T he Over looked Revolution: Gandhi’s Constr uctive Pr og ram and Nonviolent Resistance

Khushmita Dhabhai

Intr oduction

Gandhi's nonviolent resistance was a monumental force that g alvanized the Indian masses on an unparalleled scale. Numerous scholars and public figures alike have lauded its moral righteousness1 and its remarkable capacity to unite disparate factions within Indian society.2 However, the prevailing discourse sur rounding Gandhi's satyagraha, often limited to its nonviolent protest aspect, fails to acknowledg e the multifaceted components that propelled and sustained this remarkable movement. Consequently, the cr ucial and frequently overlooked role of Gandhi's constr uctive prog ram emerg es as a paramount factor wor thy of profound examination and appreciation.

T he constr uctive prog ram was an attempt "to begin building a new social order even as the old one still exists," with decentralized cooperatives "functioning inde pendently of the state and other institutions of the old order."

3 Gandhi's plan for the constr uctive prog ram included several inter related activities: the promotion of khadi (hand-woven cloth), the g rowth of villag e cottag e industries like soap and paper production, and improved personal and public

1 Mar tin Luther King, “My Pilg rimag e to Nonviolence,’” in The Papers of Martin Luther King , Jr.. Januar y 1957December 1958 (Berkeley (Calif.): University of Califor nia Press, 2000), https://kinginstitute stanford edu/king-papers/documen ts/my-pilg rimag e-nonviolence

2 Judith M. Brown, Gandhi: Prisoner of Hope (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1998), 162.

3 Gene Shar p, Gandhi as a Political Strategist: W ith Essays on Ethics and Politics (New Delhi: Gandhi Media Centre, 1999), 81 hygiene 4 T his prog ram significantly increased connectivity with the masses and fostered g reater par ticipation in events like the satyagrahas. It is widely inter preted, however, as a philanthropic and altr uistic effor t that does not filter into the political realms of nonviolent resistance.5 In this paper, I challeng e popular historiog raphy that overlooks the relevance of the constr uctive prog ram in Gandhi's strategies for mass mobilization for nonviolent resistance. To do so, I evaluate the role of constr uctive work as a political tool and argue that understanding its de ployment is key to understanding the satyagrahas.

Historiograph y

Nationalist-Marxist historians like Bipin Chandra identify Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance as a “str ug gle-tr uce-str ug gle” phenomenon. In this mode of resistance, “phases of vig orous extra-leg al mass movements” were combined with phases of “tr uce ” 6 During this “tr uce, ” the movement paused and reg enerated itself through mass prog rams of constr uctive work to launch another phase of “str ug gle” at a higher level. T he movement would thus kee p g rowing and strengthening itself in an upward-spiraling circle till victor y was achieved.7 While numerous scholars have contributed to dissecting this nature of

4 Shar p, Gandhi as a Political Strategist, 82-83.

5 Anthony Parel, Gandhi's Philosophy and the Quest for Har mony (Cambridg e: Cambridg e University Press, 2006), 62

6 Bipan Chandra et al., India's Strug gle for Independence, 1857-1947 (Delhi: Penguin, 2003), 313.

7 Sucheta Mahajan, Independence and Partition: The Er osion of Colonial Power in India (New Delhi: Sag e Publications, 2000), 70-71

Gandhian mass mobilization, they have tended to present the constr uctive prog ram in a manner that under mines its significance in the border nar rative of nonviolent resistance. For instance, although Gene Shar p, a prominent scholar and political theorist known for his extensive research on nonviolent resistance, dwells on the philosophy of Gandhi’s constr uctive work, he does not describe its consequences on mass mobilization and how it worked in practice. Moreover, he situates constr uctive work in the context of a preexisting nonviolent str ug gle, claiming that it is a way to “proceed, accompany and follow nonviolent action.”8 T his casts the constr uctive prog ram in solely a suppor ting role and under mines its relevance in g enerating a fresh non-violent str ug gle on its own.9

While Anthony Parel, a scholar and author who has extensively studied Mahatma Gandhi's philosophy of nonviolence, dwells on Gandhi’s nonviolent philosophy and the satyagraha, he characterizes the constr uctive prog ram in ways that under mine its role in mass mobilization for nonviolent resistance. By refer ring to the prog ram as “par ticularly suited to the the work of NGOs,”10 Parel distinguishes constr uctive work from the deliberate ag endas of the state. Doing so por trays constr uctive work as philanthropic, apolitical, and divorced from the strategic planning that accompanies nonviolent resistance.

