTEL

234

5.1 Kindness Hostel Program Proposal Hostel for Labor + Library + Rooftop Food Farm The intervention provides accommodation for people in need for temporary accommodation in exchange for labor working at the rooftop food farm and library on the ground floor. The library and rooftop food farm will be managed by residents nearby.

Site Type: Pocket Parks Pocket Parks are leftover sites between development plots, the government usually use these spots to fulfill numbers of greenery needed in a certain district

Ground F

Site Plan

235

oor

Second Floor

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5.2 Waste-to-Space Upcycling Stations

Program Proposal Upcycling Workshop Space + Tools & Free Material Library + Building Workspace Upcycling station that collects furniture waste from nearby residents, items collected are usually made of wood and metal; materials could be refurbished and given out to others in need. The space can be rented out for classes and training for staffs/ volunteers.

Site Type: Plaza / Pedestrian Avenues in Residential Estates These spaces are often by-product of set-back requirements in big scale development plots. They are often empty and occasionally rented out for private events/ pop up markets. An alternative use could be provided as venues for community amenities.

237

6 7

5

4

3 2

1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Loading Area Furniture Drop Off Area (Categorized) Disassemble / Part-Sorting Area Temporary Storage / Sorted Shelves Fabrication Workshop Equipment Work Tables Tool Rental / Upcycling Items for pick-up 238

5.3 Laundry & Meet

Program Proposal Survival Utility + Workspaces + Meeting Flex Space A add-on amenity behind 24 hour laundromats that provide free services for people in need. As well as a community backroom for meeting new people and seek for help.

Site Type: Private Storefronts 24 hour laundromats are the first type of commercial-socio programs that popped up along the busy commercial streets. The idea of taking over private storefronts with a community-wide amenity helps provides a refuge space for city dwellers. These laundromats often locates adjacent to backalley ways. Perhaps this program can also activate utilizing the backalley as a quiet rest space other than a utility only space.

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5.4 Home-made Factory

Program Proposal Utility Space + Processing Space + Temporary Shelter With the growing interest from new generation farmers to return to rural areas and revive agricultural lands. These empty houses can be renovated and rented out to new generation farmers as incentive and accommodations for becoming a farmer. These spaces can also be converted into collective upgraded amenities, small scale live-work spaces for new product manufacturers and farmers.

Site Type: Rural Village Vacant Houses Village communities in Hong Kong used to be tightly knitted socially. However, villagers eventually had to move out in different phases of history for better job opportunities or political reasons after 1997. Most of these houses now are either populated with elderlies or left vacant.

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5.5 Taste-at-Source Markets & Restaurants

Program Proposal Market + Kitchen + Tool Shed The intervention imagines market and restaurant structures to be erected on farm plots - promoting healthy food practices and local farming activities.

Through providing workshops, seasonal market festivals and farm-to-table programming, activating an alternative mode of operation for new generation farms in the journey of bring Hong Kong people’s attention to support local production.

Site Type: Farm Plots Farm plots are currently restricted to be zoned for agricultural uses only. Any new structure erected on farmlands have to be temporary structures.

This zoning regulation restricts the possibility of alternative uses for farm plots. Perhaps other than temporary car park spaces and container home structure, other proposal can be imagined that aid the revival of agricultural production and expand its mode of operations.

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245

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5.6 Made in Hong Kong Marketplace

Program Proposal Food Hall + Meeting Room + Marketplace The intervention imagines a marketplace that solely sells made-in Hong Kong goods. There is a recent wave of supply and demand for locally-made products. Having a marketplace that would house local products only can benefit local makers and crafter to market and engage their customers in an alternative manner that is community oriented.

Site Type: Vacant Hawker Bazaar Temporary Bazaars are vacating due to increasing alternative options for affordable food options. These sites accumulated a certain type of local customer base. The new made-in Hong Kong marketplace should continue serving these communities with lowcost yet high quality food and goods.

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Sites of Intervention Due to the emergence of supermarkets and increased option of markets for hygienic food and restaurant conditions, these temporary bazaars are no longer as popular. Starting around 2009, vacancy in these bazaars continuously increase. Currently, most of the sites highlighted in yellow are having >50% vacancy rate and are these bazaars are slowly phasing out.

However, with the recent interests in local agricultural revival activities starting in 2014 and the growing support in local products and agricultural goods, with the lack of government support in agricultural revival, local farmers and new generation local product producers can only stay in the scale of temporary pop up markets.

