The Australian Journal of Salvation Army History

ISSN 2206-2572 (Online)

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is published by The Salvation Army, Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society.

2016

Volume I

Issue 1

March 2016

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 1, Issue 1, 2016. Page 1

Call for Papers The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online) The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is a multi-national journal that fosters a dialogue on all aspects of the history and development of The Salvation Army. Articles are encouraged to be glocal, that is, both local and global in consideration. All articles in this journal have undergone editorial screening and peer review by at least two reviewers. The aim of the journal is to publish timely, useful, informative, original and honest historical research which will be of value to both a general audience and those interested in Salvation Army history.

The journal is published by Cross and Crown Publications for The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society and seeks to increase the knowledge and promote the interest of Salvation Army history and understanding of its development.

The journal publishes research papers and historical papers in any areas relating to the history and development of The Salvation Army, including, but not limited to: Aged Care, Biographies of individual Salvationists and employees, Buildings and Architecture, The Booth family, Brass Banding, Corps history, Education of Salvationists, Education organised by Salvationists, Emergency relief and management, Fashion of uniform design and meaning, Gender and Cultural Diversity, Genealogical studies, Health work and ministry, Holiness Movement, Human Rights, Hymnology, Internationalism, Leadership styles, Methodism and Salvationism theology development, Orders and Regulations and policy development, Religion Studies, Literature Studies, Signs and Symbols meaning, Social justice and The Salvation Arm y, Social Work, Social Welfare, Social Impact, Urban ministry, Unemployed and Vulnerable people, Welfare State, Young Peoples’ Ministry.

Papers presented at Salvation Army heritage meetings will be encouraged to be contributed. All articles contributed must be original, not previously published in either Army or non-Army publications, the contributors own work and referenced throughout. Where possible, primary sources should be used and presumptive statements avoided. Images and graphics will be accepted if the contributor or The Salvation Army holds the copyright and they are visually clear for reproduction.

The interested contributors are highly encouraged to submit their manuscripts/papers to the executive editor via email at ghentzschel@chc.edu.au. Please indicate the name of the journal (The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History) in the cover letter or simply put ‘Journal of Salvation Army History’ in the subject box during submission via email.

AJSAH is inviting papers for Vol. 1, Iss. 2. The online publication date is October, 2016.

Submission deadline: July 30, 2016.

For any additional information, please contact the executive editor at ghentzschel@chc.edu.au Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel Executive Editor - The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History © The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History 2016 Cross & Crown Publications for The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society Cross & Crown Publications PO Box 998 Mt Gravatt Qld 4122 Australia web address: http://salvos.org.au/historicalsociety/ ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online)

Cover: The Salvation Army tricolour ribbon on a black background. A white crest of The Salvation Army. A picture of Catherine Booth and William Booth as young adults.

Executive Editor Mr Garth R. Hentzschel Peer Review and Editorial Team Dr. David Malcolm Bennett Mr Lindsay Cox Major Kingsley Sampson Major David Woodbury

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History was formed in 2016 and is prepared by a group of volunteers made up from members of Salvation Army historical groups in Australia and New Zealand as well as others who are interested in researching, writing and displaying Salvation Army history. It is produced by The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, Historical Society in conjunction with Australia Southern and New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga Salvation Army territories.

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THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY VOLUME 1 ISSUE 1 2016 Editorial Note Welcome to the first issue of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History (AJSAH). The journal aims to encourage discussion and, to promote and publish research and inquiry into historical elements of The Salvation Army, its belief, practices and people.

Each issue of AJSAH will include; papers on elements of Salvation Army history or historical biographical information, a call for information on topics to be researched, reviews of published works, information on resources for researchers and other items deemed suitable for a deeper understanding of the history of The Salvation Army.

Papers to be published, ideas for research, or information about research are welcome. For submission to AJSAH, please contact the executive editor of the Journal.

This current issue has taken on two main themes and therefore has been developed in three sections. The first section investigates the relationship between William Booth and Catherine Mumford. The middle section comprises resources for research and a call for information to assist with research. The final section is connected to research being conducted on how World War I impacted The Salvation Army in New Zealand.

The first four papers have an overarching theme linked to the early relationship between Booth and Mumford. The first paper in this section, by David Bennett, discusses the letters of Booth and Mumford, investigating the years 1852 to 1855. Here Bennett describes the form of the letters and then, using a thematic approach gives a deeper insight into the character of the founders as they discussed issues of their days as well as eternal matters. Salvation Army historians as well as those interested in the religious life of the nineteenth century will be forever indebted to Bennett for his work on the Booth letters.

The second paper in this section focuses on

the relationship between Booth and Mumford.

David Woodbury unpacks the romance, its commencement, development and reality, in a personal paper. It chronologically traces their developing romance.

Garth Hentzschel contributes two papers on the poem recited by Booth at his first meeting with Mumford. These papers reveal some new information on the poem, introduces its author and includes the entire poem for the first time to Salvation Army readers. The second paper also describes other works the poem has inspired.

The middle section includes a call for information and lists resources for people interested in Salvation Army history. Glenda Hentzschel gives a chronological outline of the development and history of The Salvation Army’s Life Saving movements and requests more information to extend her research. Lyndall Maags describes a resource for researchers and those interested in genealogical studies. Garth Hentzschel lists books published by or about The Salvation Army since 1988 and also reviews a book written by a former leader of The Salvation Army.

The final section of this issue houses a group of four papers from the research which is being conducted in New Zealand on the impact of World War One on The Salvation Army. Kingsley Sampson has contributed two papers, one on how the war impacted brass bands of The Salvation Army and another on The Salvation Army’s Ambulance service, which outlines the brave work of Salvationists. In modern times this work has often been overshadowed by the work of other organisations.

Harold Hill also gives two papers, the first on the wider impact the war had on The Salvation Army both on individual Salvationists and the wider movement. The final paper discusses the war’s impact on the Theology of The Salvation Army.

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Title/Author

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History CONTENTS

Vol. 1 Iss. 1

Title/Author

3

Contributors

5

A Victorian love story – The romance of William Booth and Catherine Mumford David Woodbury A recitation to romance: A study on the poem and event which led to the romance of William Booth and Catherine Mumford Garth R. Hentzschel A new look at an old poem: The poem that changed William Booth’s life Garth R. Hentzschel The centenary of SAGALA in Australia with a focus on the Australia Eastern Territory Glenda Hentzschel

Electronic resource for genealogical and historical research Lyndall Maag

84

A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English, 1988 – present surnames of book authors A to C Garth R. Hentzschel

86

Book review – An autobiography of an early Army leader. The Autobiography of Commissioner Hugh Whatmore, Garth R. Hentzschel

118

New Zealand Salvation Army banding in World War One Kingsley Sampson

120

Provision of ambulances in the First World War Kingsley Sampson

132

The Salvation Army in New Zealand in the aftermath of the First World War – part one Harold Hill

139

The Salvation Army in New Zealand in the aftermath of the First World War – part two Harold Hill

154

Page

Editorial note

A look at the early Booth letters David Malcolm Bennett

Page

6

18

32

50

72

Left: A postcard printed by the Atherton Corps (now Atherton Tablelands Corps) of The Salvation Army which advertised the Sunday school and primary departments of the corps. No date was indicated on the postcard

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Contributors - Vol. 1 Iss. 1 David Malcolm Bennett is a Christian researcher and writer based in Brisbane who has the gift of doing quality historical research and presenting it in a readable form. He has written two biographies of William Booth: William Booth and his Salvation Army (Even Before Publishing) and The General: William Booth (2 vols. Xulon Press). He is also the editor of The Letters of William and Catherine Booth and of The Diary and Reminiscences of Catherine Booth. His books include The Altar Call: Its Origins and Present Usage (his MTh thesis, awarded with merit) in 2000 and The Origins of Left Behind Eschatology (his PhD thesis) in 2010. His latest book is John Wesley: The man, his mission and his message (Rhiza Press).