Although Allwyn Tellis, a researcher who specifically focuses on Gandhi's constr uctive prog ram, focuses directly on the constr uctive prog ram, he inter prets it as integ ral to Gandhi’s nationalist movement but not as nonviolent action. Tellis examines the constr uctive prog ram as a body of discourse and highlights the symbolism behind Gandhi’s constr uctive prog ram, including the usag e of symbols like salt and khadi. 11 While Tellis is right to identify the nationalist symbolism of Gandhi’s constr uctive prog ram, releg ating it as ‘discourse’ under mines its significance in nonviolent resistance.

By considering the g aps in cur rent literature, it becomes evident that the constr uctive prog ram plays a significant role as a deliberate strateg y for mass mobilization within Gandhi's comprehensive conce pt of nonviolent resistance. One can argue that constr uctive work is not merely a passive endeavor but a potent political tool in itself To tr uly g rasp the essence of satyagrahas during periods of ‘str ug gle,’ it is cr ucial to understand how constr uctive work was implemented during periods of ‘tr uce ’ In light of this understanding, a challeng e is presented to the prevailing scholarly inter pretations that compar tmentalize satyag raha and constr uctive work into se parate categ ories. Instead, this paper proposes a more holistic perspective, emphasizing their interconnectedness and considering them as mutually reinforcing elements that contribute to the creation of an environment conducive to resistance.

The Politics of Constr ucti ve Work

Gandhi's constr uctive work is often por trayed as non-political by positioning him ag ainst the Indian National Cong ress and its leaders. For example, his retirement from the Cong ress in 1934 is inter preted as a g rowing dislike for the par ty's affairs and a desire to distance his constr uctive work from its politics.12 However, these conclusions are not historically tenable, and scholars like Bindu Matthews have highlighted Gandhi’s attempts at dispelling myths on the antag onistic relationship between the constr uctive prog ram and the Cong ress.13

12 “When Gandhiji

8

13 Bindu Mathew, “Mahatma Gandhi's Constr uctive Prog ram: Some Ref lections,” Pr oceedings of the Indian Histor y Congr ess 73 (2012): pp 597-606

In light of this, it is essential to recognize Gandhi's constr uctive prog ram as a politically motivated strateg y aimed at mobilizing the masses for nonviolent resistance. Building upon Matthews' asser tions reg arding the converg ence of the Indian National Cong ress's g eneral policies and Gandhi's constr uctive work,14 it becomes apparent that their effor ts were mutually beneficial and frequently inter twined. Consequently, it is imperative to acknowledg e the inherently political nature of Gandhi's constr uctive work and its profound significance in the larg er context of his transfor mative vision.

Congr ess and the Politicization of Constr ucti ve Work

In a 1937 speech at a public meeting, Gandhi quelled suspicions of se paration from the Cong ress by stating, "But do we (Seva Sangh members) not want to be the re presentatives of the millions as well? And it is the Cong ress which is pledg ed to be the voice of the suffering millions. How, then, can there be any opposition between us and the Cong ress?"15 By re presenting the constr uctive prog ram as par t of the Cong ress's ag endas of connecting with the masses, Gandhi immediately draws attention to its political nature.

