هل تخبرنا التجربة الرومانية بما سيحدث في مصر؟

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫‪What is Aleppo? with Ibrahim Hamidi‬‬ ‫‪Interviewed by Bassam Haddad‬‬

‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬ ‫‪Tweet‬‬

‫‪Dec 29 2011‬‬

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‫ﻋﻤﺮﻭ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﺩﻟﻲ‪by Amr Adly ‬‬ ‫ﺍَﺳﺗﻣ ُﻊ‬

‫‪­1 ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺩء‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺛﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺧﺭﺟﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﺳﻣﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﺔ‪ 1989 ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﻫﺎﺗﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺩﺍﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﻳﻘﻭﻻﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺑﺿﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ .1964 ‬ﻭﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺣﻭﺍﻟﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺑﻭﻉ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﺟﻬﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‬ ‫ﻗﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺷﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﻻﻑ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺿﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻳﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻬﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻘﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺑﺽ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻳﻬﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺗﻬﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺻﻭﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﺑﺛﺎ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺩﺍﻣﻬﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺿﺭﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺭﺻﺎﺹ‪ .‬ﻭﺗﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺑﺽ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺭﺅﻭﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺭﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺩﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻘﺩﻳﻣﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﺟﻧﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﺑﻳﺩ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻋﻭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺭﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻳﻖ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﺑﺩﺍ‬ ‫ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻼﻧﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻏﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺛﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﻭﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺗﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻳﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻭﺻﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺄﻭﺭﺍﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﺷﻳﻛﻭﺳﻠﻭﻓﺎﻛﻳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻣﺛﻝ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﺎﺭﻗﺔ‪ ‬ﺷﺩﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺍﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻌﻘﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻧﻅﺭ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ‬ ‫]ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﻗﻊ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﺎﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﻭﺭﻭﻡ[ ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﻊ‬ ‫ﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﺭﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻋﻧﻑ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻧﺗﻔﺎﺿﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺗﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺁﻧﺫﺍﻙ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﻎ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﺩ‪ ‬ﺿﺣﺎﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻧﺎﻫﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻟﻑ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺛﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﺍﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‬ ‫ﻣﺻﺎﻟﺣﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺭﻛﺯ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﺍﻩ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﺧﻭﺻﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺛﺎﻟﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﻟﻌﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﺑﺩﻭ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺟﺭﺍﺋﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺿﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﺑﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﺎﺻﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺗﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻁﻼﻕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻣﺎﻧﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻛﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻟﺑﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﺢ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻑ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻟﺙ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﻔﺎﻅ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻭﺍﻗﻌﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻌﺩﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺑﻳﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻳﻐﻠﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺻﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﺩﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﻛﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻧﺳﺑﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺩﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻟﻛﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺭﻛﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺻﻼﺣﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻔﻳﺫﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻔﺗﻘﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻟﺳﻠﻁﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻳﻘﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻛﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻹﺷﺭﺍﻑ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔﺗﻘﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻼﺳﺗﻘﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﻌﻠﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻔﻳﺫﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺿﺎﻑ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻑ‪ ‬ﺷﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻭﺍء‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺗﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﺩﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻗﺑﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﻔﺗﺎءﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭﺓ‬ ‫‪1/9‬‬

‫…‪http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/3834/%D9%87%D9%84­%D8%AA%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%A7­%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8‬‬

‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻁﻧﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻭﻗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺭﻳﺎﺗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻛﻔﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﺳﺗﻭﺭﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺿﻐﻁ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺟﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺟﺎﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﻁﺎﻟﺑﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﺩﺍﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻛﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻟﺑﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﺗﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻭﻛﺭﺍﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺍﻓﺗﻘﺎﺩﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﺷﻁ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﻭﻱ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺿﻐﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﻏﺎﻟﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻧﺣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻳﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﻗﻳﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﺭﻗﻳﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺗﻣﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺟﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻭﻳﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺎﻧﺣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺑﻳﻳﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻠﻙ‬ ‫ﺗﻭﺍﺻﻼ‪ ‬ﻓﻌﻠﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻛﺛﻳﻔﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻁﻧﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺗﺭﺽ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﺑﻧﻰ‪ ‬ﻗﺿﺎﻳﺎﻫﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﻔﺎﻋﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺎﻟﺣﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﻁﻧﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﻳﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﻓﻘﺭﺍء‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﻛﺎﻥ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻅﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ‬ﻓﻛﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﻬﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺿﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻁﺎﺣﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪1989 ‬؟‬ ‫ﺑﺩﺃﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻔﺎﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﺳﻣﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺫﻛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺩﻟﻌﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻳﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻳﻣﺷﻭﺍﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻋﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻷﺣﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺳﺎﻭﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻭﺗﺳﺗﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻸﻗﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺳﺭﻋﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﻘﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺁﺭﺍﺩ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﺧﺎﺭﺳﺕ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﻧﺯﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﺷﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﻻﻑ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﻣﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺿﺩ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻣﻭﻟﻲ‪ .‬ﺃﺗﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺧﺿﻡ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﻭﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺩءﺍ‪ ‬ﺑﻔﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻣﺛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺿﺎﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺟﺯﺋﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﻘﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺧﺭﻭﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﺋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﻻﻑ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻟﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻭﺍﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﻣﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺿﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺯﺍﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﻳﻛﻭﺳﻠﻭﻓﺎﻛﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺎﺛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻠﺑﺙ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺩﺃﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﺎﻭﺿﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﺳﻠﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻧﺎﺡ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺁﻧﺫﺍﻙ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻭﻧﻅﺎﻣﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺗﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻗﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻧﻑ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻟﻌﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻅﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺗﻛﻠﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﺧﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﺗﺧﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻘﺭﺑﻳﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻧﻬﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺿﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﺇﻳﻠﻳﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﺭﻭﺏ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺻﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﺣﺗﺟﺎﺯﻫﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺳﻛﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺑﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺟﻳﺵ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻧﺩﺋﺫ‪ ‬ﻅﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﺻﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺷﻖ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﻡ‪ ‬ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺿﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺋﻭﻟﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺑﻳﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻔﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺛﺎﻟﺙ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﻠﻧﻭﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺷﻘﺎﻗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺃﻋﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻋﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺗﻬﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﺛﻧﺎﺋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺗﻌﺟﻝ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻅﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﻳﺩﻳﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺻﻭﻳﺭﻩ‪ ‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍﻋﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﺗﺫﺍﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﺗﺧﺫ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺈﻋﺩﺍﻣﻬﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻔﻳﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﻭﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺻﻭﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻋﺩﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺇﺫﺍﻋﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﻫﺩﻳﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ ‬ﻗﺑﺿﺕ‪ ‬ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﻗﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺗﺧﺫﺕ‪ ‬ﺧﻁﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺇﺯﺍء‪ ‬ﺣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺍﺣﺗﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺩﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻭﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺇﻳﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻳﺳﻛﻭ­ﺃﺣﺩ‪ ‬ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﺎﺑﻘﺎ­‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺑﺻﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﻗﺗﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻋﺩﺍﺩ‪ ‬ﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺋﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻘﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ .‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﺿﻁﻠﻌﺕ‪ ‬ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﺟﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺽ‪ ‬ﺭﻣﻭﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺭﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﻠﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺩﺍﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻱ‬ ‫ﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺟﺎﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﻟﺧﻭﺽ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺯﻣﻌﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺩﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ،1990 ‬ﻭﺷﺩﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻓﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻗﺗﺭﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﺻﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺍﺳﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻟﻑ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﻠﻧﻭﺍ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﻳﺗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺧﻭﺽ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻛﺛﻑ‪ ‬ﻟﻭﺳﺎﺋﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﺯﺍﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺣﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺎﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺟﻣﻭﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﺿﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﻌﺑﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺧﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺩﻳﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻛﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺳﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻏﻠﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺻﺎﻟﺣﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻼﻝ­ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﻛﺗﺎﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳﺗﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺑﻼﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﺃﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﺳﺗﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻳﺎﻻ‪ ‬ﻹﻁﻼﻕ‪ ‬ﺻﻼﺣﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻔﻳﺫﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ 1992 ‬ﻋﻘﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺭﺋﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺿﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﻳﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﺭﺋﻳﺱ‬ ‫ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻔﺭﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻭﺯﻩ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻏﻠﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺭﺑﺕ‪ %70 ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺻﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﻳﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺎﺗﺕ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺋﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﺍﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻛﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺳﻠﻁﺗﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺧﻠﺹ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺄﻛﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻁﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﺣﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﺻﻳﺎﻏﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﺩﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺍء‪ ‬ﻋﻣﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﺍﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻅﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﺿﻭﺡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺭﻛﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻧﺎﺡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻔﻳﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺋﻳﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺿﻌﻑ‬ ‫ﺻﻼﺣﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﺗﺧﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﻁﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻟﺿﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻘﻼﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﻭﻓﺻﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺭﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺑﺩء‪ ‬ﻋﻣﻠﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺻﺧﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﺢ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻳﺭﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺷﻔﺎﻓﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻁﻭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﺻﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻧﻘﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻌﻠﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﻠﻛﻳﺗﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺭﺟﺎﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﺑﻘﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻔﺭﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺻﺎﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺳﻌﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﺇﺫ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺷﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﻧﺳﺗﺎﻧﺗﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺋﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ،1996 ‬ﻭﺍﻧﻘﺳﻡ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺟﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﻘﺎﺫ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﺿﺎءﻟﺕ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻁﺭﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻠﻌﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﺕ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﺳﻳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺻﻌﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺇﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺗﺭﺗﻳﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﻟﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﻳﻧﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ‪ ‬ﺫﺍﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﺭﺯ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺿﻌﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺗﻣﺎﺳﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺭﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺯﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺗﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺗﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺻﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻟﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻭﺍﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺳﺎﺧﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺻﻳﺎﻏﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺩﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻟﻠﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻷﺣﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﺯﻳﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻏﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺑﺑﺳﺎﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻛﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺛﻝ‪ ‬ﻁﺭﻓﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻘﺎء‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ 1989/1990 ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻭﻛﺭﺍﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﻭﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻠﺩﻭﻓﺎ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﻔﺎﻅ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺑﻧﻰ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﺭﺟﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺟﺫﻭﺭﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺭﻳﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﻘﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻓﻳﺗﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻼﺭﻭﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺫﺭﺑﻳﺟﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻛﺎﺯﺍﺧﺳﺗﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻭﺯﺑﻛﺳﺗﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﺭﻛﻣﺎﻧﺳﺗﺎﻥ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺭﺗﻳﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺑﻛﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺗﺩﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺻﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﺭﺹ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻳﺟﺎﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﻠﺑﺎً‪ ‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻬﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻳﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺿﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺫﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺧﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻛﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺭﺗﻳﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﺳﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﺗﻔﺭﺯ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺍﻛﺯ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﻳﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺗﻛﻠﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻫﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻟﻭ‪ ‬ﺛﺑﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﺳﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻓﺷﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺭﺗﻳﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﺻﻁﻠﺢ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﺳﻣﻳﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﺯﻭﺟﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺳﺭﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺭﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻳﺋﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻔﺳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺎﺭﻳﺧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﺩﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻻﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﺷﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻋﺟﺯﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺩﺍء‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺳﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺟﻠﻬﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫­ﺃﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ؟‪2‬‬