Garth R. Hentzschel is the acting Dean, senior lecturer and course coordinator in the School of Social Sciences, Christian Heritage College. He has degrees in education, leadership and counselling (BEd, BAdminLead, MEd [SGC]). Hentzschel is the director of Cross & Crown Publications and president of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chapter. He has published works and presented papers on school chaplaincy, education and Salvation Army history. Publications include; Our First Officer (2004), The Devil’s Army (2006), With A Smile and A Cuppa (2007), The Bag Hut Tabernacle (2012), contributions to the history magazine, Hallelujah! and the Bulletin of The Methodist Historical Society of Ireland.

Major Glenda Hentzschel is a retired Salvation Army officer who served for over 30 years in corps, divisional and territorial headquarters appointments.

Now retired, her interest in Salvation Army History has increased. She enjoys research and the opportunity of looking at the early developments of The Salvation Army. Glenda is married with three children and three grandchildren. She has written, A Servant Leader – Envoy Bram Hoepper in the series “They took up their cross” and presented a number of papers at the meetings of the Brisbane Chapter of The Salvation Army Historical Society.

Major Harold Hill is a retired Salvation Army officer who served in Zimbabwe and New Zealand in educational, pastoral and administrative appointments, and is an adjunct teacher of Salvation Army history for Booth College, Sydney College of Divinity. He has published The Twelve Steps Workshop (written jointly with Ferrell Irvine, 2001, 2011), and Leadership in the Salvation Army: A

Case Study in Clericalisation (2007). He edited Te Ope Whakaora: A Collection of Documents on the Salvation Army and Maori 1884-2007 (2007) and edited Norman Murdoch's Christian Warfare in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe: The Salvation Army and African Liberation 1891-1991 for publication (2015).

Lyndall Maag has an interest in local, social and family history. Undertaking research in order to give presentations for the Genealogical Society of Queensland and the Queensland Chapter of the Salvation Army’s Historical Society brings her joy.

Interest in the history and culture of the Middle East has resulted in Lyndall being asked to present at churches and meetings of Christian Supporters of Israel. Her professional affiliations, past and present, include the Genealogical Society of Queensland, Toowoomba and Darling Downs Family History Society, Queensland Family History Society and Prayer for Israel Australia. Lyndall attends The Salvation Army Carindale Corp.

Major Kingsley Sampson is a retired Salvation Army officer living in Christchurch, New Zealand.

As well as Salvation Army history, his retirement interests include travel, gardening, reading, cycling and researching the history of his forebears. He has qualifications in history, theology and education (MA, BD, DipEd, DipTeaching). Apart from two corps appointments in New Zealand in the 1980s, most of his officer service was in education and education administration roles in New Zealand and Zambia. This included sixteen years on the staff of Booth College of Mission, Upper Hutt. Kingsley was also a contributor and sub-editor of the Hallelujah Magazine.

Major David Woodbury is a retired Salvation Army officer living in Sydney. Responding to God’s call he and his wife Jeanette entered the training college with the Disciples of Jesus Session and were commissioned in 1979. After serving in a number of corps appointments, in New South Wales and Queensland, they became part of the territorial headquarters staff with him holding the positions of Secretary for Communications and Assistant Chief Secretary. While in this appointment Woodbury was the founding editor of Pipeline and established a video production department. On his retirement he was appointed to produce the history magazine, Hallelujah! The story of The Salvation Army in the Western South Pacific. He is currently the President of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Sydney Chapter.

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A drawing of Catherine Mumford and William Booth from the cover from McCaughey, Betty, William and Catherine, with Love – A Year’s Daily Readings. (Ontario: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda, 1989).

An example of William Booth's handwriting in 1849 from The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 1, Issue 1, 2016. Page 6

A LOOK AT THE EARLY BOOTH LETTERS David Malcolm Bennett The Letters The letters that William Booth and Catherine Mumford wrote to each other are vital sources for studying the lives of the Booth family, the origins and early history of The Salvation Army as well as British religious life in the nineteenth century, particularly revivalism. Most of their letters, those dated from 1852 to 1861, are housed in the British Library, under the Booth Papers (TBP), MSS 6479964802. However, quite a few letters of that period have been lost, and some perhaps even destroyed.

(Did Mumford get so angry with Booth that on one or two occasions she deliberately destroyed his letter?)

The letters from 1862 onwards are only to be found in certain biographies about Booth and Mumford. What happened to the originals is debated and this paper will not speculate. The main biographies that contain these later letters are The Life of Catherine Booth: The Mother of the Salvation Army by F. de L. Booth-Tucker (2 vols. London: Salvation Army, 1892); Life of William Booth: The Founder of the Salvation Army by Harold Begbie (2 vols. London: Macmillan, 1920), and Catherine Booth: The Story of her Loves by Catherine Bramwell-Booth (London: Hodder, 1970).

These three authors had access to the original manuscripts and made extensive quotations from letters that are now in the British Library collection and from other letters that have since disappeared.

Begbie, especially, quoted from many letters that are no longer extant.1 It also needs to be borne in mind that Booth-Tucker had a tendency to paraphrase rather than quote the originals. 2 His record is generally only used in this research where it is the only one in existence.

These letters can be divided into six periods. First, the brief period following their first meeting (1852); secondly, the time Booth spent in Lincolnshire as a preacher for the Methodist Reformers, while Mumford remained in London (1852-54); thirdly, his first two years with the Methodist New Connexion (1854-55); fourthly, their early married life (1855-60); fifthly, their years as travelling evangelists (1861-65); and lastly the Salvation Army years (1865-89 ?). The extant letters in this last period are sadly few in number.3 In this paper we will look at sections one, two and three. The later letters will be examined on another occasion.

William and Catherine William and Catherine has a modern ring about it, but this William and Catherine were not a prince and princess but two young people from poorer backgrounds, who met, fell in love and eventually Reference citation of this paper David Malcolm Bennett, “A look the early Booth letters�, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 6-17.

1 Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth: The Founder of the Salvation Army (2 vols). (London: Macmillan, 1920).

2 F. de L. Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth: The Mother of the Salvation Army (2 vols). (London: Salvation Army, 1892).

3 All the letters in TBP and in the biographies mentioned above have now been published in print and e-form. The details are David Malcolm Bennett, The Letters of William and Catherine Booth (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2003).; and David Malcolm Bennett, The Booth Letters, CD (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2011).

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married. However, they were often apart, so they wrote many letters to each other. It is not intended here to look in detail at the romantic aspect of these letters. That has been covered in an article by David Woodbury. 4 Rather the paper will look at the two personalities who emerge from these letters, how Booth and Mumford related and also how they responded to various issues.

There is no doubt that Mumford emerges as the better writer of the two. Though she had had a limited formal education she was well read and knew how to express herself clearly and boldly in written form. Yet she had no idea about punctuation. Occasionally she inserted a full stop, but not often, and even some of those stops could be ink blots. Roy Hattersley, Blood and Fire, was right when he said “the full stop was virtually unknown” to Mumford.5 Other punctuation marks are only noticeable because they are, for the most part, absent.

Booth was more a man of action, and he had much less time than Mumford to devote to writing, at least in the early period. His letters are usually much briefer and often have the appearance of being written in haste, though they were at least punctuated.

For example, in the Lincolnshire years some of Mumford’s letters would run to 2,500 words.

