Week 12, Semester 2, 2026
Your Weekly Student Newspaper
10: NEWS
12: FEATURE
‘Counting Down the Days’ in the USyd Colleges: VictimSurvivor Speaks Out
A Jacaranda By Any Other Name
Anastasia Dale & Kuyili Karthik. Since the article ‘It’s Not Just Cornell’ was published, multiple people have approached Honi Soit wishing to share their stories. In addition to their valuable testimonies, this article aims to shed light on the colleges’ structure and culture.
Sophie Wishart The jacaranda represents a complex botanical phenomenon: an instrument of the nineteenthcentury global empire, an invasive weed, a protected urban heritage monument, and a signature icon of suburban spring. Through seasonal bloom cycles, suburban legends, and university exam folklore, the jacaranda has become deeply entwined with our concepts of home and our seasonal rhythm. Yet, the species cannot be separated from its imperial lineage.
First Printed 1929
18: EXPLAINER
Sink or Swim: A Student Renter’s Guide to Sydney Madison Burland Are you a fan of ominously placed sinks in your overpriced rentals? Sydney might just be the place for you. In the grand year of 2026, you can live within extreme proximity to your landlord, pay outrageous prices, and hope that the black mould in your rental doesn’t kill you before you can escape the cost of living crisis.
Acknowledgment of Country EDITOR-IN-CHIEF Sophie Wishart
EDITORS Madison Burland Anastasia Dale James Fitzgerald Sice
Honi Soit publishes on stolen Gadigal land. Sovereignty was never ceded.
The University of Sydney is a colonial institution that upholds Western knowledge as superior to First Nations knowledge systems. We reject this hierarchy. As student journalists, we recognise that mainstream media has been complicit in silencing and misrepresenting
Indigenous voices since invasion.
We commit to centring First Nations perspectives in our reporting, to challenging the colonial structures embedded in journalism, and to amplifying the voices of those resisting ongoing dispossession. We pay our respects to Elders past and present, and to all First Nations students and contributors. Always was, and always will be Aboriginal land.
Kuyili Karthik Alastair Panzarino Firdevs Sinik Sebastien Tuzilovic
In This Edition:
Victor Zhang
4 ‘The workers united, will never be defeated’ USyd staff on strike again
WRITERS
6 Western Sydney billion dollar data centre
Sophie Wishart
Feaim Alkozai Madison Burland Anastasia Dale James Fitzgerald Sice Kuyili Karthik MacKenzie Johnson Firdevs Sinik Eva Sutherland Sophie Wishart
6 Protest permit system not compliant with human rights obligations 7 Beloved Political Economy sculpture damaged 8–11 FEATURE: End Rape on Campus
Victor Zhang
12–13 FEATURE: A Jacaranda By Any Other Name
FRONT COVER Sophie Wishart
14 Charmed? Charm 4 Honi Interview
BACK COVER
15 A letter to USyd on mass surveillance
Victor Zhang
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16 Who gets to be an expat or a migrant
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18 A Student Guide to Renting 20–23 SRC Reports/Puzzles/Comedy
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E 1a. Honi Soit editor, inquisitive, left-wing, dedicated. 4d. Highest governing body of USyd.
Contribute
Vote [1] Victor Zhang [2] Ben Dennis
Authorised Victor Zhang
Do you have a deep-rooted longing to be a contributor but have no idea how to get involved? Apply to be a reporter or artist via the link in our Instagram bio: @honi.soit Or if you have a one-off pitch, tip for a story, complaint, letter to the editors, or more, email us at editors@honisoit.com. Scan the QR code if you'd rather send an anonymous tip. Send mail to Honi Soit at PO Box 974 Broadway NSW 2007. ISSN: 2207-5593. This edition was published on Tuesday 27 October 2026. Disclaimer: Honi Soit is published by the Students’ Representative Council, University of Sydney, Level 1 Wentworth Building, City Road, University of Sydney NSW 2006. The SRC’s operation costs, space and administrative support are financed by the University of Sydney. Honi Soit is printed under the auspices of the SRC’s Directors of Student Publications (DSP): Dongchen Yue, Sholto Mirrlees-Black, Lucy Sullivan, Ying Huang, Damien Lee, Hamish Evans. All expressions are published on the basis that they are not to be regarded as the opinions of the SRC unless specifically stated. The Council accepts no responsibility for the accuracy of any of the opinions or information contained within this newspaper, nor does it endorse any of the advertisements and insertions. Please direct all advertising inquiries to publications.manager@src.usyd.edu.au. Email the editors at editors@honisoit.com.
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Editorial Welcome to Week 12! Yippee! Almost there, guys. As the long summer holiday approaches, perhaps you’re buying extortionately priced plane tickets. Maybe you’re waxing melancholic, staring out of a vibrating train window. Mayhaps you’re filling up on petrol for the long drive, stuck on a highway behind an L-plater doing 90. Or perchance you’re staying exactly where you are: no more godforsaken commute to uni, just sitting pretty in a familiar house surrounded by loved ones, ready to celebrate whichever holiday you choose, or the non-denominational tradition of throwing shrimp on the barbie and baking in the scorching sun. Whether you’re heading home or off to an entirely new frontier, your ass will certainly be somewhere. Hopefully, nowhere near the campus of this fine university. But this raises a question: where do we deserve to call home, and where should any of us be allowed to go? When land stopped
being something to care for, nurture and live alongside, and became something to own, we were forced to redefine our relationship with it. Land, whether it’s the land we travel to or the land we were born on, is inherently political. We live on land that was never ceded. It is the cause of wars and the source of materials. It is where plants get planted that never belonged there. It is land taken, bombed and reduced to rubble in the name of land promised, for people who felt entitled to it. It is land given over to data centres while the seas rise to swallow the rest. It is land for farms, where animals bred beyond recognition are crammed into a few square feet each. It is land under shoddily built, black-mould-ridden, criminally priced sharehouses advertising “one bedroom, no bathroom”.
With one more (extremely serious) edition left in Burn’s editorial term, and a couple of covers under my belt (thank you to everyone who trusted me!), I’m happy to have called the Honi dungeon home, even for a little while. Thank you to my most beautiful team, you are a bunch of truly inspirational and incredibly sexy people. Thank you to all the readers, the crossword-doers, the performative-pocket-stashers, and the passive aggressive Instagram DM-ers. I love all of you.
Chuckie Chuddleson: Whats flora? Is that that lady from that show the fairy show or something? Look man, I don’t know much about fairies. How do you keep finding me every week? Barry B. Benson: I love flora! It’s great, lively, provides much for me. Mmmm. Flowers.
@ Resistance Centre & Bookshop
Chuddie Chuckleson: Have you ever had a buzzball? No? I have. Right before this interview. This isn’t an interview? Oh.
Botanicus: I’m going to rip out that damned Jacaranda again, you can’t stop me. What are you? 5 foot? Come at me. See? You even fight like a tree. Get wrecked nerd.
Aries: Makka Pakka. You’re kind and loveable. A favourite of all. You confuse those around you often. It’s a talent to be mysterious, but it’s a virtue to be honest. Take a risk this week. Or don’t. No one is there to watch you fail, other than yourself. Taurus: Tombliboo Unn. You’re relaxed. Calm, some may say. It’s ok to be occassionally uptight. Be stern in what food you want for dinner. Saying “I don’t mind” only gets you so far in this world. Gemini: Haahoos. Inertia has consumed you. You’re losing your spark. It’s time to take up a sport. Ever heard of tennis? It’s a great sport. Ever heard of Challengers? Be kind to your family, but only if they deserve it. If they don’t, report them to the ATO. Cancer: Ninky Nonks. You are a train. A train of love, a train of life. You carry joy like it is a feather upon thy shoulders. Everyone loves you. Don’t overwork yourself, it could be detrimental. Or it could not be. Who knows. You’re good at everything. Except cartwheels, but that’s ok. Leo: The Wottingers. You’re neutral. Not loved, not hated. Just fine. Try pineapple on pizza. It may surprise you. Stay away from beer. Beer can cause detriment. Choose wine. Or buzzballs.
7pm
6–8pm
Makka Pakka: I love greenery! Makka Pakka approves! Yippie! Joy for all. So, do you come here often?
In The Night Garden edition
Wednesday 28 October
Thursday 29 October
P. Pickle: I say take them out of the pots! Flora belongs in the GROUND. Come on. This is getting ridiculous.
Honiscopes
W/ Jadyn, New Traumas, Carnage Flower, Mark Poynton
Public meeting: Capitalism burns the planet – No cop-outs at COP31
But it is also land full of memory: hopes for a better life, footsteps worn into the dirt by people hundreds and thousands of years ago, stone grooved by steps made by me, you, us.
V.Z: I miss the olive tree. It was pretty stupid. I think we shouldn’t add foreign species onto stolen land, but the sentiment I warmed up to.
Mixed Bag #19
@ Bootleggers @ Kellys On King
What do USyd Students have to say about Campus Flora Peter Griffin: I love campus flora! The trees, the jacarandas, I love the whole lot. I think it’s really important. It’s a shame that we don’t have more. I’d appreciate more.
What's On
A.P: I don’t care about campus flora really. Can you get me to my classes on time? No? Then why are you even talking to me? Far out.
The Girts W/ Severance, Opal Garden Thursday 29 October 7pm @ Kiss My Brass LOVECLVB W/ Mincy, Harley Girl, Poolclvb, Max Cherry, LUPO.THEBOY, COD, Teto Friday 30 October
Virgo: Upsy Daisy. The season is blooming, just like your floral name. Synchronicities are abound between your dreams and reality. Tap into your unconscious prophetic abilities by eating a fortune cookie or two. Wear a niche fragrance. Libra: Tombliboo Ooo. Second in command always. Come to terms with your gender identity, instantly. It’s paining everyone. Try go to Kyrgyzstan and ride a horse. It will be enlightening. Scorpio: The Tittifers. Ever heard of taking it too far pal? Thats your speciality. Titfiers. Am I right? Relax. Go for a swim. Don’t let the cold bite. Balance cold with warm. Sagittarius: Tombliboo Eee. You’re a little cutie patootie. Everyones favourite tombliboo, some may say. Find your own limits, you teeter dangerous lines. Harmless fun can have serious consequences if you don’t find the limit. Capricorn: Pinky Ponk. You’re iconic. Lowkey everyone is using though as a vehicle for their own projects. Fight back against this. Pinky ponk, zonky flonk, and ninky nonk are seperate words, just so you know. Aquarius: Zonky Flonk. Nobody recognises you, and the ninkynonks don’t know you. Isn’t that a good thing? Reinvention is on the cards, a transformation that permeates your aura. Keep a secret. To be known is to be defined.
9pm @ City Recital Hall Public House of Horrors W/ The Crummies, Itchy & The Nits, Operation Love Machine, Genius Boys, The Detectives, Smile Practice Saturday 31 October 7pm @ The Landsdowne
for more, visit sydneymusic.net
Pisces: Iggle Piggle. You have turmoil ahead. Each decision you make doesn’t necessarily have to be life altering. You can take your time. Make sure to prioritise self-care.
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‘The workers united, will never be defeated’: University of Sydney staff on strike again James Fitzgerald Sice and Victor Zhang report. Hundreds of University of Sydney staff went on strike for the second time this year on 22nd October. Over 500 staff walked off the job on 2nd September. Since then, University management has signed a deal with OpenAI, up to two-thirds of USyd units are set to be reviewed, and University management is threatening the independence of the Student Representative Council following the backlash to the recent student elections. The National Tertiary Education Union (NTEU) University of Sydney branch resolved to take escalating industrial action at members meeting on 24th September, following management releasing their enterprise agreement package disrupting a bargaining session. NTEU members resolved to take a stop-work action on 13th October and strike on 22nd October. 600 members attended the stop-work meeting where they confirmed their decision to strike. Management is offering a pay rise package of 11.52 per cent over the life of the agreement (3.8 per cent in 2027, 3.7 per cent in 2028, and 3.6 per cent in 2029). The NTEU is bargaining for a pay rise of 20 per cent of the life of the agreement to combat the fall in real wages. The NTEU branch rejected the offer and management’s imposed timeline. While the branch has seen positive progress in bargaining on Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander staff rights, protections for staff with
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disabilities and chronic health conditions, and extending gender affirmation leave, other matters remain unresolved. Areas of key concern include, de-casualisation, change management, artificial intelligence, freedom of expression, and professional staff conditions.
“Sydney Listens shows that more than half of this campus is too scared to say something that might trigger denunciation from their employer.