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‫…‪http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/3834/%D9%87%D9%84­%D8%AA%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%A7­%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8‬‬

‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫‪ ‬‬ ‫‪ ‬‬ ‫ﻓﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺟﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﺧﺗﻼﻑ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺻﺭ؟‪ ‬ﻓﻠﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺿﺣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻛﺗﺎﺗﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺛﻭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﻘﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺷﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺧﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ .‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻭﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻔﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺛﺎﻟﺙ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺗﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻣﻡ‪ ‬ﻫﺅﻻء‪ ‬ﺗﺭﺗﻳﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺿﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺟﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺍﻛﺯﻫﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺽ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺩﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺳﺗﻐﻠﻭﺍ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺯﺑﻭﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﺷﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺩﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺭﻭﺛﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺣﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻹﻋﻼﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﺯﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺣﻛﻭﻣﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻣﺗﻳﺎﺯ‪ .‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺁﻟﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻘﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﺭﺃﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺯﻣﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‬ ‫ﻳﺛﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻑ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻫﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﺳﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻸ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻁﺭﻳﻖ‬ ‫ﺇﻧﺷﺎء‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﻛﺭﺍﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻣﺗﺩﺍﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻌﻪ‪ ‬ﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺑﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﻔﺱ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺭﻫﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺋﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻋﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺑﺩﻭ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﺿﻭﺡ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ­ﺧﻼﻓﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻸﻋﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻘﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻏﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻳﺳﻛﻭ­ﻳﻔﺗﻘﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺧﺑﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺳﻳﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺿﺎﻑ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﻛﻼﺕ‪ ‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭﺗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﻟﻲ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﺣﺗﻭﺍء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻔﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﺳﻭﺍء‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺷﻘﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺹ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻷﺟﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻳﻘﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺷﻘﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﺿﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﺿﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﺑﺟﻼء‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﺟﻧﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﺧﺫ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺗﺎﺡ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺣﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺇﻗﺭﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻌﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺟﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺯﻟﻪ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻭﺍﺯﻧﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﻫﻳﻛﻠﻪ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﺷﺄ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﺭﻗﺎﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺿﻊ‪ ‬ﺁﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺭﺟﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺩﻓﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﻣﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﺿﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺟﺎﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﺭﺋﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﺧﺑﻳﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻖ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﻁﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﺯﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﻳﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻠﻁﺟﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻧﻳﻝ‬ ‫ﺃﻏﻠﺑﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﻧﻭﻋﺔ‪ ،‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺑﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻁﻠﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﺣﻳﻼ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺷﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺟﺎﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺎﻭﻟﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺟﻭﻉ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻬﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺄﺧﺫ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﺄﺕ‪ ‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺧﻠﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﺎﻗﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺅﺳﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺎﻋﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻣﺛﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﺩﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺣﻠﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﺫﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻛﺎء‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺩﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻠﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻓﺿﻝ‪ ‬ﺻﻭﺭﻩ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻧﺧﺑﺔ‬ ‫‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺭﺋﺎﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺿﺎﻑ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻠﻘﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﺟﺯﻩ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻣﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻪ‪ ‬ﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻳﻧﺎﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻩ‪ ‬ﺁﺧﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﺑﻘﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺭﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﻠﺏ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻭﻟﻳﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﺑﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﺄﺕ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺧﻠﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺩﺍﺧﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺑﻐﺭﺽ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺧﻠﺹ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺷﺭﻭﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺭﻳﺙ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺳﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﺳﻳﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺳﻠﻁ‪ ‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﺳﺎﺩﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻛﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﺩﻟﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﺿﺢ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻣﺧﺗﺎﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﻳﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺭﻏﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻭﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﻧﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺭﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻳﻁﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻧﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﻐﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‬ ‫ﻟﺗﺻﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﺗﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺎﺋﻠﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﺭﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻣﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﺭﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺑﻘﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺛﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻙ‪ ‬ﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺎﻛﻣﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺛﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺎﺭﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻫﻳﻛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺧﻠﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻣﻌﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﺑﻌﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻠﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺎﻓﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ­ﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁﻬﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺭﻭﻉ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ­‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻟﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺑﻠﻎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﻗﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺷﻬﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺷﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻁﻧﻁﺎﻭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻓﺽ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﺭﻳﻁ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻗﺗﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﻳﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﺩﻟﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺧﻁﻁ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﺣﻭﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻘﻑ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻓﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﺩﻣﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻁﺭﺍﻑ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﺻﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻭﺟﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﺟﺳﺩﻳﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺟﺣﻭﺍ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻭﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪ ‬ﻋﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺧﺽ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺑﺿﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻭﺭ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﺟﺏ‪ ‬ﺇﻏﻔﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺻﺑﺢ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﻛﺯ‪" ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺿﺎﺩﺓ"‪ ‬ﺑﺗﺻﺩﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻫﻳﻛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺧﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻔﻭﻳﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻋﺯﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻔﺎﻋﻠﻳﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺟﺯﺋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻣﺎﺡ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﻠﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺗﺷﻐﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺯﺑﻭﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﺳﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻌﺻﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺛﻠﺙ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻘﺎﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺟﻭﺯﺓ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺗﻧﺎﻓﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﻟﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻭﻁﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺻﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﻛﻛﻪ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺳﻌﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻛﻭﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺻﺣﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺭﺅﻭﺱ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻭﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﻋﻣﺎء‪ ‬ﻋﺷﺎﺋﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺎﺋﻼﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻌﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻳﺗﺳﺎﺑﻘﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻳﺗﻧﺎﻓﺳﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻧﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺻﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﺻﺎﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻣﺗﻳﺎﺯﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺭﻑ‬ ‫ﺗﻁﺑﻳﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻧﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺗﺳﺎﻭ‪ .‬ﻭﺇﻧﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺩﺧﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺅﻻء‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﻳﺎﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻘﺎء‪ ‬ﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺻﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺷﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺎﺋﻔﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺟﺢ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﺟﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻌﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﻘﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻭﺍﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻛﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﺩﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻘﻳﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻅﻰ‪ ‬ﺑﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﺟﺭﺍﺋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻟﻬﻧﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﻧﻐﻼﺩﺵ‪ ‬ﻭﺇﻧﺩﻭﻧﻳﺳﻳﺎ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻭﺿﻌﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺧﺗﻼﻑ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻧﺩﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺟﺯء‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ­ﻣﺭﻛﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻘﻝ‪ ‬ﻧﺳﺑﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ­‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺍﻛﺯﻩ‪ ‬ﻭﺻﻼﺣﻳﺎﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺷﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺩﺩﻳﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫­ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪3‬‬ ‫‪3/9‬‬