Here, it is cr ucial to highlight the location of Gandhi's remarks– the Gandhi Seva Sangh. Since the Sangh was leg ally inde pendent of the Cong ress's jurisdiction,16 he could have easily expressed discontentment with the par ty sans any political or org anizational constraints T he fact that he still chose to emphasize the connectivity of the constr uctive prog ram with the Cong ress indicates their coalitionar y characteristics

On another occasion, Gandhi insisted that constr uctive work org anizations like the All India Spinners Association (AISA) were

"created by the Cong ress."17 T his provision allowed him to "conduct my experiments without being fettered by the vicissitudes of a policy to which a wholly democratic body like the Cong ress is always liable."18 Here, he clarifies his se paration from the Cong ress– it was not the result of a contentious relationship but due to the par ty's broader political strateg y to effectively implement constr uctive prog rams.

Mutually Beneficial ‘Compar tments’

Fur ther more, Gandhi rejected the notion of se parate, “water tight compar tments,” 19 emphasizing the interconnected and mutually beneficial nature of the Indian National Cong ress's political activities and his constr uctive prog ram. He believed in a holistic approach that integ rated both dimensions, recognizing their symbiotic relationship and shared political strateg y for mass mobilization and nonviolent resistance. T he Cong ress unexpectedly winning 159 of 217 seats in the Madras elections of 1937 is the best example of this scenario.20 John Erskine, then g over nor of the Madras Presidency, attributed the victor y to the Cong ress’s org anization and volunteers–who had spread into vir tually ever y villag e through Gandhi’s constr uctive prog ram.21 Here, it is impor tant to highlight that Gandhi realized the paucity of connectivity between the masses and their leaders and utilized his constr uctive work to minimize this g ap.22 The constr uctive prog ram, therefore, facilitated a broader connection of the Cong ress par ty with its electorate and allowed them to launch more effective campaigns than the other par ties contesting elections

17 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 70 (New Delhi: Publications Division, Ministr y of Infor mation and Broadcasting, Govt. of India, 1989), 425.

18 Ibid.

19 Ibid

14 Ibid.

15 Ibid

16 Prabodha Kumar Rath,

Orissa Review, 2011, pp 41-44, 44

20 Christopher Baker, “T he Cong ress at the 1937 Elections in Madras,” Moder n Asian Studies 10, no 4 (1976): pp. 557-589, https://doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014967, 1.

21 Baker, “T he Cong ress at the 1937 Elections in Madras,” 557-589

22 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 15, 161

On a more national level, villag es whose residents directly benefited from constr uctive work in sanitation, khadi spinning, and education showed increased commitment and loyalty to the Cong ress. Speaking to this point in 1939, Krishnalal Shridharani, a for mer follower of Gandhi's, wrote that ag ricultural workers who g ained extra income through the AISA recognized the effor ts of Gandhi and the Cong ress in improving their lives.23 T hus, they eag erly received any infor mation reg arding satyagrahas and nationalist activities from the AISA’s “de pots”.24

Constr ucti ve Work: Gandhi’s Intentions and Stra tegic Outcomes

While scholars like Peter Acker mann and Jack Duvall have acknowledg ed the relevance of constr uctive work in Gandhi’s vision of nonviolent resistance, they have assigned it a suppor ting role– claiming Gandhi never envisioned it as “an end in itself.” 25 T his argument is limited because Gandhi continuously emphasized the impor tance of the constr uctive prog ram, stating, “the constr uctive prog ramme is the tr uthful and nonviolent way of winning complete Inde pendence.”26

T herefore, it is impor tant to note a distinction between constr uctive work’s intention and outcome. It is primarily in its consequences and implementation that constr uctive work took on the additional role of suppor ting mass mobilizations like the satyagraha.

To tr uly g rasp the essence of Gandhian mass mobilization, par ticularly the pivotal 'str ug gle' component of satyag raha, a comprehensive understanding of the periods of apparent 'tr uce' marked by the constr uctive

23 Krishnalal Jethalal Shridharani, War without Violence: Sociolog y of Gandhi's Satyagraha (New York, 1939), https://archive.org/details/in.er net.dli.2015.36471/pag e /n1/mode/2up?q=When+literature+and+infor mation+ reg arding+the+nationalist, 148

24 Ibid

25 Peter Acker man, and Jack Duvall, A Force Mor e Powerful: A Centur y of Nonviolent Conflict (New York, NY: Palg rave, 2000), 72