Compared to the last strike, picketers said the police presence was more aggressive. A tense confrontation occurred between the police and picketers at the Ross St gate on Parramatta Road. “When we withdraw our labour, as it is our right to do so… we also have a right to explain to colleagues and students why we’re doing that,” Nick Riemer, vice-president (academic) of the NTEU University of Sydney branch, told the Ross St gate picket in response to the confrontation. “Strikes and workers’ rights are essential to democracy. We expect from the police that they are not going to hurl insults at us.” At 1pm, the striking staff and students converged on the Quadrangle lawns for a rally chaired by the NTEU University of Sydney branch president Professor John Buchanan. “We are the tip of the iceberg,” Professor Buchanan told the rally. “The numbers are essentially the same as they were for the last dispute in terms of employee turnout, but that’s not the point. The support we enjoy runs very deep throughout this campus. In the last month alone, 100 people have signed up to the union in the lead-up to these activities [stop-work and strike].
Caitlin Erbacher, an NTEU delegate at the USyd Library, and a branch and campaign committee member, spoke about the experience of staff at the university.
“Think about that. Half. You are not scared. You have come out. You have shown that another way is possible. The tip of the iceberg is what should be terrifying management.”
Students and staff together on the picket lines SRC president Grace Street spoke to the rally about the importance of student-staff solidarity on the picket lines. “This all comes down to how our teachers are treated at this university, and what the priorities of this university are,” Street said. “One missed day of class is not the end of the world at all. I understand that it can be frustrating, particularly for international or full fee-paying students. But that’s not the fault of our staff, who are fighting for us every day and teaching us every day. That’s why we’re out here as students with staff against the corporate university.”
“I’ve watched in just 10 years in real time as the creeping forces of neoliberalism, corporate greed, and authoritarian management have corrupted and degraded the quality of higher education, not only in this university but across the country and across the world,” Erbacher said. “I’ve heard the despair of academics as their departments are underfunded, their courses are cancelled, and their intellectual freedom is stifled. “I’ve felt the frustration of students over the lack of oneon-one support available because their courses are increasingly taught by overworked, exhausted, [staff] trapped in insecure work. “I’ve seen the sorrow of librarians and other professional staff as their expertise is disregarded and their ability to meaningfully support students and faculty is interrupted and disrupted by constant, pointless restructures, redundancies, and spill and fill operations.
NEWS |
students, in poorer outcomes, frankly, for NSW, and it needs to stop,” Kaine said. “People have been silenced: we see it here, we see it in Paris, and we see it in Madrid, and we saw it at Town Hall. Where we are not allowed the appropriate channels for voice, we will protest, and protests will evolve, and that’s what’s happening at universities.
Both Street and Erbacher spoke about the repression university management is considering after the backlash to the ticket “Globalise the Intifada” contested the recent SRC elections. “What gives me hope is the courage, conviction, and moral clarity of the staff and students who dare to speak out against the university’s continuing complicity with Israel’s genocide in Gaza,” Erbacher said, adding that students and staff are speaking out “in the face of draconian policies meant to stifle freedom of speech.”
Kaine chaired a NSW inquiry into the University sector. The inquiry found that the governance and management of public universities have become too corporatised and has diminished the core purpose of universities in teaching and research.
Poor governance and AI deals Labor Member of the NSW Legislative Council Dr Sarah
“Whether it’s this bizarre introduction of OpenAI, as one student said to me, that no one asked for, no one was asking for OpenAI to be here… and yet here they are.” NTEU NSW Division Secretary Vince Caughley warned of the consequences of allowing OpenAI free reign at public universities. “We have seen these entities [OpenAI] hoover up and steal across the entire globe human knowledge, trample over intellectual property, and trample over cultural rights,” Caughley said.
Students voted overwhelmingly at a referendum held at the recent SRC elections to cut ties with Israeli academic institutions complicit in genocide. Staff and alumni have also initiated a call for a Convocation on Palestine — a call the University Senate rebuffed. Earlier this week, a delegation of representatives from the SRC and Honi Soit met with state parliamentarians to discuss the on-going repression against the SRC, student activists, and Honi Soit.
“We have recommended a much bigger voice on university governing bodies for students and staff. That is the way we challenge poor decisions across every aspect of university life.
Dr Kaine spoke at the strike about poor governance across the University sector. “Witness after witness, from university after university, came before that inquiry and said, ‘We are dismissed, we are silenced, and we are marginalised’, and that has resulted in poorer decision making, in poorer outcomes for
“But this institution is rebuffing every attempt for any kind of enforceable oversight over AI. Now we know what it’s doing to our work already. We know what it’s doing to the student experience, but more than that, they are destroying these institutions. They are putting at risk the human knowledge that is critical to solving the problems that we face.”
Caughley also spoke about the historic and continuing role of the trade union movement in upholding democratic rights such as freedom of expression and the right to protest, and drew links to international movements. “I look over to France at the moment. I see hundreds of thousands of people demonstrating with what began with protests around funding for education that have morphed into anger over cost of living and the future direction of their society. Sounds familiar, doesn’t it?” Greens Senator, and federal Greens spokesperson for higher education, Mehreen Faruqi spoke about the corporatisation of universities and how she has been a “proud card carrying member” of the NTEU for 20 years. “It is you, the staff and students, who are the real leaders of [the] university,” Faruqi said. “It is not that management with their bloated pay packets. It is not the vicechancellors who take home more than million dollar salaries and then crack down on staff.” She linked this corporate approach to what she described as systemic wage theft, excessive spending on consultants, increasing repression of free speech on campus, and the growing prevalence of insecure employment across the sector. “Staff who are the heart and soul of a university are underpaid, overworked, and in insecure and casualised jobs,” Faruqi said. “The silencing of dissent, academic freedom, and free speech, especially when it has come speaking out about justice for Palestine, attacking the independence of student organisations, that is happening right at this moment across universities… That is what you are fighting against. That is what we are fighting against.”
Photography by James Fitzgerald Sice
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$1.1 billion data centre, ‘Project Pluto’, proposed in residential Western Sydney Feaim Alkozai reports. The construction of a $1.1 billion data centre has been approved in one of Sydney’s Western Suburbs. The development, named Project Pluto, is set to be built just 20 metres from Guildford West Sports Ground and 145 metres from neighbourhood homes. The data centre will operate 24/7, supported by coolers, pumps, back-up diesel generators, bulk diesel storage, and lithium-ion battery storage. The development is planned to be up to 25.77m high and consume a total of 100 megawatts. Project Pluto is classified as a ‘State Significant Development’, and is purported to create over 500 jobs and support the “growing demand for secure, high-performance digital infrastructure” in Greater Sydney. The data centre is described as “sustainable” in the Project Pluto State Significant Development Assessment Report published by the NSW Department of Planning, Housing, and Infrastructure. While the data centre is predicted to release over 467,924 tonnes of CO₂-e annually, the report states that compared to other buildings with identical operations, it saves over 540 tonnes of CO₂-e per year. Nonetheless, the report also acknowledges the “likely” risk that the data centre will contribute to cumulative urban heat effect in the area. Urban heat could exacerbate extreme temperatures in Western Sydney, which can be six to ten degrees hotter than Central Sydney during heatwaves. Broader negative environmental implications due to energy and water consumption are also predicted. The building’s construction and 24/7 operations are anticipated to cause noise and visual pollution. Construction would happen over a three year period, in which “medium negative” acoustic disturbances are predicted to occur
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due to hard rock excavation, vegetation clearing, and use of heavy machinery. Training and matches, which run throughout the week on the Guildford West Sports Ground, will be held alongside the construction. Constant operation of the data centre once built is also claimed to cause “low negative” acoustic impacts for residents, despite the report estimating the occurrence of over 200 vehicle trips to and from the data centre daily. Visual pollution concerns brought up by local groups stressed the possibility of the building causing a shadow over the local Sports Ground and thus interfering with cricket and soccer matches. Proposed mitigation strategies adopted by NSW Department of Planning’s housing lead for industry assessments, Joanna Bakopanos, involve the use of trees as natural visual screening and the creation of a mural on the outside of the data centre. While multiple assessments note the lack of public submissions expressing concerns over Project Pluto, community efforts are evident online. A petition hosted on Megaphone.org against the project has over 2000 signatures against the data centre’s development. The organiser alleges “The NSW Labor Government and Cumberland Council have rushed the project approval without the consent and knowledge of local residents and the community”. Local Independent council member, Ahmed Ouf, also took to social media to call out Labor State MP Julia Finn. Ouf accused Finn of “keeping her community in the dark” due to having known about the project since 2024 yet failing to properly inform locals, stifling collective action.
Australia’s protest permit systems not compliant with human rights obligations, Victor Zhang reports. report finds A report by the Australian Democracy Network and the Deakin University Centre for Law as Protection found that Australia’s protest permit systems were largely not compliant with Australia’s obligations under international human rights law. The UN Human Rights Committee’s General Comment No. 37 on the right to peaceful assembly says that a protest permit system “undercuts the idea that peaceful assembly is a basic right”. “Where authorisation regimes persist in domestic law, they must in practice function as a system of notification, with authorisation being granted as a matter of course, in the absence of compelling reasons to do otherwise,” the UNHRC says. “Notification regimes, for their part, must not in practice function as authorisation systems.” Maria O’Sullivan, Associate Professor of Law at Deakin, and contributing researcher for the report, writing for The Conversation notes the distinction between notification and authorisation systems. “A notification system asks organisers to give police a heads-up so a protest can run safely. An authorisation system does the opposite: the protest can’t lawfully go ahead, or loses its legal protection, unless the state approves it.” The report found that protest permits in Australia operate on an authorisation system or a de facto authorisation system. Protests require permission in Tasmania, the Northern Territory, and in most major urban and regional councils. The report found that the protest notification schemes in NSW, Queensland, and South Australia, operated as de facto authorisation schemes “due to the significant penalties protestors are otherwise threatened with for obstruction and police move on order offences.” Further, the report found that protest permit systems fail to reduce the frequency of, and
cost of policing, protest, and the permit system leads to discriminatory impacts on First Nations and migrant groups organising protests. The ADN recommended that protest permit systems in Australia should be reformed into genuine protest notification systems rather than acting as an authorisation system. The report also recommended that burdensome requirements in protest permit systems should be removed, such as penalties for protesting without a permit; placing the onus on organisers to challenge a permit refusal, instead of the onus being on police to justify the refusal; broad powers for restrictions and conditions to be placed on protests; and requirements for protest organisers to cover insurance or traffic management costs. The NSW Council for Civil Liberties welcomed the report, saying that it provided a “damning confirmation” of the erosion of protest rights in the state and across the country. “The findings of this report ultimately point to a larger systemic failure that there is zero supportive infrastructure in NSW and Australia to allow peaceful assemblies to safely occur. Instead, the state relies on a culture of exclusion and red tape to manufacture chaos and suppress democratic participation.” NSWCCL president Timothy Roberts said the report “must serve as an urgent wake-up call for the NSW Government. “The rights to protest and march are fundamental to democracy, yet our current permit system has mutated into a de facto authorisation regime that aims to restrict assembly by all means. “We are seeing a terrifying regression back to the 1970s, where dissent is vilified, unconstitutional laws like the PARD regime are rammed through parliament, and heavily armed police are deployed to intimidate peaceful crowds.”
NEWS |
USyd ‘accidentally’ breaks beloved sculpture during building works
Official review finds no inaccuracies in Honi Soit sexual violence article
James Fitzgerald Sice reports.
the noisy surface appearances of the formal economy.
Honi Soit reports.
A beloved sculpture outside the Social Sciences Building (A02) was damaged last week during building works for the new Teaching and Learning Hub.
“If the sculpture has been irreparably damaged in the process of University expansion, perhaps there is a metaphor there in the lack of care that the interests of capital holds for things and their social relations outside of the magic and necromancy of money.”
On Wednesday 14 October, Honi Soit published the article “It’s Not Just Cornell: ‘Decades’ of sexual assault at the University of Sydney” by authors Kuyili Karthik and Anastasia Dale. The article was a feature printed for Feminist Honi, an autonomous edition of Honi Soit edited by feminist community members and editor-in-chief Maxine McGrath, convenor of the Feminist Action Bloc.