‫…‪http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/3834/%D9%87%D9%84­%D8%AA%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%A7­%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8‬‬

‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫]ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺩﺭ‪[ alnwaihi.maktoobblog ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺑﻌﻳﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻭﺍﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺟﺭﺍﺋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻧﺷﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻳﺯ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺗﺟﺫﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻧﻣﻭﺫﺝ‪ ‬ﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺫﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺩﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺷﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺫﺭ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺗﺎﺟﺎ‪ ‬ﻻﺳﺗﻳﻼء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪" ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ"‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺧﻼﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‬ ‫ﻅﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺣﺿﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺗﺩ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﻳﺳﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‪ ‬ﻧﺻﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﺎﻧﺎﺓ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﺩﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﻬﻣﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺗﻔﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻘﺎﺭﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺩﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺷﻳﻙ‪ ،‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻳﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻅﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻌﺯﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺗﺭﺽ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﺳﺗﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻛﻔﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺿﻣﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﺷﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺫﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﺧﻔﺽ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﺻﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺳﻌﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‬ ‫ﻳﺩﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﺿﻭﺡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺫﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻛﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﻟﺑﻘﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺇﺑﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺭﺍﺟﻌﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺿﻌﻑ‪ ‬ﺷﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻌﻧﺎﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺎﻫﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﺻﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻌﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻧﺷﻁﺎء‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺭﺃﺓ‪ ،‬ﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻧﺷﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﻛﺱ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﻧﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻟﻳﻛﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺩﻭ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﻛﻔﻳﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺻﻭﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻌﺎﻭﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺭﻳﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺭﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﺣﺗﺟﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﻭﺍﺑﻁ‪ ‬ﻁﻼﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻛﻧﻳﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﻣﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺗﺎﻟﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﻣﺳﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻣﻌﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺁﻧﺫﺍﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﻛﻳﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺯﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻔﺻﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻠﺩﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﺑﺕ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﺎﺣﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺷﻳﻙ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﺭﻗﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺗﺎﻟﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﻣﺳﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻅﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻋﺭﻳﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺷﻬﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻓﻳﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ،1956 ‬ﻭﺷﻬﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺷﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ 1953 ‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‬ ‫ﻋﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ‬ﺿﺧﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺳﺗﻘﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺭﻭﻑ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﺳﻡ‪" ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺿﺎﻣﻥ"­ﻭﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺭﺳﻣﻲ­‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺭﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﻣﻁﻠﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻣﺎﻧﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺻﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻧﻁﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺷﻳﻙ‪ .‬ﺃﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻘﺩ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﻛﻛﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺟﺯءﺍ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻌﻧﻰ‪ ‬ﺁﺧﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺑﻁﺣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﺟﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﺻﻳﻼ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﺩﺉ‪ ‬ﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺑﺩء‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻳﻼء‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺳﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺫﺭﻫﺎ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺭﺋﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺷﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻘﺕ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﺍﻳﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻓﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻣﻌﻧﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ‬ﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻱ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﻋﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﺑﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﺩﻯ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﺩﻣﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺩﻣﺟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻳﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺧﺿﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻬﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺳﻁﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻔﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﻼﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻘﺗﺿﻰ‪ ‬ﻻﺋﺣﺔ‪،1979 ‬‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻟﺣﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻭﺿﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺗﺫﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻋﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﻫﻳﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺩﺭﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﻟﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻔﻳﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺿﺎﻑ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﺣﺎﻕ‪ ‬ﻋﺑﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻸﺯﻫﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻁﺑﻘﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻘﺎﻧﻭﻥ‬ ‫‪ ،1960‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺟﻣﻌﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺩ‪ ‬ﻧﺳﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺳﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻌﺗﻣﺩ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻣﻭﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﺣﺻﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻧﺎﺷﻁﻭﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻁﺑﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺳﻁﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺿﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻌﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺫﻭﺭ‪ .‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺻﺣﻳﺣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺻﻭﺭﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺟﺯﺃ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺷﻣﻭﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻟﺳﺗﺎﻟﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺗﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻗﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻳﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺎﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻧﺷﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺎﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻫﺎﻣﺵ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺋﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪،‬ﻭﻟﺗﻐﻠﻐﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻧﺗﺷﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻠﻌﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﻧﻳﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺑﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﺭﺍ‪ ،‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﺷﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺧﺭﻭﺝ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﺣﺗﺟﺎﺟﻳﺔ­ﻭﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﻅﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﺩﺍ­‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ 2004 ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻏﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﻔﺎﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ 6‬ﺇﺑﺭﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ 9‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻧﺑﻐﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺗﻧﺎﺳﻰ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﻼﻡ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻘﺭﻭء‬ ‫ﻁﻳﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺁﺧﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻹﺿﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻺﻋﻼﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻓﺗﺭﺍﺿﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻼﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻧﻭﺍﺓ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺑﺩﻭ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﻠﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺿﻭﺣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺻﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ–ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺳﻳﺣﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﺩﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﺑﺎﻁ­‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﺑﺩﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻧﺎﻳﺎﻩ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻸ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺍﻍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺯﻭﺍﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺣﻭﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﺻﻭﺭﺗﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻁﺎﻕ‪ ‬ﺭﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﺳﻊ‪ ‬ﻧﻁﺎﻗﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺩﻳﺙ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪­4‬ﻭﻣﺎﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ؟‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺹ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬‬ ‫‪ ‬‬

