Land as an infrastructure| Shreya Rangaraj

Land as an infrastructure

Shreya Rangaraj Fifth Year Semester IX (Part 1)

Guide: Ar. Anmol Warang

L. S. Raheja School of Architecture Affiliated to Mumbai University 2022 - 2023

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DECLARATION I hereby declare that this written submission entitled “Land as an infrastructure” represents my ideas in my own words and has not been taken from the work of others (as from books, articles, essays, dissertations, other media and online); and where others’ ideas or words have been included, I have adequately cited and referenced the original sources. Direct quotations from books, journal articles, internet sources, other texts, or any other source whatsoever are acknowledged and the source cited are identified in the dissertation references.

No material other than that cited and listed has been used.

I have read and know the meaning of plagiarism* and I understand that plagiarism, collusion, and copying are grave and serious offences in the university and accept the consequences should I engage in plagiarism, collusion or copying.

I also declare that I have adhered to all principles of academic honesty and integrity and have not misrepresented or fabricated or falsified any idea/data/fact source in my submission.

This work, or any part of it, has not been previously submitted by me or any other person for assessment on this or any other course of study.

Signature of the Student: Name of the Student: Shreya Rangaraj Exam Roll No: Date:

Place: Mumbai

*The following defines plagiarism: “Plagiarism” occurs when a student misrepresents, as his/her own work, the work, written or otherwise, of any other person (including another student) or of any institution. Examples of forms of plagiarism include: • the verbatim (word for word) copying of another’s work without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement; • the close paraphrasing of another’s work by simply changing a few words or altering the order of presentation, without appropriate and correctly presented acknowledgement; • unacknowledged quotation of phrases from another’s work; • the deliberate and detailed presentation of another’s concept as one’s own.

• “Another’s work” covers all material, including, for example, written work, diagrams, designs, charts, photographs, musical compositions and pictures, from all sources, including, for example, journals, books, dissertations and essays and online resources.

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CERTIFICATE This is to certify that _____SHREYA RANGARAJ______ has successfully completed his/her design dissertation (part 1) on the topic ‘Land as an infrastructure’ under the guidance of Ar. Anmol Warang.

The dissertation is undertaken as a part of the academic study based on the curriculum for Bachelors of Architecture program conducted by the University of Mumbai, through L.S. Raheja School of Architecture, Mumbai.

SEAT NUMBER: ______

Thesis Guide: Ar. Anmol Warang.

L. S. Raheja School of Architecture, Mumbai

Principal: Ar. Mandar Parab.

L. S. Raheja School of Architecture, Mumbai

External Juror 1:

External Juror 2:

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Acknowledgement It’s been a long and rather fulfilling journey as I take a peek into the five years I have spent surviving this course, and I’ve come to believe that I am everything I am today because of the risks, beliefs, and failures I have been through.

It’s one thing to leave this education degree with the standard marks attested by the institution.

But, still, it’s a whole other thing to leave this institution knowing that I have grown stronger, wiser, and, more than anything else, learned to fight my way through any obstacle that comes my way.

I believe this degree is a self-learning process, and I am extremely glad I did just that every step of the way, including my thesis.

In retrospect, one thing I know for certain is the person I’ve become is a collective value system gathered by my mentors, friends, and family.

Without them, I would not be here confident enough to pen down that I am confident to leave this place ready to take on, spread my wings and sore to heights I’ve always dreamed of achieving.

I am forever grateful to my mentor, Ar. Anmol Warang silently always knew how to motivate me, inspire me, and, more than anything, allow me to fall, tumble, make mistakes of my own, and lead me to a path of self-discovery. The values of your mentorship are what I’d cherish for life.

“When we start thinking of ourselves as the masters and everyone else as unskilled.. that’s when we become deterministic...

The thesis helped you!!

That you realise something you hadn’t been aware of.

That’s research.”

Nothing could have enriched my process more than this, not marks, clout, medals, or awards— but this. I feel like this is the true reward you get with the best mentorship.

Vibhu, Shruti and Kimaya- I know that you guys are the reason I push myself to attend college every day. Unfortunately, I can’t gather enough words to tell you how much you guys mean to me on this overbearing journey.

Thank you so much, Shruti, for always being a phone away, pushing me and believing in me to do my best, dealing with my crazy anxiety and providing me with the courage to believe in myself.

Kimaya, spending time with and bullying you have become my favourite pastime hobby, without which my day goes incomplete.

Vibhu, I have no words to describe the bond I share with you, and no words can do justice to how much our endless rants, ambition talks, music and just everything mean to me.

You have a special place.

I am also extremely grateful to all my other friends who have pushed me in various ways to I can’t begin to think of.

And, last but not least, my family.

Amma, for always being the role model of values and qualities i always wish to emulate Appa for being the strongest support system I know Sharanya, for just being there for me, no matter what My adorable Paatis and, last but not least, Athai and Mama, for having a defining roles in my life.

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Table of contents 14-27 16 18 20 22 23 24 26 28-41 30 34 36 37 38 39 40 43-55 46 48 52 54 56-69 58 60 62 64 66 68 69 70-85 72

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78 84 86-95 88 90 94 96-103 98 101

104-111 106 110 111 112-149 114 116 118 120 122 126 128 130 136 138 142 144 146

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Background We live in a place now where pathways have defined our experiences of the city- not collective memory, lived experiences, or geographical framework but roadways, plotlines, boundary walls, and built masses. These changes have over time materialized the fabric of a city discarding off the natural system of existence entirely.

The changes brought about by contemporary processes of urbanism and urbanization are innumerable and permanently wash away the natural fabric. With these changes, a conceptual rethinking of how we intervene qualitatively becomes very essential.

This volume documents, interprets, and questions the prevalent form of urbanism and inquires an imagination of if such a form continues to exist. Based on the conviction that the climate crisis requires us to broaden our ‘urban imagination’. The need to re-imagine our urban future is particularly astute since we have unapologetically built on top of the natural environment. How can we then qualitatively intervene in such a context?

Which means and tools are capable of rethinking ways and make a fundamental difference in this process of constant change? How might we strategically structure the fragments of the urban fabric so that they can contribute to the future of our cities’ ecosystem?

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Need to study

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There is an absolute need to make sure that nature is an inseparable part of rethinking or restructuring cities. At the moment, urbanization is basically ‘building on top’ of the natural environment. This echoes the modernist idea of ‘tabula rasa‘ planning, in which the natural context was often erased to make way for the stylized geometry of modernist forms. In a more practical sense, this tradition is still with us. Concrete is often used to provide an impenetrable floor in the city, where kilometers of the built environment are compressed and topped off by concrete floors. This approach proves vulnerable in times of torrential rains that lead to flooding and disruption.

The most immediate response to this can then be seen as emphasizing the need to absorb - ‘sponge cities’ into the urban environment. This dissertation suggests taking nature into account when thinking about the future of our cities.

The urgency to rethink how we build our cities broadens due to climate change. The need to climate proof the city holds utmost importance. The severity and frequency of natural disasters are increasing due, in part, to climate change and a flagrant disregard for the environment.

At present, urbanization is at its peak concentration and is at no place to even pause. It is of a relatively even density and is starting to encroach upon all natural areas.areas. ‘If this trend continues’ the natural fabric will cease to exist, leading to the fall of the city.

Methodology Look various agents involved in transforming land as a resources to land as a commodity ( by a process of analyzing and interpreting maps and its impacts on a spatial set up)

Understand the system and pattern under which land is being treated to define the idea of infrastructure.

Study neighborhoods across the globe as models and examine how the relationship between the land, inhabitants and the built form was established.

Comparative analysis of various theories to establish how land can be looked at as an infrastructure.

Scan and examine by various forms of mapping the process of land conversion and treatment over a period of time .

Analyze the present relationship of the neighborhood and the relationship it has with land inhabitants and the built environment to establish a sensitive architectural response to land

Constraints At an undergraduate level it is beyond academic capabilities to draw first hand data to support this dissertation’s arguments. All data sources are secondary data sets, which have been used to support and interpret the questions raised.

Understanding , negotiating, and treating land is a vast subset that can be interpreted in various ways. The research intends to look at land as a piece of resource treated as a common void in a dense urban fabric, which acts as a tool to restructure the city.

The study lays clear emphasis on Mumbai and its surrounding urban agglomerations, which is on the verge of another pragmatic shift in the ways its urban form will be produced and negotiated The study intends to study the challenges posed by the selected urban region (neighborhood) and its mitigation with land.

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Aim To examine the possibility of treating land as an infrastructure by means of understanding the correlation between land, inhabitants, and the built form.

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Fig 1.0 Ancient Maps Source: The Shape of the World, According to Old MapsPublished 3 years ago on July 12, 2019 By Iman Ghosh

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The Shape of the World, According to Ancient Maps A Babylonian clay tablet helped unlock an understanding for how our ancestors saw the world.Dating all the way back to the 6th century BCE, the Imago Mundi is the oldest known world map, and it offers a unique glimpse into ancient perspectives on earth and the heavens.

While this is the first-known interpretation of such a map, it would certainly not be the last.

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Land: As a resource 17

Land- inhabitants- settlements Land is a natural resource that nurtures diverse living forms and has enabled man to survive since prehistoric times. Beginning with the Stone Age, the earth offered shelter for mankind. When they were not hunting and collecting, they constructed temporary communities or sought refuge in caves. Man began to construct permanent towns as the Stone Age advanced. This made possible ideas such as property and ownership. Land was no longer only a natural and security resource, but also an economic one. The land enabled man to construct something permanent and productive. During the Neolithic period, man began producing wheat and beans, so initiating the profession of agriculture. Agriculture became their principal occupation and source of wealth.

This development of income spawned the concept of currency. This, in turn, established a social hierarchy and the basis for several social and political institutions, paving the way for the formation of what we now refer to as the built environment. The relationship between the land and its inhabitants has always had a religious meaning, with the built form bridging the gap between them and architecture facilitating their interactions.

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Fig 1.1 Natural habitat, human settlements

Fig 1.2 symbiotic relationship cycle Source : Edited by author

Land: noun, often attributive a: the solid part of the surface of the earth also : a corresponding part of a celestial body (such as the moon) b: ground or soil of a specified situation, nature, or quality dry land c: the surface of the earth and all its natural resources d: a portion of the earth’s solid surface distinguishable by boundaries or ownership Inhabitant: noun a: one that occupies a particular place regularly, routinely, or for a period of time

Built environment:noun man-made structures, features, and facilities viewed collectively as an environment in which people live and work.

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The cradle pattern

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To understand the example of the earliest civilization known to be the cradle of civilizationthe Mesopotamian civilization.

Civilization developed in Mesopotamia simultaneously with Egypt in a region called the ‘Fertile Crescent’, a rich food growing area in a part of the world where most of the land is too dry for farming. Mesopotamia was the alluvial plain lying between the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, composing parts of Iraq and Syria, and this is where we find some of the best farmland giving Mesopotamia a reputation of being the Cradle of Civilization. On the spot where the Tigris meets the Euphrates, the holy tree of Adam emerged symbolizing the Tree of Life in the Garden of Eden. The Paleolithic period in the Near East stretches back about 1.5 million years. In the Paleolithic period, humans lived

by hunting and gathering. This type of economy required a large degree of mobility, as the supply of food in any place was limited. The river plains were well suited for this because throughout millions of years, the rivers have laid down thick deposits of fertile silt. At the end of the last ice age, 15,000 years ago, a development began which led to the living conditions we know today. In the 10th millennium B.C., humans began to lay in stores of food and provisions – a development that led to decisive changes in the way of life, socially as well as economically. It enabled him to stay in one place and survive the winter. He became settled.