The sculpture, “Ethics and Economics”, was made by artist and former USyd Economics faculty member Louis Haddad. “Ethics and Economics” was commissioned and installed in the Merewether Building (H04) in 2002 before it was moved outside A02 in 2018. When asked about the circumstances of the damage, a University of Sydney spokesperson told Honi Soit that the sculpture was “damaged while paving and artificial turf surrounding the artwork were being removed, as we’re still establishing the circumstances surrounding the incident we’re not in a position to provide further detail at this stage.” Disciplinary Chair of Political Economy Professor Adam Morton told Honi Soit the sculpture was “an important totem for political economy” and that after its relocation had been negotiated, the sculpture was “disappointingly close to a fence and bike-rack.” “If the sculpture was more centrally located in the entrance between RD Watt and A02 then the damage to it would have been avoided”. Morton said Louis was a USyd Economics faculty member “during the period that it was contested as a ‘science’” in which the movement for Political Economy (PE) began and later resulted in the creation of PE as its own discipline.
Leila Haddad is a recently graduated USyd alumnus and great niece of Louis Haddad. Leila told Honi Soit how Louis often uses sandstone as a material while sculpting. “When my family arrived in Australia from Lebanon, they eventually settled in Castle Hill, where they built a family home from local sandstone,” Leila said. “Hence the material and sculptures Louis crafted are of familial sentimentality.” “I was told by my friend it was broken during the excavation happening next to the social sciences building. When the sculpture moved to the new social sciences building, [PE disciplinary co-founder] Frank Stilwell insisted that it be placed more centrally in relation to the RD Watt building”, Leila said. “I am deeply disappointed by the incident, as that sculpture represents many facets to my family’s history within the university. I heard through my friend that the political economy department is keen to have the sculpture repaired if at all possible.”
The edition was placed on stands at approximately 3:00pm that Wednesday accompanied by an inserted piece of paper containing a statement from the University of Sydney regarding the article “It’s Not Just Cornell”. The article detailed a history of sexual assault, student activism on campus, and included the testimony of a victim-survivor who was sexually assaulted at a USyd residential college. Following wider media coverage of the University’s conduct regarding the article, the University published a public statement about the article, stating: “We believe Honi Soit’s reporting in this instance breached basic journalistic principles of accuracy and fairness, and misrepresented University data and processes in a way that risked discouraging victim-survivors from seeking support…”
“The University’s deputy registar [sic] has made a formal complaint through the SRC’s established publicationsgovernance process for review, seeking corrections to inaccurate descriptions of University data and processes, publication of the University’s response for the print readership, and constructive engagement with the relevant University teams.”
The Publications Committee reviewed the Deputy Registrar’s submission under the SRC Media Code of Practice and concluded that no alterations to the article should be made. The Publications Committee found that “a robust DSP process was implemented to the Feminist Edition of Honi Soit by the elected student representatives, and that the SRC Media Code of Practice was followed by the authors and editors.” The Review further concluded that: “The article is factually correct and uses the relevant, recent data that is available. A reasonable reader can also access further information and data via the online article”. The Committee noted that “the target [of the article] is the University improving its processes – not dissuading students from making reports.”
A University of Sydney spokesperson told Honi Soit that “unfortunately, Louis Haddad’s ‘Ethics and Economics’ sculpture was accidentally damaged last week during preparations for its relocation as part of building works for the new Teaching and Learning Hub.
“The value of the statue is immense, but not in a monetary sense that can be objectively calculated or measured. For me, the sculpture helped to pierce through the ideological veil of capitalism”, Morton said.
“The sculpture is being protected while the damage is assessed by specialists from the Chau Chak Wing Museum,” the spokesperson said.
“[The sculpture] symbolises on one side the trinity of land, labour and capital (economics) and, on the other side, the hidden abode of social reproduction (political economy), with unpaid domestic labour providing an essential social foundation to
“We recognise the cultural and historical significance of all artworks on our campuses and are committed to their ongoing care and preservation. We’ve let Mr Haddad know of the damage and will continue to share updates with him as the investigation progresses.”
Ethics and Economics sculpture Louis Haddad
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| END RAPE ON CAMPUS
‘These colleges are incompatible with feminist justice’: Maxine McGrath on USyd colleges Anastasia Dale interviews. Honi Soit sat down with Maxine McGrath, SRC Women’s Officer and convenor of the Feminist Action Bloc, to discuss past and present student campaigns around sexual violence on campus. Anastasia Dale: Could you give me some background on how the ‘abolish the colleges’ campaign began? Maxine McGrath: The abolish the colleges campaign really started to become prominent after the rape and murder of Annette Morgan, whose body was found on the lawns of one of the colleges almost 50 years ago. It was 49 years ago this November. Since then it’s been an ongoing campaign, probably the most prominent campaign for USyd feminists. It has been picked up by members of parliament and spoken about on a large scale, but ultimately [mainstream discourse] is often about the word ‘abolish’ which scares people. Fundamentally the campaign is about replacing the colleges with safe, affordable, and accessible housing. The long history of the colleges’ sexual violence, as documented in Nina Funnell’s Red Zone Report, shows that no matter how many minute changes are made within the college’s administrations, it’s the structure themselves of them existing as privately owned, religiously affiliated, separate entities from the university, protected by their legal status as a charity… it’s a structure that has proven time and time again to enable the most horrendous sexual violence and gender-based violence, and in the case of Annette Morgan, femicide. AD: It strikes me as a weird setup, that the colleges are these sandstone residential buildings on USyd campus with the USyd insignia on them, which aren’t actually managed by USyd. Do you think there’s enough awareness around the structure of the colleges? MM: The thing about the colleges is that there’s a lot about them which isn’t widely known. There’s a lot of fear mongering about the abolish the colleges campaign because a lot of the worst of the colleges and the details into how they’re actually owned and
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how they operate is something which isn’t widespread. I think a big step that needs to happen for our campaigns is that general knowledge about how the colleges operate needs to be more widespread because a lot of people just don’t know how bad it is, or they think that it was a problem, but that problem was fixed. I think one of the reasons why the ‘It’s Not Just Cornell’ article became so big was because of how it threw cold hard facts of just how bad things are for victims of sexual violence at the University of Sydney and how the colleges exacerbate this crisis, and focusing on Lily’s story just shows like the fact that this is still an ongoing problem, which so many people weren’t aware about.
violence on campus, people voluntarily want to talk to you about it. Why do you think these people came to you first, before going to the university?
AD: So, I remember doing the compulsory online consent module in first year. How do you think the university could improve its consent education?
A lot of the time the university advocates for and likes to claim that it’s feminist and progressive, small L liberal. The university fails to look at the broader student populace of, predominantly women, who experience sexual violence. It’s part of a broader pattern of the university throwing flashy banners and ignoring their responsibility to properly educate students and let them know what they should be doing if they experience violence or if they know someone who has.
MM: One step they could take to make these modules much more effective, is make them in-person as opposed to online modules. The university has a very excessive surplus, [so a consent addition to compulsory courses] could feasibly be achieved. One thing which also isn’t talked about regarding consent education is how often it can be very useful for victimsurvivors to realise that they are victim-survivors. With further consent education, that can make a lot of victimsurvivors realise that what they had experienced constitutes as sexual violence, and I would say that that’s a very good reason why we need to expand consent education more. AD: As SRC Feminist Officer, have you had victim-survivors come forward to you about their experiences? MM: Yes… a notable amount. There were two different occasions at [this year’s] Welcome Week stall where I gave people the spiel about what the collective wants to achieve and how one of our main campaigns is about sexual violence on campus, and then people opened up about their experiences with it. AD: So just by the fact that you are talking about sexual
MM: I think that awareness regarding a lot of information regarding like sexual violence, and what you should do if you you experience sexual violence, and how the university treats it has very much fallen to the wayside recently. Like recently, we’ve seen things vaguely pick up, but that’s only due to the work of activists within the broader community. I think as a whole, our university is very lacking when it comes to those support services and when it comes to properly advocating for like feminist causes.
AD: What do you see the university promoting, and what do you think there’s silence around? MM: The statement that the university put into the editions of Feminist Honi is very symbolic of how the university treats victimsurvivors, and treats the topic of sexual violence. It shows that when there’s reporting about someone who recently experienced sexual violence at the university, instead of management seeing this as some kind of call that they should be doing better, they just try to do whatever they can to try to suppress the story. In this case by making the Honi Soit team jump through a million hoops and putting in these statements which are very empty and where some of their claims are directly disproven by the article. They don’t view these instances as a wake up call to change how these structures work,
and how these incidents keep occurring again and again. Whenever something like this happens, they just think about how they can protect their reputation, and what happened with Feminist Honi epitomises this. AD: What would the Feminist Action Bloc like to see change in the university? MM: I think a large part is about the reporting systems and how they’re weaponised, and the gag orders that victimsurvivors experience. As it stands at the moment, the university props up the colleges at basically every event they have, and for example, the USU has special programs for students who are within the colleges, like special reward systems, and they organise all of these Welcome Week events for the colleges. There are so many ways in which students are incentivised to join the colleges by the university, they’re given stalls at Welcome Week as well. While we know that the ultimate goal, which is to repurpose the colleges into safe, affordable, accessible student housing, is not something which is going to happen overnight, and it’s been a decades-long campaign. A recent lens we’ve taken is to cut the pipeline, which encourages students, especially international and regional students, to consider applying to the colleges. It’s been proven again and again that these colleges are incompatible with feminist justice on this campus. The colleges have done the same thing that that the university does in trying to reclaim themselves as progressive, especially the [women’s residential colleges] like to talk about all of their notable alumni and say that they uplift women, while actually being part of the same system which suppresses victimsurvivors and which allows for this violence to continue happening. Read the full article and the University statement online.
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‘Counting Down the Days’ in the USyd Colleges: Victim-Survivor Speaks Out Anastasia Dale and Kuyili Karthik continue the investigation. Since the article It’s Not Just Cornell was published, multiple people have approached Honi Soit wishing to share their stories. In addition to their valuable testimonies, this article aims to shed some light on the colleges’ structure and culture. Much of this information is not widely known or even accessible in public forums outside of dense college policy documents, and on college websites, these documents can be up to six years out of date. The University of Sydney residential colleges, contrary to their names and location, are not governed by the University of Sydney. Rather they are affiliated with the University, with governance taking place through independent boards, internal councils, and college staff. Most colleges have principals and
vice-principals, relatively large governing boards and/or deans. A University spokesperson confirmed to Honi that the colleges are independent legal entities with their own rules and governing bodies. The residential colleges are all registered charities, providing them with specialised legal protections and enabling them to sue individuals or publications for defamation. The colleges do not pay rent to the University (or at all), and collect millions of dollars in revenue each year. Residential colleges generally have their own internal reporting pathways for sexual assault, which are separate to the University
pathways. These processes seem to differ from college to college, and have potential listed outcomes including behaviour monitoring, ‘performance management’, paying a fine, training, support, a ban from events, expulsion or suspension, and ‘no further action’. According to college policy documents, colleges usually inform the alleged perpetrator of a formal complaint immediately once it is lodged. This is uniquely concerning due to the nature of college residents cohabiting with one another. This also resonates with what Honi has heard from interviewees, who state that fear, stigma, and concerns about social isolation often discourage college victim-survivors from making a formal report.
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| END RAPE ON CAMPUS
People can reside at the University of Sydney colleges even if they are not a USyd student, meaning students who attend other universities such as the University of Technology Sydney, the University of New South Wales, the Australian Catholic University, or Notre Dame are also able to live at the colleges. This raises concerns about potentials for meaningful disciplinary action outside of internal college mechanisms for victim-survivors who are not USyd students, or for people who wish to make a report about a non-USyd student. The colleges are not mandated to report sexual misconduct incidents to the police. However, they could be mandated to report sexual misconduct incidents to the University under the The National Higher Education Code to Prevent and Respond to Gender-based Violence (the Code), a legally enforceable reform that has been in effect since 1 January 2026. The Code sets “legally enforceable standards that higher education providers must meet to effectively prevent and respond to genderbased violence, including in student accommodation.” Student accommodation providers, including the Colleges affiliated with the University, are required to collect and report data on genderbased violence to their university under the code. Based on college policy documents seen by Honi dating back to 2020, it appears that colleges historically have only been mandated to notify the University of sexual misconduct proceedings if it has resulted in the disciplinary outcome of termination of a person’s residence at the college. It is unclear whether sexual assault rates at the USyd colleges are accurately or wholly reported and reflected in USyd’s Annual Report on Sexual Misconduct. Prior to the operation of the National Code it is unclear whether the colleges had enforceable obligations to share data with USyd. Further, the colleges do not publicly provide this data.
