Cambodia: transformation in a time of transition

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Acknowledgements Our field trip to Cambodia has been an incredible experience for all of us thanks to the amazing people we had the opportunity to work with. First and foremost our sincere thanks and appreciation go out to the residents and representatives of Anlong Kngan, Beoung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 and Beoung Veng Reik Chamreoum. It was a pleasure and an honor to collaborate with these communities, who were so open in receiving and trusting us. And prepared the most delicious food we tasted during the whole trip.

0.1 _ From the first day, we received a very warm welcome with our cambodian partners who became good friends.

communities and shared their resources and experiences with us throughout the workshop.

Of course, our own DPU tutors and staff have also put much effort and care into this research project and field trip Thank you for everything Giulia, Catalina, Giovanna, Giorgio, Camillo and the DPU admin behind the scenes. It was amazing.

Also, our deep gratefulness goes out to the Cambodian weather after a winter in London.

We want to thank the Khmer students on our team for their enthusiasm and commitment throughout the project and all we learned from them, on the field and on the dancefloor. The project would not have been possible without our local partners, CDF, CAN-CAM and ACHR, who put so much effort into organizing the workshop with attention that was felt in every detail. We deeply appreciate how they connected us to the 3

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Who we are

Jose Aguirre Ecuador

0.2 _ All the participants of the two week “City-wide upgrading transformation in Cambodia” workshop at Royal University of Fine Arts, Phnom Penh.

Cristian Robertson De F. Chile

Sharon Ambrosio Italy

Sri suryani Indonesia

Vishakha Jha India

Alexandra Pixley Netherlands

Yuexin Yan China

Hui Zeng China

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Table of contents Acknowledgment Who we are Table of contents Acronyms Glossary of terms Executive summary

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1. INTRODUCTION

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2. CONTEXTUALIZING CAMBODIA 2.1 Transition from colonization to indipendece 2.2 Violent transition from urban to rural : YEAR ZERO 2.3 Transition from communist occupation to capitalist 2.4 Understanding Cambodia’s current transition

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68 70

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 5.1 Envisioning a city-wide upgrading strategy for transformation 5.2 Our strategy at country and city-scale 5.3 Areas of intervention

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6. CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS 6.1 Conclusion 6.2 Role of practitioner

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I. Bibliography II. List of figures III. Appendix

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3. TRANSFORMATION IN TIME OF TRANSITION 3.1 Theoretical framework 3.2 Analytical framework 3.3 Principles

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4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 4.1 Understanding Cambodia through communities 4.2 Anlong Kagan: Recovering from relocation 4.3 Beoung Veng Reik Chamreoum: upgrading

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the province 4.4 Beoung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2: Flooded by a Landfill 4.5 Key findings

0.9 _ The stages of our report structure are based on our research and design process. Although the report is linear, it has been an iterative process of re-defining and re-applying definitions and learnings, of continuous feedback between theoretical and practice.

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Acronyms ACHR ACCA ADB ADHOC ASEAN BCMT2 BUDD CAN CAN-CAM CBO CCFA CDMC CDF CDTC CPP CPK CSNC DPU DK ELC FUNCINPEC

ICESCR

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Asian Coalition for Housing Rights Asia Coalition for Community Action Asian Development Bank Cambodian Human Rights Association Association of Southeast Asian Nations Beoung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 Building Urban Design in Development Community Architects Network Community Architects Network Cambodia Community Based Organization China-Cambodia Friendship Association Community Development Management Council Cambodian Development Fund Community Development Training Centre Cambodian People’s Party Communist Party of Kampuchea Community Saving Network Cambodia Development Planning Unit Democratic Kampuchea Economic Land Concession Front Uni National Pour un Cambodge Indépendant, Neutre, Pacifique, Et Coopératif (National United Front For An Independent, Neutral, Peaceful, And Cooperative Cambodia) International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

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IMF LMUPC MoU MPP MLMC MSc NCDF NGO OECD PCL PRK UCLG UN UNTAC UPDF UPRS URC SATO SDI SLC Soc SPARC SUPF WB

International Monetary Fund Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction Memorandum of Understanding Municipality Of Phnom Penh Ministry Of Land Management and Construction Master in Science National Community Development Foundation Non-Governmental Organization Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development People for Care and Learning People’s Republic Of Kampuchea United Cities and Local Governments United Nations United Nations Transitional Authority in Cambodia Urban Poverty Reduction Strategy Urban Poor Development Fund Urban Resource Centre Southeast Asia Treaty Organization Shack/Slum Dwellers International Social Land Concessions State of Cambodia Society for Promotion of Area Resource Canters’ Solidarity for the Urban Poor Federation World Bank

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Glossary of terms Community: It refers to a group of people who are spatially/geographically tied. In Cambodia the term is used as a form of identify a group of people who are part of a monetary savings system Informal Settlement: Areas where groups of housing units have been constructed on land that the occupants have no legal claim to, or occupy illegally (OECD) Khan: Subdivision of the administration districts of Phnom Penh People’s Knowledge/ Local Technologies: Information and skills that are passed from generation to generation as basis for of activities that sustain societies (UNESCO) Reblocking: Reconfiguration or reorganization of current spatial distribution of informal settlements which attempts to optimize the use of space in terms of safety, health and well-being of the settlement’s inhabitants.

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Relocation: The transference or movement of a group of people to a new settlement or location Resilience: The ability of a community or society to resist, absorb, accommodate to and recover from the effects of a hazard or poverty conditions in a timely and efficient manner (UN) Sangkat: Subdivision of administration districts of Khan Slum Settlement: Residential area that are physically and socially deteriorated and in which commonly lacks of adequate access to basic services and other infrastructure Squatter Settlement: A residential area in an urban locality inhabited by the very poor who have no access to legally tenured land of their own, and hence “squat” on vacant land, either private or public

Upgrading: A physical/social improvements undertaken cooperatively among community groups and local authorities to ensure sustained progresses in the quality of life for individuals. (Cities Alliance, 2003).

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Executive summary The report is a final research outcome prepared by the Masters students of Building and Urban Design in Development (BUDD) on developing strategies for “city wide transformation of Cambodia in a time of transition”. The research spanned four months including two weeks in Cambodia and was carried out by the Bartlett Development Planning Unit (DPU) in collaboration with their partners in Asia, the Asian Coalition of Housing Rights (ACHR), the Community Architects Network operating in Cambodia (CAN-CAM), the Community development Fund (CDF), the General Department of Housing of the ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning and Construction (LMUPC), local universities and other actors involved in Cambodia’s urban development. The report is a synthesis of the research done across different phases: pre-field trip, during field and post-field trip.

The research has been framed by the theme “Cambodia: Transformation in a 14

Time of Transition”. The main objective of the report is to develop a critical analysis of the transformative capacities and capabilities that exists within Cambodia, acknowledging the complex issues and externalities constantly shaping the vision of the city and country. This analysis develops into strategic proposals which emphasise the importance of transparency, knowledge exchange, collective action and visibility for moving towards positive transformation by meaningful collaboration in city development processes between various urban actors.

The report starts from understanding and contextualising Cambodia’s transition by analysing the historical and political forces that shaped the country along the lines of three different transition phases that Cambodia had undergone. It further expands on Cambodia’s current situation and helps in scrutinising the pressing issues, the legal framework and the various actors shaping and affecting the

country’s development.

Our understanding of transformation is established by the synthesis of our pre-field theoretical understanding of transformation amalgamated with the field experiences and building on post field trip analysis. Positive transformation is defined by us as a people-driven transformative process, which starts from grass roots movements or people’s initiatives and builds to influence higher political decisions shaping their city and country. Principles of collective action, transparency, visibility and local knowledge that evolved from this framework are re-evaluated based on our on-field experience and articulated towards constructing and framing strategies for transformation in the form of interventions.

The three case-study sites in communities in Phnom Penh and Steung Sen, along with the other sites we visited, ground the challenges Cambodia faces in relation to

city-wide upgrading and transformation in the reality of the urban poor. The main issues and potentialities of the case-study sites are analysed through the lenses of the four principles. The reflections of the different sites are synthesis in the form of key findings that become entry points to develop the vision and strategy for Cambodia’s transformation.

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The overarching strategy is to strengthen and align people-driven transformation initiatives and processes in order to impact and influence the larger transformations shaping the country’s vision. The strategy designed reflects the operationalisation of the theoretical base with the understanding of the practicalities based on field experience.

By challenging existing power hierarchies and rethinking current urban development practices, our strategy puts forward a vision of city-wide upgrading that people-driven and produces more socially and environmentally sustainable cities. The strategy unfolds in four

different areas of interventions; social cohesion, savings groups, decisionmaking processes and collective spaces & infrastructure, which are interrelated and incrementally contribute to peopledriven city-wide upgrading.

The report also reflects on the role of the development practitioner throughout all phases of the research and field work, highlighting the challenges of practice in creating spaces for people to start transformative processes.