In fact, Mumford’s letter CM 6, started on 5 December 1852, runs to over 2,600 words.6 Booth’s letters of this period were usually much shorter, particularly after his initial settling in period. At first he had time to write letters of a reasonable length, but soon, with several churches to care for, he had less time to write.

These letters will be examined here thematically rather than chronologically.

The Central Focus of the Letters One does not have to read many of their letters to realise that the central focus of their lives was to love and serve Christ, and to do that together. Booth’s love for Christ becomes clear even in the first letter he ever wrote to Mumford. He had fallen in love with her and was considering asking her to marry him. But would she then come between him and Christ? This greatly worried him. He felt an “involuntary shudder creep over” him as he thought about the possibility of an engagement and what that might mean.7 Mumford was certainly willing to become engaged to the man she loved and admired, but she respected his hesitancy because of the reasons for it. She told him, “Don’t, I beseech you, take any step without some evidence satisfactory to your own mind of the will of God”; and “Your desire is to do the will of God & He will guide you.” From her perspective, her “constant cry” was that God’s “will be done”.8 Eventually this problem was overcome because they came to believe that God could use them better united than separated, and so it proved. On Saturday 15 May 1852 Booth paid

4

David Woodbury, “A Victorian love story: The romance of William Booth and Catherine Mumford’, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Vol. 1 No.1, 13-26.

5 Roy Hattersley, Blood and Fire (NY: Doubleday, 1999), 79.

6 Letter CM 6, started on 5 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 27-30. Many of the letters are undated, so identifiers in bold are used for all of them: CM for Catherine before marriage, CB for Catherine afterwards and WB for William, with a number following in the assumed date order. Brackets are used for letters that are not in TBP, so (CM), (CB) and (WB).

7 Letter (WB 1), early May, 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 8.

8 Letter CM 1, 11 May, 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 10.

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Mumford a visit. That evening they knelt together and committed themselves to God and to each other.9 That was less than two months after their first formal meeting.

In a letter written on the evening of their engagement or the day after, Mumford said, The thought of walking through life perfectly united, together enjoying its sunshine and battling its storms ... and with thorough unanimity performing all its momentous duties, is to me exquisite happiness; the highest earthly bliss I desire. And who can estimate the glory to God, and the benefit to man, accruing from a life spent in such harmonious effort to do His will? Such unions, alas, are so rare that we seldom see an exemplification of the divine idea of marriage. 10

Their relationship was from the beginning a union in which they would serve God together.

Six months later Booth went to Lincolnshire as a preacher for the Methodist Reformers.

Immediately after his arrival there he told Mumford, Oh, let us all give ourselves up entirely to the Lord. I prayed in the Railway carriage that God would secure his work in my heart. I believe he will. Oh, for simple, childlike confidence. Come Holy Ghost and breathe thy influences on my heart.11

Mumford was very optimistic about the future of the man she was to marry. That December she told him “God, even your own God, will bless you & make you a blessing. Do not be over anxious about the future. [Lincolnshire] will not be your final destination if you make the best of your ability.”12 Early in 1854 Booth left the Reformers and joined the Methodist New Connexion, the oldest of the Methodist breakaway groups. He was by this time back in London, but letters still flowed between them. Officially he was studying for the ministry, but Booth was a man of action rather than a student, an evangelistic preacher rather than an academic.

This was soon recognised by senior people in the New Connexion and that October he was despatched to Guernsey in the Channel Islands to conduct an evangelistic campaign. It began quietly, at least with regard to the congregation, though not so with the preacher. He told Mumford, Last night I preached my first sermon. The congregation was middling; very respectable, stiff and quiet. I let off a few heavy guns at the lazy formality so prevalent, and with some effect.

They opened their eyes at some of the things I said. 13

The heavy guns seem to have hit their targets, for a few days later he told his fiancée, My preaching is highly spoken of and the Lord is working, and I trust that tomorrow [Sunday] we shall have a crash, a glorious break down, as many persons are under deep conviction and I hope to have some glorious and deeply interesting cases to tell you before I return. Already the Lord has given me some souls for my time in this distant place, but my anxious heart cries out

9

Different dates for when they became engaged have appeared in various sources, but according to their correspondence at the time of their engagement Saturday 15 May appears to be correct; see letters (WB 4), CM 2 and CM 3, ? 12, 13 & 15 or 16 May, 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 11-13; and David Malcolm Bennett, The General: William Booth (2 vols. FL. Xulon Press, 2003), 1:105, n.35, for a brief examination of the dating.

10 Letter CM 3, 15 or 16 May, 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 12-13.

11 Letter WB 12, 30 Nov. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 21.

12 Letter CM 7, 12 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 34.

13 Letter (WB 64), 17 or 19 Oct. 1854, Booth Letters, CD, 237.

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for many, many more... Bless God! I am very happy in my soul in the midst of it all. I love this work.’14

Mumford responded, “I am glad to hear that you are prospering in your labours ... I should have delighted in helping you.” Quite what she meant by that final phrase might be debated. She was not to take up preaching until the middle of 1860, more than five years into the future.

Mumford continued, “My soul yearns to get into the glory, but, alas, I am such an unfaithful wretch, I fear the Lord will never deign to use me... I do hope the result will be all you desire, but whether or not, your ‘reward is with your God’.”15 So did Booth have the “glorious break down” that he was expecting that Sunday?

Unfortunately there are no letters still available to tell us. However, Booth-Tucker quotes from Booth’s Journal (now lost). According to that, they “took down about twenty-six names” that Sunday, had about 35 “penitents” on Monday, with “many very clear cases of conversion”, “a great number of penitents” on Tuesday, “Very many ... found peace” on Wednesday, and they had “sixty penitents” on Thursday. The next day he returned home. 16 Booth had found his calling.

William Booth in Lincolnshire On 30 November 1852 Booth left London and moved to the Spalding/Holbeach area of Lincolnshire, in the northern region of England’s Midlands. Booth and Mumford, though they did not know it at the time, would be apart for over 14 months. On two occasions in this period Booth paid a visit to London to see his fiancée, but apart from that their only means of communication was by letter. About half of the letters that are available to us come from these Lincolnshire years.

Booth’s first role as a paid preacher was with the Methodist or Wesleyan Reformers in London. The Reformers were a massive group that had broken away from the Wesleyan Methodists in the early 1850s.

Booth had had a rough time in his brief ministry for the Methodist Reformers in London. He later said of his flock, “They ‘did not want a parson’ They reckoned they were all parsons.”17 At one “quarterly meeting” so sharp was a disagreement that he had with one man that Booth had to be, in his own words, “almost forcibly restrained” by others at the meeting.18 Quite what that means can only be guessed, but it does indicate considerable conflict.

However, in Lincolnshire the Reformers welcomed him warmly and supported him faithfully.

Upon the day of his arrival, he told Mumford, “My reception has been beyond my highest anticipations.”19 In his next letter Booth said, “Made very welcome; everybody seems delighted to see me.”20 A week later a solicitor invited Booth into his home. Booth said that the man’s wife, …one of the most complimentary ladies I have ever met with, almost overpowered me with kindness, tea & toast, to none of which had I any objection, after jogging up & down for two

14

Letter WB 65, 21 Oct. 1854, Booth Letters, CD, 237.

Letter CM 96, 23 & 24 Oct. 1854, Booth Letters, CD, 239.

16 Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:130 17 Begbie, William Booth, 1:154.

18 Letter WB 5, ? second half of May, 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 14.

19 Letter WB 12, 30 Nov. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 21.

20 Letter WB 13, 1 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 22.

15

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hours in a cart among a lot of jolly farmers, talking over the relative merits of England & America, Uncle Tom’s Cabin, agricultural distress & Disraeli’s Budget. I said little or nothing.21

That would have been a rare silence for Booth.

Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle Tom’s Cabin had just been published, and it may have been the only work of fiction that the Booths ever read. Disraeli’s budget of that year was a disaster and resulted in the fall of the government.

Before his arrival, Booth knew that he had taken on the pastoral oversight of a number of Methodist Reformer Churches in the area, but he may not have realised how scattered those churches were. The distance between the chapels meant that he had to do a lot of travelling.

Occasionally he would be given a lift in a friend’s carriage, but in most cases he had to walk.

One week soon after his arrival he preached on Sunday in Spalding, on Tuesday he preached with “little pleasure” in Donnington, the next day with “some liberty” in Risegate. Then on the next three days he preached at Quadring Endike (after a journey of more than six kilometres), Pinchbeck Bars (10 kilometres) and Spalding again (more than seven kilometres). On one of these journeys he was given a lift in a cart, but it seems that he walked on the others. 22 This means his life was full of sermon preparation, leading church services, preaching, other Christian ministry and much travel.

However he loved it. He was in his element. He was preaching the Gospel of Jesus Christ and this is what he wanted to do. In a PS to one letter a month after his arrival he said, “My position here is likely to be just to my own mind.”23 Then in January he told Mumford, “I do not believe there is a harder circuit than this in the Connexion, and I do not believe there is another in which matters would be more to my taste than this.”24 Not All Plain Sailing A striking, even a surprising, feature of these letters is that Booth and Mumford at times scolded each other, especially in their earlier years. Here we have a man and a woman who were deeply in love and who were to have a significant impact upon the church of Jesus Christ, yet they could express strong words to each other.

In the Lincolnshire years these disagreements appear to have been exasperated by the distance between them. If they had been able to meet often, their disputes would probably have been sorted out more quickly and with less friction. Mumford called letters “a cold unsatisfactory mode of salutation” and wished “for a few hours communion” with her fiancé.25 After one misunderstanding, she complained, “What a disadvantage we labour under in this mode of communication.”26 In the milder storms Booth would tell his fiancée that he had preached two or three times on Sunday and four, five or six times during the week.27 Mumford, greatly concerned about his health and lack of time spent studying, strongly urged him to preach less often. In one letter she said, 21

Letter WB 17, 9 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 30.

Letter WB 17, 9 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 30.

23 Letter WB 22, 27 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 46.

24 Letter WB 26, 15 Jan. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 60.

25 Letter CM 12, 1 & 2 Jan. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 50.

26 Letter CM 19, 7 Feb. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 67.

27 For example, letter WB 19, 16 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 35.

22

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I am very, very sorry to hear you have plan[n]ed yourself [to preach] so often as 3 times on a Sunday & 4 times in the week. There were many other considerations which should have influenced you besides the wishes of the people. I am sure neither you nor any other man can preach at that rate & give the people any thing worth having. They must be very foolish to expect it. They will find it out in time that such unreasonable requirements are nothing to their advantage, but, alas, I fear they will not make the discovery soon enough for your benefit. I beg[g]ed of you not to stop if there would be no time for study, & I think if the people had not sense enough to think for themselves you should have thought for them, & have shown the unreasonableness of their wishes. Time for study you must have, & time free from the flurry & excitement of other engagements or all is lost. 28

This may have been a mild storm, but they were strong words. Yet Booth took no notice and kept on preaching just as frequently.

Sometimes Booth’s letters were too matter of fact for Mumford’s liking. In one letter she told him, I received your Tuesday’s letter, and for the first time feel at a loss how to answer it. I have not been happy since I first read it. You keep me too much in the outer world of mere circumstances. I cannot, I will not, be satisfied unless you let your heart commune with me. The state of the weather & the condition of the roads are interesting to me because you have to brave the one & traverse the other. The minutiae of your perambulations are always interesting, but if you have not time to write this & also to communicate some of your soul’s thoughts, feelings, desires, hopes & fears, I would rather be left to conjecture ... as to where you are, how far you walk, etc., than to be deprived of heart communion... Do not call this finding fault, my dear. I would not write so if there were not a necessity. I cannot bear to be treated coolly & distantly; we must be one. 29

In a letter that may have been in response to this Booth did open his heart to her, if only briefly. He said, But I know what I want. I know what I must have. But I don’t know how, at least it seems I don’t know how, to get it. I want more inward power and life in my own soul. I fully believe if I had this I should prosper in my work.

However, he appears to have been too busy “whirling about the country” to think long about such things. That Sunday he was at Holbeach, on Monday it was back to his lodgings at Spalding, Tuesday it was on to Pinchbeck, Wednesday to Sutterton and Thursday to Boston, Mumford’s old home. 30 It was no wonder he was often too tired to write long letters and to express his deepest feelings.

Booth appears to have given Mumford a sharp telling off about the purchase of a piano.

Mumford was learning to play the piano to please her fiancé and it seems that she had purchased the wrong one. Booth appears to have written to her rather sternly about this. That particular letter is lost, perhaps Mumford destroyed it, but hints of it come through in one of her letters. Mumford apologised in words that hardly sound like hers. “But I did wrong and am real grieved”, she said,

28

Letter CM 16, 18 Jan. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 63.

Letter CM 23, 20 & 25 Feb. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 77.

30 Letter (WB 27), probably 21 or 28 Feb. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 79-80. This letter is quoted from Begbie, Booth, 1:209-210 and is incomplete. Begbie has Suttleton, but it should be Sutterton.

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I hate to see [this piano], and I shall return it early next week, unless you wish me not. Forgive me. I did not think I was acting without you... I would not in the least matter go contrary to your wishes.31

Mumford was also a great worrier. When Booth’s letters did not arrive on time, she worried either that something had happened to him or that he had forgotten to write. 32 These delays were usually caused by Booth being too busy to write or by minor troubles with the postal service. But for Mumford it always led to thoughts of disaster. Booth by contrast seemed more able to take such delays in his stride.

Women’s Role and Ministry One area in which Mumford undoubtedly influenced Booth was in the matter of women’s right to preach. On this subject she was bold and vigorous. Booth, at least before Mumford stated her views, does not seem to have given that issue much thought. While Booth was in Lincolnshire, and even after, Mumford often attended a Congregational Church, at which the minister was David Thomas, whom she greatly respected. It was almost certainly on Sunday 22 April 1855 33 that he deeply offended her by some remarks he made about women in one of his sermons. She wrote Mr Thomas an anonymous letter protesting about his comments in very strong terms.

Yet Mumford had also made similar comments to Booth in a letter written on 9 April that year. Booth had by this time joined the Methodist New Connexion and was serving in Bradford in the north of England. In this letter she said, “I have long wanted to put my thoughts on this subject on paper”, which implies that she had not written on it in detail before. It therefore would seem that the letter to Mr Thomas was written afterwards.

The letter to Booth started off gently enough. “My own dear Love,” she began. “I am all alone and not equal to much besides, so I will write a bit to thee, which generally makes me forget loneliness and every thing else for a time.” She made a few other comments and then she let fly the thunderbolts.

I solemn[l]y assert that the more I think & read on the subject, the more satisfied I become of the true & scriptural character of my own views. I am ready to admit that in the majority of cases the training of woman has made her man’s inferior, as under the degrading slavery of heathen lands she is inferior to her own sex in christian countries. But that naturally she is [in] any respect, except in physical strength & courage, inferior to man I cannot see cause to believe, & I am sure no one can prove it from the word of God, & it is on this foundation that professors of religion always try to establish it. Oh prejudice, what will it not do?