Ivy’s Story Honi spoke to Ivy, who experienced sexual assault at a USyd residential college and graduated recently. Names and identifying details have been changed. Ivy said that “inappropriate behaviour” was “normalised” at the colleges: “It was seen as really normal… for boys to be inappropriate with girls from the colleges when they got drunk. It… always made me feel so weird. They wouldn’t say anything, just suddenly they would be touching you and you felt like the weird one if you said anything about it… [That’s] how it starts, with just you telling yourself that it’s not a big deal if you feel uncomfortable.” Ivy said that male college residents would “start just sort of grabbing you. I would have to sort of fight them to get away. When that would happen everyone would laugh. It was dismissed as ‘fun’ and just boys getting drunk. I know it wasn’t fun for me.” Ivy detailed an instance of sexual misconduct she experienced, where a group of her friends from the colleges were walking around campus at night in their pyjamas on what she described as “a peaceful night” where they “all talked about their lives”. Ivy then alleged that when all the group members were hugging each other farewell, a male resident who she considered a friend “painfully” grabbed her breast and then walked away. Ivy stated that “it was really sad because this stuff would seep into everything, and it would make you feel like nothing was really safe and your experiences couldn’t be untainted. Everything had the possibility of being tainted by stuff like that happening or almost happening. And I didn’t tell anyone about [that instance], because I thought [telling people] was just more trouble than it was worth. I convinced myself it was a small thing and not worth talking about.
“I would say that the worldview of a lot of these college boys and attitude towards women probably persists even after they graduate.” Ivy stated that, in the final year of her degree, she was raped at the college she attended. Ivy told Honi that she did not report this major sexual assault to anyone except a few friends and family members.
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Ivy told Honi: “I was really scared to talk about what happened to me while I was still living at the college. Your college is your social group most of the time, and those are the people you live with. You see them every day. So it’s definitely easier not to rock the boat and just keep your head down, try to enjoy the good and ignore the bad. “I seriously considered taking my own life… I was scared enough and traumatised enough, and I really had no idea what would happen if I tried to speak up or anything. So I just stayed quiet. “I went to the university’s free counselling [service] for a bit and it was helpful. I said that I had been assaulted outside of the university because I was worried I would be forced to go into a formal process or something… The counselling was helpful in some ways for sure but I think there was a limit to how helpful it could be because I still had to live in the college and I didn’t feel like I could get any justice or speak up about what happened. “After I was raped I just focused on my studies and I cut myself off from my social life. I didn’t do any of the normal uni things any more after that. I didn’t speak in class any more. I just retreated into myself. I felt really depressed. I felt scared to be alone basically anywhere on campus. I was just counting down the days until I could leave and be free and never have to go back on campus again or see the halls of the college again.” With regard to the University and colleges’ approaches to sexual violence, Ivy said she wishes “that reporting these things when they happen was a lot more accessible, a lot less stigmatised. It’s so stigmatised already, just in the world”. On the University’s consent education, Ivy said: “I find the consent module pretty insulting, pretty patronising, it’s very basic and simple… I don’t think that’s actually changing anyone’s minds or how anyone acts.” Speaking to rape culture and victim blaming, Ivy said: “It’s really frustrating when people blame victims because the victims were wanting to have a night out, go to bars and drink. Going out and drinking is really normal. It’s a big part of university social life. And even though people doing stuff that makes women uncomfortable
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is really normalised, it actually isn’t normal. I wish that people would call it out more, rather than blaming a victim for trying to have a social life.” Ivy added that since graduating, she has been able to “see how abnormal and out of the ordinary that behaviour actually is… most people go out with their friends and have drinks and [sexual harassment and sexual violence] doesn’t happen.”
Vivienne’s Experience Honi spoke to another former college resident, Vivienne, who further detailed the culture of the colleges. Names and identifying details have been changed. Vivienne told Honi that she “was anti-college before going to college” and is still “against the institution” that is Sydney University colleges. “I went to public school. I went to college on a scholarship. I get those arguments of, ‘it’s social and builds lifelong community’, but that’s obviously a base from a position of privilege, wealth, and whiteness.” Vivienne spoke to how girls at the college, specifically ‘freshers’, who are recent highschool-graduates, “don’t know how to stand up for themselves”. She describes college party settings as ones revolving around “male validation” to the extent that girls “don’t recognise when things aren’t okay”. Vivienne struggled with what she saw at parties:
“The way these girls are treated by some of these boys is actually crazy… they can’t seem to be aware [of that] or break away from that perspective”. Vivienne knows of a male resident of a different college than hers. She says the resident was known widely across the colleges to be a “serial perpetrator”. She says: “Even boys at [the college] would be like: ‘Get girls away from him’...He would go for girls who were drunk, from what I gather.” The alleged perpetrator became involved in a complaints process, and Vivienne says the way it was handled was unsatisfactory since it could have placed the college community at risk. “What made me so angry was that the [head of the college] has discretion as to disciplinary action
against a resident. The [head of the college] can engage a private investigator, but they do not have to listen to what the private investigator says. Although whole year groups from multiple colleges knew about this serial rapist, somehow the college still took no action.” Vivienne says the alleged perpetrator continued living at his college after the complaint was lodged. Another community member told Vivienne that the alleged perpetrator was allowed to finish his year at his college.
Feminist Officer Maxine McGrath on the Colleges 2026 and 2027 SRC Feminist Officer Maxine McGrath told Honi: “The thing about the colleges is that there’s a lot about them which isn’t widely known… a lot of the worst of the colleges and the details into how they’re actually owned and how they operate is something which isn’t widespread… a lot of people just don’t know how bad it is, or they think that it was a problem, but that problem was fixed.” McGrath said that “you can expect a new controversy to come out about the colleges every year, and there’s probably so much that is suppressed every year, considering how much money [the colleges] have and all of the barriers victimsurvivors have to go through to report about any violence that happens within them.” McGrath told Honi that people have disclosed their experiences with sexual violence on campus to her, due to her being vocal about the ‘Abolish the Colleges’ campaign.
University Statement A University spokesperson told Honi: “The wellbeing of our students is our prime concern, and we acknowledge the concerns raised. We take all feedback seriously including from survivors, and continually work to improve our communication and responses, with regular training and reflection opportunities for frontline staff. We recognise the importance of adopting a person-centred approach and work with those making a disclosure to understand and prioritise their needs, and to provide a culturally appropriate and safe response.
residential college to deliver Respect@Sydney workshops to first-year students and student leaders in partnership with trained Ambassadors. The workshops focus on the prevention of genderbased violence – including the drivers of violence, consent, intersectionality, and the attitudes and behaviours that contribute to a culture of respect and safety – and help students build practical skills, increase their confidence to intervene, and develop a deeper understanding of their role in fostering a safer and more respectful University community. A central component of our Respect@Sydney program is a facilitated monologue developed by a victim-survivor that portrays the experiences of a young woman living in a residential college environment who experiences sexual harm, exploring the impacts on her wellbeing, relationships, and university experience. The monologue is used to encourage discussion and reflection on the individual and collective responsibility to prevent harm and support those affected. Participants then engage in interactive bystander intervention role-plays, providing opportunities to practice recognising concerning behaviours, responding safely and effectively in the moment, and supporting peers who may have experienced harm. Through these activities, students build practical skills, increase their confidence to intervene, and develop a deeper understanding of their role in fostering a safer and more respectful university community. We encourage anyone who experiences or witnesses inappropriate behaviour to come forward so their concerns can be addressed appropriately, with a range of support options available through University, college and external services. Disclosures can be made confidentially and anonymously.”
Our Safer Communities Office continues to work with each
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| FEATURE
A Jacaranda By Any Other Name. Sophie Wishart goes purple. As November steadily approaches, the University of Sydney turns purple yet again. Hello exam season! Our traditions dictate that if you haven’t started studying by the time the jacarandas blooms bless the campus roads, you’re too late! Maybe doomed. Although, if the soft kiss of a purple flower lands on you, you will have good luck in all your academic endeavours. Students hunker down accordingly, graduates throw their caps up, tourists take their photos and purchase their merch boasting the very same tree that adorns our campus. The jacaranda is so much an icon of our hallowed halls it’s easy to forget it hasn’t been here the whole time. One of the Usyd’s most popular iterations of the tree is the one that stands proudly in our sandstone quadrangle. The “historically significant specimen of Jacaranda mimosifolia” as it is described by its dedicated wikipedia page, was planted in 1928 by one E.G.
Waterhouse as a part of a “beautification campaign”. Despite its popularity and photogenicness today, it was a controversial figure in its early days. In fact, it became a sort of ongoing gag to rip the sapling out of the ground, much to Professor Waterhouse’s dismay. Between 1935 and 1939 the tree was assassinated five times in five years, resulting in the epic battle of E.G Waterhouse v Botanicus conducted via letter to the editors in Honi Soit (if you’re curious about these letters, make your way to page 23’s dusting off the cobwebs in this edition). Eventually in the 1930s, Waterhouse transplanted an already matured jacaranda into the soil of the quad, halting any further upheaval attempts. Despite the propaganda of the jacaranda being a distinctly USydian sight, the jacaranda doesn’t even go here. J. mimosofilia, the particular species that is most familiar to us, is in fact native to the Andes, namely Bolivia, and Argentina, but now you can find it on every single continent save for Antarctica. The global dissemination of J. mimosifolia was powered by nineteenth-century networks of imperial plant exchange. The
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species was first integrated into British scientific infrastructure when botanist Alan Cunningham collected specimens in Rio de Janeiro around 1818 and dispatched them to the Royal Botanic Gardens at Kew in London. From Kew, live plants and seed packets were sent across the world to colonial botanic gardens not only in Australia, but in South Asia, and Eastern and Southern Africa as well. It was first planted in the Sydney Botanic Garden in 1850, and in 1868 was successfully propagated and planted around the city en masse. The spatial layout of Australian cities underwent a structural shift driven by municipal beautification programs. In 1896, Joseph Maiden, the director of the Sydney Botanic Gardens, championed a move away from mixed-species street plantings toward uniform, single-species avenues. Maiden selected trees capable of enduring urban soil conditions while delivering visual
order and dramatic seasonal displays and J. mimosifolia was the perfect candidate. This systematic avenue planting created a distinct urban spatial hierarchy. Across the global British imperial landscape, jacaranda avenues were concentrated in affluent, low-density residential suburbs. In Sydney, you can see this in practice, with the dense purple canopies framing affluent harborside and inner city suburbs such as Kirribilli, Paddington, Lavender Bay, and Neutral Bay. Internationally, similar patterns emerge in Johannesburg, Nairobi, Harare, and Pretoria. The jacaranda became a visual signature of colonial civic privilege, a figurative and literal canopy ornamenting the landscape designed to showcase European aesthetic ideals over local environments. While we may view the tree as a symbol of seasonal identity, environmental scientists and land management authorities often classify the species as an aggressive invasive alien plant.
FEATURE |
J. mimosifolia produces large volumes of lightweight, winged seeds which are easily spread, and they’re capable of rapidly establishing dense monocultures along riverbanks, choking out native vegetation and consuming groundwater resources. This ecological disruption is most pronounced in South Africa, where under their Biodiversity Act, J. mimosifolia is legally classified as a Category 3 Invasive Species. Even Queensland authorities list the jacaranda as an invasive environmental weed in sensitive rural catchments. Ironically, in its native range, J. mimosifolia is listed as Vulnerable by the IUCN. In the same vein, the hashtag #JacarandaPropaganda was coined in 2016 by Kenyan writer Nanjala Nyabola to highlight how the iconic trees act as a visual marker for the last negative impacts of colonialism, including urban deforestation, climate change, and the paving over of green areas by high-rise buildings. In establishing the jacaranda as a symbol of local identity and domestic belonging, the exam luck myth isn’t the only one that was propagated. Across the North Shore and the Eastern Suburbs,
a popular legend attributes the density of jacaranda trees to a midwives tale about hospitals gifting a jacaranda seedling to every new mother upon discharge, encouraging them to plant the tree to grow alongside their newborn child. Historical analysis confirms that this story is an urban myth with no archival evidence or hospital documentation supporting it. However, the narrative persisted because it offered a romantic explanation for Sydney’s widespread purple canopy, masking the more prosaic reality of municipal council beautification schemes. These myths and traditions we spread serve psychological purposes for settler communities such as Australia. By linking the growth of an exotic tree directly to the birth of WhiteAustralian children, it also symbolically roots settler families into the local landscape. In a backwards fashion, transforming an imported species imported from South America into an heirloom of domestic belonging. This manufactured link between newborns and jacarandas transitioned into formal policy in 2023, when North Sydney Council launched its “Trees for Newborns” initiative, which offers free jacaranda, eucalypt, and banksia
saplings to families celebrating a birth, both in a way to increase a declining canopy cover while codifying a century-old suburban legend into practice. The jacaranda represents a complex botanical phenomenon: an instrument of the nineteenth-century global empire, an invasive weed, a protected urban heritage monument, and a signature icon of suburban spring. Through seasonal bloom cycles, suburban legends, and university exam folklore, the jacaranda has become deeply entwined with our concepts of home. Yet, the species cannot be separated from its imperial lineage. As it turns out, the tree that stands in the quad today is not the same as the one Waterhouse planted (after much trial and tribulation). In October 2016, the tree collapsed due to a fungal infection. On 21 July, 2017, the University held an official replanting ceremony. Instead of replacing the dead jacaranda with a single specimen, they decided to give it a friend. So not only was it replaced by a genetic relative of the original Waterhouse Jacaranda (grafted from cuttings taken in anticipation
of its death in 2014), a native Australian Illawarra Flame tree was also planted opposite it. Both trees are deciduous species that flower simultaneously in late spring, creating a striking visual contrast of bright purple and vivid scarlet blossoms. The inclusion of the Illawarra Flame tree was an attempt to formally disrupt the exclusive historical dominance of colonial flora, and they look damn good together. While our beloved jacaranda has its origin in colonialism, what parts of Australia are not marred by its impact? In none of this am I calling for us to once again uproot the poor tree. Its beauty, while imported, is true! As it often comes back to, the issue comes when the story we tell about it erases the ones that were here before. The only thing we can know is that it is here, as are we. So what does it mean to belong? I suppose that sense of belonging, like everything else, is formed by those around us, and not getting ripped out of the dirt for a substantial enough amount of time.