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“You don’t walk into the community, let the community walk into you” - Chawanad Phnom Penh

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Luansang,

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1. INTRODUCTION

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Site visit, 2015, Tasneem Nagi 18

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This report is the result of a four month project done by students of the MSc Building and Urban Design in Development at the Bartlett Development Planning Unit, University College of London. The research is framed under the fieldtrip name “Cambodia: Transformation in a time of Transition”. The Field trip project has two key objectives: (a) to develop a critical diagnosis of the transformative potential at the citywide scale, and (b) to discuss and develop a range of collaborative proposals, which will contribute to the transformation of the living conditions of the urban poor in Cambodia (BUDD, 2015). The project is built upon a long-term partnership between the Development Planning Unit (DPU) and the Asian Coalition of Housing Rights (ACHR), along with the Community Architects Network (CAN) and its Cambodian branch CANCAM, the Community Development Foundation (CDF), the General Department of Housing of the ministry of Land Management, Urban Planning 20

and Construction (LMUPC), local universities and other actors involved in Cambodia’s urban development. It has been interesting and inspiring for us to work with such a diverse set of experienced actors. The recent approval of the National Housing Policy and the signing of an MOU between the Ministry of LMUPC, ACHR and CDF for its implementation, makes Cambodia a very dynamic context for our fieldwork.

The processes started in London in February 2015 with an initial diagnosis of the case built upon literature review, lectures, seminars and focused research.

The pre-field stage was completed with each group putting forward a definition of Transformation and Transition as well as a preliminary understanding of the key issues of Cambodia’s current situation, both to be tested and refined by experiences on the ground. The field trip (30 April - 15 May 2015) started with several site visits, lectures, and conferences with different stakeholders

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hosted by the Community Development Training Center (CDTC), Royal University of Fine Arts, Norton University, and the Institute of Technology of Cambodia in Phnom Penh. During the second phase of the fieldtrip, the report team were distributed in three site groups, each working directly with an urban poor community. This provided the valuable chance to experience more fully the reality that people live from day to day.

The post field trip phase (16 May - 01 June 2015) has been the instance to reflect upon our initial definitions and integrate the information and experience obtained in the field in order to propose a development citywide scale strategy for Cambodia .

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The report starts contextualizing Cambodia through a historical review organized into three phases of transition.

To understand Cambodia current state of transition, key urban development issues and dynamics are highlighted in relation to the legislation that is trying to address

them. The third chapter elaborates on our theoretical and analytical framework which forms the core of our understanding of Cambodia’s transformation in a state of transition. The principles that evolved from this framework have been reevaluated based on our field experience and articulated towards constructing and framing our strategy for transformation and its four areas of intervention, introduced in chapter five. The principles that evolved from our framework are as lenses of analysis to explain the sites in chapter four. The key findings from the sites inform our strategy and strategic interventions in chapter six. An in-depth reflection on the role of the development practitioner and the conclusion is presented in chapter six. In the appendix expands on the activities and background research we did.

1. INTRODUCTION 21

The chapter outlines the research process used to navigate and understand Cambodia’s context. The first part of the chapter analyses the historical and political forces that defined the country along the lines of three different phases based on the nature of transition Cambodia has undergone.

The next part expands on Cambodia’s current situation and helps in contextualising the burning issues and links them with the legal framework and the actors shaping the country’s development.

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2. CONTEXTUALIZING CAMBODIA

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Phnom Penh, 2015, Josè Aguirre 24

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2.1 Transition from colonization to independence Cambodia was under the French rule from 1863-1953. Within French colonial urbanism, the city of Phnom Penh was an a laboratory of experiments showcasing modernity.

During urbanisation in the 1920s the French provided public services and social housing to the citizens. Cambodia gained independence in 1953, cutting short the implementation of the city’s first master plan that was addressing the increasing industrialisation and population growth of the city (Fallavier, 2002). After the transition from colonization to independence, the country became the Kingdom of Cambodia under the rule of King Sihanouk. In search for a new identity, the Independent Sihanouk administration introduced ambitious public programs for creating “New Khmer Architecture” which was characterised by an amalgamation of traditional Angkor architecture with European modernism.

The period was defined as “the golden era” for Cambodia and by 1960s Phnom Penh was referred as the “prettiest 26

capital in Southeast Asia” (Nam, 2011).

The development of the city focused on mega-urban projects like the National Olympics sports complex, Bassac River front development, university complexes and social housing projects. Architect Vann Molyvann, with buildings such as the Chaktomok theatre and the institute of Foreign studies, played an important role in establishing recognition for the new identity of the country. While during the 1950s and 1960s the state was trying to make Phnom Penh a symbol of a “confident” and “forward-looking” capital (Stephenbrookes.com, 2015), nobody could have imagined the darkness to come.

2.1 _ The illustration from our pre-field research tries to highlight Cambodia’s search for an Asian identity through Architecture after independence.

2.2 _ Phnom Penh’s Institute of Foreign Languages by Vann Molyvann.

2.3 _ The National Sports Complex in Phnom Penh, designed

by Vann Molyvann.

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2.2 Violent transition from urban to rural : “YEAR ZERO” “Year zero” was totalitarian dictatorship lasting four years, from 1975-79, by the Khmer Rouge under leadership of Pol Pot, which aspired a “Communist peasant farming society”.

They conducted an aggressive campaign to evacuate city dwellers and force them to become agricultural workers, emptying the main cities of Phnom Penh, Pursat and Battambang in a few days. During this phase all private property was confiscated, property records destroyed, markets and economics disappeared while all laws and religion were abolished.

People were brutally murdered and tortured while they worked in the countryside where the greatest causes of death were hunger, disease and lack of shelter. Under the vicious rule of Pol Pot over one-fourth of the country’s population died, especially intellectuals, artists, religious people and the elite.

Knowingly, “the international community allowed the genocide to unfold in Cambodia” (Pike, 2015). In January 1979, the Vietnamese took over Phnom 28

Penh, ending the totalitarian dictatorship but replacing it with military occupation.

Supported by the US government, Khmer Rouge groups persisted along the Thai border for another two decades and Pol Pot continued to represent the country in the UN until 1997 (Pilger, 1990). The four years of Khmer Rouge are a black page in the history of the country, scarring people’s lives with violence and suffering and the landscape of the countryside with killing fields and mass graves.

2.4 _ The Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum in Phnom Penh displays pictures and confessions that Khmer Rouge soldiers took of every person they tortured and murdered.

2.5 _ The memorial stupa at the Cheung Ek Killing Fields Museum contains more than 5000 skulls that have been excavated from the surrounding mass graves.

2.6 _ During the Pol Pot regime the borders were closed, money abolished and all citizens forced out of the cities to work in the rice fields.

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2.3 Transition from communist occupation to capitalist From 1979-89, the country was called the People’s Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) under the occupation of the Vietnamese army. In 1985, Hun Sen became the prime minister and initiated an interesting policy of “family books” to recognize inhabitants without ownership titles and enable their legal access to public authorities. Conflict endured throughout the decade as Cambodia became a stage for global cold war politics with the Soviet Bloc supporting the Phnom Penh based PRK and border resistance groups, primarily Khmer Rouge, supported

by China and the USA. As the soviet bloc deteriorates in 1989, international pressures mounted to end the conflict.

Cambodia became one of several poor communist states that was democratized through external aid dependency rather than internal grassroots movements (Hughes, 2003). The UN transitional authority Cambodia (UNTAC) staged elections in 1992-93 and promoted prowestern ideology of democracy and pro-business policies in favour of free 30

market trade. But the institutionalisation of participatory processes was lacking and democracy in Cambodia was characterized by militarization, elitism and everyday violence for personal gain (Hughes, 2003). Successful independent elections were finally held in 1999, in which urban issues, after decades of neglect, became a part of the national agenda again. The CPP won and the same year the last fractions of Khmers Rouge disappeared. The 1990s for Cambodia thus signified a threefold transition to peace, “democracy” and a free market economy.

2.7 _ Hun Sen was world’s youngest head of government at 32 when he came to power in 1985. Three decades later he is the sixth-longest serving political leader in the world.

2.8 _ UN peacekeepers patrol the streets of Phnom Penh amid the morning rush hour traffic on August 27, 1993.

2.9 _ Vietnamese soldiers celebrated by the Cambodian people after they defeat the Pol Pot Regime.

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2.4 Understanding Cambodia’s current transition Rapid Urban Development The increased stability of the country since the 1999 independent elections has caused Cambodia’s urban development to boom with foreign investment pouring in. Over the past 15 years Cambodia’s legal framework has undergone many changes to facilitate these rapid developments and simultaneously mitigate their impacts. The Land Law established in 2001 was the first legislation on land titling, land use and management since the abolishment of private property under the Khmer Rouge. It has been supplemented with legislation on public land concessions, slum settlements, protected areas and land titling. If these policies will effectively curb the global market forces that are rapidly transforming the cityscape with high human and environmental costs, remains to be seen. To understand better Cambodia’s current state of transition, the next paragraphs elaborate on key urban development issues and dynamics 34

in relation to the legislation that is trying to address them.

Exclusive and Transformations

Unjust

the country very attractive for foreign capital, to the point that local investors struggle to compete.

Urban

Recent development of Phnom Penh has been characterized by ambitious city beautification projects and the establishment of “satellite cities” on the periphery of the city. The latter are not independent cities, but rather luxurious suburbs and gated communities that target the Cambodian elite. These massive new developments are not merely a physical alteration of the built environment, but affect the imagination, power relations and the social dynamics of Cambodian society. The urban imaginaries and lifestyles propagated by the luxurious urban enclaves are modeled after cities in neighboring countries such as China, South Korea and Thailand, who coincidentally are also some of the major investors in Cambodia’s development.