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‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫‪ ‬‬ ‫]ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﻗﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺟﺭ[‬ ‫ﻭﻳﺑﻘﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﺎﺋﺭ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﻭﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﺭﺗﺑﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ .‬ﻓﻔﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﻭﻭﺳﻁ‬ ‫ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻣﻼ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺑﺗﻐﻳﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺈﻗﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻳﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﺣﻭﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺟﻪ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺑﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺗﺑﻁﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺗﺑﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻠﻛﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺿﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﻛﻼﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻟﻛﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻭﺣﻣﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺧﺎﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻓﻧﺟﺣﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺷﻳﻙ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﻠﻭﻓﻳﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺑﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﻭﻉ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻌﺿﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺗﺣﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻳﻧﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﺷﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻛﺎﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﻛﺭﻭﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻭﻛﺭﺍﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻭﻟﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺻﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺩﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺩﻳﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﺑﺙ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﻫﺅﻻء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻼﺋﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﺩﺋﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺳﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺍﺧﺗﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻟﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻋﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺛﺭﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻳﺟﺎﺭﻛﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺣﺳﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻛﻠﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺎﻫﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻌﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭﺗﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻟﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﻘﻭﻗﻪ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻛﺭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﺟﺯﺋﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﻣﻳﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻛﺛﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺳﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﺛﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﺩﺍﺧﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺭﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻳﺧﺗﻠﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﺛﻳﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻕ‪ ‬ﻭﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺟﺎء‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻳﻭﻟﻳﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻼﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‬ ‫ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺑﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻁﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﺯ‪ ‬ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺻﺭﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﺭﻳﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﺟﺔ‪ ‬ﻹﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻫﻳﻛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺟﺫﺭﻱ‬ ‫ﻳﻘﻠﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻘﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻐﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﻅﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻳﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﻠﺣﻅ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺷﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻳﻭﻟﻳﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‬ ‫ﺗﺅﺳﺱ‪ ‬ﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺳﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺣﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻘﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺧﻠﻘﺕ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﺣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻣﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺛﺭﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻘﺗﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻛﺛﻳﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺯ‪ ‬ﺭﺃﺳﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺎﺳﻳﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻳﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﺃﺣﻣﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﺯ‪ ‬ﻭﻫﺷﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻁﻠﻌﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﻁﻔﻰ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺣﻣﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺑﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻳﻧﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﻫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺟﺭﺍﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺣﻣﺩ‪ ‬ﺇﺑﺭﺍﻫﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺳﻠﻳﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻏﻳﺭﻫﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﻅﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺷﻘﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ­‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺱ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻁﺎﻟﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺻﻳﺎﻏﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺎﺋﻝ‪ ‬ﻛﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺯﻳﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﺭﺍﺋﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻘﺩﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺩﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﺳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﺣﺗﻛﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻌﺎﺭﺽ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺧﺎﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﺧﺻﺧﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﻓﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﻳﺳﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻔﻳﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺭﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻋﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺑﻳﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻳﻳﻥ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺷﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﻛﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺷﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻧﻘﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﺟﺯءﺍ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﺱ‪ ‬ﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺷﻐﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻘﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺿﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﺛﻣﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺹ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻗﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻟﺳﻳﺎﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺻﻧﺎﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺯﺭﺍﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﺗﺻﺎﻻﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﻠﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﺑﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻼ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺟﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﺎء‪ ‬ﺗﺣﺎﻟﻔﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﺗﻭﺯﻳﻌﻳﺔ­ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻏﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺻﺭﻳﺔ­ﺗﺿﻡ‪ ‬ﻁﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﻁﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﻧﺎﺯﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻭﻗﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺻﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﺑﺧﺎﻑ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺩﻫﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺎﺑﻌﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﻘﺑﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﺑﻧﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﻟﻺﺻﻼﺣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻳﻭﻟﻳﺑﺭﺍﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻗﻠﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻁﺭﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻼﺯﻣﺔ‬ ‫ﻟﺻﻳﺎﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﺷﺑﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺯﺑﻭﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻁﺎﻟﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻧﺩ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺑﺩﺍﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﺗﺄﺳﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺻﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﻣﺳﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﻅﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻧﺟﺢ‪ ‬ﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﺧﻠﻑ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ­ﺳﻭﺍء‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﺻﻳﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﻳﻥ­ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻟﻧﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﺋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻟﻌﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺳﻁﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺭﺷﻰ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻼﺳﺗﺑﺩﺍﺩ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻐﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﺛﻳﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﺻﻭﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻭﻻﺕ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺿﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻗﻠﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﻠﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﺋﻘﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﻳﻭﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﺑﺩﺍﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻭﻳﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻏﻠﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺹ‪ ‬ﻟﻳﺳﺕ‪ ‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻭﺍﺋﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻧﺳﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻔﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻬﻳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻳﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻛﺎﻣﻝ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺻﻳﻎ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺭﻛﺯﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻘﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺫﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻁﺭﻳﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﺧﺩﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻹﺭﺿﺎء‪ ‬ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺣﻝ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻛﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻗﺕ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﻼ‪ ‬ﻟﻘﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻧﻅﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﺧﻣﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻔﺳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻁﻼﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻘﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺯﺧﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﻘﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﻛﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﺗﺣﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﻳﻁﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻳﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺣﻖ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺳﻌﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﻘﺹ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻼﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻘﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺯﺍﺋﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺷﻅﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺗﺞ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻁﻼﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﻅﻬﺭﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﺭﺑﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﺗﺣﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﻳﺿﻡ‪ ‬ﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﺷﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻋﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺷﺭﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺻﺎﻧﻊ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻧﺎﻅﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻳﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺗﻘﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﺎﺑﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻭﺍﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﻟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻁﺑﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻔﻛﻳﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﻷﻱ‪ ‬ﺟﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﺑﺩﺍﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺧﻣﺳﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﺯﺍﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺗﻣﺳﻛﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺑﻧﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺻﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻱ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺭﺍﻓﺿﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﺻﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﻧﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺭﻏﻡ‬ ‫‪5/9‬‬

‫…‪http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/3834/%D9%87%D9%84­%D8%AA%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%A7­%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8‬‬

‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫ﺗﺑﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺯﺭﺍء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﻟﻪ‪ ‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺟﺎﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻳﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻣﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺷﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‪ ‬ﻗﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺹ‪ ‬ﺗﻐﻠﺏ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺿﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻷﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺫﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﺗﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻧﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺳﻣﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺭﺍﺟﻊ‪ ‬ﻧﺻﻳﺑﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻛﺛﻳﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﺟﻣﺎﻟﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﺗﻳﺟﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﻗﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻌﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﺍﺋﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻣﺎﻧﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻁﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻏﻠﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺎﻓﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺿﻌﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺷﺎﻁ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻳﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺧﺭﺝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺍﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺫ‪ 2004 ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻫﻳﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﺿﺭﺍﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻋﺗﺻﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﻧﻊ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩﺓ­ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺑﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﺑﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ­‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﺗﻁﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺍﻙ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻔﻌﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻁﺑﻳﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ .‬‬ ‫‪­5‬ﻟﻣﺎﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻅﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻛﺗﻣﻠﺔ؟‪ ‬‬

‫‪ ] ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﻗﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﺎﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻣﻳﺩﻳﺎ[‬ ‫‪ ‬‬ ‫ﺛﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻭﺍﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺎﺻﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺇﺟﻬﺎﺿﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻣﺎﺡ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺗﺟﺫﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻐﻳﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻧﻣﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻼﻗﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻧﺕ‪ ‬ﺳﺎﺋﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺃﻭﻟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺩﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺛﻳﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻁﺑﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻔﺗﺭﺽ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﻭﺍﺻﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﺣﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺧﻳﺎﺭﺍﺗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺑﺎﻟﻁﺑﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺍﻗﻊ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﺑﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻐﻠﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﺳﺑﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺭﺃﺱ‪ ‬ﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺛﻘﺎﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻛﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺍﻛﺯﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻧﻔﺻﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻳﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺻﺑﺢ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺩﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻳﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺗﻌﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺣﻖ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺻﻭﻳﺕ‪ ‬ﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﺭﺑﻊ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺧﻣﺱ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﻧﺎﻙ‪ ‬ﺳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻳﺣﻠﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﻘﻼﺑﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺩﺍﺧﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺑﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻛﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺑﻳﺭﻭﻗﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻔﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﺗﺳﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﻁﺎﻟﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﻁﺑﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺛﻘﻔﻳﻥ‪) ‬ﻛﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﻳﻛﻭﺳﻠﻭﻓﺎﻛﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﺗﺳﻼﻑ‪ ‬ﻫﺎﻓﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺟﻣﻭﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺎﺗﺫﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻣﻌﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻛﺗﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺯﻋﻣﻭﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﻁﺑﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻣﻳﻥ‪) ‬ﻛﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻟﻳﺦ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﻭﻧﺳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﻟﻧﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﺯﻋﻡ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺿﺎﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺃﻟﻔﻭﻧﺳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺭﺟﻧﺗﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﻣﻧﺗﺻﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻣﺎﻧﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ(‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﻧﻳﺳﺔ‪) ‬ﺧﻼﻓﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﺍﺯﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻠﺑﻳﻥ(‪ .‬ﻭﺗﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﺗﻭﺣﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻅﻳﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻧﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﺳﺗﻔﺗﺎءﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺗﺗﺟﺎﻭﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺗﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺷﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻌﻧﺎﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺍﺳﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﻳﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻔﺳﺭ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺧﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﺍﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﻠﻐﺎﺭﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﺗﻳﻥ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺛﺎﻧﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻘﺳﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺑﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺗﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻗﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻏﻠﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺩﺍﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺳﻌﻳﻧﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﺣﺩ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺑﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺃﺛﻧﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﻔﺎﺿﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺷﻌﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻹﺳﻘﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﻭﺗﺷﻳﺳﻛﻭ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺿﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﺩﺃ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻁﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﺫﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﻏﻠﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺟﺭﺍء‪ ‬ﺍﻋﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻗﺱ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻭﺗﺳﺗﻧﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺭﻱ­ﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻳﺔ­‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻅﺭﻭﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻗﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻠﻘﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺧﻠﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﻭﻏﻭﺳﻼﻓﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻔﻛﻙ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﻳﻭﺳﻠﻭﻓﺎﻛﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻅﻬﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻁﺎﻟﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻔﺻﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﻗﻠﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﺭﺍﻧﺳﻠﻔﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺷﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺟﺎﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﻠﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﻬﻣﺕ‪ ‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺗﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻗﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻧﻁﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﻬﻭﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻠﺩﻭﻓﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺷﻬﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﺻﺭﺍﻋﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﺭﻗﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺳﻠﺣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ 1995­1994 ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺣﺩﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺻﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻳﺿﺎﻑ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﻛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﻠﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﺭﻗﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺩﻣﺟﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺑﺂﺧﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻐﺟﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﺛﻠﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‪ %5 ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻛﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻧﻰ‪ ‬ﻫﺅﻻء‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺯﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻬﻣﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻳﻭﻋﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺗﺭﺍﺟﻊ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﺍﻣﺞ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻌﻠﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺻﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺟﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﻡ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﺭﺗﻔﺎﻉ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻳﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﻘﺳﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻭﺗﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﺗﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺛﺭﺕ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻠﺏ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﻁﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻁﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻣﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻠﻘﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﻧﺣﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﺄﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺯﺍﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﻗﻔﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﻓﺿﻰ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﺣﺗﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﻫﻭﻳﺎﺗﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺷﻭﻓﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺳﺎﺣﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻣﻭﻟﻳﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺷﻲء‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺷﻲء‪ ‬ﻳﺫﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻬﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺷﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺷﻬﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻭﺗﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺋﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺳﻳﺣﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﺷﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺟﻬﺯﺓ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻣﻌﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻛﺭﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺩﺍﺙ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻋﺗﺩﺍء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻳﺣﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻫﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺑﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻫﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺩﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺎﻓﻅﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻌﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﺩﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﺑﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺎﺳﺑﻳﺭﻭ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﻔﺭﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﺣﻭﺍﻟﻲ‪ 27 ‬ﺷﺧﺻﺎ‪ ‬ﺟﻠﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﺑﺎﻁ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺷﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺻﻌﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺷﻛﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﺭﺽ‪ ‬ﻧﻔﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺑﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﺧﺫ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺗﺎﺡ‪ ‬ﻳﺻﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﻭﺽ‪ ‬ﺻﺭﺍﻋﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺃﺳﻠﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﺗﺑﻌﻪ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﺧﺗﺻﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺿﺢ‪ ‬ﻟﻐﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻧﺗﻘﺎﺹ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺿﻌﻳﺗﻬﻡ­ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻌﻠﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﻧﻭﻧﻳﺎ­‪ ‬ﻛﻣﻭﺍﻁﻧﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺫ‬ ‫‪6/9‬‬