In the course of the 9th to the 7th millennium B.C., food production techniques evolved; in this case including the cultivation of crops and domestication of goats and sheep.

Fig 1.3 Cradle civilization, river Tigris and Euphrates, Mesopotamia. This illustration depicts the how even during the cradle civilization land transfroms from a resource to an object Source: Edited by author

The development of agriculture meant that a settled lifestyle became well established. At first, people settled in individual units which only slowly emerged to form villages. The production of food meant that. humans began to interfere with the balance of nature. Land was cleared and cultivated, and the growing herds of domesticated animals overgrazed the naturally prolific grass plains.

Human reshaping of the natural environment – still continuing to this day – had begun. A society based on a pronounced degree of agriculture and livestock can be found for the first time in the 7th millennium B.C. People thus settled along the main rivers and the coastal regions further west (The Mediterranean). Sophisticated eating habits and methods of storage encouraged the introduction of ceramic pottery, Farmers and fishermen probably

started to settle the Mesopotamian plain around 5,500 B.C. Over time, their small villages grew into large settlements. Agriculture and livestock farming formed the economic basis of society.

Evidence has been found in irrigation farming. At the end of the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3500-2000 B.C.), a development that can best be described as urbanization became established.

Mesopotamia known to be the cradle of civilization is still characterised by a dramatic variety of landscapes. The oldest urban sites in this region were sustained by irrigation systems that drew water from the rivers that run through this area, particularly in southern Mesopotamia. These systems were responsible for the development of this region.

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Fig 1.4 Cradle civilization, river Tigris and Euphrates, Mesopotamia and neighbourhood settlements coming along the river basins

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Land began as a medium to fulfill the most basic needs of man so he could survive for the time being. It was temporary and provisional in nature. But as man understood his surroundings better, land became a resource to create something enduring. Land became the foundation for a social hierarchy and for concepts like money and currency to come to life. It brought people together and helped humans advance and sustain themselves.

Case: Mumbai 23

Fig. 1.5. Detail of Ilha de Bombaim e zonas limítrofes.

Source: used with permission from the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon, CARTm 058 D.694.

Defining the land form: Resource land Statement: Bombay was originally not one island but seven separate and amorphous isles … For many a year the Heptanesia, as old Ptolemy called them in A.D. 150, were destined to glance at one another across the intervening waters.

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Etymology of the word Archipelago* Therefore, to start, we must comprehend Mumbai as a landform, namely an archipelago. The simplest description would be ‘a bunch of islands,’ which is, to some extent, accurate.

The statement is accurate to some degree, but the actual relationship is far more intricate. If we trace the etymology of the term “archipelago” We believe it has an Italian origin, comprised of two words: *Arci, meaning chief or principal, derived from the Latin word Archi, and Pelago, which in medieval Latin means “island.” ‘sca, abyss pool’ originated from the Greek word Pelapos’, which means high sea, sea, or open sea. The term traveled through the Byzantine empire and gained usage in the early modern era as -the cluster of islands in the seat of the Greek government.

More general usage of the term can be found in the writings of Richard Hakluyt, who wrote, *These broken lands and islands being so numerous, do seem to constitute an archipelago “Charles Merivale discusses archipelagos that are not separated by water but by cultural and historical differences in his works.

A geographical context : Resource land The region on the western coast of India that is now known as Bombay was originally a small archipelago located in a harbour. Because large portions of the islands were submerged during high tide and during the monsoon season (June to September), when water discharged from Thane and Panvel Creeks to raise the harbour’s sea level, the number of distinct islands was up for debate. However, there was no doubt that there were at least some islands. At other eras, it was feasible to travel on foot from one island to the next between the two. This region was home to a diverse collection of ecosystems; some parts of it were completely submerged in water, while other parts had mangrove forests, tidal flats, and manmade salt pans. The inhabitants of Bombay at the time estimated that around two third of the city had been “eaten up” by this natural creation.

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Fig. 1.6. Detail of Ilha de Bombaim e zonas limítrofes.

Source: used with permission from the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon, CARTm 058 D.694.

Evolving from an archipelago to a landfrom: Resource land

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It is vital to understand Mumbai’s origins as a land-form in order to get a complete understanding of Mumbai as an archipelago.

After much consideration, geologists have come to the conclusion that Mumbai was not initially a single island but rather seven amorphous isles. These isles were affected by a series of upheavals and depressions that caused them to vibrate like a quagmire and become smaller over the course of time. The different layers, the petrified frog at Worli, and the woodland that was buried beneath Prince Dock are a few examples of the pieces of evidence that demonstrate how Mumbai’s archipelago got its start. Paugs were responsible for the tremendous shaking that severed Mumbai’s connection to India. According to the most recent findings in geological research, the breaks in the seven islands were caused by volcanic eruptions. Because of these gaps in the land, the ocean was able to

invade the land at low-lying locations during high tide, which led to the development of seven islands.

These archipelagos were designed to have what is known as a “contradietory geography” (Williams, 2010: 290), which means that even while the islands themselves may have a desolate nature, the archipelagos themselves are founded on reciprocal relations. When it comes to the study of islands, an archipelago is the one that has the least amount of information available about it. (Lewis & Wigen, 1997).

There are three types of binary relationships that can exist for an archipelago, and they areisland and the continental mainland land and water island and island all feature prominently in this game. (Olson, 1992)

1 1. An aqueous landscape that takes into account the fractal character of the environment and where the land accommodates the sea.

Fig. 1.7.

Geographical conception as an archipelago Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’

2 2. The island and mainland are distinguished by their size, with the smaller landmass being dependant on the larger mainland.

Fig. 1,8. Island and mainland Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’

3 3. Despite the land form’s recurrence, no two islands are alike. Each of the islands have varying ecosystems running different habitat systems.

Fig. 1.9. Island and Island Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’ 27

Oborginal inhabitants: Resource land

Fig. 1.10. Koliwada original occupation on a map Source: Author

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The Koli, an aboriginal clan of fishermen, were the first known occupants of Mumbai who have lived there for hundreds of thousands of years, these red markers indicate their occupations from prehistoric times and their position of occupation close to the natural resource land: The water.

“Koliwadas”—”a home that opens to the sea”—are Mumbai’s Kolis’ secret neighbourhoods. Famous koliwadas include Worli, Sion, Vasai, and Colaba. These societies live in utter secrecy, except for the fish market that marks their entrance. When Bombay was still Bombay and Mumbai was only a collection of seven islands, the Kolis helped construct the harbours and beaches. Kolbhat (now Colaba), Palva Bunder (now Apollo Bunder), Dongri, Mazagaon, Naigaum, and Worli were named by the Kolis. The Kolis brought adoration to the Mumbadevi temple in Dongri, whence Mumbai was named.

Fig. 1.11. Koliwada original occupants in their natural habitat Source:Conde-Nast online archive

The position and location of the aboriginal settlements indicate and draw attention to a very important aspect of the relationship between land being used as a resource by the inhabitants settled around it. The close proximity to water the scattered and dispersed groups around each ‘node’ or water junction avoiding over crowding and over utilization of resources indicate a very important value system of the land inhabitants symbiosis.

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Historically, the map marks the beginning of a major period of growth for Bombay.

In 1830 the Suez-Bombay Steamer was inaugurated, shortening the transit from Europe to India from 5 to 2 months.

The steamer led to a significantly greater movement of people and goods, increasingly Bombay’s significance as a port and trade mecca. The opening of the Suez Canal about 30 years later, only increased Bombay’s significance, transforming it into a major city.

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Reactions: land as a resource 31

Fig. 2.1. Mumbai names Source: Author

Perceptions and objectifications: Treatment of land The process of treating land can also be understood through a variety of forms of objectification, which can alter the trajectory of the land as a whole. These methods can be either cartographic or narrative in nature.

Even the differing perspectives of various entities on the property provide us with helpful information regarding the anticipated course of action for the treatment process.

This study investigates the use of land as a response to the natural resources that are present on the land through the examination of maps and the narratorial perspectives of various organisations.

Narritorially understanding perceptions Cartographically understanding objectification

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1. Plotomy’s Heptanesia, formed in 150 A.D., said that lands faced each other, separated by intervening waterways, the Providence that separated the land. Heptanesia is a Greek word- meaning seven islands.

Seven islands divided by mangroves, coconut groves, and sea were depicted on the maps.

2.The Portuguese discovered Bombay in 1534 and were the first people to recognise the city’s four distinct islands. In spite of the fact that they were aware of Bombay’s potential as a port, their major goal was to convert people to Christianity; they were uninterested in the development of Mumbai.

3. The maps, as indicated earlier, depicted a group of four islands in close proximity to one another. The Company was interested in gaining control of all of Bombay because they believed it to be a great harbour that was cut off from the rest of the country by land.

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Fig. 2.2. Heptanesia, seven islands of Mumbai Source: Bdlmuseum collection

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Fig. 2.3. Geographical conceptions of Bombay Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’

4. Hugh Prince thought that human action in the environment was correlated with an individual’s mental perception of the surrounding landscape. (Riding T., 2017, p28) The terrain has not changed its appearance. All of these terms were used to describe Mumbai at the time, but it was the colonists’ image of the city that gave them significance.

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Fig. 2.4. Note the stylistic similarities between Demostraco da Serra de Asserim (Map of Modern Asherigad) and Map of Fortifications of Mumbai.

Fig. 2.5. Yet another map in the same objectification style: Demonstracão do Fortaleza de S. Gens (Map of the Fortress of Sanjan)

1. One of the areas that has been objectified is a map of the Mumbai fortress, which can be found here. Not only are all aspects of city life oversimplified and frequently misrepresented, but the city itself is also reduced to a collection of fundamental symbols. This is a problem because cities are complex places. According to what Harley argues, “maps have been the weapons of imperialism just as much as guns and warships” (57). The colonists wanted to buy the city because of its potential commercial value, despite the fact that it had been gutted and reduced to its most basic components. The colonists were able to exert more control over the lifestyle of the people living in Mumbai by eradicating the particular features that gave the city its identity.

2. Harley notes that when a piece of land is standardised and subdivided, an arbitrary assertion of power occurs. He mentions two instances: when Roman agrimensores created grids and when the United States conducted a rectangular land survey (Harley 56). Both resulted in the establishment of “Order upon the land,” which confirmed the authority of the Romans and Americans, respectively (Harley 56). In conclusion, Corner says that mapping is frequently linked with urban design and planning, which is used to exert control over a population. The standardisation and division of land is frequently a symbol of such power, as is shown in these maps, which illustrate Mumbai’s submission to the colonists.

The map illustrates the overt objectification of Mumbai as a city, which became evident as a result of its political past. In 1626, while the English were at war with the Portuguese, they assaulted Mumbai. The English demolished structures and sank Portuguese ships without regard for the inhabitants’ reaction to such an attack. Catherine of Braganza was married to King Charles II of England in 1662, and as part of her dowry, she gave him Mumbai. It was a simple matter of adding Mumbai to a long list of areas ceded as part of this dowry for the transfer of Mumbai.

It was not considered how this would affect the inhabitants; the only relevant considerations were politics and commerce.

Land - Other agents- distress of natural inhabitants- considerations for commerce and trade 35

Reclamation: Treatment of land

Fig. 2.6. Bombay and its process of reclamation.

Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’

Bombay has fought the sea and water for 250 years.

Mumbai was created from water. The southern islands became Mumbai’s “sprawling urban agglomeration” only after British rule. Surveying in a “milieu of colonial authority” created a clear border between land and sea.

“Reclaim the ‘drowned lands’ in and around the islets” was proposed to London after the East India Company bought Bombay’s four islets. 3 Reclamation began in 1784, and the first comprehensive plan was created in 1843. In the eighteenth century, causeways, bridges, embankments, and reclamation projects linked the southern Bombay islands.

What is reclamation?

Reclamation: noun the activity of making land that is under water or is in poor condition suitable for building on:

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The practise of reclamation is considered unnatural since it causes disruptions to the coastlines in their natural states. If you do not know how nature has constructed its processes and built coastal characteristics, then reclamation will be difficult and problematic.

Fig. 2.7. Maps showing the process of natural human occupation being lost Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’

Process of reclaimation Hills and mountainous regions were demolished to reclaim land from the ocean.

The Chinchpokli as well as the Byculla hills were mined and utilised to regain land by dumping it into the ocean.

First order of land flattening- natural systems blasted- land reclaimed Intended utilization of reclaimed lands -To cultivate the reclaimed land in 1723 -The yield from the harvest proved to be three times less than the cost of reclamation -The reclamation did not resolve the food issue, as much of the land near the Great Breach remained to be inundated by the sea.

People in Mumbai have had a long-standing relationship with water due to the city’s location, economic history, and cultural heritage, which all point to Mumbai as being an ideal location for such a relationship.

This relationship was tanpered by various agents destroying the primary form of symbiosis land- inhabitants- built

Historically, Mumbai was an island that was inhabited by a people group known as the Koli.

These people relied heavily on the sea for their subsistence. The water supply at that time was not centralised, and the primary sources were rivers and tanks. When compared to now, the Kolis were a large part of the islands perhaps around 10,000 at the time.

As a result of the reclamation, the majority of the Kolis were forced to give up their traditional means of subsistence, which included not just fishing but also working in agriculture on rice fields.

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Larger agents of force: Treatment of land

Fig. 2.8. Bombay 1855, Rise in industrialization source: harvard exhibits the-policing-of-bombay

Industrilization The beginning of industrialization resulted in a significant shift and change in the spatial dynamics of the city as well as the city’s underlying infrastructure. As a result of the significant increase in population, there was a significant rise in demand for residential and commercial space on Mumbai Island; yet, there was insufficient land available to satisfy this need. When it came to the development of new

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residences, the areas near mill land were avoided in favour of suburban districts. The restrictive measures that were enacted during the 197190 Plan that were intended to restrain population growth on Mumbai Island resulted in the population in the suburbs significantly increasing while the population of the Island city remained approximately 2 million.

This allowed the population in the suburbs to grow significantly while the population of the Island city remained approximately the same.

This had a direct impact on the land that contained the resources.

Fig. 2.9. Population rise in Mumbai: 1870s-2001 source: Urban transport sustainability indicators

Fig. 2.10. Population, migration and impact on natural system in Mumbai: 1901-1991 source: Urban transport sustainability indicators

Population explosion A city’s growth is determined not only by changes in population, but the modifications population explosion has on the spatial dimensions. Changes in spatial dimensions are influenced by variables such as population increase, leading to infrastructure transportation, and other amenities constructed to accommodate the rising population. When supply is limited and demand is excessive, development takes place at the expense of environmental deterioration, affecting environmentally sensitive sites, open spaces, cultural resources, and agricultural land. The population continues to rise unchecked, irrevocable losses are seen on land. In environmentally sensitive areas, open spaces, culture, and so on. Land usage is also influenced by the city’s growth pattern, which is driven by a variety of economic, historical, social, and ecological forces. Land supply is limited in comparison to population. Thus, regulated land use development will need to be effectively used.

Fig. 2.11. Population, and population growth rate in Mumbai: 1901-2001 source: Urban transport sustainability indicators 39

Fig. 2.12. Land transformation map of Mumbai city during 1990-2000 and 2000-2015.

Source: Sahana, Mehebub & Dutta, Shyamal & Sajjad, Haroon. (2018). Assessing land transformation and its relation with land surface temperature in Mumbai city, India using geospatial techniques.

International Journal of Urban Sciences.

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The built-up area increasing from 29% to 70% in ten years. During this time, the town within the walls grew fast, resulting in encroachments. In four years, the population of Bombay increased from 10,000 to 60,000 in 1675. Within the fortifications, land use was mixed.

Fig. 2.13. Land use/land cover map of Mumbai in 1990, 2000 and 2015.

Source: Sahana, Mehebub & Dutta, Shyamal & Sajjad, Haroon. (2018). Assessing land transformation and its relation with land surface temperature in Mumbai city, India using geospatial techniques. International Journal of Urban Sciences.

Urbanization leading to incease in built area Urbanization is the growth in proportion of a country’s population that lives in urban as opposed to rural areas. Rapid urbanization often causes more problems than benefits for the city. The environmental, social and economic consequences of rapid urbanization can clearly be seen in Mumbai.

As the city grew, migrants from rural areas throughout the nation moved into the metropolis. The immediate social issue is that city planners were unable to accommodate the huge volume of refugees. As a result, the city has become significantly overpopulated since the 1990s. Specifically, public transportation is frequently severely overloaded. The problem is exacerbated by the fact that many workers live far from their workplace, either because they cannot afford to live near the city centre or because there are not enough residences there. The city’s overpopulation has also resulted in other environmental issues affecting the land and poor cleanliness and an increase in diseases affecting the inhabitants.

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Larger agents of force: Impact on land Growing urbanisation processes have been observed in Mumbai, partly as a result of the city’s high population density and the expansion of economic activity. The central part of the Mumbai metropolitan area has been one of the locations in the world with the highest rate of population growth, which has resulted in a nexus of urban sprawl and the consequences of population dynamics. The fragmentation of past urban landscapes has become a harmful worry as Mumbai’s economy has grown over the last two decades. This is due to the quick shift in population dynamics as well as economic activity.

It is necessary to manage the infrastructure in accordance with the composition of the enterprises and the level of commercial activity in the surrounding landscapes.

Fig. 2.14. Map showing extent of urban sprawl from the epicenter of industrialization Source: Author

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The larger agents of force including industrialization, population explosion, urbanization has had a massive spatial impact on the resource land that once existed.

Cities evolve over time; this is an unavoidable process. It is unavoidable due to the fact that the operation of political, economic, and social systems continually generates new demands and presents new prospects for economic and civic advancements.

As city limits grow and new peripheral areas arise, it is not surprising that the optimal use of land at a given place may not remain optimal in the future.

This has generated three major impacts 1.Urban sprawls 2.Rapid resource land restructuring- depletion 3.Random haphazard spatial alteraltions

Fig. 2.16. Tissue analysis and growth pattern Source: The ‘Agency of Mapping’ in South Asia by Kelly Shannon

Fig. 2.15. Mumbai development pattern on the basis of growing buisness spurts Source: Edited by Author

New order of systems- Altered demands- commodificationdistressed treatment of landland as a resource- land being treated as a commodity 43

Fig. 3.0.

Source: city observer vol 1 cover page 44

“Land is a metaphor for power,wealth and status’. More than a metaphor for power, wealth and status, land is that critical resource on the core of which the system of capitalist mode of production is built, for example, by extraction of minerals, their processing and use for producing commodities for consumption.”

Nikita Sud (2007: 603)

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Land: As a commodity 45

Shifting landscapes: Understanding commodification As the city’s economic judgments appear to become ever more robust and influential, decision-makers appear unable to comprehend the negative effects of unsustainable development and are fast to forget that ‘natural’ disasters are largely caused by a “form follows profit” attitude. Understanding the concepts of urban ecology and the role that natural processes have played in the urbanization of Mumbai could lead to more constructive methods of visualizing potential futures. The urban ecology of the metropolis has been molded more by economic considerations than by social or environmental ones, resulting in unsustainable demands on ecosystems.

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Fig. 3.1. Land use/land cover map of Mumbai changed w.r.t natural systems Source: Sahana, Mehebub & Dutta, Shyamal & Sajjad, Haroon. (2018). Assessing land transformation and its relation with land surface temperature in Mumbai city, India using geospatial techniques. International Journal of Urban Sciences.

The city within the walls expanded swiftly, resulting in encroachments. In 1675, Bombay’s population increased from 10,000 to 60,000 in four years. Use of the land inside the walls were diverse. As the mercantile community ran their operations out of their homes, there were both residential and commercial districts. The fort was now the social, civic, and commercial hub of the community (Dwivedi, S. and Mehrotra, R., 2001, pp 28-31) As the population within the walls and encroachments rose, the Company established a law in 1775 restricting settlement within the walls to Europeans. A fire in the area of Indian merchant houses within the fort led to the opening of territory north of the walls by the Company.

It led to expansion beyond the fort’s walls. The number of homes within the fort’s walls was 968, while the number of homes outside was 6,659. (Dwivedi, S. and Mehrotra, R., 2001, Pp54).

In the 1860s, Mumbai experienced significant environmental changes that affected its landscape.

With Bombay’s expansion, the need for the defence diminished, and the walls were removed. down by 1867. The area’s rampart and fortifications were demolished, and the marshy grounds were filled to create additional land for development. The land’s elevations were altered. They were elevated to the heights of the roadways being constructed. continually constructed To stimulate the economy by constructing artificial landscapes, land was filled and others were levelled (Gosseye, J, 2009).

In today’s times Navi Mumbai is Mumbai’s satellite It is inconceivable to see Mazgaon, Bhuleshwar, or Malabar hill as subsidiary cities, as they were in the early nineteenth century. Due to the construction of causeways connecting these lands to the fort, the town of Bombay grew into a city.

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Fig. 3.2. Salsette island urbanization Source: Reclaiming Urbanism of Mumbai by Kelly Shannon and Janina Gosseye

Colaba was initially developed by the British as a relaxation area, but by 1796, when numerous residences had been built on the island that had remained Colaba, the Company declared it a cantonment area. The 1838 construction of a causeway allowed for the development of property on both Old Woman’s Island and Colaba island.

Consequently, Bombay is now a single island. Soon thereafter, the Sassoon Port, the city’s first wet dock, was constructed in eastern Colaba. Colaba, Mazagaon, Byculla, and Parel grew from minor Koli settlements and were constructed by reclaiming land from the sea in order to facilitate an increase in the ease of transit, commerce, and population growth. The first city square, Jacob’s circle, was constructed in Byculla at the intersection of six thoroughfares. In the 1870s, Parel was home to multiple mills, which led to the settlement of many people on this reclaimed ground. The pollution and congestion caused by the mills in this area prompted the Governor of Bombay to relocate to Malabar Hill. When Mountstuart Elphinstone, the governor of Bombay, moved his mansion, Malabar Hill began to grow. This attracted other European populations to come here. Consequently, new roads were constructed to enhance mobility and communication. This region’s residential capacity increased since it was a breath of fresh

air contrasted to the fort’s congestion. In 1845, causeways were constructed connecting Mahim to Bandra and Parel to Sion, which contributed to the expansion of Mumbai (Dwivedi, S., and Mehrotra, R., 2001, pp. 76-84). Bombay began to expand as a result of all the concurrent events occurring around it. The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 provided Bombay with access to the worldwide market.