The Cambodian government has made

Although these new suburbs usually exploit peripheral virgin land, rising land values in recent years has sparked a series of landfills of urban lakes to create new land in prime locations. Especially Boeng Kak lake was a highly contested landfill that sparked popular outrage and protests by the communities that were being forcibly evicted. Massive landfills upset the ecological system of the city and extensive intensified flooding is the most obvious consequence. Since urban poor are generally located on lower parts of the city, they suffer most from such floods. The socio-environmental injustice of landfill practices need to be tackled in future visions of any urban transformation in Cambodian cities.

2.12 _ Actor diagram showing the mulititude and complexity of actors involved in urban transformation processes in Cambodia.

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Eviction, Relocation, Circular 3 and Directive 001 Currently, more than 150,000 Cambodians are under the risk of being forcibly evicted (Ngoun, 2013). If urban poor are relocated after eviction, they continue to face many hardships. Relocation sites have been established increasingly far away from the city centre and often lack connectivity, infrastructure, basic services like water, electricity, health care and education. The distance and lack of services makes it very difficult for people to sustain or rebuild their livelihoods.

As a result, many urban poor leave their relocation site and move back to central urban areas where their social networks and livelihood opportunities are based, thus perpetuating the vicious circle of eviction and relocation.

Especially the years 2008-2012 were marked by massive forced evictions and increasingly distant relocation sites.

In 2012, just before the elections in 2013, the government issued Directive 36

001 to suspend the granting of land for development by private companies (ELCs) to curb evictions. The graph 2.14 illustrates the clear connection between forced evictions and election years.

Despite Cambodia’s commitment to uphold human rights, including the right to adequate housing, hundreds of communities across the country suffer from tenure insecurity and evictions are characterized by violence, lack of communication, inadequate compensation and other human rights abuses. Additionally, renters’ rights to secure tenure are not incorporated into cambodia’s legal framework (Mgbako et al. 2010).

In order to deal with the abundance of informal settlements on state public land, the government issued Circular 3 in 2010.

It requires the coordination of a cadastre of temporary settlements, specifies the options of relocation, upgrading or land sharing for “temporary” settlements and is supposed to ensure provision of the

basic public infrastructure and services for relocation sites. Unfortunately the document states that it does not apply to contested land situations, excluding communities most in need of protection.

Even people who have possessory titles or fulfil criteria for getting definitive ownership titles after 5 years, as defined by the Land Law, continue to be ignored, misinformed and forcibly evicted.

Nonetheless, Circular 3 is a valuable document because it is concerned the fate of informal communities and outlines government responsibilities to deal with their situation.

The recent approval of the National Housing Policy includes a clause about “assuring that relocation as a last option, used in accordance with the principles of voluntariness, good governance, transparency, accountability, and participation from the affected settlers” (National housing policy, 204: STRATEGY(c)), which could potentially offer future evictees some legal handles for contestation.

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2.13 _ Forced eviction of Borei Keila residents who did not receive a home in the land sharing development, Phnom Penh.

2.14 _ Rising land values and foreign direct investment cause massive forced evictions to increasingly distant relocation sites.

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Land grabbing in Cambodia has been rising since 2003, when the Sub-decree on Social Land Concessions was issued, followed by the Sub-decree Economic Land Concessions in 2005.

ELCs facilitate the large scale transfer of public state land into private state land, which can be legally leased to private companies. The beneficiaries are allowed to clear the land for industrial or agricultural exploitation of land, indirectly legalizing unsustainable logging practices. Currently 60% of the arable land in Cambodia is in the hands of private companies and more than 770,000 people (6% of the population) have been adversely affected by land grabbing from 2000 to 2013 (ADHOC, 2014: 26). In 2012 Directive 001 was issued by Hun Sen to put a moratorium on the granting of ELCs, but the fine print excluded ELCs already under consideration.

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Number of Displaced Families

Land Grabbing through ELCs and SLCs

LAWS & POLICIES

UPRS Land Law

Paris ICESCR Peace Accords

Economic Land Concessions

Protected Areas Law

Circular 3 New landscheme

Housing Policy

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Lack of transparency and documentation on land use, registration or ownership makes it impossible to monitor the government’s land concessioning process and violations of regulations.

SLCs are supposed to be given to landless peasants and veterans, however SLCs have been reportedly used to grant protected or indigenous lands to corrupt NGOs or private investors. Donations of SLCs to urban poor peaked in first half of 2013 in the run up to the elections, demonstrating the sincerity of the government towards urban poor policies.

“Where will Cambodia find enough land for the next generation, given that almost half the arable land is in the hands of private concessionaires, leased for up to 99 years?” (ADHOC, 2013: 2)

2.15 _ The graph reveals the connection between elections, land legislation and number of displaced families due to eviction.

Land Titling Practices under the Land Law and Directive 001 Land titling was created under the Cambodian Constitution and the Land Law of 2001, providing a mechanism through which land possession can become legal ownership by a person who can demonstrate at least five years of peaceful/unambiguous possession. This person can claim the property and apply for the title. However, lack of transparency and corruption in the bureaucratic processes denies rightful landowners to apply for and receive land titles. An accelerated land titling program by youth volunteers was launched by the Prime Minister in late 2012, again coinciding with run up to the elections. However, the program failed to provide any tenure security to the people under threat of eviction. In Addition, several NGOs in Cambodia are polemically lobbying for land titles.

Granting individual titles can result in community members to selling their

titles and moving away and thus, it can be questioned if individual land titles should be the primary focus of upgrading efforts. Thailand’ Baan Mankong program demonstrates how collective land titles increase community cohesion and longterm secure tenure. In the cambodian context, however, collective land titles are difficult to acquire and unpopular due to the communist history of the country.

Another approach starts with upgrading people’s physical conditions and community organization capacity, which will eventually increase people’s political agency and negotiation power. The last approach is closest to how our partners CDF and CAN-CAM work.

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Looking forward: Implementation of the National Housing Policy With knowledge of the current developments and difficulties surrounding land and housing in Cambodia, it will be important what the future will bring to the Cambodian people.

In May last year (2014) the National Housing Policy was approved and the 14 page document outlines housing alternatives and funding options, as well as defines the institutional structure for its implementation. A general housing department at national level has been created, while provincial housing offices and units still need to be established.

Heavily influenced by international actors and examples, the national housing policy specifically addresses the needs of poor and vulnerable groups.

The production of supporting policy documents for implementation and monitoring processes will be crucial to ensure that the urban poor will truly benefit. The MOU for collaboration on 40

the implementation of the Housing Policy and Circular 3, signed by the Housing General Department of MLMUPC, Asian Coalition for Housing Rights (ACHR), and the Community Development Fund (CDF) on the 24th of December, 2014, is an important step in the right direction. It also testifies to valuable political momentum towards dealing with the problematic situation of land and housing that Cambodia faces in its state of transition. Seizing such moments of attention and political will are important to turn them into positive transformative processes.

2.16 _ Cambodia’s legal framework for land and housing has been rapidly developing since 2000.

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The chapter elaborates our theoretical and analytical framework which forms the core of our understanding of Cambodia’s transformation in a state of transition. It is the synthesis of our pre-field theoretical understanding of transformation merged with the ground experience and post field trip analysis.

Principles evolved from this framework are re-evaluated based on our on-field experience and articulated towards constructing and framing strategies for transformation in the form of interventions.

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3. TRANSFORMATION IN TIME OF TRANSITION

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White Building, 2015, Sharon Ambrosio 44

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3.1 Theoretical framework Our theoretical framework forms the core of our understanding of Cambodia’s transformation in a state of transition. It evolved out of our pre-field theoretical definition of transformation, that was informed by the intellectual groundwork of MSc BUDD.

We defined transition as the time or space between one state and another.

Drawing on Agamben, transition as an ‘in-between’ state, could be considered a ‘state of exception’ in which normality is suspended. According to Agamben, the legal production of this ‘state of exception’ and the qualification of subjects as independent from the normal rule of law renders meaningful political action impossible. In addition to Agamben’s understanding, we consider the state of transition to be filled with multiple uncertainties because the future state and the timeframe of the transition are unknown.

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Meanwhile, transformation refers to a fundamental change of content or mindset, rather than a timeframe of change. Transformational change is challenging because it entails a structural change of culture and behavior which requires a fundamental shift of people’s mindset. Equality - or real transformation for marginalized communities - is not about the “inclusion of the excluded” in the existing structure defined by those in power, as described by Rancière.

Real transformation for us is related to Apparudai’s deep democracy, which he posits as a horizontal grassroots movement for a “democracy without borders” (Apparudai, 2002).

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3.1 _ People make everyday adaptations and transformations of their homes and streetscapes in response to change imposed upon them from a larger scale, as seen in the Borei Keila landsharing project.

3.2 _ Koh Pich Island, marketed as “Diamond Island”, exemplifies how foreign investment is rapidly transforming not only the city, but also the vision of what the city should be.

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3.2 Analytical framework Complementing our theoretical framework with reflections from our fieldwork experience, we now understand transformation as happening simultaneously on two levels, that of the country and of the people. Transformation and transition in Cambodia cannot be considered separately but are intertwined with each other and operating at multiple scales and timeframes. This multi-scalarity and intertwined nature of transformation forms the core of our analytical framework.