This proposal calls for the government to recognize the desire from the people in demanding for the revival of local agricultural industry and help fund a new form of market - a locally sourced only market that not only encourages local production, revival of local agricultural industry, but also provide support and education for new farmers in terms of marketing and selling.

The emergence of this new market typology will not only support local production and create new work opportunities that sustains local economies and labors. It also encourages preservation and continuation of local agricultural techniques.

Lam Tei Market

Cum Hawker Bazaar 99.1m2

75% vacancy

Ma Kok Street CFHB 807m2

249

81% vacancy

75% vacancy

Luen Yan Street CFHB

Kwai Wing Road CFHB

Hawker Bazaar

941m2

365m2

443m2

Yau Ma Tei Jade

85% vacancy

Yu Chau West Street CFHB 813m2

Vacated

Yen Chow Street Hawker Bazzaar 1400m2

67% vacancy

New Reclamation Street CFBH 434m2

45% vacancy

Haiphong Road Temporary Market 575m2

Temple Street Temporary

CFHB

810m2

Lai Yip Street

CFBH 460m2

Tung Yan Street

Interim Hawker Bazzar 629m2 250

251

Luen Yan Street CFHB 941m2

Ma Kok Street CFHB 807m2

Yen Chow Street Hawker Bazzaar 1400m2

Kwai Wing Road CFHB 365m2

New Reclamation Street CFBH 434m2

Haiphong Road Temporary Market 575m2

Yu Chau West Street CFHB

Lam Tei Market

Hawker Bazaar 99.1m2

Lai Yip Street CFBH 460m2

Yau Ma Tei Jade

Temple Street Temporary

Hawker Bazaar

CFHB

443m2

810m2

Tung Yan Street Interim Hawker Bazzar 629m2

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1

Program Proposal 1

Food Hall Provide cooked hot meals for people in need; collection point for leftover fresh produce from markets

2

Meeting Room Public meeting rooms open for collective meeting place

3

Marketplace First market that only sells locally produced, manufactured, crafted goods

4

Ground Floor Retail Space Long Term Retail Space Rental

253

3 2

4

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5.7 Pop-Up Park Forum

Program Proposal Community Flex Space + Workshop + Storage Platforms for productive and inclusive discussions are needed as physical forms in different parts of Hong Kong. By providing physical spaces and resources can encourage more forums and discussions in happening.

Site Type: Park Pavilion Similar to park pavilions that are typical follies and structures that comes with park designs. The bottom up can create multiple forum follies in the city. People can take over these spaces for discussion and forum space by signing up with the organization. By not having a fixed location for such politically sensitive meet-ups provides a sense of safe space for such sensitive needs.

Site Plan | 1: 20000

?

?

MEE

T!

Park Folly Structures Park Follies are small structures typically found as a building type for human inhabitation. Although they look different in different parks, they serve the same MEE T! providing temporary shelter or purpose of either signage.

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Strategy Similar to park follies, the pop up forum is imagined to be deployed in multiple open spaces or parks through out Hong Kong. With the similar aesthetics, it not only acts as a symbol for political gatherings, it also creates animosity for attenders, notified only through encrypted communications. Hence, increases difficulty for authorities to track down attenders while create needed visibility for the public as a persistent bottom up counter public.

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5.8 Knowledge Exchange Collective

Program Proposal Offices + Kitchen + Tool Shed The intervention proposes a self-built community that uses modules of the typical brick and metal corrugated roof structure found in rural Hong Kong. The modules allow different collectives to take over and to fit different formations.

Site Type: Vacant Rural Plot Currently, rural land plots are still mostly governed by the small house policy, in which land are owned by private villages. Hence, this idea of self-built communities can only be possible with smaller land owners than compared to the urban context where most land are owned by the government.

Space share Logic

rea Area ed A Shar e/ Rented t Priva

Rental Space Variations

259

Gallery (43.4sqm)

Office + Gallery (43.4sqm)

Processing Space + Shared Garden (43.4sqm private + 43.4sqm shared)

Gallery + Shared Workspace (43.4sqm private + 43.4sqm shared)

Office (21.7sqm)

Cafe + Storage + Shared Patio (43.4sqm private + 43.4sqm shared)

Storage (21.7sqm)

Scenarios Literature/ Art/ Design/ Philosophers Collective

Individual renters with shared center courtyard for temporal activities

Farmer Collective

Collective center with individual farm plots

Maker/ Product Development/ Reserach Collective

Individual renters with shared center courtyard for shared collective equipment space 260

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THEORETICAL REFERENCES

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Theoretical References: Henri Lefebvre

Glossary Reference

Production There are two meanings defined by Lefebvre, one means spaces “created by humans to make their lives” (Molotch , 887).