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‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻁﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻣﺎﻧﻲ­ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺑﻌﺎﺩﺍ‪ ‬ﻁﺎﺋﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻧﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻔﺗﺎء‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺎﺭﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻛﺭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺯﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺳﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺎﺭﻳﻛﺎﺗﻭﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﺟﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻋﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺑﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﻳﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻭﻳﺭﺱ‪ .‬ﻭﻣﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﺩﻋﻭ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺷﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﻟﺻﺭﺍﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﺎﺋﻔﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺍﺣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺑﻛﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺧﺻﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺭﺻﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺗﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻋﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﺷﻣﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻳﺱ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺄﺛﻳﺭﻩ‪ ‬ﺳﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﺎﻫﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺩﻓﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻳﻧﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﺗﻣﻛﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻣﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺻﻌﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﻐﻁ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﺻﺑﺢ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺧﻁﺎﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺗﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻧﺷﻬﺩﻩ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻠﻔﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﺑﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺭﺃﺓ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺑﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺻﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺿﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﺗﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺩﻗﻳﻖ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻣﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻟﻌﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺑﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺩﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻁﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺧﻁﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺩﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻁﻭﻳﻠﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻌﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺛﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻅﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻁﻼﻉ‪ ‬ﺭﺃﻱ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﺧﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﺃﺟﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﻣﺭﻛﺯ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻫﺭﺍﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺩﺭﺍﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻌﺎﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺩﺍﻧﻣﺭﻛﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻺﺣﺻﺎء‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ %80 ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺧﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺣﺗﻣﻠﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻳﻬﺗﻣﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﻘﺿﺎﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺫﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻁﺎﺑﻊ‪ ‬ﻳﻭﻣﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﺳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺑﻁﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﺳﻌﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﻓﺈﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ­ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻌﻛﺱ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺷﻬﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻘﻁﺎﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‪ ‬ﻫﻭﻳﺎﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‬ ‫ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﻠﻣﺎﻧﻳﻳﻥ‪) ‬ﻭﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺳﻳﺣﻳﻳﻥ(‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻼﺣﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﺧﺫ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﻛﺱ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻏﺎﻟﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺧﺏ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﻓﻛﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻛﻧﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﺳﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ؟‪ ‬ﺃﻋﺗﻘﺩ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺭﻳﻖ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻧﻬﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﻠﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﻔﺻﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺧﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ :‬ﻓﺄﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻭﺟﻭﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻔﺭﻗﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪" ‬ﻧﺣﻥ"‪ ‬ﻭ"ﻫﻡ"‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺗﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﺩﻋﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻣﺯﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻧﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﺭﺳﻭﺧﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﺗﺧﺭﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﻣﺎﺭﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﺣﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻛﺛﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﺋﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻁﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺣﺭﻳﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﺳﻡ‪ ‬ﻗﺿﺎﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺭﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻛﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭ‪ ‬ﻫﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻫﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‬ ‫ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺭﻳﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﻳﻠﺳﻭﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻟﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﺭﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﻣﻳﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺻﺭﺍﻋﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻭﺩﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﺎﻋﺗﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﺎﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﻭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺏ‪ ‬ﻟﺣﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﺗﺩﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺿﺎﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻷﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺻﺑﺢ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﻌﺭﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺃﺭﺳﻁﻭ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺣﺙ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﺎﻟﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﻘﻖ‪ ‬ﺃﻓﺿﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﻣﻛﻧﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﺣﻘﻳﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻌﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻷﻓﺭﺍﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻹﻣﻛﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺩﻣﺞ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻠﺣﻅﺗﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﺑﺗﺣﻘﻖ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻐﺎﻟﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺻﺎﻟﺣﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻛﻳﻔﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺣﻘﻘﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﻭﺯﻳﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺻﻳﺎﻏﺗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺻﺎﻟﺣﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻫﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺃﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻔﻼﺣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺿﺟﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻭء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻅ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﻔﺗﺎﺡ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺳﻭﺍﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﺭﻭﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﺎﻟﺗﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺩﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺭﺧﻳﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻭﻋﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺭﺑﻊ‪ ‬ﺇﺟﻣﺎﻟﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﺳﺑﺔ‬ ‫ﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻐﺎﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﺩﻯ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﻔﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﻐﻁ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻭﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﺎﻗﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﻳﺟﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺧﺭﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻁﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺭﻭﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻐﺭﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻘﺑﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺗﺣﻭﻳﻼﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﻠﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺑﻳﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻛﻠﺗﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻟﺗﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﻔﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﻁﺄﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺩﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﻔﺳﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﺄﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻼﺳﺗﻘﻁﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﻭﻳﺎﺗﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻌﺭﻗﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻷﺳﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻠﻛﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺇﻁﻼﻗﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻠﻳﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺎﺿﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻳﻧﺎﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺣﻣﻠﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺛﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺑﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﻠﻑ‪ ‬ﻓﺋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺑﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺭﻳﺟﻳﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﻣﺗﻌﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻳﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺛﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻟﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﺑﺋﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻬﺩﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻧﻔﺟﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺗﺗﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻋﺗﺻﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺿﺭﺍﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻋﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﻐﺏ‪ ‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻁﺎﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺭﺳﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﺧﻠﻖ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﺅﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺳﻧﻭﺍﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺻﺑﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺭﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺎﺳﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺗﺩﻭﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺗﻁﻠﻌﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻭﺃﻫﺩﺍﻑ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻔﺻﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﺍﻋﺩﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺟﺫﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﺩﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﻣﻲ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺷﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻼﻧﺿﻣﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺋﺔ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﺎﺣﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺑﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺟﺭﺍءﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﺳﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺣﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺭﺷﺢ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻋﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺷﻛﻠﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺛﻭﺏ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻘﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺷﺎﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﺟﺯ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻌﺑﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺯﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‪ ‬ﻟﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻁﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻁﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﻣﺅﺳﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻧﺎﺩ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻳﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‬ ‫ﺗﻣﺛﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺿﺎﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﺑﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﺎﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺎﻟﺞ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﺎﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻓﺷﻬﺩﺕ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺇﺿﺭﺍﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻋﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﻐﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻁﺎﻕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ 1990 ‬ﻭ‪ 1994‬ﻭ‪،1999‬‬ ‫ﻭﺗﻛﺭﺍﺭﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺭﺩ‪ ‬ﻋﻼﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﺷﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪" ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻳﻣﻘﺭﺍﻁﻲ"‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻳﻌﺎﺑﻪ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻛﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﻭﺍﺟﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﻧﺟﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻅﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺩﻳﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﻣﺛﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺎﻟﺣﻪ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﻁﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺩﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﺗﺎﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻔﺭﺻﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﺎﻷﺧﺹ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻫﻳﺋﺔ‪" ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻛﺎء‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﻐﺎﺭ"‪ junior partners ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻋﺎﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﺭﻳﻛﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺗﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﻬﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺻﻳﻐﺔ‪ ،‬ﻓﻳﺗﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﺎﺭﺟﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺎﻟﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻳﺵ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻘﺎﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﻁﻼﻕ‪ ‬ﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﻠﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺧﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﺻﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺷﺭﻳﻌﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﺳﻳﺗﻁﻠﺏ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﺎء‪ ‬ﺟﺯﺋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺟﻬﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﺩﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻳﺿﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺣﺩﻭﺙ‪ ‬ﺗﻁﻭﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﻠﻘﻲ‪ ‬ﺑﻅﻼﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻭﺿﻊ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻳﻭ­ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﺣﺎﻟﻔﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻻﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺗﺣﺩﺓ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺗﺯﺍﻣﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻛﺎﻣﺏ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻔﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺇﺳﺭﺍﺋﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﺩﻋﻣﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻷﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺧﻠﻳﺞ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﺟﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺇﻳﺭﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺗﺭﻛﻳﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺿﻌﻳﻔﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻠﻳﺋﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺗﻧﺎﻗﺿﺎﺕ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺅﺩﻱ‪ ‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺻﻳﻐﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻛﺳﺗﺎﻥ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻷﺩﻫﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺫ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺷﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻸﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﻣﺑﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﻻﻣﺗﻼﻛﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺎﻓﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﺫﻟﻙ‪ ‬ﺑﺩءﺍ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺭﻭﺭﺍ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻟﺩﻋﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻧﺗﻬﺎءﺍ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻭﺭﺍﺳﻛﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺟﻣﻳﻌﺎ‪ ‬ﻗﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﺎﻓﻅﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻠﻛﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺟﻝ‪ ‬ﺣﺻﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﻱ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺷﻘﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ .‬ﻭﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻅﻬﺭﺕ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻳﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻗﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺇﻁﻼﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﺎﻧﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﺱ‪ ‬ﺇﻧﺗﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻳﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻌﺳﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺇﺭﺟﺎء‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻸﺑﺩ‪ ‬ﺇﻁﻼﻕ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﻋﺩﺓ‪ ،‬ﻓﺗﻌﻁﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﺻﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﺎﻧﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺟﺩﻳﺩ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﺭﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻘﺎﺑﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﺎﻟﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﺃﺗﺕ‪ ‬ﻻﺋﺣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻁﻼﺑﻲ‪ ‬ﺩﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﺩﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﻟﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻁﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺭﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻣﻥ‪ ،‬ﻭﻛﺫﺍ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﻌﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻫﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺟﻣﻌﻳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﻘﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﻧﺳﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻋﻼﻭﺓ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﺟﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻋﺗﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺷﻁﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺎﺋﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺣﻳﺎﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻭﻣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﻼﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻛﺈﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻫﻳﻛﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻬﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻣﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺻﻳﺎﻏﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻣﺔ‪ .‬‬ ‫ﺗﻔﻳﺞ‪ ‬ﻧﺗﺎﺋﺞ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺭﺣﻠﺗﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﻟﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺄﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﺳﻼﻣﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻣﺗﻳﺎﺯ‪ ‬ﺑﺣﻳﺎﺯﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻧﺣﻭ‪ %40­35 ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺻﻭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻳﻠﻳﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻔﻲ‪ ‬ﺛﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻛﺗﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻭﻓﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻌﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻛﻭﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺫﻛﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﻛﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺳﺗﻘﻁﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﻭﻳﺎﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺳﻼﻣﻲ­ﺍﻟﻌﻠﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﻋﻭﺗﻪ‪ ‬ﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺩﻳﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻳﺳﺎﺭﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﺯﺍﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻼﻗﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺩﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻠﺗﺑﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺃﺩﺑﻳﺎﺗﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺑﺭﺍﻣﺟﻬﻡ‪ ،‬ﻭﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﺳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﻳﻘﻑ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻓﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﻳﻛﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺣﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﺻﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﻷﻛﺛﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ!‪ ‬ﺗﺧﻳﻠﻭﺍ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺣﺭﺍﺭ­ﺍﻟﺣﺯﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺷﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻭﺭﺍﺳﻛﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻘﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺟﻳﺏ‪ ‬ﺳﺎﻭﻳﺭﺱ‪ ‬ﺭﺟﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻋﻣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﻬﻳﺭ­‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﺳﺎﺭ!‪ ‬ﻭﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻟﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺷﻛﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺇﺫ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻛﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺑﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﺗﻅﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﻔﺭﺯﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﻑ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻳﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺣﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺩﺍﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺇﻋﺎﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﺯﻳﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺩﺧﻝ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﺍﻣﺟﻬﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺍﺟﻌﺗﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻌﻼﻗﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺩﻭﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺳﻭﻕ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻳﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻣﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﻓﺎﻟﻣﺟﺩ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻳﻣﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺇﺫﻥ‪ ‬ﻁﺎﻟﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﻳﻳﻊ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻟﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺗﻲ‪ ‬ﺗﻐﻠﺏ‪ ‬ﻛﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻛﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻫﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺎﺧﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ .‬ﻭﺑﺗﻁﺑﻳﻖ‪ ‬ﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﺩﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻬﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻳﻣﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻬﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺣﺯﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺗﺻﻝ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﻭﺗﺳﻳﻁﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﻔﺗﺭﺓ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺳﺭﻋﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺻﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻣﻔﻬﻭﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺳﻳﺎﺳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻳﺩﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺣﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﻛﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺻﺎﻟﺢ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻹﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺛﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻟﻣﻭﺍﺭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻁﻧﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﻧﺩﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﻌﺎﻧﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﺎﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺭﻏﻡ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﺧﺑﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻧﺯﺍﻫﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺣﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻛﻭﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻁﺎﻟﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺟﺗﻣﺎﻋﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻗﺗﺻﺎﺩﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻟﻸﻏﻠﺑﻳﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻫﻭ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻗﺩ‪ ‬ﻳﻔﺗﺢ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺳﻌﺎ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺿﻁﺭﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺻﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺿﺭﺍﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻻﻋﺗﺻﺎﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻣﺎﺓ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﺋﻭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﺑﺭﻟﻣﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﺧﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺻﻳﻐﺔ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﺭﺏ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺧﻔﺿﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺩﺓ‬ ‫‪ .low intensity revolution‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﻧﺩﻻﻉ‪ ‬ﺗﻅﺎﻫﺭﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺣﺭﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﺧﻳﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ 19 ‬ﻧﻭﻓﻣﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﺷﺗﺑﺎﻛﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺷﺎﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﻣﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﻣﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﺑﻭﺳﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻠﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻛﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﺿﻁﺭﺍﺑﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﺎﺑﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻁﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺑﻼﺩ‪ ‬ﻭﻋﺭﺿﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻹﺳﻛﻧﺩﺭﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﻁﺭﻭﺡ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺩﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻘﻧﺎﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻧﺻﻭﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﻁﻧﻁﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺩﻟﺗﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻣﻧﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﺳﻳﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﺳﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻷﻗﺻﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﺻﻌﻳﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻗﺩﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺣﺑﺎﻁ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻐﺿﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺫﻱ‪ ‬ﻋﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻧﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﺋﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﺍﻵﻻﻑ‪ ‬ﻣﺭﺓ‬ ‫ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﻭﺍﺟﻬﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺳﻛﺭﻱ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﻟﺣﺷﻭﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺿﺧﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﻏﻳﺎﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﺷﺎﺭﻛﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻌﺎﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻗﺑﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻹﺧﻭﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺳﻠﻣﻳﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﻛﻠﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﻊ‪ ‬ﺗﻭﻗﻳﺕ‪ ‬ﺣﺩﻭﺛﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﺎﺑﻖ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻧﺗﺧﺎﺑﺎﺕ‬ ‫‪7/9‬‬