Transition at the country scale induces transformation at the same scale.

In turn, this large scale process of transformation continuously causes people and their everyday realities to be suspended in transition. To adapt to these smaller transitions, people transform their lives and inevitable transformations will emerge. An accumulation of smaller transformations in turn influences the trajectory of transformation at the national scale. Thus there is a mutual 48

relationship between the two different scales of transformation in the state of transition in Cambodia.

3.3 _ Conceptual diagram showing how transformation takes place at the scale of the city and of people, with different time frames and actors involved.

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Positive transformation For us, positive transformation in Cambodia today is a people-driven transformative process, which starts from the small intentional transformations of people’s lives. Through making visible how people are transforming their own lives, people can be empowered to impact the long-term transformation process of the city or country as a whole. More practically, transformation takes place when grassroots movements or people’s initiatives start influencing higher political decisions shaping their city and country.

Thus, transformation in Cambodia’s state of transition can be found in the moments where the gap between the two scales of transformation is reduced and their trajectories are aligned. It is precisely within this gap and towards these moments of alignment that the development practitioner works by connecting different actors, processes and resources.

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From our refined theoretical and analytical framework, we defined four principles we consider crucial for processes of transformation in a time of transition in Cambodia.

3.4 _ Points of alignment between the two scales and between different actors, provide opportunities to reduce the gap and work towards a more unified vision and transformation of the city.

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3.3 Principles COLLECTIVE ACTIONS

TRANSPARENCY

Agency can be seen as the capacity to act. An increase in agency can drive and enable individuals to challenge power relations and hierarchies by expanding abilities and capabilities as empowered group. According to Melucci (1989, quoted by Hughes 2003), when people produce their collective action, they define both themselves and their environment.

Collective action is a grassroots process that involves building a collective identity. This process is made feasible by integrating different perspectives of individuals for a common goal by acting collectively which is a product of constant negotiation, interaction and conflict.

Transparency is a prerequisite for a democratic society because it allows power relations to be challenged. It makes the exchange of knowledge, flows of information and transactions of resources visible and accessible. This diffusion of knowledge induces a change in the power relations, which can allow transformation to take place (Foucault, 1975). The process of transformation becomes more inclusive because the potential for participation increases. Each person is more aware of the process that is taking place. Openness about actions and interests within the development process, increases the accountability of responsible parties.

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VISIBILITY

LOCAL KNOWLEDGE

By making the lived realities on the ground visible, it becomes possible for marginalized groups to become recognized, increasing their sphere of influence to achieve an envisioned transformation.

Increasing visibility is an important tool in the process of transformation, by changing the perception of both those who are becoming visible and those who are witnesses.

Local knowledge is the knowledge based on experience and everyday life embedded in local practices, culture and environment accumulated over time. The most central contributor in this production of knowledge are the people themselves, as they are the experts in their own lives.

The acknowledgement of people’s local techniques and non-formal practices has the possibility of expanding capabilities and stimulating self determination. This further creates a sense of agency within people and widens the scope of coproduction of knowledge.

3. TRANSFORMATION IN TIME OF TRANSITION 53

This chapter introduces the three case sites along with the other sites visited during the fifteen days of on-field work contextualising the challenges faced by Cambodia in relation to transformation.

It starts with highlighting the importance of three case sites that exemplify the larger issues affecting Cambodia’s transformation. The case sites conducted in two different cities of Phnom Penh and Steung Sen, are then presented in details emphasising the main issues faced by them through the four principles as lenses of analysis. This is followed by the section analysing and synthesising key findings based on the overall site experience which can be seen as entry points towards developing strategies for cambodia’s transformation.

The on-field experience forms the core of this chapter as without it, our understanding of transformation would lack the analytical and practical depth. This experience exposed us to be involved in a series of activities 54

or actions(appendix) in collaboration with different actors(professionals, students and academicians) to test our capacities as a development practitioner and understand better the realities and challenges of transformation.

4. SITES & FIELDWORK FINDINGS

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Kampong Thom, 2015, Vishakha Jha 56

57

4.1 Understanding Cambodia through Communities In our initial days we did several visits to different informal, relocated or upgraded communities. We studied and witnessed with all our senses a heavily contested land sharing project (Borei Keila), provisionoriented housing development (PCLinternational NGO), the embeddedness of urban poor communities in the natural environment (Prey Takoong), infrastructure driven incremental upgrading (Samaki-Chung Ruk), mobilemicro interventions for upgrading (mobile library), income generation schemes for heavily flooded areas and several other projects. These multiple site visits broadened our understanding of urban poor living conditions and upgrading options in Cambodia. The next stage of working intensively on a single site (per group) deepened and personalized this understanding.

We would like to emphasize that the three sites where we worked for several days, can be considered as case-studies of bigger processes and issues that are shaping Cambodia’s development.

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4.1 _ The map shows the spatial typologies of the three sites where the fieldwork took place.

4.1

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 59

Anlong Kagan

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4.2

Beoung veng reik chamreoum

4.3

Beoung meanchy thmey 4.4

ANLONG KAGAN is one among many, increasingly distant, relocation sites that have been established by Phnom Penh over the past two decades. For planning or preventing relocations in the future it is important to understand better the impact of relocation on people’s lives and well-being, as well as people’s capacity for resilience after relocation.

It is in everyone’s interest to address the vicious circle of relocating urban poor who then sell their land titles and re-squat public land. Also interesting is the large scale of Anlong Kagan which allows for a different reflection on the meaning of community, the spatialization of social relationships and the mechanisms of savings groups.

3,000 households were burnt in a fire incident squatters without land title

land + land title

new informal settlement

original relocated people new residents informal settlement sale of land title

4.5

4.5 _ Illustration showing the development of the community now living in Anlong Kagan, which exemplifies the challenges of distant relocation sites.

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 61

BEOUNG VENG REIK CHAMREOUM is complementary to the previous sites because of its location in the provincial city of Stueng Sen. It challenges us to think about what city upgrading at a national scale means. Should upgrading processes and practices in provincial cities be the same as in the capital? More specifically Beoung Veng is an example of communities living over public canals and the issues of flooding, pollution, tenure insecurity and threat of eviction they face. Since it impossible to receive a land title on public water, canal communities are particularly difficult for government deal with. Without the possibility of applying circular 3, how will perhaps the new housing policy deal with people living on public canals?

polluted canal

cleaning and upgrading the canal

reblocking and upgrading alongside the canal 4.6 _ Beoung Veng Reik Chamreoum exemplifies the challenges and aspirations of many canal communities.

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4.6

lake: income generation / livelihood

landfill by the new developer

BEOUNG CHUK MEANCHY THMEY 2 exemplifies the multitude of urban poor communities that suffer the externalities from landfills for large real estate developments. The common practice in Phnom Penh of landfilling of urban lakes to create valuable land is environmentally unsustainable and causes great social-environmental injustice. The site is also squeezed between two municipal infrastructure projects aiming to upgrade a national highway and build a drainage system

that deals with flooding from the landfill.

This illustrates how large infrastructure projects can be imagined as both the cause and the solution to environmental issues such as flooding. A reflection that can perhaps inspire an exploration into the use of infrastructure projects to catalyze upgrading processes at different scales. By understanding and making visible how people and the environment are interconnected and interdependent within the city - both in problematics and in potential transformations - it becomes possible to criticize unjust and unsustainable development practices and envision possible alternatives.

Realizing the richness of Cambodian people’s knowledge about living with the natural environment in an urban context is another important reason to study communities near lakes and landfills.

landfill: floods affecting the community 4.7

4.7 _ BCMT2 can be considered a typical case of landfills causing flooding and externalities for urban poor communities.

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 63

4.2 Anlong Kagan : Recovering from relocation Residents in Anlong Khan have been relocated from the Bassac river settlement that burned down in 2001. People with land titles were given individual land plots in the new resettlement. Renters from Bassac and owners who resold their new plots have squatted on public land within the relocation site, illustrating that granting individual land titles after eviction is not a straightforward solution.

The residents suffer from unemployment and lack of education while the settlement is criticized for its disorganized density, poor building conditions and lack of hygiene. Fourteen years after being relocated 15 km outside the city, the people are recovering their lives as the city develops around them. As part of the ‘City Expansion Development’ the surrounding area is rapidly developing and offering improved infrastructure, job opportunities, education and shops.

Despite these opportunities, the people in the informal settlement are afraid of being evicted again which prevents them from investing in on-site upgrading.

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People’s Knowledge

Visibility

Because the residents were relocated, they had to re-develop part of their localized knowledge relating to environment and livelihoods. Many residents now work in construction and recycling, which are valuable skills for self-upgrading as well.

In terms of political visibility, there are already some connections between community representatives and the Khan officials. Physically, the community’s visibility is reduced because of the inconspicuous entrance to the settlement.

Collective Action

Transparency

Social cohesion seems low within the settlement and issues of trust prevent large scale collective action. Out of eleven savings groups in the settlement, one has failed because many residents were unable to payback their loans. Other savings groups are often focussed on short-term personal needs, rather than on upgrading public space or building a better community.

There is a great lack of clear communication regarding land title, occupation rights, and evictions. Many residents who have been living in the settlement for more than five years, and should have occupation rights, are uncertain about their land tenure and fear eviction. Also, the Khan does not give out basic information regarding land uses and pricing, nor does it have a master plan. Within some savings groups there is low transparency and a lack of trust.