I would not alter woman’s domestic position (when indeed it is scriptural), because God has plainly fixed it. He has told her to obey her husband, & therefore she ought so to do, if she profess to serve God; her husband’s rule over her was part of the sentence for her disobedience, which would, by the bye, have been no curse at all if he had ruled over her before, by dint of superiority. But God ordained her subjection as a punishment for sin, & therefore I submit. But 31

Letter CM 36, ? 26 May, 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 107. Reference to other letters that appear to have been destroyed can be found in CM 53, ? 22 or 29 Aug. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 145-46.

32 Letters CM 11, CM 19, 27-30 Dec. 1852, and 7 Feb. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 49, 67.

33 The dates for the sermon and the letter are debated, but 22 April 1855 for the sermon seems almost certain, for that is the date stated in the letter in the British Library, with the letter a little later. For a detailed discussion of the dating see my introduction to the letter in my booklet Catherine Booth on Women’s Place and Ministry (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2004), 4-6.

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I cannot believe that inferiority was the ground of it. If it had, it must have existed prior to the curse & thus have nullified it...

But I believe woman is destined to assume her true position & exert her proper influence by the special exertions & attainments of her own sex. She has to struggle through mighty difficulties to[o] obvious to need mentioning, but they will eventually dwindle before the spell of her developed & cultivated mind...

May the Lord, even the just & impartial one, overrule all for the true emancipation of woman from the swad[d]ling bands of prejudice, ignorance & custom, which almost the world over have so long debased & wronged her. In appealing thus to the Lord I am deeply sincere, for I believe that one of the greatest boons to the race would be woman’s exaltation to her proper position mentally & spiritually. Who can tell its consequences to posterity? ...

Oh, that which next to the plan of salvation endears the Christian religion to my heart is what it has done & is destined to do for my own sex; and that which excites my indignation, beyond anything else is to hear its sacred precepts dredged forward to favour degrading arguments. Oh, for a few more Adam Clark[e]s 34 to dispel the ignorance of the church, then should we not hear very pigmies in Christianity reasoning against holy & intelligent women opening their mouths for the Lord in the presence of the church...

It is worthy of remark that there are no less than six Prophetesses mentioned in the Old Testament, one of whom was ... unquestionably Judge as well as prophet. And these are not mentioned in a way which would lead me to suppose that the inspired writer regarded them as any thing very extraordinary. They are simply introduced to our notice like the other prophets.

Now, God having once spoken directly by woman, and man having once recognised her divine commission & obeyed it, on what ground is omnipotence to be restricted or woman’s spiritual labours ignored? Who shall dare say unto the Lord ‘What doest thou?’ when he ‘pours out his spirit upon his handmaidens’, or when it is poured out shall render it null with impunity?

If indeed there is in ‘Christ Jesus neither male nor female’, but in all touching his kingdom ‘they are one’, who shall dare thrust woman out of the church’s opperations (sic) or presume to put any candle which God has lighted under a bushel? Why should the swad[d]ling bands of blind custom, which in Wesley’s days were so triumphantly broken, & with such glorious results thrown to the moals (sic) & bats,35 be again wrapped round the female disciples of the Lord, as if the natural & in some cases distressing timidity of woman’s nature were not sufficient barrier to her obeying the dictates of the spirit, whenever that spirit calls her to any public testimony for her Lord...

Let me advise you, my Love, to get settled views on this subject & be able to render a reason to every caviller, & then fearlessly incite all whom you believe the Lord has fitted to help you in your master’s work, male or female...

Oh, blessed Jesus! He is indeed ‘the woman’s conquering seed’. He has taken the bitterest part of her curse ‘out of the way, nailing it to his cross’. In him she rises to the dignity of her nature. In him her equality with her earthly Lord is realized, for ‘in him there is neither male nor female’, & while the outward semblance of her curse remains, in him it is nul[l]ified by love being made the law of marriage – ‘husbands love your wives as Christ loved the church & gave himself for it’. Who shall call subjection to such a husband a curse?36

What could a mere man say in response to that? It is a passionate and powerful treatise and clearly the result of much thought. It is also clear from Booth’s reply that he was taken off guard.

His next letter was hesitant, contradictory and pragmatic. It ran, Your letter and contents came to hand yesterday... The remarks on Woman’s position I will read again before I answer. From the first reading I cannot see anything in them to lead me for one moment to think of altering my opinion. You combat a great deal that I hold as firmly as you do, 34

Adam Clarke was a Methodist scholar.

This probably should be “moles & bats”, and is presumably a reference to the assumed blindness of those creatures.

36 Letter CM 122, 9 Apr. 1855, Booth Letters, CD, 282-84.

35

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viz. her equality, her perfect equality, as a whole, as a being. But as to concede that she is man’s equal, or capable of becoming man’s equal, in intellectual attainments or prowess – I must say that is contradicted by experience in the world and my honest conviction. You know, my dear, I acknowledge the superiority of your sex in very many things; in others I believe her inferior...

I would not stop a woman preaching on any account. I would not encourage one to begin.

You should preach if you felt moved thereto; felt equal to the task. I would not stay you if I had power to do so. Altho’ I should not like it. It is easy for you to say my views are the result of prejudice; perhaps they are. I am for the world’s salvation; I will quarrel with no means that promises help.37

Whether William did give a more detailed ‘answer’ to her letter is unknown. Many of his letters of this period have been lost. However, he eventually came to agree with her on women’s role and ministry.

Methodism or Congregationalism?

Another striking issue in the letters are the occasions when Mumford urged Booth to join the Congregational Church. Mumford had been brought up in a Methodist home. Booth had been converted through Methodist ministry. They were Methodists through and through.

In the Lincolnshire years they belonged to the Methodist (or Wesleyan) Reformers. At that time this new movement had only recently come into existence and it was not always clear what churches and even which preachers belonged to which of the two groups. Booth and Mumford had each, quite separately, been dismissed from the Wesleyan Methodist Church and joined the Reformers. Mumford liked what the Reformers stood for, an energetic brand of evangelistic Christianity, but hated their disorganisation. Booth liked what they stood for, but seemed to thrive in the midst of the disorganisation.

For at least two years, 1852-54, Mumford wore two bonnets. She taught Sunday School for the Methodist Reformers38 and, more often than not, attended services at the local Congregational Church, where David Thomas was the pastor.39 She began to believe that her future husband would be better off as a Congregational minister than as a preacher for the Methodist Reformers. Her admiration for Charles Finney, a Congregational revivalist in America, encouraged this. She had read Finney’s Lectures on Revival and had been most impressed.40 Booth and Mumford were Arminian in doctrine, more Arminian than John Wesley. 41 Congregationalists were traditionally Calvinistic. This clearly presented a problem. However, Finney had drifted far from the Calvinist fold42 and some British Congregationalists were also deserting Calvinism, including David Thomas. According to Mumford, Rev Thomas told her that

37

Letter (WB 95), 12 Apr. 1855, Booth Letters, CD, 286. This is not in TBP, but is quoted from Begbie, Booth, 1:25859 and Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Catherine Booth: The Story of her Loves (London: Hodder, 1970), 142-43.

38 For example, Letters CM 6, CM 7, CM 11, 5, 12 & 27 Dec. 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 27, 32, 47. See also BoothTucker, Catherine, 1:50.

39 For example, Letters CM 6, CM 11, CM 28, 5 & 27 Dec. 1852, 17 Mar. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 27, 47, 88.

40 Letters CM 6, CM 29, 5 Dec. 1852, 20 Mar. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 27, 90.

41 John Wesley, though an Arminian, was closer to a Calvinistic position than is usually recognised, see David Malcolm Bennett, ‘How Arminian was John Wesley?’ The Evangelical Quarterly, Vol. LXXII, No. 3 (July 2000), 237-48.