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| CAMPUS
Can they Charm you? Charm 4 Honi Interview Honi Soit is not yet charmed. Collective Pieces Written: 74 (five news articles) Oxford comma? Yes Quiz Score: 50.4 per cent Charm for Honi consists of Pia Curran, Ollie Hale, Audrey Hawkins, Kayra Hincal, Jessica Louise Smith, Max McDermott, Tim Pudun, and Shayla Zreika. They are currently still seeking ninth and tenth editors to join their team. Collectively, Charm has written 74 articles, and five news articles. At the time of writing, Kayra Hincal has not written for Honi, and Ollie Hale has written one piece. Kayra Hincal and Shayla Zreika represented Charm for the interview while Jessica Louise Smith and Tim Pudun represented the team for the quiz. “A charm can represent a lot of things,” Shayla Zreika said, ranging from cultural ties, “a reflection of the past”, and a vision for the future. Zreika said that Charm “resonate[s] with and align[s] with” Honi Soit’s left wing history “in a lot of ways”. In the context of “right leaning” dominant institutions, they see the role of Honi to interrogate power and provide a “safe haven for students to resist that” and platform “nuanced discussion[s] that value the underrepresented”. When asked their three favourite Honi articles, Charm named It’s Not Just Cornell: ‘Decades’ of sexual assault at the University of Sydney from earlier this month, as well as Minds, Bodies, and Everything in Between from 2025, and Letters between Palestine and the West from 2023.
Charm scored a ‘Pass’ on the quiz The quiz intended to capture if Charm, as prospective editors, are tuned into developments in higher education and media. They scored 50.4 per cent. Many questions they failed to answer related to coverage by Honi Soit, including why UOW was subject to an ICAC investigation, why USyd alumni and staff called for a Convocation, and the
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recommendations of the final report of the NSW university inquiry. Other gaps in knowledge included the MEAA Journalistic Code of Ethics, the SSAF allocations, what a convocation is, and general industrial relations knowledge. Most notably, the team did not identify the pay rise claim of 20 per cent fought for by the NTEU branch. On the log of claims quiz question, they said the branch was fighting for two claims that are contradictory (“no forced redundancies” and “redundancies as a last resort”).
Photos and rip-outs Kayra Hincal said she “look[s] for the photos immediately” when reading Honi and defended the fact that she has not written a single article for Honi by saying her role in the team would be more designfocused. Hincal further said that Charm is interested in having photo pages or art pages, saying “when you open the paper and you see all this writing, it takes you back a bit”. When pressed on what they would cut to make room for a page with no writing, Hincal and Zreika said it would be “intuitive”, less focused on what to cut but rather what “to include”, further stating that Honi is also “fundamentally online” so some articles could be online-only to make room for a photo/art page. Hincal and Zreika said Charm would do away with Honi’s ever-popular comedy page, instead turning the back page into an activity page or origami cut-out called a ‘Lucky Charms’ page.
quizzes on the page opposite to the comedy page.
Politics, politics, politics Charm describes themselves as a “progressive left-wing ticket” committed to “maintaining non-partisan reportage”. In their policy statement, commit to “faithfully recording the struggle of activists and protestors”, naming issues such as the genocide in Palestine, austerity cuts to the NDIS and public housing, and “the rise of right-wing sentiment”. When asked about their team’s politics and how they would approach news coverage, their answers were vague. “The coverage would be in the pursuit of representing student opinion because I think to be a student is fundamentally to be progressive in some sort of way,” Zreika said, adding that coverage wouldn’t be “influenced by a pressure or specific motive”. Similarly, when asked about how they would cover the upcoming state election, Zreika said it would be “through a student-based lens” but “from quite a level plane” and “quite observational”. When asked if the “level plane” would be extended to One Nation, they said it was necessary to be “very careful” while still covering the rise of the far right from an “investigatory, critical, and once again observational lens”.
Hincal elaborated that “it’s one thing, just picking it up off the stands and placing it on the floor of the room, but then to actually go through it, engage, and receive information… is like a whole different element, which we’re hoping the Lucky Charms page can bring.”
Despite this, when asked about their prospective coverage of the 2027 NSW state election, Zreika stated they intended to hold “the far right and the far left” to account. When pressed to elaborate on what they meant by ‘the far left’, Zreika stumbled before identifying “socialist” and “Marxist” parties.
The comedy page has been an enduring characteristic of the paper, with no team in recent memory producing editions without a comedy page. Honi also notes there is currently, and has been historically, an activity page with puzzles and
Given the far right is running primarily on anti-immigrant sentiment while the relatively small far-left is forefronting anti-racism, this seemed a baffling equivalence to draw. Furthermore, in our experience, socialist parties
are quite adept in holding themselves accountable in various public forums. In our supplementary questions to the team, we asked them to characterise the political positions of the following parties contesting the NSW state election without using left-right terminology: ALP, Liberals, Nationals, Greens, NSW Socialists, One Nation, Libertarians. Their descriptions of the various parties were cursory at best, describing the position of their political platforms rather than their actual positions. Australian Child Labor produced a far better and less verbose description of the various political parties in 2024. Charm characterised the ALP as a “social democratic party” and listed the policies under the ALP national platform instead of describing what the ALP has done in office. Zreika and Hincal emphasised accessibility and approachability as key focuses of their team which would shape the way they approached autonomous editions. In their form, Charm said the weekly workload of an editor amounted to 10–30 hours a week, citing 30 hours as the expected hourly workload of the “busiest weeks”. The hourly figure they say is inclusive of writing, layup, communication, administration, research, and planning for future editions. We regret to inform Charm that this wildly underestimates the hourly workload of the editorship. As their final statement, Zreika and Hincal said: “We look forward to running Honi Soit. Charm for life. We are looking for two editors as well. We’re advertising. We’re approaching it quite judiciously.” We hope this team can charm you next year!
OPINION |
Mass surveillance will not protect you: USyd’s dystopian new AI surveillance policy Anonymous sends a strongly worded letter. According to the University of Sydney (USyd), everyone is a potential threat, including you. Under the guise of strengthening safety and wellbeing on campus, new surveillance measures will undermine your right to privacy and freedom of speech, primarily for the purpose of cracking down on protests. In week 9, USyd quietly introduced a new video surveillance policy in which security staff will wear body worn cameras (BWCs) that record interactions and use AI facial recognition technology to put people on watchlists. The only notice given to students was via the weekly student newsletter. Inconspicuously situated towards the bottom of the email was the notice, along with a link to the draft policy, FAQs, and a feedback survey that closed on 16th October. However, the words “feedback survey” were omitted from the newsletter — instead the vague term “consultation” was used, conveniently hiding the prospect for students to give their opinion on the matter unless they felt inclined to investigate. Horrified at seeing the rise of the surveillance state creep its way into my place of education, I submitted the following feedback:
If you are interested in protecting your basic rights on campus, I encourage you to write a letter to the following email: privacy. enquiries@sydney.edu.au — you can even copy mine. Keep in mind that the university is known to punish pro-Palestine activism, so mention Palestine at your discretion. You can also get involved with the USyd Enviro Collective’s campaign which is working to dismantle the new surveillance policy. Statement from a University of Sydney spokesperson: “In response to TEQSA guidance encouraging universities to strengthen how they manage risks to student and staff safety and wellbeing – including potential risks associated with people from outside our university community accessing our campuses – we are consulting with our staff and students on a new draft Video Surveillance Policy to replace our current CCTV Procedures, which includes the proposed introduction of body-worn cameras to be worn by our Protective Services staff in specific circumstances. “We will carefully consider all feedback provided, and keep our community updated on any developments. “Our protective services team will continue working to identify, mitigate and manage risks on our campuses, and we thank them for supporting a safe and welcoming environment on our campuses, helping to deter unsafe behaviour and ensuring our community has access to assistance when needed.”
Dear University of Sydney policymakers,
This surveillance policy was not made in response to a spike in violent crimes on campus or threats of organised violence. It was made in accordance with TEQSA guidelines that were specifically updated in response to protests and encampments in 2024 which were distinctly non-violent. So why have such drastic measures been taken to confront what is essentially a non-issue?
The most violent crimes at USyd occur inside the colleges, i.e. the sexual assault, harassment, and rape of women, committed by male students. If anyone’s freedom should be impinged upon for the sake of broader safety on campus, shouldn’t it be these people? But instead, the university decides to ramp up the surveillance of hundreds of thousands of students who have done nothing worth surveilling. I primarily take issue with a significant discrepancy between the FAQ document and the surveillance policy itself. The FAQ states three times that facial recognition will not be used on staff and students. However, part 1.3 (1)(a) of the policy states “This Policy applies to: (a) University community members”, which are defined in part 6 (1) as “staff, affiliates and students of the University”. Therefore the FAQ is extremely misleading, clearly intending to provide a false sense of security to those who don’t have time to read the policy. If it is sincerely the case that this technology is only intended to be used on individuals external to the university, it is crucial that this is written explicitly into the policy. Without this safeguard, the privacy and dignity of students and staff are at risk.
Nonetheless, the prospect of AI facial recognition algorithms that put people on watchlists is frankly a very scary one. The prospect of a profile containing my face, name, degree, address, and whatever other information the university has on me, is deeply violating. It is an insult to my autonomy as a human being just trying to get from one class to another. Not to mention that the university will allow this data to be shared with third parties — which, according to the FAQ, is for the purpose of a “formal information-access process.” What does this mean? Students deserve to know if their likeness is being stolen by big data-farming corporations, because I have no doubt that this intentionally vague wording is masking exactly that. Regardless, what is stopping a rogue AI agent from hacking the database as has happened recently with Medicare, a government network which is undoubtedly more secure than USyd’s?
I will not accept the argument that if I have done nothing wrong then I have nothing to worry about; that does not mean that I should be expected to lay down and welcome the rollout of fascistic technology into my university with open arms. Furthermore, who makes the rules? Who decides what is wrong or punishable? The answer is USyd, and USyd has shown that it has no interest in fair and democratic decision making. This was made clear in its decision to dismiss the referendum that was held alongside the recent SRC elections, in which over four thousand students voted to demand that the university cut ties with the genocidal state of Israel. It was again made clear in the university’s subsequent plan to take control of the SRC and thus further undermine the autonomy of students. It was again made clear in the suspiciously quiet rollout of this draconian surveillance policy. Another primary concern of mine is about the use of vague wording that could be interpreted in ways unfavourable to students.
The policy talks a lot about “authorised purposes” and “authorised individuals”. How am I to trust some anonymous higher up to decide what is done with my likeness? Someone who answers to the university above all else, who does not have my best interests in mind? Part 3.7 (2)(d) states that “any audio playback from BWCs is controlled and audible only to those with a need to know.” This could mean anything. What consequences would there be for someone who accesses playback when they don’t have a “need to know”? Who decides who has a “need to know”? It is very worrying that the policy does not specify consequences for misconduct by those trusted with such powerful technology.