People’s knowledge

4.8

Visibility 4.9

Transparency

4.10

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 65

4.3 Beoung Veng Reik Chamreoum: Upgrading in the Province Boeung Veng Reik Chamreoum is a canal settlement in Stueng Sen City in the province of Kampong Thom. The settlement is characterized by waste and sewage accumulation and the people suffer from unhealthy living conditions.

With its ambitions to apply for the “Clean city competition�, the municipality is determined to relocate the community on state land 70 kilometres away. Although the community would prefer on-site upgrading, this is impossible because canals are state public property that cannot be converted to private land titles. As opposed to Phnom Penh, however, availability and affordability of land within the city is much higher. This makes it possible to propose that the government acquires nearby private land for relocating the community, allowing people to maintain their jobs and social networks.

66

People’s Knowledge To adapt to the yearly flooding of the community, people have made their homes flexible by making it possible to adapt the height of furniture, floor and beds to the level of the water.

Additionally, the lack of water and sanitation infrastructure have triggered resilient strategies such as a system for the collection, filtration and storage of rainwater from roofs.

municipality their interest in maintaining a clean environment.

Visibility After the workshop, the community has become visible to local authorities and gained recognition for their organization, engagement and proactive attitude. This has triggered a collaborative agreement between the community and the local authorities to identify and negotiate nearby land for a relocation.

Collective Action Transparency After two unsuccessful attempts to start saving, CDF has supported the formation of new savings group includes the whole community. With the aim of receiving a CDF loan, community representatives are currently discussing options to increase their community savings, such as a community guest house or shop. After the DPU/CDF workshop, the community has decided to organize a collective canal cleaning activity to demonstrate to the

Despite the collaborative attitude of the Mayor to share official land information necessary to find a relocation site, the complicated bureaucracy and expensive charged to obtain the information, reveal how knowledge can become a tool for exclusion. A double discourse of transparency and inaccessibility is a method of exercising power and controlling powerless citizens.

Collective actions 4.11

People’s knowledge 4.12

Transparency

4.13

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 67

4.4 Beoung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2: Flooded by a Landfill BCMT2 community have suffered from the landfill of a nearby lake (Boeng Pralit) in 2010 for the development of the luxury suburb Borey Peng Houth. Seasonal flooding has become permanent flooding and most of the people lost their livelihoods that were connected to the lake. Health problems and environmental pollution have increased due to stagnant water and sewage dumping by the construction site into the canal bordering the community.

Additionally, the community suffers from poor quality housing, roads, drainage and a lack of public space. BCMT2 is situated between two big district-wide infrastructure projects: the upgrading of national highway #1 and the construction of an underground drainage system replacing Prek Barang canal, which is supposed to deal with the increased flooding due to the landfill.

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People’s Knowledge

incrementally upgraded by the owners.

Water-based traditional knowledge concerning environment, construction and livelihoods, i.e. growing rice and harvesting waterlilies, is widespread in the community yet underused since the landfill. Collective aspirations for more green spaces to grow food emerged during our workshops and indicate more untapped knowledge about urban agriculture.

Visibility

Collective Action There is social cohesion within the community and with neighbors, yet a lack of collective spaces impedes gatherings and collective action.

Savings groups restarted last year after interruption by the landfill which caused unemployment and a loss of faith.

Remarkably one group of residents managed to save money and upgrade a walkway they share. Interestingly all the houses along the road have been

Political visibility of BCMT2 itself is minimal, yet their connection to CSNC representatives and CDF increases their potential for political recognition. In terms of physical visibility, the entrance to the community off of national highway #1 is a narrow and inconspicuous.

Transparency Our workshop was the first time that community members were directly received by the Khan, despite multiple attempts by community representatives to make an appointment. While the local officials said they would provide us with maps for our workshop, they never followed up. The opacity of the Khan is not in their words, but in their actions.

At community level there is a lack of knowledge exchange to inform renters about the saving group scheme.

Collective actions

4.14

People’s knowledge

4.15

Visibility

4.16

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 69

4.5 Key findings EXTERNALITIES Urban poor communities are subject to externalities and decisions beyond their control Government and municipalities are failing to envision the long-term impacts of development projects in terms of human and environmental costs for people as well as financial costs for governments.

Especially urban poor communities are affected by externalities of urban development projects that they have no influence over or benefit from.

Example _ Beoung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 The community have suffered from the landfill of Boeng Pralit lake for the development of Borey Peng Houth.

Community members lost their traditional water-related livelihoods and now they suffer from increased flooding, pollution, unemployment and health problems.

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4.17 _ The housing for the construction workers of the new development dumps sewage directly into canal adjacent to BCMT2.

4.18 _ Chor, a representative of CSNC, explained how the flooding of BCMT2 was caused by Borey Peng Houth development.

4.17

4.18

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 71

VISIONS & EFFORTS Visions are aligned, but efforts are disconnected Both people in communities and (local) government have visions of better cities and a better Cambodia.

However their tactics and strategies to achieve their vision are often different and not coordinated. An important transformations would be a shift in mindsets from both sides: communities realizing that their everyday tactics could be transformed by a long term vision for self-upgradation and government trusting and recognizing communities in their knowledge and efforts towards selfupgradation.

Example _ Boeung Veng Reik Chamreoum The municipality is working towards a vision of Stueng Sen as ‘the clean city’, while Boeung Veng Reik Chamreoum community members want better living conditions without pollution. The city 72

is planning and detailing strategies to achieve their goal, yet on the ground the community has already developed coping mechanisms based on local knowledge and techniques to deal with pollution and poor living conditions on an everyday basis. What is lacking is communication and coordination of these efforts at different levels.

4.19 - 4.20 _ The local official and the resident transporting recycled materials are working towards a cleaner city in different ways.

4.19

4.20

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 73

SOCIAL COHESION The importance of social cohesion Our field experience affirms the OECD’s understanding of social cohesion as being “crucial for the peaceful management of collective action problems that naturally arise in transforming societies” (OECD, 2011: 28). The notion of social cohesion includes the concepts of social inclusion, social capital and social mobility (OECD, 2011). Strengthening social cohesion helps to create a sense of belonging, promotes trust, and makes it possible to develop a common vision. Through a common vision and increased trust, community members are able to share their resources, such as money and space. At the same time social cohesion enhances people’s social connections and increases potential civic engagement.

Example _ Anlong Kagan Settlement The communities were not organized according their location or social connections, but seemed to be based 74

on the financial relationships of savings groups. Due to a lack of trust, sense of belonging and a common vision, the people are facing difficulty making plans for self-upgradation.

4.21 _ In BCMT2 the strong social cohesion enhanced the design activities and potential for collective action.

4.22 _ In Anlong Kagan the lack of social cohesion was an obstacle for initiating meaningful processes and activities.

4.21

4.22

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 75

INDIVIDUAL & COLLECTIVE There is a constant tension between the individual and the collective In the decision-making processes for upgrading there is a constant tension between collective and individual interests. In our fieldwork we noticed people envision their future starting from their bodies and homes and then move to dreaming about public space and community improvement. However, sometimes improving shared spaces first, might lead to incremental upgrading of all individuals’ situations. The challenge is to create spaces of dialogue where conflicts of interests become part of a constructive process for community development. Questions of priority and responsibility need to be negotiated collectively to continuously balance the incremental upgrading of both the community as a whole and the lives of individuals.

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Example _ Beoung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 During our ‘dream community’ exercise we discovered aspirations for green collective spaces, playgrounds and improved walkways. However during reblocking discussions, people were reluctant to reduce the size of their homes for collective spaces and the equal distribution of land plots. Through playful games we tried to illustrate the importance of collective well-being for a successful upgrading process.

4.23 _ BCMT2 community representatives presented their community through images that demonstrate their collective action.

4.24 _ The final result of the dream community activity, was a model that shows the qualities and aspirations of the community spaces.

4.23

4.24

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 77

TRANSPARANCY There is a lack of transparency and access to information On all of the sites, acquiring information from government officials proved a great challenge. As described in our principle definition, we consider transparency a prerequisite for democracy. Through making transactions invisible and information inaccessible, power and control is exercised by actors who are unaccountable.

Unnecessary bureaucracy and lack of transparency results in distrust and insecurity among citizens, impeding citizenship and political agency.

Example _ Beoung Chuk Meanchey Thmey 2 & Boeung Veng Reik Chamreoum Though district officials seemed open for collaboration to deal with landfill and flooding issues. The promised documentation about the on-going construction of a new drainage system, 78

was never handed over. Similarly, the group in Kampong Thom struggled to acquire information on the status of land plots from local government. The price to acquire the information about a single plot was 10 dollars and simply unaffordable for members of the community.

4.25 _ The mayor of Stueng Sen engaged and encouraged the community members of Beoung Veng, however it proved difficult to acquire promised information.

4.26 _ While the community members of BCMT2 can see the new development encroaching upon their settlement, yet they are not informed or involved in the decision-making process.

4.25

4.26

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 79

TRUST There is a lack of trust among actors, but no lack of prejudices

in Anlong Kagan have not started selfupgrading because they are afraid of being evicted again by the government.