42 Finney’s soteriology is hard to classify. It is certainly not Calvinistic, but nor is it Arminian. See David Bennett, The Altar Call: Its Origins and Present Usage (Lanham: University Press of America, 2000), 103-14; Keith J. Hardman, Charles Grandison Finney: Revivalist and Reformer (Darlington: Evangelical Press, 1990), 45-46.

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many of the “best & most useful men” in the British Congregational Church “were opposed to” Calvinism. In fact, it had “been left behind years ago.”43 Mumford first seems to have nudged Booth in the direction of the Congregational Church in May 1852. There is a line buried in one of Booth’s letters, probably written late that May, the significance of which could be easily missed. It says, “Dr. Campbell was out yesterday. I see him tomorrow morning: ½ past 8 o’clock.” 44 John Campbell was a leading figure in the Congregational Church and editor of the The British Banner. Booth had gone to see him about studying for the Congregational ministry. This approach eventually came to nothing.45 Early in February the next year Mumford dropped some loud hints about Booth leaving the Reformers and joining the Congregationalists. “The more I think of your present position the more dissatisfied I am with it”, she said. “I see it embraces only one side of a good man’s life, & if the reformers expect such monstrous exertions from their preachers & such incesent (sic) slavery, they ought to stipulate with them never to marry.” She continued, I like the independent [Congregational] system of a pastorate more & more. After all, it is the way to cultivate practicle (sic) preaching, and all other is mere cant. I do hope, my dear that you will consider well. It will be easy to change your position while single, & we can affoard (sic) to wait till circumstances are favourable. Act right.

These comments sound as though they had referred to this subject in recent correspondence, but any letters written in the preceding ten days by either of them are missing. It is, though, more likely that Mumford raised the subject again than Booth.46 Six days later she again addressed that issue. It is clear from this letter that he had responded to her comments, but his letter is missing. However, it would appear that he had expressed uneasiness about it. She said, What I said about the pastorate of the Independents was suggested by the benefit I am myself deriving from Mr. Thomas’ preaching. I was contrasting it with your ‘whirl’ about life & the very defective system which makes it to so great an extent necessary, & just as the thought arose in my mind I commit[t]ed it to paper, without any reference whatever to your past thoughts of the Independent ministry, or one lingering thought of its future possibility. I had no reference at all to the subject, & I am very sorry it should have conveyed that idea, for I would not that your mind should be unsettled again on that point. I saw at the time you declined going to Cotton End [the Congregational college] that all future prospect in that direction was at an end. I think you acted right in the taking the step, & I never dream of your being any thing but a Methodist, nor do I wish it.47

The issue was still on the boil a month later. Booth affirmed “I am for Methodism most unquestionably ... I am determined to stand by it. Independency is, comparatively speaking, powerless to effect any great good.”48

43

Letter CM 28, 17 Mar. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 86.

Letter WB 5, ? late May, 1852, Booth Letters, CD, 14.

45 Bennett, General, 1:111.

46 Letter CM 17, 1 Feb. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 66.

47 Letter CM 19, 7 Feb. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 67.

48 Letter WB 28, ? 14 or 15 Mar. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 85.

44

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It may have been the day that Mumford received that letter from Booth that Mr Thomas paid her a visit. In a letter the next day, she told her fiancĂŠ about the meeting in considerable detail, but was careful to add, I hesitated whether to send you the substance of the conversation for fear you should think I desire to unsettle you again on the subject, but I am sure you will believe me when I say that I send it to you mer[e]ly as matter of information & not with the least desire to cause one unsettled feeling. 49

After that the subject faded from their thoughts.

Conclusion The Booth Letters are clearly a most valuable resource for understanding Booth and Mumford and what they stood for. What we have considered are just selections from a few of the letters from 1852 to 1855. However, they give vivid glimpses into their lives, their thoughts, their hopes and their fears. The later letters will be examined on another occasion.

49

Letter CM 28, 17 Mar. 1853, Booth Letters, CD, 86.

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An early photograph of Catherine Booth (nee Mumford) and William Booth

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A VICTORIAN LOVE STORY THE ROMANCE OF WILLIAM BOOTH AND CATHERINE MUMFORD David Woodbury Introduction The image most have of William Booth is that of an old man with tired eyes, white hair and white beard and perhaps that is due in part to the fact that photography was in its infancy and was only coming into its own in William’s later life. However, the image this paper focuses on is that of two young people around 23 years old in the flower of their youth, alive with passion and zeal. 1

William Booth as an old man, the image most people have of the founder and first general of The Salvation Army

One of the great temptations when it comes to the lives of deceased leaders is to invest them with some sort of sainthood and at times, sanitize their story. William Booth and Catherine Mumford were real people in the fullest sense of the word. What comes through from their letters is a ‘warts and all’ story of two young people, passionate for each other and passionate for God. There were obvious faults in their characters and flaws in their behaviour. But they still remained real and fallible, treasures in earthen vessels, authentic people whom God used.

Reference citation of this paper David Woodbury, “A Victorian love story, the romance of William Booth and Catherine Mumford”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 18-31.

1 This paper was presented at a meeting of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Sydney chapter in 2015.

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In many ways their story is one of the great unpublicised love stories of the 19 th century. This relationship was to change both of their lives in a momentous way. Harold Begbie, The Life of General Booth, eloquently wrote: “In a certain measure William Booth came into the life of Catherine Mumford as Robert Browning came into the life of Elizabeth Barrett. In each case there was a resurrection of the woman, and a beauty added to the man.”2

William Booth as a young man

Both William and Catherine exhibited human weaknesses, which testified to their humanness. 3 William seemed, perhaps more in his younger years, unable to pace himself and was given to constant, re-occurring periods of burnout where he needed to withdraw and recover.

Catherine had been brought up by an overprotective mother and was paranoid about her health. In some ways she may have been quite justified for she suffered from a spinal condition. However, at times it seemed to dominate her thinking.

There can be no doubt that William and Catherine were complex personalities: intense, obsessed, opinionated, and even neurotic at times, but deeply committed to the will of God, whatever the cost. That their union not only worked but prospered is a testimony to God’s grace in their lives. Even a casual reading of their lives confronts us with many of their faults and failings.

Yet in all this, God used them in a remarkable way which in itself testifies that God uses fallible and imperfect people to further his kingdom.

It would appear that there is very little romantic interest in William’s life before meeting Catherine, apart from his interaction with the Dent family during his teenage years. It is perhaps one of the most meaningful influences in the early life of William when Mr and Mrs Dent took a genuine interest in the tall, gangly teenage boy. His resemblance to their deceased son resulted in 2

Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth – The Founder of The Salvation Army, (London: McMillan and Company, 1920), 128.

3 Christian names are used throughout this paper to emphasise the personal approach the author wished to portray.

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them inviting William to their home and an invitation he readily accepted. One of the two teenage daughters, Anne Dent, took William’s eye and it seems he was rather fond of her, however, when he was converted the romance ended. 4 Years later he encountered Anne again and told Catherine that, “the charm that lured my youthful heart is broken, and my soul’s full flow of feeling turns to you.”5 Occasionally William would accompany them to the Broad Street Wesley Chapel, a place that was to become crucial in the spiritual journey of William.

For her part Catherine had received a declaration of love from a Cousin from Derbyshire.

Begbie wrote that, “he was a young man of somewhat striking appearance, and with more than ordinary capacity.”6 Catherine’s heart responded. However, she turned him down as she doubted he was “truly converted.”7 First meeting In June 1851 at Walworth Wesleyan Chapel, William’s fiery preaching style had caught the attention of Edward Rabbits, owner of a chain of footwear shops.8 Disillusioned, with the stagnation of the Methodist Church, Edward, along with many others left the established church to join a Wesleyan reform movement at Binfield House in the neighbouring suburb of Clapham. The Reformers also welcomed William, who had been expelled from the established Methodist church, into their community.