Part 4.1 (2) states “We generally retain recordings for only 30 days unless a valid request is received within 30 days: … (b) for the purpose of conducting a preliminary assessment or investigation.” Firstly, the term “preliminary assessment or investigation” could mean anything. A preliminary assessment or investigation into what? Does this imply that if a security staff member or other “authorised” party feels merely suspicious of an individual, that their footage and facial profile could be kept indefinitely until they do something “wrong”? This is very insidious. Secondly, certain parties such as the police will undoubtedly have more pull when it comes to being granted these exceptions. This is very worrying considering the massive spike in police brutality in the past year, especially against protesters exercising their right to free speech. What reason is there to believe that my freedom of speech will not be undermined by this surveillance policy? A security policy that is based on mass surveillance and that uses intentionally vague language is unacceptable, and the use of AI facial recognition technology is completely unwarranted. There is nothing that meaningfully indicates that this policy will not be used for nefarious reasons. Privacy is so scarce in our modern world. I am extremely disappointed that USyd is joining in on making this crisis even worse and bringing it to our place of education, and nonetheless misleading students about the parameters of its implementation. Kindly, A concerned student.
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| OPINION
Expat vs Immigrant vs Migrant: The Politics of Moving Overseas MacKenzie Johnson interrogates the language of migration. It’s now almost a rite of passage to pack your bags and move to London in your 20s as an Australian. Move to Clapham, get a Lime Prime membership and take two-day European jaunts. For some, moving overseas is labelled as a journey of “self-discovery” and a sure-fire way to climb the global career ladder. For others seeking similar opportunities, moving overseas means entering head-first into a full-blown immigration debate.
The language of migration Expat, migrant, or immigrant: they fall under the same linguistic umbrella yet carry distinctly different political and social connotations. The term expat is colloquially used to refer to professionals working in another country, but the word itself describes a person who resides outside their native country. An immigrant, on the other hand, is someone who moves to another country, often with the intention of settling there permanently. A migrant is the broader umbrella term encompassing people moving from one place to another. While these words describe similar movements across borders, they are rarely used interchangeably. An Australian moves to China, an “expat”. A Chinese person moves to Australia, an “immigrant”. Both have crossed borders, yet the language changes depending on who is moving. These labels carry an implicit social hierarchy, shaped by assumptions about nationality, race, and class. The distinction becomes interesting when looking at Australia’s own migrant population. The Australian Bureau of Statistics reported that in June 2025, approximately 971,000 people living in Australia were born in India, almost the same number as those born in England. A very close second for migrant populations. Though when politicians speak about immigration, how often are they referring to the British? These distinctions aren’t simply used interchangeably as a matter of personal preference. News headlines, political speeches, and
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everyday conversations continue to reinforce which forms of migration are associated with opportunity and which become matters of public concern. The word immigrant often carries negative connotations, becoming entangled in talk of strain on the economy, the cost-of-living crisis, and concerns around public infrastructure. The term expat doesn’t appear to carry the same baggage. Even the definitions themselves are less straightforward than they initially appear. In September 2026, the ABC reported that Australia lacks a single definition of the word ‘migrant’, finding that the term has been used to describe everyone from “welfare-dependent refugees” to “foreign investors”. With differing classifications in the Australian system from visa holders to foreign residents, many bear similar obligations as Australian citizens but are classed differently. If there is no single definition of who constitutes a migrant, the media is awfully quick to distinguish them from expats.
Who gets to be an expat? The words immigrant and expat conjure different images. A university study produced in the Netherlands found migrants coming from Latin America, Sub-Saharan Africa, and Asia were labelled immigrants. Migrants from North America, Europe, and New Zealand were immediately considered expats. Expats are seen to bring economic benefits, yet immigrants are regularly associated with low-skilled labour. Migration is politically categorised. Sociologist Sarah Kunz has suggested that migration categories are shaped by intersection inequalities of race, class, and nationality. Expats are often associated with opportunity while immigrants and migrants are more readily associated with displacement or unemployment. Not every expat is from a western country, nor wealthy. Nor should it be assumed that immigrants are economically disadvantaged. However, the terminology reveals how
society distinguishes between desirable international mobility and migration perceived as a political problem.
The privilege of not integrating Moving overseas comes with the expectations of new languages, unfamiliar food, and different cultures. However, for many Western expats, moving abroad doesn’t necessarily mean leaving the comforts of home behind. Seeking connection overseas is not unusual. Just look at the Aussies in Clapham. These communities provide familiarity and a sense of belonging when navigating an unfamiliar environment. However, when it insulates you against interaction with the community of locals, you’ve fallen into a trap. Cities such as Hong Kong and Singapore offer established expat communities dedicated social networks, international schools, and English-speaking workplaces. Why adapt to a new culture when you can just pick up your lifestyle and move it? Behind the gates of private residential compounds and members-only country clubs, some expat communities operate as exclusive social circles, where wealth and status can determine who gets through the door. These spaces create distance between expats and the communities they live amongst. Researchers have identified limited “contact zones”, spaces where expats and residents interact, including beauty salons and heritage societies. For the exclusive few, moving overseas means entering a new country without having to assimilate.
There is an irony in demanding a singular Australian identity from newcomers in a country built on successive waves of migration. Australia: Whose culture counts? Australia has long prided itself on being one of the most multicultural countries in the world. Yet recent political
rhetoric has challenged what it means to be Australian. “We are a multiracial society, but we must be monocultural. Australians must live under the one cultural umbrella”. One Nation leader Pauline Hanson made this declaration at a National Press Club address in June 2026. Immigration has been splashed across Australian headlines in recent months, with Hanson adding fuel to debates surrounding migration levels, cultural integration, and national identity. These tensions have also spilled onto the streets. The March for Australia anti-immigration protests have drawn thousands of protesters across the nation calling for reductions in migration. With banners demanding “Australia for Australians” and a slew of farright figures and neo-Nazis in attendance, the protests illustrate how immigration has become entangled with questions of national belonging. There is an irony in demanding a singular Australian identity from newcomers in a country built on successive waves of migration. Take Sydney, a city shaped by generations of diasporic communities, whose small businesses, traditions, languages, and beliefs have become part of its cultural fabric, from Leichardt’s ‘Little Italy’ to the bustling streets of Chinatown. In July 2026, One Nation announced plans to cease government-funded translation services, stating that “if you do not speak English, under no circumstances should you be able to settle in Australia”. The contrast with the expat lifestyle is striking. For expats moving abroad, they are free to settle amongst themselves and move about similar social circles. For immigrants arriving in Australia, maintaining those cultural roots raises political questions about whether they are willing to integrate. It is the same desire for familiarity, yet two very different conversations: one is forced to assimilate, while the other can exist in a self-imposed bubble.
ANALYSIS |
Is One Nation exploiting the failures of rural and regional education in NSW? Firdevs Sinik analyses the state of rural education. One Nation’s growing support in rural and regional Australia is not simply a backlash against immigration. Instead, we must consider the decades of educational inequality, declining opportunities and political neglect that create the very grievances that politicians can exploit. In February 2026, the ABC reported that One Nation rose above 20 per cent in national polling for the first time. Its support was particularly strong among older voters, people without university degrees and voters in regional and rural Australia. These were polling figures, not election results, but they revealed a significant shift in political sentiment. ABC News reported that economic hardship and a sense of lost agency were central to understanding the party’s growing appeal. In his 2026 analysis “The Pattern of One Nation support in NSW”, Electoral analyst Antony Green had also documented stronger One Nation support across many rural and regional electorates than in central Sydney. This growing pattern deserves scrutiny, particularly when considered alongside the longstanding educational disadvantage experienced by many communities outside metropolitan areas.
A history of educational neglect The educational inequalities in rural and regional Australia did not emerge with today’s political climate; they were documented decades ago, across successive governments and generations of students. In its 2003 report, Australian Social Trends, the Australian Bureau of Statistics documented substantial geographical disparities in educational participation. Census data from 2001 showed that secondary school attendance among 16-year-olds ranged from 84 per cent in major cities to just 41 per cent in very remote areas. Among people aged 15 to 24, 28 per cent of men and 30 per cent of women in major cities attended a university or other higher or technical education institution, compared with 12 per cent of men and 14 per cent of women in outer regional areas. These figures all demonstrate that unequal access to education
was already deeply rooted in the system a generation ago. Regional students have also historically faced fewer opportunities to complete senior secondary education, access further study and pursue employment without leaving their communities. Research reviewed by the NSW Department of Education has repeatedly identified challenges involving transitions to further education and the recruitment and retention of teachers and school leaders; with all of these issues being rooted in structural barriers. Governments have recognised these problems for decades; the Audit Office identified a history stretching back to a Commonwealth Schools Commission report on rural schooling in 1988. The NSW Department of Education introduced Rural and Remote Education: A Blueprint for Action in 2013, yet a decade later, the NSW Audit Office found that significant gaps in educational access and outcomes remained. Its 2023 report concluded that the department’s 2021–24 strategy was unlikely to address longstanding disadvantage effectively, noting that essential performance measures, governance arrangements and dedicated resources had not been established to support its implementation. In January 2023, 922 permanent teaching positions were vacant in regional and remote NSW schools, highlighting the persistence of the very same educational disadvantage. Professor Emeritus Anthony Welch of the University of Sydney, who specialises in education policy and crosscultural research, identifies teacher recruitment and retention as longstanding challenges. While some regional centres are growing, others are declining, and smaller schools often struggle to retain staff. Some teachers view rural appointments as “a stepping stone to a more desirable urban location”, he said.
From legitimate grievances to political scapegoating Economic insecurity, inadequate services and declining local industries
are genuine concerns, and for people who feel ignored by major parties, Hanson’s promise to challenge the political establishment can be compelling. “People in rural settings often feel overlooked; that governments prioritise urban locations over regional, and that the major parties pay lip service to rural and regional issues,” Welch said. “One Nation has been able to stoke these concerns, to their advantage.” However, he questioned whether the party would address the underlying problems, noting that “education doesn’t seem like a particular priority in their party platform”. We witness a party capitalising on legitimate frustrations without necessarily offering solutions, and by directing anger towards migrants and minorities, Hanson’s rhetoric diverts attention from the structural issues affecting regional communities, including inadequate educational provision and limited access to public services. Dr Anna Broinowski, a Walkley-winning filmmaker, senior lecturer at the University of Sydney and author of Please Explain: The Rise, Fall and Rise Again of Pauline Hanson, argued that Hanson’s political appeal cannot be separated from broader economic discontent and what she describes as a “politics of grievance”, in which frustration with institutions is directed towards minority groups rather than towards the root causes of disadvantage. Broinowski has also examined the role of digital platforms in amplifying Hanson’s political messaging. In The Saturday Paper, she warned of the potential for AI-generated political content, which she calls “slopaganda”, to shape future election campaigns. She raises concerns about how inflammatory content can circulate online and reinforce existing grievances, particularly when audiences are not equipped with the skills or information needed to assess political claims critically. And when communities already feel abandoned by institutions,
political messaging that supplies a simple target for their anger can become especially powerful. The expansion of Sky News Australia’s (now rebranded News24) 24-hour channel to free-to-air regional audiences through WIN Television in 2021 is also relevant to the broader discussion of media access, and makes us question whether rural and regional Australians have access to diverse, reliable information and the media literacy skills to distinguish evidence-based reporting from misleading or manipulative political communication. But regional communities should not be blamed for the information environment they inhabit. In reality, governments and educational institutions need to fulfil their responsibility to ensure that access to the skills needed to navigate that environment is not determined by geography.
Whose interests does One Nation serve? Hanson presents One Nation as a voice for Australians who have been ignored by established parties. However, her rhetoric must be measured against parliamentary conduct. Hanson’s voting record provides clear evidence of her contradictory actions compared with her claims to represent struggling Australians. People facing economic insecurity, educational disadvantage, and inadequate local services need policies that address those conditions. One Nation’s scapegoating of migrants and minorities does not fill teacher vacancies, expand access to further education, or restore services lost through decades of neglect. The rise of One Nation is a warning to governments that decades of neglected needs can have grievous political consequences, and rural and regional communities deserve the educational opportunities, public services and economic security that governments have repeatedly promised but failed to deliver. NSW Regional Education Commissioner Fiona Nash declined a request to comment for this article.
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| EXPLAINER
Sink or Swim: A Student Renter’s Guide to Sydney Madison Burland is against shit rentals.