It is difficult to build trust between government and communities because there is a history of distrust and disappointment from both sides. People’s perception of social justice affects their political trust, which influences their cooperation with government.

For example, the vicious circles of eviction and relocation, of landfills and flooding, confirms people’s distrust of the government. On the other side, the government’s mistrust of people hinders the making of policies favorable to the urban poor. To overcome these dynamics, efforts should be made by both sides.

Example _ Anlong Kagan Settlement The community’s land title request was rejected by the Khan, because the government worried that once the residents get land titles they will resell their land. On the other hand, the people 80

4.27 _ Residents of Anlong Kagan are reluctant to upgrade their houses because they do not trust the government to give them secure tenure.

4.28 _ Violent forced evictions break down further any trust between government and people.

4.27

4.28

4. SITE & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 81

The strategies for transformation in Cambodia need to be built upon the existing realities, people and opportunities of a country in transition. The strategy reflects the operationalisation of the theoretical base with the understanding of the practicalities based on field experience.

The chapter envisions the overarching strategy grounded on theoretical framework of positive transformation with the four principles deeply embedded in them. Using the key findings of the three sites as strategic entry points the strategy unfolds into different areas of intervention at the two scales of transformation.

The later part of the chapter expands on the strategic interventions and offers guidelines and tools for the implementation of the strategy within each area of intervention using the spatial settlement typology identified during fieldwork.

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5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION

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Kampong Thom, 2015, Vishakha Jha 84

85

5.1 Envisioning a city-wide upgrading strategy for transformation Informed by our interpretation of positive transformation, our strategy aims to strengthen and align peopledriven transformation initiatives and processes in order to impact the trajectory of transformation happening at the city and country level. Working with the intertwined relationship of transformation at people and city scale, our strategy targets moments of alignment between different actors and arcs of transformation. By challenging existing power hierarchies and rethinking current urban development practices, our strategy puts forward a vision of city-wide upgrading that peopledriven and produces more socially and environmentally sustainable cities.

Strategies for transformation need to be built upon the existing realities, people and opportunities of a Cambodia in transition. Starting from the ground up, our strategies are based upon local technologies and people’s knowledge and encourages these to be recognized 86

at all levels of the city and city-making processes. Through making visible existing efforts, capacities and potentials of Cambodia’s urban poor and their partners, we want to demonstrate that people can be active subjects and not mere objects of development policies and projects.

Our strategy focuses on constructing collective agency and horizontal networks among the urban poor to increase their leverage in decisionmaking processes that shape their cities and affect their lives. By creating opportunities for people to understand their own issues and potentialities better, our strategy cultivates collective processes that can potentially impact and alter current discourses on transformation in Cambodia. By proposing interventions and processes that are mindful of the various actors transforming the city, we acknowledge that the complexity of urban transformation is grounded in and emerging from conflictual processes

of negotiation and collaboration.

We are convinced that upgrading and transformation are more effective if the legal frameworks governing Cambodian cities recognize and align with the knowledge and efforts of the people. We want to emphasize the importance of transparency, knowledge exchange and mutual learning for meaningful collaboration in city transformation processes between people, government, private sector, NGOs, academia and other actors.

5.1 _ Conceptual diagram showing the placement of the strategy within the different time frames of transformation.

5.1

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 87

5.2 Our strategy at country and city-scale Cambodia’s legal framework for land and housing is framed by the urban reality of Phnom Penh. Considering Cambodia only has four major cities and the next second most populous is only a sixth of the capital, the importance of medium and small urban centres in Cambodian city-upgrading policies and strategies cannot be ignored. Our strategy aims to encourage the development of a more comprehensive legal framework that can be applied in all cities of the country.

As illustrated in the diagram in the right page, by focusing attention on provincial cities as well as the capital, national and international development efforts can support a process of country-wide upgrading. The networking of peopledriven transformative processes across the country will increase knowledge production about the specific challenges and opportunities in medium and smallsized cities, potentially informing policy formation and enhancing the overall process of Cambodia’s transformation.

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Cambodia’s legal framework for land and housing is framed by the urban reality of Phnom Penh. Considering Cambodia only has four major cities and the next second most populous is only a sixth of the capital, the importance of medium and small urban centres in Cambodian city-upgrading policies and strategies cannot be ignored. Our strategy aims to encourage the development of a more comprehensive legal framework that can be applied in all cities of the country. As illustrated in the diagram 5.2, by focussing attention on provincial cities as well as the capital, national and international development efforts can support a process of country-wide upgrading. The networking of peopledriven transformative processes across the country will increase knowledge production about the specific challenges and opportunities in medium and smallsized cities, potentially informing policy formation and enhancing the overall process of Cambodia’s transformation.

5.2 _ Illustration showing the scaling up of the strategic interventions to country-wide transformation. The diagram towards the right highlights the interlink between the different areas of interventions proposed.

5.2

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 89

5.3 Areas of intervention The strategy unfolds in four different areas of interventions which incrementally move towards the overarching vision of linking the two scales of transformations by supporting an alternative and more holistic transformation process. The interventions within the areas of social cohesion, savings groups, decisionmaking processes and collective spaces & infrastructure, are interrelated and incrementally contribute to peopledriven city-wide upgrading.

In diagram to the right page, the strategy and its interventions are projected over time to give an impression of its evolution, however we acknowledge that community development is not a linear process. The different areas of intervention influence each other and are subject to external events and decisions that can disrupt the progression of the each of the areas. Cambodia being a developing country is constantly marked by uncertainty. In addition, the bigger transformative processes are affected by 90

the presence of legal framework, limited resources and contrasting methods of moving towards the visions by various urban actors pose challenges to the process of transformation. Externalities can take many forms, perhaps being environmental (i.e. floods, pollution), political (new policies, corruption), physical (infrastructure and development projects) or economical (lack of loans, loss of livelihoods). To enhance the resilience of the community in the face of externalities and other challenges, we argue that it is crucial to build a strategy around social cohesion that is supported by economical, political and physical upgrading interventions.

Considering social cohesion a prerequisite for any people-centred process of transformation, our strategy starts with building and strengthening social cohesion among people and communities. Trust, social capital and collective action enabled by social cohesion, lead to our second set of interventions within the area of saving

schemes, which explore alternative savings structures while continuing to strengthen social cohesion. Through financial capacity, social networks and knowledge exchange that are built through the savings groups, people can start physical upgradation of collective spaces and infrastructure to catalyse individual upgradation. Through mapping and gradual upgradation of community assets and environment, people can gradually increase their scope of engagement and negotiation power in decision making processes that affect their city and their lives.

The following section expands on the strategic interventions and offers guidelines and tools for the implementation of the strategy within each area. We have illustrated the four areas of intervention through spatial settlement typologies we encountered during the fieldwork. Follow the numbers to discover how the interventions develop the strategy over time.

Eviction causes dispersal of community

Flooding due to land fill

New National Highway construction by government

-

-

National election adopts unfavorable policy

Possible externalities effecting the upgrading strategy

-

1

2

Start building social cohesion

1

2

1

3

3

4

1

2

3

2

5

3

Community action to improve collective spaces

Establishing or restructuring savings groups

Forming networks for upgradation

Community gets involved in municipal infrastructure planning

4

4

4

5

5

People-driven transformation shaping the city

CAMBODODIA IN A STATE OF TRANSITION

Community-initiated media platforms start influencing discourse on city development

Understanding of capacities by co-production of knowledge AREAS OF INTERVENTION Social cohesion Saving groups scheme Collective spaces & Infrastructure Decision-making processes Possible ruptures in the strategy Possible ruptures in the strategy due to externalities and challenges due to externalities and challenges

5.3 _ The diagram explains the evolution of the strategy along with the incremental and interlinked nature of the areas of intervention. It also shows their projection over time and their non-linearity emerging due to external events and decisions that cause disruptions

5.3

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 91

SOCIAL COHESION What Triggering instances that can bring together different voices to meet shared common interests marking the start of a transformative process. Such moments evoke a sense of citizenship and belongingness as it creates social cohesion by looking beyond just individual interests of people towards more strengthened community or neighbourhood.

5.4

92

Why Most settlements of Cambodia, both rural and urban, have varying sense of belongingness with each other or the the community itself. People are unaware about who their neighbours are and what knowledge they have. Often people give priority only to their individual needs over collective interests.This makes it difficult for any collective action to take place due to lack of sense of belongingness amongst people.

5.5

5.6

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 93

How 1. Activities/tools: Community mapping, community gardening, Actors : Community members, CDF, NGOs,Universities 2. Activities/tools : Dream community, food exchange and games Actors : Community members, CDF, local NGOs, universities, DPU(external organisations) 3. Activities/tools : Clean the Canal, Upgrading the roads and infrastructure Actors : Community members, CDF, Local authorities, CSNC, NGOs 4. Activities/tools : . Networking with communities have gone through upgrading processes and can demonstrate the disadvantages of individual land titles. . Aligning efforts with NGO’s who are working around collective land title issues . Using examples of Baan Maan Kong as demonstrations for influencing the 94

process of upgrading Actors : community members, Local authorities,CDF, Local NGOs

5.7

5.8

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 95

SAVING GROUP SCHEME What To restructure the saving groups scheme by creating more flexible and open saving options. This in the long term aims to change the perception about upgrading through and beyond saving groups.