26 Mohandas K aramchand Gandhi, Constructive Pr ogramme (T he Navajivan Tr ust, 1945), 1 prog ram becomes indispensable. Exploring the constr uctive work car ried out during these phases sheds light on the profound impor tance of ashrams and vidyapiths in actively pursuing swaraj (freedom)ideals and fostering counter-cultural practices. Moreover, an examination of their strategic role as reser voirs of mass political suppor t during satyag rahas fur ther illuminates their significance. It is notewor thy that the constr uctive prog ram's impact often veered from its original intentions, sug g esting that its suppor tive role was not exclusive, but rather supplementar y in nature

Ashrams, Counter cultural Spaces, Reser voir Pr ograms

In the ashrams, Gandhi and his co-residents sought to create a counter-world: a physical space where the inhabitants eng ag ed in acts of self-control and communal labor for spiritual and social liberation.27 By mandating that the ashram residents car r y out daily chores tog ether, Gandhi aimed to dismantle societal bar riers and foster a sense of equality and solidarity across distinctions of caste, class, g ender, nationality, race, and religion. Gandhi also insisted that residents practice swaraj and ahimsa (nonviolence) at all times.28 T his instilled the moral discipline necessar y for their communal life tog ether in the pursuit of the nonviolent resistance ag ainst the British.

T he ashrams played a pivotal role in Gandhi's constr uctive prog ram, evolving into Satyag rahis' camps where people's energ y was channeled into nonviolent channels 29 Gandhi recognized their political potential, utilizing the ashram residents as a reliable, mentally pre pared, and physically ade pt reser ve of suppor ters 30 While not initially intended as laboratories for satyag raha, Gandhi mobilized the ashrams strategically, realizing their political

27 Mohandas K aramchand Gandhi, Ashram Obser vance in Action (Ahmedabad, Gujarat: Navajivan Publishing House, 1955), http://www.g andhiashramsevag ram.org/ashram-obser va nces/index.php, 23-27.

28 Ibid

29 Shridharani, War without Violence, 150

30 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 48, 348 capacity and effectively de ploying them in suppor t of the movement. T heir discipline and commitment became valuable tools in his pragmatic approach to nonviolent resistance, enabling individuals to underg o training, adopt the necessar y mindset, and contribute to the larg er g oals of the movement.

T his is best ref lected in Gandhi prefer ring to recr uit his fellow marchers for the satyagraha from his ashram over de pending exclusively upon volunteers from the Cong ress 31 T his can be attributed to some Cong ress members’ ske pticism32 about Gandhi’s nonviolent resistance, as opposed to the ashram residents who were unequivocally devoted to Gandhi’s mission.33 Consequently, Gandhi recr uited marchers from the ashram, where he could rely on bonds forg ed from tr ust and discipline In fact, the first seventy-two marchers in the Salt Satyagraha were all from Gandhi’s Sabar mati Ashram. 34

Vidyapiths, Education and Volunteer Training

In higher education, Gandhi inspired the establishment of several vidyapiths (indig enous secondar y education institutions).

T he Gujarat vidyapith, star ted in 1920, was a model to counter the educational institutions inspired by Macaulay’s Minute and the aim to create a class of ‘inter preter’ anglicized Indian elites.35 Gandhi’s g oal, therefore, was to train Indians to ser ve India in an education system that “synthesi[zed] the different cultures that

31 Dennis Dalton, Mahatma Gandhi: Nonviolent Power in Action (New York, New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), 175-176

32 Saurabh Bajpai, “Tripuri Crisis: Nar rative of the Political Confrontation between Gandhi and Subhas,” Pr oceedings of the Indian Histor y Congr ess 68 (2007): pp. 875-882.