The construction of causeways and the railroad in 1863 accelerated Bombay’s development. With the opening of Bombay to the rest of the globe, the city grew wealthier as it began to export cotton.

Mumbai was gradually transitioning from an agricultural to an industrial economy.

There was no specific plan for the expansion of Mumbai. It expanded gradually, area after region.

Public squares such as the Elphinstone circle were the earliest indication of urban planning in Bombay. The public was granted access to the Esplanade in front of the fort, and roads were constructed. The Esplanade provided breathing room in the otherwise crowded fort region. With the purpose of expanding the city, the available open space in Bombay was reduced by the construction of buildings.

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Fig. 3.3. Salsette island landscape Source: Reclaiming Urbanism of Mumbai by Kelly Shannon and Janina Gosseye

Agents of land appropriations: Understanding commodification The city of Bombay grew through the conjuring up of land from the sea. Embankments were built, hills were flattened, the rubble dumped into marsh. The process of reclaiming land has always attached itself to value w.r.t to money. Which has led to treating land as an object of property. The scale, functions and location all point down to the quality and nature of individualized ownership.

Fragmenting the land into smaller parcels of land, each owned and possessed by different humans with varied senses driven by a unified market force.

Community need-state desire- market -capital interference- infrastructure Each micro parcel of land forms its own piece of expression subject to the varied levels of need, power and desire. The general approach to function- need based to desire based follow a similar pattern of production of land. As it produces to serve the society the existing ecological setting holds lesser of a significance.

Leading encroachment to reclamation to the overall decay and degeneration over a period of time. This process systematically leads to the separation of land with the produced land. Giving rise to new landscapes.

These new landscapes then cosmetically insert attitudes and tendencies to land to become objects of leisure, beauty, aesthetics, undesirable, preservation etc. In any such case the idea of natureland and ecology is appropriated to adjust and respond to a market responsive process becoming inserts to the response to a place.

Mumbai has an exceptional landscape. The city occupies 438 square kilometers of Salsette Island, mid-way along India’s western coast beside the Arabian Sea.The ecological systems can be recognized by some key markersThe forest Riverine systems Marshes Salt pans Urban parks

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It’s interesting to see how each natural system has followed a common thread of appropriation built over these ecosystems to accommodate the state of induced landscape. The response to natural systems have led to questioning if such a natural system even existed in the first place.

Sanjay gandhi national park-

Forest and heritage- rapid urbanizationboundary- isolation

Vihar lake

lake - existing community relocationinterference of state- isolated- promote tourism

Eastern waterfont

Port activities- portland vacantexisting koliwada community- port trust interference- promoting tourism

Fig. 3.4, 3.5, 3.6. Google earth imaging Source: Author 52

It is evident that the nature of treating land is market driven and altered according to the needs of time based trends. Appropriating land in favor of these trends leads to detrimental damage to the natural setting leaving irreparable damage. This leaves land in a compromised position. How can land participate in urban ecology by understanding the verb form of landscape? How can we build the bridge between land and the complex ecosystems man has layered on top of it?

Wadala salt pans-

Salt pans- natural sponge- reclaimedindustries- transportation- dying out of industries- new housing

Mindspace gardens

mangroves - fishing communitiesdumping ground- reclamation- IT parks

Arey forest-

Forest-adivasi pada- land acquisitionndz - policy relaxation- new communities

Fig. 3.7, 3.8, 3.9. Google earth imaging Source: Author 53

Infrastructure: Understanding commodification

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Fig. 3.10.

Salsette island Infrastructure S o u r c e : Reclaiming Urbanism of Mumbai by Kelly Shannon and Janina Gosseye

1670: Bombay was originally an archipelago consisting 1. of seven islands that together functioned as a commercial port and were governed by the East India Company.

2. 1812: saw the beginning of extensive land reclamation that would eventually turn the islands into a peninsula.

1838: The “Hornby Vellard” (shown in red) was finished being 3. constructed in that year, and in 1853, the first rail track for the Central Line was placed. Bombay evolved into an industrial metropolis with a prominent axis running north to south and a split running east to west. Additionally, the initial land reclamation efforts in Back Bay can be seen.

1933: Along the east coast in the Back Bay Reclamation 4. Company and the Bombay Port Trust were responsible for carrying out extensive land reclamation projects. The hinterland was connected to industrial sites via additional rail lines (the Western and Harbour Lines), and industrial sites were also connected to the harbour via these lines.

4.

2007: The Island City of Mumbai’s infrastructure reached its carrying capacity and began to show signs of strain.

5. maximum Reclamation of ecologically vulnerable wetlands and coastal salt pans is still going on while new infrastructure projects are currently reclaiming the sea (Bandra Worli Sea-Link is located on the north-western shore).

1.

2.

3.

5.

Fig. 3.11. Infrastructural gain vs land use Natural system lost Source: Urban transport sustainability indicators 55

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“We abuse land because we see it as a commodity belonging to us. When we see land as a community to which we belong, we may begin to use it with love and respect.” ― Aldo Leopold

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Reactions: land as a commodity 59

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Floods, drainage, concretization: Pressures of commodification The harm that nature has done to the citizens of Mumbai has brought to light the harm that humans have done to nature: specifically, the flood of 2005 brought to light the issue of the de-vegetation of the Mithi River and has spurred some to take action. There is not a single factor for Mumbai’s propensity for floods.

Both the growth of the undercity, including drainage, and the expansion of the overcity, including concretization, exert pressures on these two realms of the city, resulting in an inability to manage the city’s rainfalls and harsh weather.

Mumbai’s “remaking of the landscape” has altered the area’s topography or “over city” to such an extent that its natural drainage channels, has now been severely reduced; and the water bodies, swamplands, and mangroves that could have served as natural sinks have also been encroached upon to the point where they have lost a substantial amount of their absorption capacity.

Natural drainage, which Mumbai was originally gifted with, is no longer an option due to the expansion of the overcity, which has increased concretization and decreased naturally porous surfaces.

This, in turn, increases the burden on the city’s drainage system, which handles rainwater runoff. The city’s storm water drainage system is antiquated and requires immediate renovation.

As previously mentioned, the substantial impermeable surface in developed regions such as roads, pavements, and building premises allows limited room for surface runoff to soak into the earth. The city’s drainage system, which collects water, is deemed insufficient to manage the runoff. In addition to being structurally incapable of handling the water, the drains frequently become clogged due to the dumping of waste.

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A divided city: Pressures of commodification The cityscape may be dotted with contemporary skyscrapers, but there has been no substantial advancement in technology or affordable housing supply. It is Bombay’s greatest failure: the quality of a city is assessed not by its skyscrapers or iconic structures, but by how its poor live. This state is a clear effect of land commodification affecting a select group of inhabitants.

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Fig. 4.1. Inequality in Mumbai where over 60% of the city population lives in slums.

Source: unequalscenes Mumbai

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Squatter its effects on land and its inhabitants : Pressures of commodification Recent development in Bombay has resulted in the emergence of slums with unsanitary conditions.

However, squalid living conditions, such as overcrowded and poorly ventilated apartments, are as old as the city itself. State and local governments have undertaken various half-hearted attempts to house the destitute throughout the years, but they have been mainly unsuccessful. Due to the steady growth in land values and rents, skilled and educated migrants who earn well and own a car or air conditioner have joined the ranks of the housing poor. In the past 40 years, a bigger proportion of the city’s population (about 50 percent) has resided in shacks and other forms of improvised housing dispersed around the city, compared to the current situation.

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Fig. 4.2. Natural systems occupied by informal settlements, Mithi river, Dharavi satelite image.

Source: unequalscenes Mumbai

Poor people could only afford to live in shacks on the outskirts of the city. After failing to evacuate slum dwellers in the 1970s, the government began providing minimal infrastructure in the form of kuccha roads, power, and water.

The fringes of the city mostly included the natural systems which remained untreated and preserved. Leaving it to be a barren vacant land for occupation.

Fig. 4.3. Mindspace, Malad satelite image.

Fig. 4.4. Borivili National park , Borivili satelite image.

Fig. 4.5. Poisar river , Kandivali satelite image.

Fig. 4.6. Prabhadevi bay , Prabhadevi satelite image.

Housing the impoverished has never been a priority, thus this failure was inevitable.

Due to the lack of space made for the poor, the squatters have been encroached upon almost all natural systems, since they have been left unattended. Leaving the natural systems in a deteriorated condition. Architecture here serves as a need and the condition of people inhabiting the architecture, lethal.

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Fig. 4.7. SRA tower construction in between other houisng settlements Source: unequalscenes Mumbai

Rehabilitation response to squatter : Pressures of commodification As a planned architectural response to the differential treatment of land and the squatter as a primary source of interference, various rehabilitation schemes due to the lack of affordable housing in the city have plonked up. These rehabilitation schemes questions the primary question pointed out in the research questionIs architecture really a bridge between land and its inhabitants?

The severe lack of affordable housing in the nation has attracted much attention from the current and previous administrations. The 2016 federal budget provides impetus for the Housing for All initiative, with a variety of fiscal incentives to encourage the construction of affordable housing. In the city of Mumbai, this shortage has been compounded by rising real estate costs. To alleviate this shortage, the state government recently announced plans to build 1,1 million affordable homes in the city over the next four years. While all of these policy regulations speak of well-intentioned bureaucratic and political machinery, the physical form of this housing is completely unimagined. Consequently, despite the strong government intention and frameworks, there is a risk that real estate forces would eventually undermine the objective of this policy and, as a result, the quality and diversity of life and livelihood within these projects. To comprehend the scaping of future landscapes, it is very essential to investigate the nature of an architectural reaction to an ecological problem.

In the past, the top-down prescription of housing policy has resulted in models such as the Slum Rehabilitation Authority(SRA). In theory, they provide residents with equal space, but in practice, they produce inhuman and apathetic living circumstances bereft of sociocultural fiber.

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Lack of policies to treat natural land- lack of infrastructure to cater to affordancesquatter settlements- mistreatment of land- rehabilitation policy- mistreatment of land and people

Mapping the process of landscaping by identifying 3 natural occupational systems along which this modular process has been followedmodern timeline

SRA an architectural response to squatter : Pressures of commodification

1. Physical land morphology- green cultivable buffers along railway lines- homegrown settlements- informal squatter- dispacing and rehabilitation scheme- apathetic response- land untreated- sociocultural fabric lost

1 Fig. 4.9. Sambaji Nagar SRA

2. Physical land morphology- farmlands and grazing lands - homegrown settlements- informal squatter- dispacing and rehabilitation scheme- less apathetic responseland flattened for commercial market developmentsociocultural fabric lost

2 Fig. 4.10. Pratiksha nagar MHADA

3. Physical land morphology- mudflats and water holding ground - homegrown settlements- informal squatterdispacing and rehabilitation scheme- apathetic responseland flattened for commercial market developmentsociocultural fabric lost

3 Fig. 4.11. Ambedkar nagar SRA

Fig. 4.8. SRA tower almost apethetic living conditions Source: Citezens matter, Mumbai

This pattern remains consistent across various parts of the city. To understand the process of how architecture responds to its inhabitants the study examines SRA as a response aiming to question if architecture really acts as a bridge between land and its inhabitants. This study draws a thread of commonality between land, its architectural response and the impact it has on its people.

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Decoding the pattern of commodification

Fig. 4.12.