The other means the analogous relationship of space as an economic good, a commodity in a capitalistic society.

Trial by Space

Henri Lefebvre | The Production of Space In defining what “public space” in my analysis is, I have referenced Lefebvre’s definition in his book - the Production of Space.

According to Lefebvre, space is “produced and reproduced through human intentions”(Molotch, 887). A space is not merely a “medium nor a list of ingredients, but an interlinkage of geographic form, built environment, symbolic meanings and routines of life” (Molotch, 888). Placing this concept of space in the landscape of a capitalistic society, he further classifies and identifies the imbalance of competition over the production between domination spaces and abstract spaces.

Domination spaces refers to the apparatus of the government to represent power or commodified spaces used by private enterprises for capital exchange.

Abstract spaces represents “spaces for exchange value” (Molotch, 889) , a space that is “appropriated to serve human need”, i.e. spaces to satisfy intellectual, spiritual and emotional needs.

By understanding spaces could be commodified as capital generation and the fragility of abstract spaces to sustain in this “trial by space” (Molotch, 888), in order to increase the “territory” of abstract spaces (belongs to the public) theoretically, there is an urgent need for a type of physical arrangement, program, and appropriate architecture, to counter domination spaces (belongs to the private or institutions).

In other words, to make ideas that fulfill human relations and non-monetary needs, a physical space need to be manifested in order to compete in the imbalance territory between the public and private interest in today’s world of capitalism.

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Globalization creates worldwide confrontation of diverse values, ideas and preferred arrangements, hence, these “desires’ need to compete for the limited amount of space. He argues that

“groups, classes or fractions of classes [that] cannot constitute themselves, or recognize one another, as ‘subjects’ unless they generate a space” (Lefebvre, 416) “ideas, representation or values that do not succeed in making their mark on space, and thus generating (or producing) and appropriate morphology, that will lose all pith and become mere signs, resolve themselves into abstract descriptions, or mutate into fantasies”. (Lefebvre, 417) Domination Space Domination spaces refers to the apparatus of the government to represent power or commodified spaces used by private enterprises for capital exchange.

Abstract Space Abstract spaces represents “spaces for exchange value” (889) , a space that is “appropriated to serve human need”, i.e. spaces to satisfy intellectual, spiritual and emotional needs.

With that said, there are a lot of networks of communities exists under the eye of the general public. Without the same economic and political bargain, they can only exists as temporal networks that would be in constant disappearance and reappearance.

Architects with a certain political and power as a profession has a civic responsibility in revealing these layers within the city to acknowledge these marginalized networks through design of public spaces - to restore dignity and act as a counter pull against capitalistic developments in the urban fabric

The future representation of public architecture, will no longer be static buildings, but networks of ‘islands’ influx, landscape of the ‘public realm’ is constantly changing.

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GLOSSARY/ KEY TERMS

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Glossary | Key Terms

Fragmented Commons Points, nodes, and spaces that exists in the urban fabric in reflection of a certain community in Hong Kong; a spatial manifestation relating to architecture and design that represents the existence of this community Urban Nomads These are the most common user of public spaces, especially leftover or infrastructural spaces to their advantage, using them as spaces for survival, economic exchange and access to social services and community bonding.

Target Category: Farmers, Street Recyclers, Homeless, Crafter Architectural Footprints The network of spatial constructs (both temporal and permanent) that links to a certain community. This footprint defines the extent of the common, the edge of the “island�

Urban Enclaves Leftover spatial constructs, such as street patterns, timebased morphology of use, appropriations, etc. reflects a certain history of the district, the demographics and cultural practice of its people with space, as well as social ties and community engagement with its urban fabric.

Goal By examining existing fragmented commons, urban nomads and their architectural footprint, I want to rethink the form of future public architecture as a network instead of a single civic building. That this public network could be developed through both bottom up and top down cooperation in creating public spaces as recreational spaces, but also platforms to achieve social justice, nurture social resilience and form meaningful commons that could both aid the marginalized user of public spaces, but also promote dying culture/ skills/ crafts that are important to the heritage of Hong Kong. Through rethinking of the design and users of public spaces, designing productive spaces that help engage educational exchange, alternative and important balance of informal economic exchange, and preservation and revitalizing existing spatial fragments in the mist of urban renewal.