33 Mohandas K aramchand Gandhi, Bapus Letters to Mira (1924-1948) (Ahmedabad: Navajivan, 1949), 98

34 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 48, 416

35 Mohandas K aramchand Gandhi, Towards New Education, ed. Bharatan Kumarappa (Ahmedabad: Navajivan Pub House, 1955), https://www mkg andhi org/towrds edu/towrds edu ht m, 76-77 have come to stay in India (and) that have inf luenced Indian life.”36

Given this, it is interesting to note that Gujarat vidyapith essentially suspended its literar y activities for boys over 15, who were expected to suppor t Gandhi during his satyagrahas. 37 In fact, Gandhi himself commended the vidyapith for administering fifteen-day emerg ency training camps to pre pare the boys for joining the resistance and collating data from the villag es he was to visit.38 It is assumed that Gandhi then used the data to tailor his speeches to the location.39 Overall, Gandhi praised the promptitude of the Gujarat vidyapith and recommended other institutions to “copy the example ” 40

It is intriguing that the vidyapiths were used to recr uit and train volunteers for the satyag raha instead of focusing on impar ting a comprehensive for mal education. Post suspending literar y activities over the ag e of 15, the vidyapiths were educating students for fewer years compared to the British schools they intended to counter.41 Indicating, therefore, that Gandhi’s vidyapiths took more of an interest in mobilizing the masses than in educating them. Additionally, that 40 students were already conducting “field work” 42 before the “emerg ency training prog ram” for more volunteers indicates that volunteer training had been a long-ter m scheme– eventually resulting in students leaving their studies to accompany Gandhi for months.

At the same time, considering the context in which Gandhi commended the

36 Gandhi, Towards New Education, 76.

37 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 48, 462-463

38 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 48, 391-393

39 Dalton, Nonviolent Power in Action, 175

40 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 48, 462-463.

41 P. J. Har tog et al., “Interim Repor t of the Indian Statutor y Commission Review of Growth of Education in British India ” (1929)

T he document indicates that the ag e g roup for primar y education is 6-11 years (see section IV, pg V). Since middle and high school take up 6 or 7 years combined, the averag e ag e of the g raduating student is estimated to be 17 or 18 (see section I, pg IX)

42 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 48, 462-463

Gujarat vidyapith, there is an argument to be made that he overstretched the utility of the vidyapiths. Gandhi was addressing his comments to justify the vidyapiths’ benefits ag ainst claims that money spent on them “has been so much waste.” 43 Given this situation, he could have exag g erated praise of the Gujarat vidyapith to strengthen his stance. However, even within the framework of this argument, the suspension of literar y activities and existence of training prog rams and volunteers from the Gujarat vidyapith por tray it as an incubator for Gandhi’s followers and suppor ters

Conclusion

In conclusion, the value and pur pose of Gandhi's constr uctive work in his strategies for mass mobilization cannot be overstated. Its impor tance is often overshadowed by the undue emphasis on satyag raha, which por trays the constr uctive prog ram as non-political and disconnected from the broader framework of Gandhi's nonviolent resistance. However, such an evaluation is unjust, as the constr uctive prog ram ser ved as a strategic and political tool that effectively increased par ticipation in Gandhi's satyag rahas and bolstered the national movement.

Moving forward, it is cr ucial to transcend the notion of rigid compar tments when examining Gandhi's strategies of mass mobilization. As demonstrated throughout this 43 The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi, Vol 48, 462-463 paper, the success of Gandhi's nonviolent resistance can be attributed to the interconnectedness between the constr uctive prog ram, satyag rahas, and the political ag endas of the Indian National Cong ress. T hese three components frequently overlapped and mutually benefited from each other, creating an environment of resistance that was conducive to mass mobilization.

While this paper has primarily focused on the role and significance of the constr uctive prog ram in mass mobilization, future research can delve fur ther into exploring the evolution of this environment of resistance. Additionally, investig ating Gandhi's unique role as a mediator between the constr uctive prog ram, satyag rahas, and political ag endas would be valuable. T his is especially relevant as India has not witnessed mass mobilization on the scale achieved by Gandhi following his assassination, making it essential to understand and lear n from his strategies in today's context. By comprehensively studying the inter play of these components, we can g ain valuable insights into the enduring leg acy of Gandhi's mass mobilization and its relevance in contemporar y times