Source: Author 70

By gaining an understanding of the transition from viewing land as a resource to treating it as a commodity, one can gain a more comprehensive comprehension of the different agents, processes, and strategies that contribute to land change. The mutually beneficial relationship that once existed between the land and its inhabitants has given rise to the concepts of statehood, desire, and money. There is a probable conclusion that can be made regarding how the idea of infrastructure is translated, as well as what could take place if the definition of infrastructure were to be altered.

Patterns of treating land, lead to defining the base layer Defining the base layer: Decoding the pattern of commodification Infrastructure: noun 1: the system of public works of a country, state, or region also : the resources (such as personnel, buildings, or equipment) required for an activity 2: the underlying foundation or basic framework (as of a system or organization)

Infra- means “below;” so the infrastructure is the “underlying structure” of a country and its economy, the fixed installations that it needs in order to function. These include roads, bridges, dams, the water and sewer systems, railways and subways, airports, and harbors.

Can land then be looked at as infrastructure?

An infrastructure here: A system bringing back the resources of land as the primary base and the built environment a response to the inhabitants and the land itself.

This primary system can become the basis for other systems to superimpose onto.

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“Developed land could be either used as a commodity to generate profits by the class which owns productive resources, or it could be deployed to create built environment which meets the real and genuine needs of all people excluding none whatsoever from dignified access to housing leading to complete human flourishing.”

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Commodity to a resource

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Augustenborg Malmö, Sweden

Augustenborg, which was constructed shortly after World War II, became a model eco-neighborhood between 1999 and 2002. It was one of Malmö’s first public housing complexes after World War II and immediately became a model for other communities. During the 1960s and 1970s, the region slipped into decline. In the 1980s, the affluent had abandoned the wet and poorly insulated apartments, leaving a large number of residences unoccupied. Due to the ageing drainage system, the neighbourhood frequently flooded. During heavy rainfall, untreated sewage water would flow through the streets and into people’s homes and workplaces, causing crises. Between 1998 and 2002, the City of Malmö implemented Ekostaden Augustenborg as a response.

Aim

• To raise the profile of the area through an environmental urban renewal • Engaging stakeholders and residents in the planning process

Themes driving the initiative

The programme was primarily motivated by the revitalization of the neighbourhood, with a strong emphasis on innovative environmental enhancements such as the decrease of flooding and trash management. Utilizing green and blue infrastructure, management, and biodiversity enhancement to adapt to climate change. While adaptation to climate change was not an explicit motivation, the project attempted to address the issue of urban flooding, which is one of the climate change effects that would certainly worsen in this region in the future.

Main problems • Segregation • Unemployment • Degeneration • Low status, Low income • Traffic • Flooding of cellars

Adaptation Options Implemented In This Case

-Land; Water sensitive urban and building design -Built environment;Climate proofing of buildings against excessive heat -Inhabitants; Green spaces and corridors in urban areas

Fig. 5.1. Satelite map of Augustengorg Source: Author 74

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LAND fig5.2 Map of Augustenborg showing blue-green solutions in public open spaces.

Source: Misagh Mottaghi (the background picture is a topographic web map, courtesy of The Swedish Mapping, Cadastral and Land Registration Authority).

BUILT

INHABITANTS

When land is brought to the foreground

The finished stormwater management system consists of 6 kilometres of canals and water channels and 10 retention ponds. The rainwater is gathered in natural ditches and reservoirs, and the excess is routed to a traditional sewer system and a neighbouring stream. Through visible trenches, ditches, ponds, and wetlands, rainfall from rooftops, roadways, and parking lots is channelled. These landscape elements are incorporated into the townscape inside thirty courtyard areas, which also serve as recreational green spaces for the locals.

While increasing the size and number of green spaces, the 1950s style was kept so as not to damage the area’s beauty. Some of the green spaces can be temporarily flooded, which aids in water management by sluggishly introducing it into the conventional stormwater system.

The implementation of the open stormwater management system has prevented numerous floods in the region. It indicates that the design of the open stormwater system is working better than a conventional system and that Augustenborg is well-prepared for future high rainfall events.

Fig. 5.3. landscape elements are incorporated into the townscape Source: World habitat, Eco districts

Fig. 5.4. Green spaces that get temporarily flooded as means of water management Source: World habitat, Eco districts 77

LAND

BUILT

INHABITANTS

Fig. 5.5. Botanical Roof Garden, which was constructed on an abandoned industrial building source: VA SYD; source:www.vasyd.se

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In addition to the sustainable drainage system, the region boasts more than 11,000 m2 of green roofs, including 2,100 m2 on the buildings of the public housing firm MKB and 9,000 m2 of the Botanical Roof Garden, which was constructed on an abandoned industrial building. In the 1998-launched redevelopment initiative, green roofs were planted on all new constructions (constructed after 1998) and on certain older structures, such as garages converted into offices. Some modern roofs, in addition to minimising and slowing storm water, have an insulating effect. The green roofs also boost the biodiversity of the local area. Moreover, green roofs have been built as a result of the revitalization project.

• Energy efficiency has grown by around 10 percent since 1998, and by approximately 35 percent when the buildings were first constructed.

• Tenancy turnover has fallen by about 20 percent.

• The buildings’ environmental effect has decreased by around 20%.

Key aspects of urban revitalization based on what Malmö did in Augustenborg and their plans for additional residential neighborhoods such as Rosengrd and Lindangen. The other is encouraging greater mixed usage, particularly in single-use housing areas. Third is the enhancement of public space to encourage more physical activity and make them safer and more beneficial for the locals.

LAND

BUILT

INHABITANTS

Fig. 5.6 The open water courses are a favourite playground for children living in the area. source: VA SYD; source:www.vasyd.se

Residents, students, and individuals who work in the region participated in the design of the outdoor environment in order to establish a new habitat and enhance the area’s amenity.

On the housing complex, flowering perennials, native trees, fruit trees, and ponds are prominent elements, while bat and bird cages provide extra homes. All thirty Augustenborg gardens have been renovated as part of this project.

The involvement of the district’s 3,000 residents has led to an increase in neighbourhood pride and a decrease in vandalism and graffiti. The rate of emigration from the district has decreased by 20%, and vacant houses are now uncommon inside the district.

A participatory planning approach Residents were first engaged through a series of community workshops, official design information sessions, festivals, cultural events, and casual conversations on street corners.

Thus, they formed the entire waste management system and influenced the arrangement of outdoor open spaces for water collecting.

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Merwede

Utrecht, the Netherlands In a bygone time, concrete high-rise buildings, broad car lanes, and an abundance of public green space were considered to be the epitome of “healthy urban living.” A practical city with an emphasis on the automobile, clear design, and plenty of “light, air, and space.” It denotes something unusual in modern-day Utrecht: active public transport vehicles, more walking and bicycling—along with high densities and mixed usage.

Aim

The neighborhood of Merwede’s new master plan seeks to establish this area as a pioneer in environmentally friendly urban living. This new community will have 12,000 residents on a twenty-two acre parcel of land close to the ancient town of Utrecht, which is an exceptional density for the Netherlands.

Themes driving this initiative

-The inculcation of people friendly activities -The reduction of motor vehicles -A highly regulated plan to redevelop the land for the inhabitants

Adaptation implemented in this case

Inhabitants:- Promoting interaction amongst inhabitants by reducing the distance between utility spaces and the residences. This makes the absence of personal motor vehicles convenient.

Built:- A school, market place, restaurants, shops, creative areas, food cultivation patches,etc on site to create a self sustained, multifaceted, built community.

Land:- The absence of motor vehicles on site creates a safe space and more opportunity for open grounds and green public spaces revolving around the activities for future inhabitants.

Fig. 5.7. Satelite map of Augustengorg Source: Author 80

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INHABITANTS

LAND

BUILT

fig5.8, 5.9. Map of Merwede showing blue-green solutions in public open spaces with mobility and publicness playing the key role .

Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede

When inhabitants are brought to the foreground Mobile Merwede: Allowing people of Merwede to roam freely without their own car.

Healthy and sustainable: Designing Merwede to contribute to a healthy planet with healthy people.

Lively city district: Offering Merwede the energy and conveniences of the city.

Green domain: Creating a Merwede that blends extremely urban, green and relaxation at the same time.

Coulisse city: Merwede is a highly urbanised neighbourhood with respect for the human scale.

No more than 1800 parking spaces will be available for 6000 dwellings inside the 25 hectares of the project site; these spaces can only be hired, not owned; and around one-fifth of these spaces are set aside exclusively for shared automobiles.

This scheme will make people interact and come together to travel.

The lower traffic encourages the residents to move about in a safe space. Even children can move about unattended in the pocket spaces created.

The overall distance between residences and utility spaces is reduced to create easy accessibility and diminish the need for motor vehicles. The mobility platform is not only for the community but also for visitors who live in the vicinity.

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LAND

INHABITANTS

BUILT

fig5.10. public open spaces with mobility and publicness playing the key role .

Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede

The urban district will be distinguished by green public areas, courtyards, and rooftops.

More than 12,000 new residents accommodated in this district. A healthy and environmentally friendly lifestyle is prioritized in this new neighborhood. a community without cars where people commute by bicycle and where kids play in the streets rather than see parked cars.

inside garden, many of which are meant to be accessible to all residents. Everything will be close by and easily accessible, including supermarkets, schools, clinics, and banking facilities.

Land ownership becomes important because the success of the mobility concept depends on the support of all landowners on the project site, as well as their willingness to pay for it.

A redevelopment and repurposing of the property is unavoidable due to the increasing housing demand in Utrecht. Merwede has long been a location for industrial, large-scale shopping, and a depot for buses and bicycles. But there are rigorous prerequisites and limitations.

Every structure built in this area will have an 84

fig5.12. Spatial environemnt planned according to people being the primary role players Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede

INHABITANTS

LAND

BUILT

fig5.11. The heart of the district itself will be a car-free zone, particularly private vehicles.

Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede

Habitation, employment, and leisure being the motto, the city’s currently inaccessible territory are developed into a neighborhood where residents can coexist happily in the city.

On the corner, there are stores, schools, and a theater. The current bicycle depot transforms into a bustling hub with a market hall, dining options, creative pursuits, and food production for the neighborhood and surroundings. The different heights, widths, architecture, and plants influence the street scene. a location where congestion is not associated with stuffy crowds, but rather with greenery and liveliness.

Eco-friendly and healthy Merwede nearly entirely became energy-neutral thanks to the Netherlands’ largest underground thermal energy storage facility. A healthy city is made possible by the vegetation and the solar panels on the roofs. The new notion is that no roof is unoccupied. In the “Merwede Lab,”

experts conduct research on how to make the neighborhood as regenerative and sustainable as possible during area development. Residents are also involved in the design of public areas at the Merwede Lab.

fig5.13. Built environemnt planned according to people being the primary role players Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede 85

Hieronymus Bosch, “The Garden of Earthly Delights” (circa 1480–1490) oil on panel, 153.2 x 86.6

86 inches, located in Madrid, Museo del Prado (image courtesy Wikimedia Commons)

“So maybe the function of the painting was to start a conversation—and not stop it.” Indeed, the power of Bosch’s work lies not only in its innovative, curiosity-sparking symbolism, but in its ability to harness timeless human urges and reflect them back into contemporary viewer’s worlds with mesmerizing relevancy

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Perceptions and observations 87

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fig6.1. Source: https:// land8.com/landscapeurbanism-launchesscenario-4-rethinkinginfrastructure/

Introduction A recursive process occurs as we face a new stage in history where human history and natural history converge like never before. In this new phase, people are going to change not only the surface of the earth, but also the fate of the earth and, by extension, the fate of its people. More or less at the same time, the word environment has replaced nature as a generic term for the lives of the peoples of the planet. The sudden collapse of history and nature as the basic description of human experience. History and nature bite the dust. History is reduced to technological change. From nature to the human environment. As technology and the environment emerged as important terms, they were often combined with two other new words: urbanization and infrastructure. The former refers to a world built of settlements, the latter to a world built of connections. Urbanization and infrastructure are converging as urban life expands beyond city limits.