Are you a fan of ominously placed sinks in your overpriced rentals? Sydney might just be the place for you. In the grand year of 2026, you can live within extreme proximity to your landlord, pay outrageous prices, and hope that the black mould in your rental doesn’t kill you before you can escape the cost-of-living crisis. Behind Sydney’s increasingly absurd rental market lies a much less amusing reality, as of October 2026, the Sydney Median rent has hit a record of $800 a week. At the forefront of this crisis, university students face the brunt of growing costof-living pressures. Since the Job-ready Graduates package was introduced in 2021, the cost of being a student has had an extreme increase. Most notably, students are paying 40 per cent more in rent than they were previously. Whether you’re a domestic or international student, Sydney landlords will exploit you all the same. International students specifically have reported a range of human rights violations including forced overcrowding, sexual harassment, and spiking rental prices. All of this to say, that being a renter, nevertheless a student, in Sydney is a grim prospect. Landlords hold a certain position of power within the social hierarchy, supported by the growing cost-of-living crisis. The market breeds consistent insecurity, making it easy for students to feel powerless against the people who control it. Knowing your rights as a renter is one way to push back against this imbalance and understand what your landlord can and cannot get away with. Riki Scanlan, a spatial political economist at the University of Sydney, says the power in a tenancy overwhelmingly lies with the landlord. While a tenant can threaten to leave, the tenant ends up homeless, while the landlord’s bottom line takes a hit. “Landlords appropriate your income through rent because you have no other choice,” Scanlan says. “Alternate housing options, especially public housing, mitigate landlord power.” “Renting is unfair because of inequality. High income
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inequality bids up rents for everyone, even at the bottom of the market. High wealth inequality means that one in six adult Australians are landlords, because property has become the way that some people get ahead at the expense of other people.”
Becoming a tenant Before you sign a residential tenancy agreement (or a lease) the landlord must also provide you with a “tenant information statement”. It is a short document that explains a tenant’s key rights and responsibilities under rental law. Make sure to read both documents carefully. It’s important to understand the length of the agreement, rent, fees, and conditions of the rental before signing. You should also know who you’re renting with. Check whether you’re a co-tenant, head-tenant or sub-tenant, as your rights and responsibilities differ depending on their tenancy type. After you sign your lease, you’ll usually need to pay a bond. The maximum bond a landlord or agent can charge is four weeks’ rent, and either you or your landlord can lodge it with NSW Fair Trading. If you choose to pay your landlord your bond, they are legally required to lodge the money with NSW Fair Trading and give you an official receipt and lodgement form. Only one bond is allowed per tenancy agreement, meaning landlords cannot demand another bond if the rent increases or if a new tenant moves in. When you move in, complete your condition report. A condition report establishes a baseline to record if there are any issues with the property prior to your tenancy. It acts as legal evidence, and can help secure the return of your bond upon the end of your tenancy. Make sure to photograph existing damage, stains, broken fixtures, and keep records of everything. As a renter, student or not, one of the best ways you can protect yourself is by keeping everything in writing. Documents like your lease, receipts, emails, and messages with your landlord or agent are all important
documents that should be stored somewhere accessible, preferably online.
Shit Rentals: Mould, Disaster Damage Your landlord is responsible for keeping the property in reasonable repair and ensuring it is fit for habitation. Record everything! If you come across any maintenance issues, you should report them promptly in writing, including a description of the problem and photos where possible. Urgent repairs such as serious water leaks, electrical faults, or damage that makes the property unsafe or insecure, should be reported as early as possible. If your landlord fails to arrange qualifying urgent repairs, you may be able to organise them yourself, provided you follow the relevant legal requirements. If you have a neglectful landlord, you still should not automatically stop paying rent because repairs have not been completed. If you are feeling exploited and want to withhold or reduce rent, seek legal advice.
Shit Housemates: Sharehouse Rights If you’re living in a sharehouse, make sure you are aware of whose name is on the lease and whether you are a head-tenant, a cotenant, or sub-tenant. A headtenant rents directly from the landlord and sublets part of the property to someone else, making them the subtenant’s landlord. A cotenant is named on the lease alongside other tenants and shares responsibility for the tenancy. A sub-tenant rents from the head-tenant rather than directly from the property owner. When it comes to agreements with housemates, the best way to protect yourself is to again, keep everything in writing. Agreements about rent, bills, bond payments, and what happens when someone moves out should all be discussed prior to signing of a lease.
If one of your housemates wants to leave or transfer their part of the lease, you will generally need the landlord’s written consent to transfer or sublet a tenancy. Keep receipts of any changes to the tenancy, as well as any records of bond payments. If you want to leave or break your lease, seek legal advice before moving out. Notice requirements can differ depending on your legal status and rental agreement.
Rental Increases Check your rental agreement and the type of tenancy to understand the rules that apply to rent increases. Rent increases must comply with the relevant legal requirements, including requirements for written notice. Keep copies of rent increase notices and records of how much rent you have previously paid. If you believe an increase is excessive or unlawful, you may be able to negotiate with your landlord or challenge it through the NSW Civil and Administrative Tribunal (NCAT).
Shit Landlord: My landlord wants to sell, what can I do? Your tenancy does not automatically end just because the landlord decides to sell the property. Your landlord must follow the legal process for ending your tenancy and cannot simply make you leave because the property is being sold. The landlord or agent must follow the rules for property inspections, including providing the required notice. According to the Tenant’s Union of NSW, the first inspection generally requires 14 days’ written notice, followed by 48 hours’ notice for each subsequent inspection unless an agreed schedule applies. You generally do not have to agree to more than two sales inspections per week.
Eviction: What can your landlord legally do? Since 19th May 2025, Nogrounds evictions have become unlawful in NSW. Landlords need a valid legal reason and supporting evidence. If you receive a termination notice, don’t freak out, it doesn’t automatically evict you. Landlords must follow the legal process
REVIEWS |
to evict a tenant, and only a Sheriff’s officer can carry out an eviction under a warrant. The eviction notice must meet legal requirements, including the correct reason, evidence and notice period. You may be able to challenge an eviction if the notice is invalid, the reason is not genuine, or it is retaliatory. If you owe rent, and your landlord is attempting to remove you from the property because of that, ask for a rent ledger in writing, you may have options to resolve arrears and remain in the property. In all cases, eviction notices can be extremely stressful. Make sure to get legal advice or Contact NSW Fair Trading, or your local Tenants’ Advice and Advocacy Service for any help you may need.
What happens when your rights are breached? “It can be emotionally confronting to stand up for your rights, so you should seek advice from a community legal centre or the SRC caseworkers,” Scanlan says. Above all else, Scanlan recommends documenting everything. “Ensure you have a paper trail and photographs of any issues before they arise… When you need to engage with agents and landlords, make sure you do so by email. Stay concise, direct, and reasonable. If you speak verbally, send an email afterwards summarising the conversation.”
Getting your bond back “At the end of your lease, make sure you claim your bond,” Scanlan says. “You can do so by agreement with the landlord, but nothing stops you from immediately claiming it the moment you hand over the lease. This way, you get your money back and they can’t hold the refund as a negotiating tactic.” As always, document everything, take photos, and keep your original condition report. Keep relevant cleaning receipts and evidence of the condition in which you left the property. If your landlord or agent claims deductions you disagree with, ask for supporting evidence and seek advice about disputing the claim. There is an overwhelming amount of information out there, and if this is your first
time moving out, it’s easy to feel isolated and confused. If there’s five things to get out of this guide as a young renter, i’d stick to the following: Always get important agreements and requests in writing. If it isn’t documented, it can be much harder to prove later. Take photos and keep records of your tenancy, including the property’s condition and any repair requests. Don’t assume your landlord can do something simply because they own the property, just because you are renting a home, that doesn’t mean you have to surrender your rights. Seek advice before withholding rent, changing locks or moving out early, because these decisions can have legal consequences. You don’t have to navigate the rental system alone, whether it’s with a housemate or landlord, get help as soon as a dispute arises.
Help resources: Tenants’ Advice and Advocacy Services NSW Fair Trading NCAT LawAccess NSW
A review of ‘NAZA’ (2026), and the use of AI and dehumanisation in Gaza Eva Sutherland reviews. Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor’s 2026 British documentary NAZA chronicles the integration of artificial intelligence and automated surveillance into military targeting systems used by the Israel Defence Forces over the last three years since the escalation of the genocide in Gaza. Explored through the stories of 24 Israeli soldiers and intelligence officers interviewed on rooftops in Tel Aviv, some of the testimonies that describe the last three years of the onslaught on Gaza include: “Let’s go in, annihilate, and go out” “It’s like a video game” “Gaza, a factory of targets” “AI decides who lives and who dies” These soldiers loom over busy Tel Aviv streets, apartment blocks, and construction sites while planes fly overhead. “Should I keep talking despite the planes?” one interviewee asks. Only 70 kilometres away from the interview site is the Gaza Strip, where more than 70,000 Palestinians have died since the escalation of the genocide in the past three years. According to assessments by UNOSAT and satellite tracking data, 80 per cent of all structures in the Gaza Strip have been damaged or destroyed since October 2023. Each target has an estimated NAZA (nezek agavi), a military acronym meaning “collateral damage”. It is a calculated assessment of value placed on Palestinian lives. The figure estimates the number of civilian killings considered acceptable by the IDF for a given military target. In the film, an IDF official suggests that one target had an estimated NAZA of 500 lives, and approval is not required for anything under 20. “At the start of the war, we bombed everything. NAZA wasn’t an issue,” one intelligence officer told interviewers. These interviews are recorded three years into a calculated and systematic genocide, and siege of the two million Palestinians in Gaza. The buildings in Tel Aviv shake as rockets fly over Gaza. Much of the critical infrastructure in Gaza is controlled by Israeli forces. All of the phones are tracked, and homes are blueprinted. The panoptic surveillance and control of all technology, communications, and infrastructure are shown to us through sketched
diagrams and the stories of the interviewees. The interviewees describe hacking into children’s phones, reading text messages, flicking through photos, tracking their parents, and then targeting their homes with everyone inside. An interviewee explains that intelligence personnel were able to access the cameras and microphones of any phone in Gaza, including those of children. The phrase “Where’s Daddy?” refers to an IDF tactic used to determine when their father will be home, by hacking into a child’s phone, enabling an airstrike to kill the entire family. Central to the systematised dehumanisation, surveillance, and targeting depicted in Abraham and Szor’s documentary is the new integration of AI military technology. The relevant buildings were identified through AI surveillance of communications systems in Gaza, using a system known as “Lavender”. The Israeli military’s bombing campaign in Gaza used the Lavender AIpowered database, which at one stage identified 37,’000 potential targets. Israeli intelligence officials have been using machine-learning systems to identify targets and carry out strikes. The Lavender system also made mistakes. Among the 70,000 phones it had earmarked, “it once marked an 80-year-old woman. They bombed her house with her entire family in it.” One of the interviewees says the system has an accuracy rate of 85 per cent. Some of the AI companies involved with the IDF include Microsoft, Google AI, and OpenAI. Our own university has recently signed a multiyear partnership with OpenAI, a company directly involved in the weapons, targeting systems, and surveillance used against Palestinians in the Gaza Strip over the past three years of genocide.
We need to continue the fight in solidarity with the Palestinians. That is a fight against imperialism, racism, and war. If that is a fight you want to be involved in, you can join Students for Palestine at Sydney Uni and attend our endof-year picnic on 1 November, to reflect on this year of solidarity activism, at the Sydney Park barbecues (St Peters) on Sunday, 1 November, at 1 pm. You can also attend the next Palestine solidarity rally organised by the Palestine Action Group on 15 November at 1pm in Hyde Park North.
| SRC OFFICEBEARERS’ REPORTS
President Grace Street (Grassroots)
General Secretary
It’s nearing the end of the semester but the SRC workload is instead ramping up, so here’s some of what I’ve been up to and things that you should be part of.
(Vince’s Report)
(Ava’s Report)
This will be my final report as SRC General Secretary :(
Hey Honi Soit Fans,
Last week, I went to NSW Parliament to speak to some MPs and MLCs about our current issues with threats to student unionism and student journalism from the University. Keep an eye out for more communications and developments concerning the campaign to protect the SRC’s independence, resourcing and power. This is not a new issue, but it is an existential one reaching a pinnacle that concerns all other student unions and freedom of expression across the country.
works for all of us. This week, there are a range of events happening as part of the SRC’s “Radical Education Week,” the International Student Representative Council conference (which I am proud to be speaking at), and more. This Wednesday, our Representatives-Elect (Reps-Elect) meeting is taking place for all the new SRC councillors to vote in the OfficeBearer positions of the 99th SRC. On Thursday, there will be a cool forum that I have been working on against the University’s deal with Open AI. We will be hearing from students, staff and guest speakers on AI and this particular company. Find out more via @usyd_enviro and register to attend via the QR code.