‫…‪http://www.jadaliyya.com/pages/index/3834/%D9%87%D9%84­%D8%AA%D8%AE%D8%A8%D8%B1%D9%86%D8%A7­%D8%A7%D9%84%D8%AA%D8‬‬

‫‪12/24/2016‬‬

‫ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟‬

‫ﺑﻌﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﻳﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻳﻅﻬﺭ‪ ‬ﻛﻳﻑ‪ ‬ﺗﻧﻅﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻛﺗﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺣﺭﺟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻧﺷﻁﺔ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺎﺳﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺗﺟﺎﺝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﻋﻣﻠﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻧﻘﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﺔ‪ ،‬ﻭﻋﺩﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻧﺎﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻋﺗﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ‪ ‬ﻣﺣﻼ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺗﻭﺍﻓﻖ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻧﺧﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﻔﺻﻠﺔ‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺗﺳﻳﺳﺕ‪ ‬ﺃﺛﻧﺎء‪ ‬ﻭﺑﻌﺩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺛﻭﺭﺓ‪ ،‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﺟﺩ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻳﻌﺑﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﻧﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺟﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺎﻟﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﺳﻘﻭﻁ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻠﻁﻭﻳﺔ‪ .‬ﺇﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﺫﻩ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺟﻣﺎﻫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻁﻠﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻋﻘﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻣﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺳﻳﺎﺳﻲ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﻧﻅﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻲ‪ ‬ﺇﻻ‪ ‬ﻧﺫﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﺳﺗﻣﺭﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺿﻁﺭﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﺳﺗﻘﺑﻼ‪ ‬ﺣﺗﻰ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻅﻝ‪ ‬ﺣﻛﻭﻣﺎﺕ‪ ‬ﻣﻧﺗﺧﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﻌﺟﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﺎﻗﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺭﻋﻳﺔ!‪ ‬‬ ‫‪Latest posts in Arabic:‬‬

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‫‪ ‬ﺳﺭﻗﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻗﺩﺍﺭ‪ ‬ﻟﺣﻛﺎﻳﺗﻧﺎ‪ ‬‬

‫"ﻫﻝ‪ ‬ﺗﺧﺑﺭﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﺟﺭﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺑﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺳﻳﺣﺩﺙ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ؟"‪2 comments for ‬‬ ‫‪This is an article compairing the algerian experience in the 1990' and the egytian situation today (sorry‬‬ ‫‪it's in french !) :‬‬ ‫‪http://www.article11.info/?Strategies­contre­revolutionnaires#pagination_page‬‬ ‫‪NACIRI wrote on January 02, 2012 at 12:55 PM‬‬

‫ﺍﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻜﺒﻴﺮ‪ ‬ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺘﺠﺮﺑﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻣﺎﻧﻴﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻮﺭ‪ ‬ﻳﺪﻋﻮ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺬﻫﻦ‪ ‬ﻟﻜﻲ‪ ‬ﻳﻨﺘﻘﻞ‪ ‬ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ‬ﺛﻨﺎﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﻭﺧﻼﻳﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺣﺪﺍﺙ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻋﺘﻘﺪ‬ ‫ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﺍﻷﻣﺮ‪ ‬ﺑﺎﻟﻔﻌﻞ‪ ‬ﻳﺤﻤﻞ‪ ‬ﻧﺴﺒﺔ‪ ‬ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﺗﺘﺮﻭﺍﺡ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺑﻴﻦ‪%85 ‬ﻭ‪ %90 ‬ﻭﻟﻜﻦ‪ ‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ‬ﻋﺪﺓ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻮﺭ‪ ‬ﻗﺪ‪ ‬ﺗﻘﻒ‪ ‬ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﺛﻨﻴﻦ‪ ، ‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﺭﺗﻀﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﻓﻌﻠﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﻌﻪ‪ ‬ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺮﻭﻣﺎﻧﻲ‪ ، ‬ﺑﻴﻨﻤﺎ‪ ‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺪﻳﺪ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﺮﺗﻀﻮﻥ‪ ‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻨﻈﺮﻭﻥ‪ ‬ﻣﺎ‪ ‬ﺣﺪﺙ‪ ‬ﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺠﻠﺲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺴﻜﺮ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻱ‪ ، ‬ﺍﻟﺤﻴﺎﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﻗﻔﺖ‪ ‬ﺑﻴﻦ‪ ‬ﻧﻘﻄﺘﻴﻦ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻭﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﻨﺎﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﺿﻄﺮﺍﺏ‪ ‬ﻓﻈﻴﻊ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺮﺅﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻭﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﺁﻟﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺴﻴﺎﺳﻲ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻱ‪ ‬ﺗﻌﻤﻞ‪ ‬ﺑﻜﻞ‪ ‬ﻗﻮﺗﻬﺎ‪ ‬ﻟﻨﻈﺎﻡ‪ ‬ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻤﺘﻮﺍﺟﺪ‪ ، ‬ﻭﻻ‪ ‬ﺗﺰﺍﻝ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺜﻘﺔ‪ ‬ﻓﻲ‪ ‬ﺭﻭﺡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺸﺎﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻱ‪ ‬ﻛﺒﻴﺮﺓ‪ ‬ﻭﻧﺘﻤﻨﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺜﻮﺭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻜﺮﺍﻣﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻤﺼﺮﻳﺔ‪ ‬ﻣﻦ‪ ‬ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‬ ‫‪insan wrote on March 12, 2012 at 05:06 AM‬‬ ‫‪If you prefer, email your comments to info@jadaliyya.com.‬‬

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‫ﺍﻟﻣﺟﻠﺱ‪ ‬ﺍﻻﻋﻠﻰ‪ ‬ﻟﻠﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ at ‬ﺇﺩﺍﺭﺓ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﻌﻠﻭﻣﺎﺕ‪Sherif Osman · ‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺭﻭﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻑ‪ ‬ﺗﻣﺎﻣﺎً‪ ‬ﻋﻥ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺷﺎﺭﻉ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻯ‪ .. ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺣﻳﺙ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﻘﻳﺩﺓ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﺩﺍﺕ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻣﺑﺎﺩﺉ‪ .. ‬ﻭ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﻳﻭﺟﺩ‪ ‬ﺗﺷﺎﺑﻪ‪ ‬ﺑﻳﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ ‬ﺃﻯ‪ ‬ﺷﻌﺏ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﺷﻌﻭﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ .. ‬ﺃﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﻻ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﺃﻧﻧﺎ‪ ‬ﺍﻷﻓﺿﻝ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ ‬ﻟﻛﻥ‪ ‬ﺃﻗﻭﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﺧﺗﻠﻔﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ ‬ﻫﻧﺎﻙ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻫﻡ‪ ‬ﺃﻓﺿﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻣﺻﺭﻳﻳﻥ‪ ‬ﻓﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻭ‪ ‬ﺃﺳﻭء‪ ‬ﻓﻰ‪ ‬ﺃﻣﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﺃﺧﺭﻯ‪ .. ‬ﻫﺫﺍ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻛﻝ‪ ‬ﺷﻌﻭﺏ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻌﺎﻟﻡ‪ ... ‬ﻧﺩﻋﻭ‪ ‬ﷲ‪ ‬ﺃﻥ‪ ‬ﻳُﺻﻠﺢ‪ ‬ﺣﺎﻝ‪ ‬ﻣﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺗﻭﻟﻰ‪ ‬ﺯﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫‪ .‬ﺍﻷﻣﻭﺭ‪ ‬ﻓﻰ‪ ‬ﻣﺻﺭ‬ ‫‪1 · Apr 21, 2014 2:08pm‬‬

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‫‪Na'Gat N'asr‬‬ ‫ﻟﺳﻪ‪ ‬ﻗﺩﺍﻣﻬﻡ‪ ‬ﻛﺗﻳﺭ‪ ‬ﻋﺷﺎﻥ‪ ‬ﻳﺑﻘﻭﺍ‪ ‬ﻋﻧﺩﻫﻡ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﻭﻋﻲ‪ ‬ﻭﺍﻟﺛﻘﺎﻓﺔ‪ ‬ﺍﻟﺗﻧﻭﻳﺭﻳﺔ‬ ‫‪5 · Jul 17, 2014 11:45am‬‬

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‫‪Adham Eid‬‬ ‫!!!!‪...‬‬ ‫‪1 · Aug 30, 2014 4:50pm‬‬

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