Technology and environment converge on technology.

This is the defining moment when an artist, designer, or viewer picks up an image of the world, any image, and decides to view it horizontally (wider than tall) instead of vertically (higher than wide).

Yes! Horizontal perspective changes everything.

It is not just that- the word landscape is centuries older than technology, environment, urbanization, and infrastructure, and therefore brings with it a much deeper well of human experience. It is not just that the word relates to both the art of landscaping and that of painting, and therefore evokes far more complex and powerful ways of knowing the world than utilitarian problem-solving. It is above all that the landscape orientation looks at the world as a human being looks at it: an individual with a point of view, taking it all in at once, part of the life of the place and time, part of the landscape, not its imperial overlord. (Belanger, 2016, 1)

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Architecture through the lens of an artist The idea of foreground can help analyze the position and importance given to objects over subjects.This lens of looking directs us towards not just knowing our approach towards treating land but also its place in the city.

Land here can be understood as a spatial production which encompasses a larger set of relationships, networks and processes.

The surrounding and context that a painting explores communicates the primary focus of our earth and its inhabitants where architecture aids to bridge the gap between the two.

Looking at how Indian painting took form, one can also realize that Mughal paintings were a teamwork by a group of artists, who could be inspired by a number of artistic traditions. The immediate natural surroundings became the resource from which the images of flora and fauna were derived and painted. Some of the early mughal paintings also give us an insight of how ecology played the foreground for the architecture to take the backdrop while the people remained to be temporal elements adding character and a cultural context to the painting. In 1526, Baburnama, Mughal emperor, blended the cultural background and aesthetic sensibilities of Persia and reflected the love and fondness for the Indian land and ecology. subject and object In the field of art: the word subject lends a connotation of a living entity. The word object lends a connotation of an inanimate entity. The way the artist places the object and the subject determines the perception of the foreground and the background. Foreground is the part of the view or composition that is nearest to the observer, especially in a picture or photograph; in other words, it’s going to be the part of the painting, print, photograph, or drawing

that is closest to you or appears the largest. Middle ground is the space naturally occurring between the foreground and background; essentially, it’s the middle part of our composition. Finally we have the background, the area of scenery behind the main object of contemplation, especially when perceived as a framework for it.

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An art composition refers to how elements are arranged within a given art space. Artists use different techniques to create a sense of depth within their work. The most common ways to create depth are the foreground, middle ground, and background.

fig6.2. A look at a mughal painting to understand design and building processes Source: https://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O66609/hamza-converses-with-hura-the-painting-unknown/

A foreground sets the stage for everything that happens in an artwork. elements of a composition in the foreground set the visual distance and depth which position the gaze of the viewer. The concept of foreground in art is the area of the composition that is closest to the viewer. This area is where most of the

action takes place and can create the illusion of depth and perspective and often provides a sense of scale. The foreground can also direct the viewer’s attention to a particular composition area or create a certain mood or atmosphere. In many cases, the foreground is designed to leave an impression on the viewer.

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Paintings are essential tools to understand perceptions fig6.3. Source: judithbergerson.com

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When we look at the paintings of cities now: the visual language is starkly different. The foreground is taken over by road infrastructure and masses of concrete blocks acting as a symbolic identity of the place. The landscape then takes the background dotting the plotlines of the architecture and infrastructure.

This indicates a shift from a focus on the architectural product to a situated and embedded praxis conscious of and working with its social, economic and political context (Awan, Schneider, & Till, 2011). Spatial agency builds upon the principle that architecture is inherently contingent because it is dependent on others throughout the whole process.

Its methods of operation work with the idea that the best solution to an architectural problem is not always a building, a core principle in the architectural practice of Cedric Price (Awan et al., 2011, p. 31). Such a practice would benefit from a non-conventional approach to architectural representation and visualization.

Our practice might be developing very potent tools, for example for the production of simulations and parametric design, but these do not necessarily contribute to the improvement of communication between numerous actors involved in spatial production. It is against this context that exploring cities through the lens of paintings facilitate the communicative stages, instead of developing painting as a suitable design tool.

fig6.4,6.5,6.6. Collection of Post independence to modern mumbai Source: judithbergerson.com 93

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An attempt to adopt a new language

Shifting lens In the course of human events, we humans must develop a new language when it becomes necessary to comprehend significant and unprecedented events. We invent new words, reinvent old ones, and arrange them into new constellations. New languages​​ allow new ideas and concepts to evolve with the historical phenomena they are trying to explain.

Land-scape IS a verb.

To land-scape is to work with the planet; to improve, enhance, and to liberate its potential, as opposed to imposing structures of conquest. Land-scaping brings with it an acceptance of the passage of time as something to be appreciated rather than battled.

The typical verbs associated with infrastructure are age and decay.

The typical verb of land-scape is cultivate: through long term commitment of human labor and other resources, it is renewed and re-Worked.

fig6.7 Source: https://my.landscapeinstitute.org/case-study/ colne-and-crane-green-infrastructure-strategy/

Only when land is brought to the foreground can our city stand calamity proof. An approach where ecologicalism is into and not onto urbanism. Only by starting to recognize how nature and cities are fundamentally intertwined can we direct ourselves in more naturalistic ways.

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“We are the bullies of the earth: strong, foul, coarse, greedy, careless, indifferent to others, laying waste as we proceed, leaving wounds, welts, lesions, suppurations on the earth body, increasingly engulfed by our own ordure and, finally, abysmally ignorant of the way the world works, crowing our superiority overall life.”

-Ian McHarg

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Theoretical framework 97

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Postulating landscape urbanism Theory of Landscape urbanism -Landscape urbanism rejects the dichotomy between urban and natural environments. We must abandon conventional methods of thinking and speaking about landscape and urban areas.

-Landscape replaces architecture as the fundamental urban construction block. Landscape urbanism necessitates the dissolution or drastic realignment of established disciplinary boundaries. Landscape urbanism can operate as a solvent for the other built environment disciplines, such as landscape architecture, civil engineering, and architecture.

-Landscape urbanism engages with huge spatial and temporal scales.

Landscape urbanism is intrinsically extroverted. It aims to establish connections between a given development initiative and its broader environment.

-The practice of landscape urbanism prepares fields for action and stages for performances.We can compare the performance of a landscape to that of an automobile engine.

-Landscape urbanism is more concerned with how things function than how they appear. Landscape urbanism is concerned with systems, but denies any interest in the aesthetic characteristics of space.

-Landscape urbanism is more concerned with how things function than how they appear. Landscape urbanism is concerned with systems, but denies any interest in the aesthetic characteristics of space.

-Landscape urbanism reveals the invisible Traditionally, infrastructure is concealed to conceal it from picturesque environments. Landscape urbanists, echoing Modernist aspirations for sincerity and authenticity, would rectify this condition.

-Landscape urbanism welcomes biodiversity and complication.

Landscape urbanism use the terminology and conceptual equipment of ecology to comprehend place and city. fig.7.1. In Design with Nature, McHarg explicated his “layer-cake” https://metropolismag. com/viewpoints/mchargdesign-with-nature-50thanniversary/

-Landscape urbanism promotes hybridization of natural and engineered systems. As a result of Landscape Urbanism’s focus on infrastructure and ecological functioning, it challenges the nature–culture divide and encourages the hybridization of natural and constructed systems.

-Landscape urbanism acknowledges the rehabilitative opportunities inherent in the landscape.

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Theoretical Deductions

Tabula rasa to Tabula scripta

Don’t just build dwellings: build neighbourhoods

Trying not to build over what is seemingly new but to investigate what we already have and then try to think of changing the track for a better neighborhood.

As a natural trend, to increase density dwellings for higher income groups are added while guaranteeing the right of return to the original residents. While mixed used densification is an interesting way to look at enhancing the context, the process of treating the existing context Is often disregarded.

Often involving the risk of gentrification.

Where the original inhabitants are driven out. Which becomes the counter measure to densification.

The vast majority of neighborhoods in the urban areas especially in Mumbai will not be built on greenfield lands, they will need to be adaptations to the existing social and physical fabric.

For example Overvecht a neighborhood in Netherlands, Tabula rasa rather than tabula scripta requires a different approach to an epistemological entry point.

Getting to know a neighborhood will involve getting to know the land, the inhabitants and the existing physical architecture of the place to devise a potential solution.

The primary reason for a diverse neighborhood of different income and cultural backgrounds is that it can help develop a stronger social neighborhood ecology. By densification the enhancement and support of public functions increases in a way for example- schools, public transport, libraries, parks etc.

People-based and place-based policies are often misleadingly presented as mutually exclusive and incompatible adjectives. The former being advocated over the latter: the focus should be on ‘the poor people, not poor places.’

One way of looking at it can be treating the symptoms of inequalities over the causes.

If the idea shifts from making space to create dwellings and the people it accommodates within, towards providing physical interventions to the existing social infrastructures, the role of the dwellings will create a better definition to the neighborhoods.

The dimension of the existing social infrastructure then would place a primary role into defining the dimensions of the dwelling itself.

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Exisiting physical structure of land

Get to know

Inhabitants Physical LandPresent ( importantly) Diversity and backgrounds Social fabric Role Dwelling Past Need Place making Future

The way people dwell reflects the way land gets utlilized

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The way people dwell reflects the way land gets utlilized

Builds out of the collective ownership

A joint storyline is what connects back to the connection to the physical land 102

The skin : ownership for the public domain

Building over shared storylines

Neighborhoods function better and are more adaptive if the key actors have a longer commitment to the place, beyond the initial building and reconstruction phase. A longer commitment can be looked at from the lens of a collective domain- either inhabitant oriented, built infrastructural oriented or land as a resource.

James Throgmorton famously wrote that ‘planning is persuasive storytelling about the future’. In which the past, present and future are combined into a shared narrative.

In such cases the storyline essentially coordinates: -People knowing how to go on -Appreciate the place they came from -Being aware of the efforts being taken place to make their sourroundings a better place.

The front door should not open up to the city directly: an ecology provides an array of ‘in-between’ functions. These functions act as inserts suitable and molded to the needs of every neighborhood.

The collective domain or the public domain is something that has a value of ownership attached to it. where , people share some sort of an ownership over the public domain.

The ownership and the public domain will vary to the social and spatial fabric of every neighborhood, however, what’s important is that under either of the 3 main aspects of land, built nature and inhabitants- The key element of collective ownership comes at play.

To understand the aspect of public domain better, we can fall back onto the 3 fold categorization that lyn lofland made, back in 1073. Between the public and private space, cities often have a parochial collective. That which is not entirely public and not entirely private. But allows for safe encounters of different kinds. Similar to a collectivized public space in between dwellings.

The best storylines emerges out of a process of interaction. A joint storylines which arises out a coaliation and shared idea of land or the built environment or the mutual dependency of people. It can emerges from the organization for the coalation of the stakeholders.