Edward persuaded William to resign from his employment as a pawnbroker and enter into full-time ministry. When William raised the issue of funds, Edward offered to underwrite his stipend of 20 shillings a week for the first three months. Quitting his job with the pawnbroker on around 8 April, 1852, William found lodgings on nearby Princes Row and set his feet on a path that was to change the course of religious history.

Whether or not Edward was playing matchmaker, it is not clear. However, he asked a young Catherine, whose spirituality and judgement he respected, to give him an assessment of William’s preaching at Binfield House.9 Catherine was suitably impressed and gave a glowing assessment of William’s preaching.

Perhaps Edward saw something in these two unique young people that would be of kingdom value. Sometime in March, 1852 he invited a number of people to his home for supper, among them were William and Catherine and her mother.10 Against his better judgment William was persuaded

by Edward to recite a poem, The Grog-sellers Dream.

The response was some discussion on moderate consumption of alcohol which was disrupted by the young Catherine, a believer in total abstinence, insisting that the Bible does not support the idea of moderate drinking. The debate that followed became more fiery by the minute only to be wisely terminated by Edward announcing supper. Interestingly, during the course of the supper 4

David Malcolm Bennett, The General, William Booth, Vol 1 -The Evangelist, (USA: Xulon Press, 2003), 28.

Letter WB 55, 6 June 1854, David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The Letters of William and Catherine Booth, (CD), (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2011), 219.

6 Begbie, Booth, 125.

7 Cathy Le Feuvre, William and Catherine – The love story of the founders of The Salvation Army, told through their letters, (Oxford: Monarch Books, 2013), 18.

8 Roger Green, Catherine Booth, - A Biography of the Cofounder of The Salvation Army, (Grand Rapids, USA: Baker Books, 1996), 42.

9 Bennett, Booth, 1:78.

10 Bennett, Booth, 1:80.

5

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when wine was offered, all refused.11 If Catherine hadn’t caught William’s eye before this, she surely had now.

During Easter in April, 1852, around April 8 or 10,12 William was persuaded by Edward to accompany him to a Reformist meeting in a school room in Cowper Street. Also present was Catherine. Following the meeting William offered to take Catherine, who had been introduced to him as being in delicate health, home in a cab. Bear in mind here that William is all but penniless and hiring a cab would have been a significant luxury. Begbie again wrote; It was one of those fallings in love which are as instantaneous as they are mutual, which are neither approached nor immediately followed by any formal declaration of affection, and which manifest themselves even in the midst of conversations altogether absorbed in other matters.

Suddenly William Booth knew that he loved this woman. 13

Catherine was later to record: It seemed as though we had intimately known and loved each other for years, and suddenly after some temporary absence, had been brought together again, and before we reached home we both suspected, nay, felt a though we had been made for each other, and that henceforth the current of our lives must flow together. 14

Catherine Mumford as a young woman

Courtship In 1852 the then 22 year-old William was a man on a mission from God. He had no doubt that he had been called by God to be an out and out evangelist, and this calling was the passion and singularity of his life. He was prepared to surrender every part of his being and strive with every

11

Ibid., 82.

Green and Bennett differ on this date, see Green, Booth, 44., and Bennett, Booth, 1:80.

13 Begbie, Booth, 130.

14 Bennett, Booth, 1:92.

12

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fibre of his body for the mission to which he felt God had called him. His encounter with Catherine in March, 1852 was to completely upset his equilibrium.

On reading the early letters, that passed between them there is the sense that this was love at first sight. However, there would be a number of difficulties that would need to be resolved before any real progress could take place in the romance.

Like many young women Catherine had some fixed ideas about the sort of man she should marry. At the age of sixteen she had formulated her ideas on the characteristics of a suitable partner:  He had to be truly converted;  He would be a total abstainer;  He would be a man of sense; and  They would have to think alike on all important matters.15 However among her requirements for a suitable husband Catherine entertained some more romantic concepts. She would like him to be dark and tall, be a minister in the church and be called William. 16 William seemed to fit most of the requirements:  He was truly converted;  Occasionally used alcohol for medicinal reasons;  He was man of sense;  Catherine felt sure that they would think alike on all important matters;  He was dark and tall;  He was to become a minister; and  He was called William.

Catherine would soon resolve the issue of social drinking and William would become a total abstainer.

William also faced a significant challenge before the romance could continue. Evidence seems to suggest that the relationship developed at lightning speed and there is talk of an engagement within a month of first taking Catherine home in the carriage. In a letter to Catherine sometime in May, 1852 he spoke of an engagement. However, in the same letter William raised some serious misgivings. His sense of calling by God was the overwhelming passion of his life and he feared such an earthly union might detract from it.

Misgivings Something of William’s dilemma was obvious in their first meeting. After taking Catherine home in a cab Catherine’s mother invited him to stay the night and William, having no permanent home at that time, accepted the invitation. This gave the young couple an opportunity for further conversation. Years later Catherine was to recall: W[illiam] went away in a terrible controversy, feeling that he was wounded, and he has often told me since that he felt that for the first time he had met the woman who filled up his life's ideal of what a wife should be. He was really in love, and yet it was all contrary to the plans he

15

Abridged from Duff and Le Feuvre. Mildred Duff, Catherine Booth, a sketch, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Book Department, 1901), 22.; Le Feuvre, William and Catherine, 18-19.

16 Le Feuvre, William and Catherine, 19.

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had made. Had he not, only the day before, been able to get away from the business yoke that had galled him for these eight years gone by? 17

Perhaps it seemed to William that all his dreams and plans to serve God as a totally committed evangelist had been threatened by his attraction to this young woman. The blatant fact staring him in the face was that of divided allegiances which he full well knew could hinder his commitment to the will of God for his life. Catherine later recorded: And yet, there was the awkward fact staring him in the face, and although he said to himself as he walked away from that door that morning, “It cannot, must not, shall not be,” it was not many hours before he found himself at that door again. 18

In the letter of early May, 1852 William raised a number of difficulties. Apart from his inability to support a wife in his present position, his fear that the relationship and commitment to marriage could affect his usefulness to God. He wrote: 4. I should feel such a powerful earthly bond taking up my feelings and drawing off my heart from entire and complete devotion to God. 5. God has of late been satisfying me with Himself, and I should fear setting up or creating another god, especially seeing that He has placed me in a position that my heart has so long desired and given me every comfort I wish. 19

Perhaps the reference to “another god” gives an inkling to the depth of William’s love for Catherine. However, Booth, like Abraham, was submissive to the call of God on his life and concluded his letter, “I am resigned to the will of God. I shall endeavour to pursue the path of duty….”20 It is obvious from the letter that there was some friction between them, as William referred to the “very abrupt manner in which we parted last evening”.21 For two strong willed people, deeply committed to God, the path was never going to be easy. To satisfy their deep commitment to God and the yearning of their own hearts would probably be a challenge that would be beyond most people. But William and Catherine were in no way, ordinary people.

Almost in despair William came to the conclusion that perhaps marriage was not possible and the best he could hope for was some form of a platonic friendship. In a following letter to Catherine, written around 7 May 1852, William wrote: I have read and re-read yours of yesterday evening and in answer to it what can I say? My heart dictates what for the sake of your peace I dare not write, I mean, what I feel ... I will love you as my sister, as I love my dearest friend. I cannot afford to lose your friendship. I should be lonely then. We can meet now and then and talk about books and Christ and Heaven, nothing more, can we not?22

Make no mistake; William was hopelessly in love with Catherine. He was a man smitten, besotted and passionately in love. In his letter of 7 May, 1852, where he speculated about a platonic 17

Begbie, Booth, 132.