5.9

96

Why In Cambodia, many communities have already organised saving groups which are established with an aim to upgrade communities. The criteria for upgradation is often limited to saving groups as the community is defined by its presence in the savings group. The funds are not always put to effective and reasonable use due to the concept of upgradation being very generic. The saving groups are based on the house numbers rather than residents which makes it difficult for people to have faith in the saving groups and limits their options of saving schemes.

5.10

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 97

How 1. Activities/tools : Using the family book as a reference, increasing the options available to the people for saving. Even if one does not have an address, they can be a part of the saving groups.

Actors : CDF,community members, CSNC 2. Activities/tools: Saving themes related to work and commuting can be established for the communities with large proportion of working-age members .The savings can be used to rent minivans for them to go together to far off distances of work.

Actors : community members, Local NGOs, CDF 3. Activities /tools: Establishing time banks for exchange of local trading systems where people invest their skills and knowledge rather than money leading to exchange of people’s knowhow.

Actors : community members, Local 98

NGOs, CDF 4. Activities/tools : With the help of the community boards demonstrating the interests and aims of the saving groups.

Actors : CSNC, CDF, community leaders 5. Activities/tools : The micro economic activities of the community such as garbage recycling, processing of morning glory can be linked to the larger markets by forming networks.

Actors : CSNC, CDF, Local authorities, Local NGOs

5.11

5.12

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COLLECTIVE SPACES INFRASTRUCTURE

AND

What Using collective spaces and infrastructure as catalysts for upgrading individual living conditions. Creating scope of collaboration and coordinating efforts of people with city-wide infrastructure projects. The main aim is to use upgrading of collective spaces as a way to selfupgrade incrementally. For example, upgrading of public spaces and roads can stimulate people to incrementally improve their quality of life.

5.13

100

Why Infrastructure is one of the main objectives for local governments in Cambodia. In the past few years, the principal roads of the city have being upgraded progressively. However, in the midst of the larger visions of the city and limitations of economic resources, smaller settlements are subject to delayed interventions and in some cases not even that. Based on field experience there were some efforts seen by the communities towards building their own walkways and small roads through their local technologies and savings group programs. These interventions have gradually changed their quality of life in terms of housing upgrading and garbage management.

5.14

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How 1. Activities/tools: Using activities such as clean the canal, temporary improvements of common spaces and walkways to demonstrate physical and social changes through space.

Actors : community members, CDF, Local NGOs,university students 2. Activities/tools: Upgrading entrances to smaller settlements along with constructing main road as a part of one entire project.

Actors : MPP, Community leader, CDF, Private investors 3. Activities/tools: Encouraging the communities to inform themselves about the new developments happening around in order to link it with their economic activities.

Actors : CDF, CSNC, community members 4. Activities/tools: opening platforms where people can demonstrate the 102

benefits of improving their living conditions and broadening their scope of negotiation for funds and secure tenure.

Actors : community members, khan, CDF 5. Activities/tools: Creating spaces for demonstrating the negative impacts on the lives of the people because of the large scale infrastructure projects to the various urban actors Actors : private developers, municipal, government, ministry LMUPC, Khan offices

5.15

5.16

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DECISION MAKING PROCESS What To engage the community in decision and planning processes that affect them by co-production of knowledge between various actors. Especially encouraging public engagement in the production of land information and city development processes.

5.17

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Why Learning from the relocation and upgrading projects existing in Cambodia , there is lack of communication between government and community both during and post-development process. The visions of both the people and other urban developers may seem aligned at some points but their methods of moving towards it were different.The scope of negotiation was confined as the engagement of community in decision making process was almost negligent.

This inclusion of community promotes transparency and accountability in development process.

5.18

5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 105

HOW 1. Activities/tools: Activities such as mapping resources for on site upgrading, assisted by NGO and university students to materialize the knowledge. The knowledge can then be integrated with upgrading plan to negotiate with government and to illustrate the effects of the plan in the future.

Actors : Community members, CDF, universities 2.

Activities/tools: Regular workshops conducted between community representatives, NGO’s involved in community upgrading and government officials responsible for settlement upgrading and housing policy implementation to discuss the methodology for the implementation of the housing policy.

Actors : community leaders & CSNC Khan representatives, CDF, CANCAM and general department of housing, district scale: Office for Land management, urban planning and 106

Cadastre and Construction 3. Activities : Communities to create media platforms (through newsletters, social media etc) that increase the visibility of both the externalities that communities suffer from city development projects and communities self-initiated development progress.

Actors : CDF , CSNC, community members 4. Activities/tools: Using popular NGO’s or government should organize public discussions or debates on popular media (radio, television, newspaper) about the rapid development of cambodia to evaluate the transformation processes that are shaping the cities, such as large scale landfills, relocations, new high rises, and their impacts on people’s lives.

Actors : NGOs , municipal, community members, government 5. Activities/tools: Urban forum -

Based on the partnership between private developers,people,NGOs and the government that regularly convene,organise events, discussions to be aware of each others efforts in order to coordinate, discuss values, costs and opportunities of development practices in the transformation process of the city.

Actors : Private real estate firms,NGOs, general department of housing (national), Office for Land management, urban planning and Cadastre and Construction .(district)

5.19

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5. STRATEGIES FOR TRANSFORMATION 107

“Every activity leads to the change of power relationship, it is also the upgrading of poor people’s power to work together more collectively to be able to negotiate with government and others” - Somsak Phonphakdee, May 2015, Phnom Penh

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6. CONCLUSION & REFLECTIONS

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Role of practitioner, 2015, Group work 110

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6.1 Conclusion Cambodia’s dynamic context of transition has been shaped by various complexities of historical, social and political forces thus making it a very challenging subject of research. The report operationalizes our theoretical base with the understanding of the practicalities based on field experience into strategies that are focused on people driven transformative processes.

Cambodia’s positive transformation is defined by us as a people-driven transformative process that takes place when grassroots movements or people’s initiatives start influencing higher political decisions shaping their city and country. This would require building collective agency, increasing visibility and transparency by using people’s knowledge which were developed as principles by us.

Using these principles as lenses of analysis, it became evident that there was a disconnect between the

transformations in people’s everyday life and the larger visions shaping the city and its development, the two scales introduced in defining transformation.

Even though people through local technology and resilience have been transforming their lives, lack of agency, trust, social cohesion and accountability makes it difficult for these small-scale transformative processes to impact on the larger transformations at the city scale.

It was established that the typology of the case sites and their findings connect to larger issues impacting Cambodia’s development such as impacts of relocation, externalities from landfills for large scale real estate developments and challenges of city-wide upgrading at national scale. These findings developed into strategic proposals that envisioned to strengthen and align people-driven transformation initiatives and processes in order to impact and influence the larger transformations shaping the country’s

vision.

Our strategy challenges the existing power hierarchies and provokes to rethink Cambodia’s current urban development practices. Through the interrelated and incremental nature of the different areas of interventions, people’s effort can be made visible and collective agency created can empower people to challenge the power hierarchies shaping Cambodia’s transformation. The guidelines and tools proposed taps on the existing potentialities of both people and the city, developing them into meaningful collaborations between various urban actors that guide the processes towards achieving positive transformation.

Our approach of using people’s knowledge in the transformative processes shaping Cambodia’s development reflects the enriching experience we felt throughout the project of learning from the immense potentialities and creativity within people.

6. CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS 113

6.2 Role of practitioner Defining our roles as a development practitioner before, during and after the field work was an important and very challenging experience. Having encountered the reality of field, we believe our positionality is highly dynamic and requires constant re-thinking and re-defining of the principles and ethos that govern it. Placing ourselves in the process of Cambodia’s transformation gave us an insight of both the people’s and our own capabilities and capacities, helping us understand our roles and challenges better.

Development practitioner as defined by Hamdi can be seen as someone skilfully making space for change to happen and cultivating choice in a messy and unequal world (Hamdi, 2004). We believe our role extends beyond providing solutions for people and focusses on how to ignite moments within the realm of our capacities and values, while working with the people, to create spaces that generate transformative changes. We 114

think that the success of this process is not measured quantitatively but qualitatively as even small instances of transformative changes in people’s everyday life, if people-driven and increasing their agency, can eventually evolve into significant transformations of people’s lives.

Positioning our role in Cambodia’s transformation, as shown in the diagram, the development practitioner can be seen as always operating between the two scales of city and people, connecting and minimising gaps that are created by attitudes and practices of both people and powerful urban actors. In designing strategies for transformative processes our role is also to challenge and change bigger discourses that are shaping the city, by proposing and strengthening people-driven processes.

The following paragraphs reflects upon some of the major challenges and themes that we believe shape the understanding

of the our roles as a development practitioner.

6.1

6. CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS 115

Our Positionality One of the biggest learnings from the field was to confront the imperfections of ethics. Our methodology as a practitioner was largely influenced by our positionality which emerges from our values and our background, in terms of culture, politics and class. But we also experienced that our perception and positionality is influenced by the partners we collaborate with in the field, because they are introducing the communities and framing the issues. It can be a challenge to balance our values with the expectations and ethics of the people we work with.

Enablers not Providers Being directly involved with the communities, we learned to appreciate more fully the richness of knowledge embodied in people and their environments, allowing us to cross and diffuse conventional boundaries of skills exchange and knowledge production.