What’s important is to find a narrative that glues the place together. While there are a plethora of initiatives that can be taken to achieve that desired social-ecological rennovation, there needs to a common thread to hold them together. Else, the desired ecosystem will lose its value and importace with any agent of change.

This approach can be termed as ‘stringing beads’ reffering to a way in which, one by one, one wins actors over to a particular future.

An extenstion of this is seen in this idea called ‘planning as diplomacy’, where the planning process itself becomes an element of the storyline. The open planning process has a participatory approch which allows a bottom approach of planning in itself.

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Scanning neighbourhoods 105

Interlinked levels of informalities and ecology

Criteria for site selection: Scanning neighborhoods Natural systems that contributed to Mumbai’s land resource at a point of time It’s significance in the present time Its potential to contribute to the cities’ future Treatment of land along the natural systems The built environment as a response to the natural systems Potential to treat land sensitively wrt inhabitants, built environment and the nature of land A parcel that has a potential to work around before getting swallowed up by the the standard trends and patterns seen.

Fragments of the urban fabric so that they can contribute to the future of our cities’ ecosystem?

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1. The 18 kilometres of the riverbed of the Mithi turned into an open sewer where sewage and industrial waste from cotton textile mills and illicit operations such as washing boats and oil barrels were deposited.

In the 1970s, the illegal dumping of hazardous trash was exacerbated by plastic pollution, which plugged numerous drains and made monsooninduced flooding a threat to the people.

The Dharavi case can become an intresting example to examine the lan and human resouce to commodification .

Fig. 8.1. Dharavi precint, satelite image.

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2. Gazdhar Bandh is a vast enclave of self-built slums constructed over a natural drain in the western Mumbai neighbourhood of Santacruz. Its origins are largely attributable to the state’s inability to offer affordable housing at the municipal level and the absence of a strategy capable of creating housing stock for the urban poor. These two challenges, coupled with widespread land speculation on the open market and market-driven real estate, have made dwelling in Mumbai unaffordable.

Treatment becomes crucial.

Fig. 8.2. Gazdhar Bandh, Santacruz west satelite image.

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3. Wadala village is located on one of the seven islands of Bombay that were combined to form the city of Mumbai in the present day. Wadala was an industrial hub. However, as time went, the industrial zone diminished and a residential hub arose. This region is bounded to the west by Dadar, to the northwest by Matunga, and to the south

by Sewri. The western regions of Wadala consist of salt pans that border the Thane creek.

Fig. 8.3, 8.4. Wadala East, satelite image.

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Drawing patterns of similarities and dissimilarities: Scanning neighborhoods

pattern mapping to derive an approach

Fig. 8.5. Pattern Mapping Source: Author

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Studying/ scanning various neighbourhood through site selection criteria brings down key linkages which help in providing solutions. Further, it draws on two key approaches: 1. A techno-rational approach, which can be seen as a module due to the repetative pattern all across , and 2. a socio-economic approach, which is contextual to the inhabitants.

Fig. 8.6. This image tries to highlight the seemingly contradictory objects built over naturalised land Source: Author

Why Wadala: Scanning neighborhoods Studying the pattern and its progressive treatment of land and in turn its inhabitants, Wadala becomes a perfect example that fits the Mumbai land and inhabitants behavioral pattern.

The abundance of its natural systems ( figuratively is looked at as open undeveloped lands which can be freed up for development) The salt pans, the wetlands, and the natural drains all form a very important natural body of systems that become essential resources for the city’s future.

The state administration is eager to release these plots, and the development plan for 2034 includes provisions for this.

130 hectares (321 acres) of salt pans were designated by the DP for use as affordable housing.

If this pattern isn’t broken, Wadala will become yet another important natural system lost to the delusional development model.

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ExaminationWadala 113

Fig. 9.1. Topogaphic 3d model superimposed over an elevation map Source: Author 114

Decoding the natural systems: Terrain There are two steep regions in Wadala, including Antop hill and Raoli hill. The land that lies in between the two hills Wacts as a water holding ground to naturally drain off, which is why in this region marshes and swamps can naturally be seen as a part of its ecosystem.

While closely examining the natural terrain of the land its evident that the places flattened along the valley of the two hills experience maximum flooding. With the narrowing of the natural drain arm which will get explained further the issue of flooding is exaggerated.

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Fig. 9.2. Satelite image of Wadala edited over to show the marsh and swamp system Source: Author

Decoding the natural systems: Marshes and swamps Wetlands are the most prolific ecosystems on the planet and serve a variety of essential ecological functions. Participating in natural elemental cycles, aiding in the natural cleanup of contaminants, stabilizing the local microclimate, recharging the declining groundwater levels, and preventing urban flooding are all functions of these ecosystems. They are natural habitats for aquatic life, and many of them are economically significant.

The natural water body has degraded as a result of pollution from approaching slum inhabitants, construction debris from infrastructure-developing companies, and continued neglect.

Solid waste is one of the largest contributors to water body degradation. It is derived from various sources, including: There are just two public restrooms in close proximity to high-density slums and two further away. Therefore, the majority of slum dwellers in *the region defecate in the open.

The solid trash from slums is dumped at numerous locations around the perimeter of the water body.

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Infiltration of salt water and sewage Water contamination from marine seas, sewage discharge from slums, and small-scale enterprises contribute to the deterioration of the water body’s quality. Different sources of pollution include: In the slums, a few small, possibly harmful companies have been detected leaking their untreated wastewaters.

A drain on the opposite side of the Sewri-Chembur road has two arms that extend to the north and south.

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Fig. 9.3. Satelite image of Wadala edited over to show the water system Source: Author

Decoding the natural systems: Water bodies The eastern portion of Wadala shares its edge with the natural drain, from which several drain arms run onto the land. The margin of the water body is covered by an abundance of mangroves, which not only aid in enhancing the water’s quality but also serve as a flood barrier.

A significant amount of this aquatic body has become a cesspool, causing health risks to the adjacent communities. The obvious disregard for the existing water body has resulted in a number of restrictive impacts on the water body and its borders.

•Over time, siltation has diminished storage capacity.

• A broken weir has diminished the water level.

• Due to housing, natural rainwater routes are either blocked or redirected away from the water body.

• Weeds cover more than 80 percent of the total water body’s surface, endangering its aquatic life.

• Poor sewage management and open defecation in the vicinity have contaminated the lake with sewage.

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• Water effluent and solid waste disposal by the nearby residents have contributed to deteriorating lake water quality.

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Fig. 9.4. Satelite image of Wadala edited over to show the salt pan system Source: Author

Decoding the natural systems: Salt pans The entire eastern region of Wadala was covered with salt pans. Kolis, Hindu Agris, and East Indian Christians were the early settlers of Bombay.

Agris are the individuals that work in the saltpans.

Saltpans are the means of subsistence for East Indian Christians and Hindu Agris in Wadala and the surrounding areas. The Salt Commissioner (Government) acquired these saltpans from the local Agris and East Indian Christians in exchange for a nominal sum of money.

According to a 2016 Mumbai Metropolitan Reg-ion Development Authority assessment, salt pans are vital to Mumbai’s environment because they protect the city against flooding.

However, the state will soon be permitted to adopt its own rules for the usage and development of salt pans, as it has given its assent to the Centre to include salt pans in Schedule VII of the Constitution’s concurrent list.

The city’s Development Plan (DP) 2034 enables the development of 1,781 acres of Mumbai’s 5,300 acres.

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Current scenarios of the natural systems Fig. 9.5. Natural open drain arm clogged and blocked with waste disposals Source: Author

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Fig. 9.6. Nullah connecting to the natural drain arm Source: Author

Nullahs or dumpland?

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The no mans land Fig. 9.7. Natural systems serving no potential/ capital use gets boundaries up and turns to a no man’s land until: new developments take over Source: Author

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Potential system to be developed over Fig. 9.8. No mans land turns into potential development hotspots Source: Author

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Objects of appropriation: Wadala These objects of appropriation clearly indicate the progressive treatment of land by the inhabitants and the architectural apathies as a response. These appropriations have become the primary reason for Wadala to be seen as fragmented boundries from the natural systems that once defined the place.

1. Enchrochments 2. Sra development as an architectural response 3. Narrowing of the Nallah 4. Compacted land 5. Concretised road 6. New construction 7. River widened due to errosion of embankment 8. Dumping of waste

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Micro parcels under study: Examining Wadala The next set of examinations was looking at different micro parcels of land varying in natural systems and human interaction in relation to that.

This study established the relationship between Land- inhabitants and architecture as a response to it.

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Sangam nagar, Antop hill An informal sub-neighbourhood which rests along the marshes and swanps of the Wadala natural systems.

Market squares and junctions Informal ‘thela’ wala located along the nullah parapet walls

Salt pans region A portion of the salt pans occupied by informal settlements

Fig. 9.10. Source: Author 128

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Sub-neighbourhood : Examining Wadala

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Infrastructural resources vs natural resources Fig. 9.11. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author

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Fig. 9.12. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author 130

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Fig. 9.13. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author

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Natural habitat of inhabitants

Fig. 9.14. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author

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Fig. 9.15. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author

Fig. 9.16. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author

This neighbourhood study contributed to the establishment of the concept that the treatment of land becomes a secondary factor of consideration when the infrastructural resources themselves don’t aid in the treatment of land. This is the point where the role of architecture can be seen and questioned, as it is the point where the treatment of land becomes a secondary factor of consideration.

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Can this wetland become an agent of change ?

Fig. 9.18. Source: Author 133

Fig. 9.17. Source: Author

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Fig. 9.18. Source: Author

If there is no infrastructure won’t humans resort to their natural instincts?

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Market system: Examining Wadala

Is this the experience of natural systems in the city ?

Fig. 9.19. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author

Fig. 9.20. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author

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The district of Wadala contains local street markets and markets that serve the complex’s gated neighborhoods. It has been observed that these street markets are located at road intersections and scattered around Wadala to service the surrounding populations. This street market serves the residents of the CGS Colony, the gated colonies, and the informal settlements in the vicinity. It is conducive to social interaction. The market begins in informal settlements, where people set up stalls for their everyday needs. The market disperses as one approaches the intersection. Locals and sellers dispose of their trash into the nullah. The disorganized market, parking, and waste disposal areas cause the road and lane to become congested.

Fig. 9.21. Markets along the Nullahs Source: Author 137

A reminant of the past

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Fig. 9.22. Wadala salt pans Source: Author

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Salt pans : Examining Wadala The procedures that will be followed by the state government in order to make these parcels available are also outlined in the development plan for 2034.

A total of 321 acres (130 hectares) of salt pans had been set aside by the DP for low-cost housing.

The government has made the availability of cheap housing a top priority despite the rapid growth of the city’s population. Housing has developed into one of the city’s most pressing issues, and it was difficult to achieve the goals set without having property.

Informal housing is already seen nestling upon a portion of the salt pan region, rendering it unproductive.

Total size of Wadala pans : 0.389 km2, or c. 100 acres No. of reservoirs – 20 No. of Taparanis (preliminary evaporation pans) – 200 No. of crystallisation pans – 430 140

Fig. 9.23. Wadala salt pans Source: Author

A probable reality

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Method of mapping analysis

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The first thing that needed to be done in order to map and depict something was to find a location for the two different dimensions of informality. The first one is about the state of the environment and how it is being depleted, and the second one is about people’s means of subsistence and the infrastructure.