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Methodology These leads of investigating fragmented commons reveals the hidden network of how the most frequent public space users (i.e. urban nomad’s), their lifestyle, the potential design intervention to create a more inclusive network, public space as commons that contains intertwining relationships instead of viewing public as a single building and service a singular type of users, i.e. middle class residents.

Precedents

emerging NGOs in Hong Kong The emerging number of social issues, the government is proved to no able to meet everyone’s needs. Since 2014, umbrella movement, it sparked an increase in bottom-up initiatives in Hong Kong (show stats) Japanese Machizukuri System The bottom-up participatory community building strategy implemented in Japan urban planning. These systems mostly are used in tackling heritage conservation and post-disaster reconstruction of existing neighborhoods with rich cultural, historical artifacts and social ties. This method emphasizes on people capital and the NPOs are merely in a role of facilitators to work with the neighborhoods or communities to come up with viable strategies spatially to counter-propose top-down urban renewal plans by the government.

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Theories & Texts

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Terrain Vague, Ignasi de Sola-Morales Rubio

“Photography operates in semiological terms not as icon but as an index. Rosalind Krauss” (Anyplace, 119) “Empty, abandoned space in which a series of occurrence have taken place seems to subjugate the eye of the urban photographer [...] terrain vague, assume the status of fascination, the most solvent sign with which to indicate what cities are and what our experience of them is.” (Anyspace,119) “The French term terrain connotes a more urban quality, [...] an extension of the precisely limited ground for construction; [it] also refers to greater and perhaps less precisely defined territories, connected with the physical idea of a portion of land in its potentially exploitable state but already possessing some definition to which we are external.” (Anyspace, 119) “The French vague [refers] to a sea swell, significantly alluding to movement, oscillation, instability and fluctuation. [The term refers to] “vacant” and “vacuum”, which is to say “empty, unoccupied”, yet also “free, available, unengaged”; “second meaning superimposed on the French [word means] “the sense of ‘indeterminate, imprecise, blurred, uncertain” (120); triple signification of the French vauge as “wave”, the [vacantness of it] “appears in a multitude of photographic images”; “[these images] captured the condition of these spaces as internal to the city yet external to its everyday use. In these apparently forgotten places, the momery of the past seems to predominate over the present” (120); “these strange place exist outside of the city’s effective circuits and productive structures” (120) “The relationship between the absence of use of activity, and the sense of freedom, of expectancy, is fundamental to understanding the evocative potential of city’s terrain vagues. Void, absence, yet also promise, the space of the possible, of expectation” (120) To utilize architecture as in a manner of terrain vague without being an aggressive instrument of power and abstract reason is “through attention to continuity, [to] the flows, the energies, the rhythms established by the passing of time and the loss of limits” (123)

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Theory of Rhizome

https://thoughtleader.co.za/bertolivier/2015/06/15/what-is-a-rhizome-indeleuze-and-guattaris-thinking/ Rhizome as a thinking of systems/ progress - there is no start/ ending, always in the middle 1. Connections 2. Heterogeneity Any point can be connected to any other 3. Multiplicity 4. Asignifying Rupture Rhizome can be broken at any point but could restart the process again at any point 5. Cartography 6. Delcalcomania Rhizome as a map that is open for intervention “To employ a terminology current in the aesthetics underlying Gilles Deleuze’s thinking, architecture is forever on the side of forms, of the distant, of the optical and the figurative, while the divide individual of the contemporary city looks for forces instead of forms, for the incorporated instead of the distant, for the haptic instead of optic, the rhizomatic instead of figurative.� (Anyspace, 123)

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Text | April 27, 2020

In the future, public architecture should be viewed as systems and relational spaces instead of a single building. As the world progresses, no one “aesthetical”/ formal language of architecture can represent and unpack the diversity of publicness exists in a democratic society. Instead of looking at aesthetical cues to address cultural and social values, which is rather superficial, the architecture of the public should be viewed as networks of systems. Instead of looking for a formal representation to express “publicness”, it should be found through “urban artifacts”, spatial constructs that resulted from cultural, social and economic means significant to different cities. Instead of looking for a unified public, we should look at systems that allows the co-existence of multiple publics that are incubators of variety of commons. Only in these spaces, true communities could be formed and last.

The true form of public is a space that allows co-existence of multiple voices. Therefore, public architecture of our future is not a single building or a single architectural language, but systems and networks that interfere with each other, and engages each other in a constant flux of dialogue, negotiations and innovations.

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