During the field experience we realised 116

that sometimes it is necessary to move away from our defined roles, to leave our ego behind and reshuffle our thoughts to open more fully to the people you are working with. We discerned that as practitioners, it was challenging to accept our role as not providers but enablers.

This role is indicative of engaging with the people in order to co-produce knowledge. However, the validity of the co-production of knowledge is questionable because participation often involves some level of placation, as the practitioner (perhaps unconsciously) preplans outcomes and manipulates people to achieve the desired outcome from community activities (Jones, Petrescu & Till, 2005).

6.2

Coping with the Unexpected Having studied theories of participation and developing our strategic activities of community participation on field, it was realised that the entire process has elements of uncertainty and limitation associated with it. Uncertainties are present throughout the whole process of working with people, especially when concerned with urban transformation issues which involve many actors. We have to acknowledge there are limitations to the extent we can control or guide the process we envision and the outcomes we aim to achieve. A constant struggle to scale up and down the expectations and outcomes of the activities and their potential for transformation, further complexifies our role as development practitioner.

6.3

have been able to initiate a moment of transformative change or process driven by people. What makes it difficult is the acceptance of the reality that the ‘context’ or ‘community’ in which we work is independent of us. The places and people will still be there even if we are not. Nonetheless, we are inspired to continue putting our heart and time towards creating spaces for people to start transformative processes.

Letting go Dealing with the complex nature of positionality, ethics, participation and uncertainty, another big challenge is to detach ourselves and let go after we 6. CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS 117

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II. List of figures

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0. FRONT MATTER 0.1 _ CDF / CAN_CAM, 2015 0.2 _ International workshop Citywide upgrading transformation in Cambodia, 2015 at RUFA university (Phnom Penh) 0.3 _ Informal settlement in Phnom Penh, 2015, Sharon Ambrosio 0.4 _ Cambodian spirit house, 2015, Josè Aguirre 0.5 _ Street life, 2015, Josè Aguirre 0.6 _ Street life, 2015, Josè Aguirre 0.7 _ Child, 2015, Sharon Ambrosio 0.8 _ Gasoline, 2015, Josè Aguirre 0.9 _ Process diagram, 2015, Group work 0.10 _ 2015, Josè Aguirre 0.11 _ International workshop - citywide upgrading in Cambodia, 2015, Josè Aguirre 0.12 _ Pagoda, 2015, Josè Aguirre 0.13 _ Informal settlement in Phnom Penh, 2015, Vishakha Jha INTRODUCTION 1.1 _ Tuk Tuk,2015, Josè Aguirre 1.2 _ Statue at RUFA university,2015, Josè Aguirre 2. CONTEXTUALIZING CAMBODIA 2.1 _ Building an independent Cambodia, 2015, Group work 2.2 _ Molyvann: The Institute for Foreign Languages, Phnom Penh / Copyright © 2006-14, Stephen Brookes. All rights reserved / http://www.stephenbrookes.com/cambodian-modern/single-gallery/956424 2.3 _ Molyvann: The National Sports Complex, Phnom Penh / Copyright © 2006-14, Stephen Brookes. All rights reserved. / http://www.stephenbrookes.com/cambodian-modern/single-gallery/956424 2.4 _ Murdered victims of the Khmer Rouge, Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum, Phnom Penh, Cambodia — March 18, 2004 / Hey 126

Brian / http://www.heybrian.com/travels/cambodia/tuol_sleng_killing_fields.php 2.5 _ Killing Fields, 2015, Cristian Robertson De F 2.6 _ Map year zero, 2015, Group work 2.8 _ UN peacekeepers from Indonesia patrol the streets of Phnom Penh in an armoured personel carrier on August 27, 1993, amid the morning rush hour traffic / STR New/Courtesy Reuters / http://blogs.cfr.org/asia/2011/06/ 2.7 _ Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen / Photo: VOV world / http://vovworld.vn/en-US/News/Cambodian-Prime-Ministerwarns-no-tolerance-for-coup-attempt/210487.vov 2.9 _ The Cambodians say farewell to Vietnamese volunteer soldiers when then return home after the victory / Photo: VNA / http://vovworld.vn/en-US/Spotlight/Victory-over-Pol-Pot-regime-represents-justice-VietnamCambodia-friendship/207666.vov 2.10 _ Timeline, 2015, Group work 2.11 _ Khan, 2015, Tasneem Nagi 2.12 _ Actors diagram current situation, 2015, Group work 2.13 _ Destroyed homes in Borei Keila, Phnom Penh, Cambodia/ Amnesty International / http://blog.amnesty.org.nz/bravewomen-standing-up-against-forced-evictions/borei-keila-forced-eviction-site/ 2.14 _ Relocations dynamics, 2015, Group work 2.15 _ Evictions and elections relationship, 2015, Group work adapted from Sahmakum Teang Tnaut, (2011). DIPLACED FAMILIES: PHNOM PENH 1990-2011. Newsletter. Phnom Penh: STT 2.16 _ Timeline, 2015, Group work 3. TRANSFORMATION IN TIME OF TRANSITION 3.1 _ Borei Keila, 2015, Josè Aguirre 3.2 _ Koh pich island, 2015, Josè Aguirre 3.3 _ Transformation diagram, 2015, Group work 3.4 _ Positive Transformation diagram, 2015, Group work

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4. SITES & FIELDWORK FINDINGS 4.1 _ Sites’ location in Cambodia, 2015, Group work 4.2 _ Anlong Kagan, 2015, Yuexin Yan 4.3 _ Beoung Veng Reik Chamreoum, 2015, Vishakha Jha 4.4 _ Beoung Chuk Meanchy Thmey, 2015, Bente Iselin 4.5 _ Anlong Kagan spatial schematic representation of relocation, 2015, Group work 4.6 _ Beoung Veng Reik Chamreoum spatial schematic representation of canal community upgrading, 2015, Group work 4.7 _ Beoung Chuk Meanchy Thmey spatial schematic representation of landfills, 2015, Group work 4.8 _ People’s knowledge, 2015, Sharon Ambrosio 4.9 _ Visibility, 2015, Sharon Ambrosio 4.10 _ Transparency, 2015, Hui Zeng 4.11 _ Collective Action, 2015, Cristian Robertson De F. 4.12 _ People’s knowledge, 2015, Sri Suryani 4.13 _ Transparency, 2015, Cristian Robertson De Ferrari 4.14 _ Collective Actions, 2015, Josè Aguirre 4.15 _ People’s knowledge, 2015, Josè Aguirre 4.16 _ Visibility, 2015, Tasneem Nagi 4.17 _ Environment affected by externalities, 2015, Jose Aguirre 4.18 _ Marginalized affected by externalities, 2015, Jose Aguirre 4.19 _ Vice Major of Kampong Thom, 2015, Vishakha Jha 4.20 _ Garbage recycling, 2015, Cristian Robertson De F 4.21 _ Workshop, 2015, Camillo Boano 4.22 _ Households numbers, 2015, Hui Zeng 4.23 _ Project presentation to the Khan, 2015, Jose Aguirre 4.24 _ “Dream community” workshop, 2015, Xin Wang 4.25 _ Project presentation to the Vice Mayor, 2015, Sri suryani 128

4.26 _ Private housing development, 2015, Jose Aguirre 4.27 _ Anlong Kagan settlement, 2015, Yuexin Yan 4.28 _ Forced Evictions / Nicolas Axelrod of the RUOM Collective / http://asiancorrespondent.com/130651/transitioningcambodia-photobook-ruom-collective/ 5. STRATEGIES FOR TRASFORMATIONS 5.1 _ Transformation diagram influenced by the strategy, 2015, Group work 5.2 _ Maps of the strategy at the country and city-scale, 2015, Group work 5.3 _ Evolution of the strategy and areas of interventions, 2015, Group work 5.4 _ Community meeting discussing common interests, 2015, Josè Aguirre 5.5 _ Activities within the community enabling social cohesion , 2015, Josè Aguirre 5.6 _ Workshop to understand collective needs , 2015, Yuexin Yan 5.7 _ Spatial representation of guidelines towards social cohesion, 2015, Group work 5.8 _ Actors diagram, 2015, Group work 5. 9 _ Family booklet, 2015, Josè Aguirre 5.10 _ Savings group’s leader, 2015, Sharon Ambrosio 5.11 _ Spatial representation of guidelines towards the re-structure of savings groups, 2015, Group work 5.12 _ Actors diagram, 2015, Group work 5.13 _ Collective meeting spaces within the community, 2015, Josè Aguirre 5.14 _Public alley within the community, 2015, Josè Aguirre 5.15 _ Spatial representation of guidelines towards increasing collective space and infrastructure, 2015, Group work 5.16 _ Actors diagram, 2015, Group work 5.17 _ Project presentation to the governor and government’s officials, 2015,Josè Aguirre 5.18 _ Community’s participation in dream community exercise to discuss up gradation options, 2015, Community member 5.19 _ Spatial representation of guidelines towards the engagement of people in the decision making process, 2015, Group work 5.20 _ Actors diagram, 2015, Group work 129

6. CONCLUSION AND REFLECTIONS 6.1 _ The role of practitioner in the process of transformation, 2015, Group work 6.2 _ Working with the community, 2015, Wang Xin 6.3 _ Relationship between the practitioner and the community member, 2015, Vishakha Jha

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