The issue that needs to be answered is: how are these two dimensions reflected in the world around us?

The city’s ecological system is altered as a result of this factor.

Mapping analysis to derive upon a design approch

Fig. 9.24. Mapping analysis Source: Author

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Design Intent : Wadala Bringing the natural systems of Wadala to the foreground. An approach where ecologicalism is into and not onto urbanism. Only by starting to recognize how nature and cities are fundamentally intertwined can we direct ourselves in more naturalistic ways. Where we not only stand calamity proof but also change our experience towards this city.

Change our experience and response to land

Reinstate the long standing relationship of the land with its people, a deeper connection which essentially becomes the storyline of the context. This tries to set up a long outstanding relationship which is not shaken up by temporary changes and the passage of time.

Unhindered by time, contributing and adding value for generations to come- for that is what land as a resource means.

Between the public and private space, bring forth a parochial collective.

That which is not entirely public and not entirely private. But allows for safe encounters of different kinds. Similar to a collectivized public space.

“Owning the skin of a place” is when all systems intertwine to reorient the perception of that place.

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Fig. 9.25. Source: Author 145

Micro parcels : Probable Intervention Each of the probable interventions looks at restructuring the appropriated parts of the land to become part of the experience for the people in and around the place. Wadala has been historically defined by its natural systems since the beginning. However, with the process of development, this system is getting lost and fragmented, as seen in the examinations done.

These interventions have the common aim of using architecture as a response: How can it solve the purpose of bridging the gap between land and its inhabitants?

How can the land be integrated as an infrastructural system and become a part of the experience of the city?

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Sangam nagar, Antop hill An informal sub-neighbourhood which rests along the marshes and swanps of the Wadala natural systems.

Probable interventionRestructre the nullah system which lies along this region at a master plan level.

-Reinstate and develop a wetland conservation program which becomes a shared narrative for the informal settlements as well as the gated communites on the other side -qualitative intervention of the Sangam Nagar -Architectual intervention to look at waste treatment and amenities block for the informal settlement Market squares and junctions Informal ‘thela’ wala located along the nullah parapet walls

Probable intervention Restructure the nullah system which lies along this region at a master plan level.

- Allow for the natural drain arms to become fully functional thereby mitigate flooding - Enhance the market expereince by creating an experiential network, which can become a valuable magnet to bridge the fragments of the neighbourhoods Salt pans region A portion of the salt pans occupied by informal settlements Probable intervention -Restructure the nullah system which lies along this region at a master plan level.

- Re look at the idea of housing as an architectual intervention which allows for the land to become an infrastructure.

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One step towards shifting lens To land-scape is to work with land ; to improve, enhance, and to liberate its potential, as opposed to imposing structures of conquest.

Land-scaping brings with it, an acceptance of the passage of time as something to be appreciated rather than battled.

Bringing forth a Long term commitment of human labor, land resources as a lived experience.

It is then that land is renewed and re-worked as an infrastrucure.

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List of figures Fig 1.1 Natural habitat, human settlements Fig 1.2 symbiotic relationship cycle Source : Edited by author Fig 1.3 Cradle civilization, river Tigris and Euphrates, Mesopotamia. This illustration depicts the how even during the cradle civilization land transfroms from a resource to an object Source: Edited by author Fig 1.4 Cradle civilization, river Tigris and Euphrates, Mesopotamia and neighbourhood settlements coming along the river basins Fig. 1.5. Detail of Ilha de Bombaim e zonas limítrofes.

Source: used with permission from the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon, CARTm 058 D.694.

Fig. 1.6. Detail of Ilha de Bombaim e zonas limítrofes.

Source: used with permission from the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino, Lisbon, CARTm 058 D.694.

Fig. 1.7. Geographical conception as an archipelago Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’ Fig. 1,8. Island and mainland Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’ Fig. 1.9. Island and Island Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’ Fig. 1.10. Koliwada original occupation on a map Source: Author Fig. 1.11. Koliwada original occupants in their natural habitat Source:Conde-Nast online archive Fig. 2.1. Mumbai names Source: Author Fig. 2.2. Heptanesia, seven islands of Mumbai Source: Bdlmuseum collection Fig. 2.3. Geographical conceptions of Bombay Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’ Fig. 2.4. Note the stylistic similarities between Demostraco da Serra de Asserim (Map of Modern Asherigad) and Map of Fortifications of Mumbai.

Fig. 2.5. Yet another map in the same objectification style: Demonstracão do Fortaleza de S. Gens (Map of the Fortress of Sanjan) Fig. 2.6. Bombay and its process of reclamation.

Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’ Fig. 2.7. Maps showing the process of natural human occupation being lost Source: Edited over Tim Ridings paper on ‘Making Bombay Island’ Fig. 2.8. Bombay 1855, Rise in industrialization source: harvard exhibits the-policing-of-bombay Fig. 2.9. Population rise in Mumbai: 1870s-2001 source: Urban transport sustainability indicators 150

Fig. 2.10. Population, migration and impact on natural system in Mumbai: 1901-1991 source: Urban transport sustainability indicators Fig. 2.11. Population, and population growth rate in Mumbai: 1901-2001 source: Urban transport sustainability indicators Fig. 2.12. Land transformation map of Mumbai city during 1990-2000 and 2000-2015.

Source: Sahana, Mehebub & Dutta, Shyamal & Sajjad, Haroon. (2018). Assessing land transformation and its relation with land surface temperature in Mumbai city, India using geospatial techniques. International Journal of Urban Sciences.

Fig. 2.13. Land use/land cover map of Mumbai in 1990, 2000 and 2015.

Source: Sahana, Mehebub & Dutta, Shyamal & Sajjad, Haroon. (2018). Assessing land transformation and its relation with land surface temperature in Mumbai city, India using geospatial techniques. International Journal of Urban Sciences.

Fig. 2.14. Map showing extent of urban sprawl from the epicenter of industrialization Source: Author Fig. 2.15. Mumbai development pattern on the basis of growing buisness spurts Source: Edited by Author Fig. 2.16. Tissue analysis and growth pattern Source: The ‘Agency of Mapping’ in South Asia by Kelly Shannon Fig. 3.1. Land use/land cover map of Mumbai changed w.r.t natural systems Source: Sahana, Mehebub & Dutta, Shyamal & Sajjad, Haroon. (2018). Assessing land transformation and its relation with land surface temperature in Mumbai city, India using geospatial techniques. International Journal of Urban Sciences.

Fig. 3.2. Salsette island urbanization Source: Reclaiming Urbanism of Mumbai by Kelly Shannon and Janina Gosseye Fig. 3.3. Salsette island landscape Source: Reclaiming Urbanism of Mumbai by Kelly Shannon and Janina Gosseye Fig. 3.4, 3.5, 3.6. Google earth imaging Source: Author Fig. 3.7, 3.8, 3.9. Google earth imaging Source: Author Fig. 3.10. Salsette island Infrastructure Source: Reclaiming Urbanism of Mumbai by Kelly Shannon and Janina Gosseye Fig. 3.11. Infrastructural gain vs land use Natural system lost Source: Urban transport sustainability indicators Fig. 4.1. Inequality in Mumbai where over 60% of the city population lives in slums.

Source: unequalscenes Mumbai Fig. 4.2. Natural systems occupied by informal settlements, Mithi river, Dharavi satelite image.

Source: unequalscenes Mumbai Fig. 4.3. Mindspace, Malad satelite image.

Fig. 4.4. Borivili National park , Borivili satelite image.

Fig. 4.5. Poisar river , Kandivali satelite image.

Fig. 4.6. Prabhadevi bay , Prabhadevi satelite image.

Fig. 4.7. SRA tower construction in between other houisng settlements Source: unequalscenes Mumbai Fig. 4.7. SRA tower construction in between other houisng settlements Source: unequalscenes Mumbai 151

Fig. 4.8. SRA tower almost apethetic living conditions Source: Citezens matter, Mumbai Fig. 4.9. Sambaji Nagar SRA Fig. 4.10. Pratiksha nagar MHADA Fig. 4.11. Ambedkar nagar SRA Fig. 4.12. Source: Author Fig. 5.1. Satelite map of Augustengorg Source: Author fig5.2 Map of Augustenborg showing blue-green solutions in public open spaces.

Source: Misagh Mottaghi (the background picture is a topographic web map, courtesy of The Swedish Mapping, Cadastral and Land Registration Authority).

Fig. 5.3. landscape elements are incorporated into the townscape Source: World habitat, Eco districts Fig. 5.4. Green spaces that get temporarily flooded as means of water management Source: World habitat, Eco districts Fig. 5.5. Botanical Roof Garden, which was constructed on an abandoned industrial building source: VA SYD; source:www.vasyd.se Fig. 5.6. The open water courses are a favourite playground for children living in the area. source: VA SYD; source:www.vasyd.se Fig. 5.7. Satelite map of Augustengorg Source: Author fig5.8, 5.9. Map of Merwede showing blue-green solutions in public open spaces with mobility and publicness playing the key role .

Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede fig5.10. public open spaces with mobility and publicness playing the key role .

Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede fig5.11. The heart of the district itself will be a car-free zone, particularly private vehicles.

Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede fig5.12. Spatial environemnt planned according to people being the primary role players Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede fig5.13. Built environemnt planned according to people being the primary role players Source: https://www.bura.city/merwede fig6.1. Source: https://land8.com/landscape-urbanism-launches-scenario-4-rethinking-infrastructure/ fig6.2. A look at a mughal painting to understand design and building processes Source: https://collections.vam.ac.uk/item/O66609/hamza-converses-with-hura-the-painting-unknown/ fig6.3. Source: judithbergerson.com fig6.4,6.5,6.6. Collection of Post-independence to modern Mumbai Source: judithbergerson.com fig6.7 Source: https://my.landscapeinstitute.org/case-study/colne-and-crane-green-infrastructure-strategy/ fig.7.1. In Design with Nature, McHarg explicated his “layer-cake” https://metropolismag.com/viewpoints/mcharg-design-with-nature-50th-anniversary/ Fig. 8.1. Dharavi precint, satelite image.

Fig. 8.2. Gazdhar Bandh, Santacruz west satelite image.

Fig. 8.3, 8.4. Wadala East, satelite image.

Fig. 8.5. Pattern Mapping 152

Source: Author Fig. 8.6. This image tries to highlight the seemingly contradictory objects built over naturalised land Source: Author Fig. 9.1. Topogaphic 3d model superimposed over an elevation map Source: Author Fig. 9.2. Satelite image of Wadala edited over to show the marsh and swamp system Source: Author Fig. 9.3. Satelite image of Wadala edited over to show the water system Source: Author Fig. 9.4. Satelite image of Wadala edited over to show the salt pan system Source: Author Fig. 9.5. Natural open drain arm clogged and blocked with waste disposals Source: Author Fig. 9.6. Nullah connecting to the natural drain arm Source: Author Fig. 9.7. Natural systems serving no potential/ capital use gets boundaries up and turns to a no man’s land until: new developments take over Source: Author Fig. 9.8. No mans land turns into potential development hotspots Source: Author Fig. 9.10. Source: Author Fig. 9.11. Source: Author Fig. 9.12. Source: Author Fig. 9.18. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author Fig. 9.19. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author Fig. 9.20. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author Fig. 9.21. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author Fig. 9.22. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author Fig. 9.23. Sketches on sticky notes: documentation process Source: Author Fig. 9.23. Source: Author

153

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