Disability & Carer’s Officers Kayla Hill and Remy Lebreton (Grassroots) It is officially our last report as Disabilities Officers of the 98th SRC. What a time it’s been! We are so honoured and proud to have achieved all we have this year, from the NDIS cuts campaign, our panel with Covid Solidarity Syd, multiple parliamentary inquiry appearances, the flu vax program, and an ongoing battle against the
2025 was the year I was SRC Disabilities Officer. Shoutout Khanh! I actually planned to focus on my studies but I needed to see the then 2025 General Secretary Grace as 2026 President. I’m unsure how much it factored into her putting her hand up, but I promised to stick around another year if she ran. Then I became 2026 Gen Sec! Shout out to Ava, my co-secretary, in which we shared many struggles and crashouts. We’ve had our moments, but I think we will look back and see our term as something we can be proud of.
Recently, I also helped to promote and explain Thursday’s NTEU strike to students, was part of the picket at the Ross St entrance, and then spoke as a student representative afterwards at the rally. We must stand with staff in their fight for better conditions, and for a university that actually
Dear Honi Soit readers,
I got into the SRC entirely by accident. It started with joining the 2024 USyd Gaza Solidarity Encampment. I saw first-hand the power we had as regular people to fight for real change. I became a socialist. I remember every night as if it was yesterday, and I met so many people who I would soon come to call friends and comrades: Shoutout Grassroots!
Simple Extensions and Special Considerations systems (and that’s not even the half of it!). We are so excited for the year to come. Disability Justice is everything — it cannot be sidelined nor dismissed in the world we are trying to build. Resist eugenics, fight back against austerity, and care for your communities. We are goated. Shoutout DisCo, shoutout Remy, shoutout Kayla.
Shout out to my Dad who is not well right now, even though you hate socialism I know you love me. Shout out to Burn4Honi. I WILL be playing favourites, yes they are my favourite Honi team. Going into 2027, I am so excited for the next General Secretaries who have the privilege to work with a President like Grace Street. Grace gets the ultimate shoutout as someone I am forever inspired by. That’s the GOAT. She is the Lebron James of the SRC. That’s all from me, stay blessed, and skedaddle before I start cryin! You can find me at @vincetafea. In Solidarity, Vince
Vince Tafea (Grassroots) Ava Cavalerie (Labor Left)
It’s that time of year again. Assessments are piling up and exams are on the horizon, so I hope you’re keeping healthy and getting some sun. Personally, I’m very excited for summer! Not to worry, there are still plenty of reasons to escape your readings and get involved. This eek is Radical Education Week! Rad Ed is brought to you by yours truly and many other friendly faces in the SRC, special shoutout to Ydie for helping pull it together. It’s a week of workshops, panels and programs giving you the education you didn’t know you were missing. Many moons ago, my dear friends tried to rebrand it as Radical Chic Week. Tragically, the name didn’t stick, so please consider this an ode. Because frankly, the activism and hustle of the SRC is, in fact, very chic. Anyway.. come along and hear from activists, academics and fellow students about the issues shaping our campus and our world. The full program is on Instagram at @ radicaleducationweek. It’s also been a big week for collective action. NTEU members went on strike for fair working conditions. Staff working conditions are student learning conditions, and it was great to see students join the picket lines. On Saturday, students protested for real climate action, demanding governments stop letting mining oligarchs dictate policy. These past few days show what’s possible when we organise together. #friendpol. If you’d like to get involved, hit me up. In solidarity, Ava xx
Ethnocultural Officers
Imane Lattab (Grassroots) and Pimala Leo (Grassroots) Happy Week 12! We know you’re probably busy amid the end-of-semester storm (whether it’s because of uni work or preparing for the 2027 Representatives Election depends on you), so we’ll keep this report short and sweet! • Held our 2027 pre-selections last week! • Organising within the EAG and Enviro collective against the new OpenAI deal. • Outreach with ACAR members to grow the collective and gain insight into a path for 2027. • Fighting against management’s threats against the SRC. This will be our final report as your 2026 Ethnocultural Officers! We have been so honoured to have served this brilliant community, fighting for a just world starting right her on our campus. Our work
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this year could not have been possible without the work of past ACAR convenors, our members, and our comrades across the SRC! If you are graduating, we wish you luck in your future endeavours and encourage you to keep up the fight in your community! Whether its pressuring our government to end its complicity in genocide and apartheid or fighting against data centre developments in your local areas, your support and power will always be needed! If you’re returning next year, we urge you to stay involved! With the countless threats to student democracy and the independence of the SRC, our community will need to be more united than ever. The fight doesn’t end here, and won’t end until we are all free! In Solidarity, Imane and Pimala
SRC RESOURCES |
Tips for Navigating the Centrelink Bureaucracy
Ask AskAbe Abe SRC Caseworker Help Q&A Procrastination
Hi Abe,
Most of your interactions with Centrelink will be online. This helps them to manage their huge workload with minimal staff but does not lead to you having a good experience or an easy time managing your payment. Provide documentation When applying for a payment you will be required to provide them with a lot of information and documents. Your application will not usually be processed until they receive all of this, so take the time to double-check that you have submitted everything they have requested. Sometimes there are delays in processing applications, so it might be helpful for you to see if you are eligible for any of the uni’s scholarships, bursaries, or loans. While you are on a payment there may be occasions where you are asked to provide information and documents. Carefully note the dates they give you as missing a deadline may lead to a reduction or cancellation of your payment. It is important to note that providing false information or documentation is considered fraud and may lead to prosecution. This might not just mean a reduction or cancellation of your payment, but it might also lead to criminal charges.
If you are working while studying, the SRC has a leaflet about how your income affects your Centrelink payment. Use this information to calculate what your payment should be and if you notice any mistakes talk to an SRC caseworker about your options. What did you say If you speak to a Centrelink staff member on the phone or in person, ask them for a receipt number for that conversation. Email that number to yourself together with a short description of what you discussed, so that you have your own record.
Delayed Hi Delayed, What you’re describing is often called procrastination. I’m sorry to hear you are experiencing this.
Abe
If you need help and advice from an SRC Caseworker, fill out the contact form, scan the QR code. bit.ly/contact-a-caseworker
What did they say Check your inbox regularly for messages, as it is assumed that you have read them. Respond as soon as possible to any requests to ensure that you do not miss any deadlines. Centrelink can be difficult to deal with It’s not just you. They are difficult for everyone, starting with ridiculous wait times for telephone calls, through to onerous application processes, and hefty penalties to people who simply cannot afford it. The SRC has information on: • Payments for students
Tell Centrelink everything
• Independence
Report any changes in your circumstances, even if you don’t think it is relevant. This includes a change of address or living arrangements, change in study load, receiving an inheritance or scholarship, going overseas, or changes in your relationship status. Any unreported events can be used as a reason to reduce or cancel your payment.
• The effect of your parents’ income
Always report income when it is earned. It does not matter to them if you’ve been paid yet or not; it’s all about when you earn the money.
I have a million things due soon, and I can’t seem to get started on any of them. Every time I sit at my desk, I find all sorts of other things to do, then I get overwhelmed with how much other stuff I have to do, and decide it’s easier to not do any of it. I hate that I haven’t been able to get anything done, and it’s really starting to get me down. What am I doing wrong?
Please don’t think of it as being lazy or undisciplined. There is a reason you are not able to start or finish these tasks. The best thing you can do to help this situation is to speak to a counsellor. They can help you develop strategies, depending on the underlying cause of your procrastination. No matter what it is, there is no reason to feel disappointed with yourself. Book an appointment with a counsellor (e.g., the Uni’s Wellbeing team, eHeadspace, or Uplift Psychological Services) or if you have difficulty doing that, ask one of your friends to book it for you. Maybe they would go to your first session with you.
• The effect of your income • Being in a relationship • The effect of savings on your payment Need more help or advice? If you have any specific questions contact an SRC Caseworker. bit.ly/contact-a-caseworker or call 9660 5222
To read the full article on Navigating Centrelink including links and resources, scan the QR code
DISCONTINUING A SUBJECT WHAT ARE YOUR OPTIONS IF YOU FEEL YOU ARE UNABLE TO COMPLETE A UNIT OF STUDY? TALK TO AN SRC CASEWORKER ABOUT DC GRADES OR OTHER OPTIONS. SYDNEY.EDU.AU/STUDENTS/DISCONTINUEUNIT-OF-STUDY.HTML
srcusyd.net.au bit.ly/contact-a-caseworker
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| PUZZLES
The Crossword
Across:
1 NSW government workplace insurer (5) 4 Confess (5) 7 Veggie in a pod (3) 9 Online game with crewmates and imposters (5,2) 10 Rank below viscount; Captain of industry (5) 11 Ruler known for his nude/new clothes (7) 13 Christian group in Egypt (5) 14 The public broadcaster (3) 15 Bicker (5) 16 Undergrad legal degree (3) 17 “Drink your big black cow, and get ___ here” (5) 18 A homophobe, or a racist (5) 21 Nine financial paper (3) 22 Mint ___ cocktail (5) 25 Largest Chinese ethnic group (3) 26 Walkway in airplane or supermarket (5) 27 Sellers (7) 29 Tenant’s document (5) 30 Sinful greed (7) 32 Chow down (3) 33 What a slush fund may fund (5) 34 Zohran Mamdani, for one (5)
Down:
Puzzle by Some Hack
The People Want Answers! Here are the answers for all previous crosswords from this semester.
1 Bossa nova beach (7) 2 Taxation agency (3) 3 Them’s fighting words! (2,5) 4 Broadsheet owned by Rupert Murdoch (10) 5 Union representing journalists (4) 6 Leaves for a pipe (7) 7 Castle feature, defensive wall (7) 8 Memory lapse (7) 12 Cop, singular (3) 14 Shorten letter wise (10) 18 Words read with feeling (7) 19 Unified whole, a hive mind perhaps (7) 20 English channel, familiarly (3,4) 22 Mad Men lead (3,4) 23 Writer Tolstoy (3) 24 Microbiology pioneer Louis (7) 28 Connections often free in airports but expensive on airplanes? (4) 31 Frozen over (3)
Dusting Off The Cobwebs
Quiz 1. What percentage of staff are afraid to speak out due to a fear of workplace reprisal according to Sydney Listens? 2. What is the name of the sculpture damaged outside the Social Sciences Building? 3. When was the USyd Jacaranda first planted? 4. Why is the video surveillance policy being updated?
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Answers: 1. half, 2. Ethics and Economics, 3. 1928, 4. Protest encampments and changes to TEQSA regulations
A series of letters to the editor from 1937 editions of Honi Soit. Some say E.G. Waterhouse and Botanicus are still battling it out to this day.
UNETHICAL SATIRE SINCE 1929
Libel
Slander
Defamation
Proudly hateful
Dividing the USyd student community
“MAYBE NEXT YEAR’S HONI TEAM WILL BE LESS BIASED,” SAYS STUPOL HACK FOR 7TH YEAR IN A ROW
FRIENDPOL IS DEAD LONG LIVE FRIENDPOL
“This year’s team has been an absolute fucking disgrace”, one 42 year old undergraduate stupol hack told Chuddy Soit. “No one reads even reads Honi anyway so I don’t even care,” he stated while clutching eighteen copies of Honi Soit, bearing highlighters and postit notes, forensically scrutinising the paper line-by-line for references to him and his faction. Commenting from his Instagram account of which his bio is a fleeting oneline quote about him from Honi, he wrote “I seriously don’t even give a shit about that rag.”
“Are you ready for your newswriting lessons?” Michael West gulped. The Guardian nodded. The Sydney Morning Herald shuddered. Green Left blinked nervously. “Yes, Charm 4 Honi.” They said in unison.
“I don’t even get why they’re so obsessed with us?” whinged another student who aspires to be a politician and run the country. “Really, I think that people shouldn’t examine why we do student politics as a way to advance our politically vapid careers. So what if we become staffers for politicans destroying the country and environment.” Chuddy Soit has seen an open letter circulated by activist group ‘Students Against Journalism’ which demands that Honi Soit editors be “brought out back” to the same farm where Vertigo editors “were taken on holiday”. Jimbo Crudley, head of PR and Marketing at the University of Sydney, told Chuddy that “now that we’ve sent Honi to the big Vertigo in the sky, USyd management will be in charge of reporting. Today’s News: All Sunshine and Rainbows at USyd! Also Mark Scott is very funny and smart and cool and smart.”
co m ed y T hi s m ay be th e la st e. pa ge yo u wi ll ev er se