Begbie, Booth, 133.

19 Letter (WB 1), early May 1852, Letters, CD, 8.

20 Ibid., 8.

21 Ibid., 8.

22 Letter (WB 2), 7 or 8 May 1852, Letters, CD, 9.

18

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friendship he declared: “I honour you, I worship, I adore, I have loved you, oh, perhaps more than...” and then goes on to say: “I am rambling on to forbidden ground”.23 Perhaps there is a sense in which he was aware of the contradiction he was expressing in this letter; the resignation to a platonic friendship and the sheer adoration of a star-struck lover.

William concluded the letter with an indication of the conflict that raged inside of him: I love you as dearly as ever and that love is grounded on the highest esteem. But calmly, Catherine, let us do His will. I am perfectly the master of my feelings, at least to a great extent ...24

Reading the letters around the time of their courtship, there is this sense of uncertainty.

William seemed to vacillate sometimes addressing Catherine as; “My Dear Friend,” and other times: “My dear Catherine”. In his letter of early May, 1852 he addressed her as “My Dear Friend” but in his letter by 7 or 8 May 1852, it is “My dear Catherine”. However, by 10 May 1852 he is back to addressing her as “My Dear Friend”.25 Although the romance had developed at a rapid rate it seems that William’s misgivings persuaded him to seek advice from his mother. In a letter to Catherine on Monday 10 May, 1852 he spoke of a letter received from his mother “imploring me to do nothing rashly, fearing my accustomed impetuosity, my feeling gaining the mastery over the calm teaching of reason”. 26 William is not in a good place. There is a sense in which his spiritual heart and his carnal heart are in conflict and the outcome of such a conflict will always be darkness. In the same letter to Catherine he wrote: “Darkness gathers thicker than ever round the path I tread, and doubt, gloom, melancholy and despair would tread me down.”27 The evaluation of the life of William reveals a conclusion, that like many spiritual entrepreneurs, he was a man of moods, often suffering periods of melancholy and depression to the point of breakdown.28 Catherine was the perfect foil, knowing when to challenge him and when to comfort and encourage him. Replying to his letter of 10 May 1852, Catherine wrote on 11 May: I have been spreading your letter before the Lord & earnestly pleading for a manifestation of His will to your mind in some way or other, & now I would say a few words of comfort & encouragement. My heart feels for you far beyond what I can express. Oh, that I knew how to comfort you in an indirect way. 29

At other times in their relationship Catherine could be quite direct and challenging, however, here she sensed something of the pain and anguish William was experiencing. “The words ‘gloom, melancholy, & despair’ lacerate my heart. Don’t give way to such feelings for a moment”.30 There is a sense in which she was completely selfless in her desire that William should pursue the path that he felt God had laid out for him. She well knew that to pursue this relationship purely for 23

Ibid., 9.

Ibid., 9.

25 See for example, Letters (WB 2), 7 or 8 May 1852 and (WB 3), 10 May 1852, Letters, CD, 9.

26 Letter (WB 3), 10 May 1852, Letters, CD, 9.

27 Ibid., 10.

28 For example, Charles Haddon Spurgeon was another who experienced mood swings and was often troubled by depression, see Arnold Dallimore, Spurgeon: A New Biography, (Edinburgh: Banner of Truth, 1985), 186.

29 Letter CM 1, 11 May 1852, Letters, CD, 10.

30 Ibid., 10.

24

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personal reasons would be contrary to the will of God and that she would find no real happiness in such a course of action.

Sometime in early May 1852, probably around 11 May, William proposed to Catherine. 31 Although this relationship was only new it was also intense and passionate. They were both battling with powerful and at times, overwhelming emotions which to lesser mortals, may have been quite crushing and distressing. In the same letter she wrote: Oh that we had never seen each other. Do try to forget me as far as the remembrance would injure your usefulness or spoil your peace. If I have no alternative but to oppose the will of God or trample on the desolations of my own heart, my choice is made. Thy will be done is my constant cry. I care not for myself, but oh if I cause you to err I shall never be happy again. 32

There may well have been some misunderstanding over Catherine’s hesitancy that hampered the marriage proposal. It is possible that William may have thought that his inability to support a wife was an impediment to Catherine in making a decision. Catherine’s letter responding to William’s of early May, 1852 seems to be lost. However, in a letter dated 13 May, 1852 Catherine made it quite clear that such circumstances are not the reason she was unwilling to accept his proposal; My Dear Friend, I have read and re-read your note & I fear you did not fully understand my difficulty. It was not circumstances, I thought I had fully satisfied you on that point. I thought you felt sure that a bright prospect could not allure me, nor a dark one affright me, if we are only one in heart. My difficulty, my only reason for wishing to defer the engagement was that you might feel satisfied in your own mind that the step is right. To cause you to err would cost me far more suffering than any thing else. 33

In the same letter Catherine outlined two realities for William to consider and resolve:  That the course they were taking was not opposed to the will of God; and  That a marriage to Catherine would make him happy.

Then she wrote: But if you feel satisfied on these two points, … come on Saturday evening and on our knees before God let us give ourselves afresh to Him & to each other; for His sake consecrate our whole selves to His service for Him to live & die. 34

William Booth wasted no time in getting himself around to the Mumford’s residence on Saturday 15 May, 1853, where he and Catherine, on their knees before God, committed themselves to each other and to God. George Scott Railton, General William Booth, wrote years later: The anxiety of both these two young people not to allow any thought for their own happiness to interfere with their duty to God and to their fellows delayed their marriage for years; and when they did marry it was with the perfect resolve on both sides to make everything in their own life and home subordinate to the great work to which they had given themselves. 35

31

Bennett, Booth, 1:100ff.

Letter CM 1, 11 May 1852, Letters, CD, 10.

33 Bennett, Booth, 1:98ff.

34 Letter CM 2, 13 May 1852, Letters, CD, 12.

35 G. S. Railton, General Booth, (London: Salvation Army, 1912), 26.

32

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Engagement If Catherine had harboured doubts about the decision they were quickly dispelled once the decision was made. In a letter written, perhaps within hours of the decision, certainly within a day or two, declared the depth of her love and commitment, she wrote: Your letter – your visit have hushed its last murmurs and stilled every vibration of my throbbing heartstrings. All is well. I feel it is right, and I praise God for the satisfying conviction. … The thought of walking through life perfectly united, together enjoying its sunshine and battling its storms, by softest sympathy sharing every smile and every tear, and with thorough unanimity performing all its momentous duties, is to me exquisite happiness; the highest earthly bliss I desire.36

The depth of Catherine’s spirituality shone through her letters, no more so than in the closing lines of this letter: The more you lead me up to Christ in all things, the more highly shall I esteem you; and, if it be possible to love you more than I do now, the more shall I love you. You are always present in my thoughts. Believe me, dear William, as ever, Your own loving, Kate. 37

William and Catherine as a young couple

The acceptance of William’s marriage proposal and the subsequent engagement seems to have in some sense, given Catherine more liberty in their relationship. In the space of a few days she has gone from: “affectionately, Catherine,” to: “Your own loving, Kate.”38 In her diary entry of 31 May, 1852 Catherine wrote:

36

Letter (CM 3), 15 or 16 May 1852, Letters, CD, 12-13.

Ibid., 13.

38 See for example, Letters (CM 3), 15 or 16 May 1852, and (CM 4), 21 or 22 May 1852, Letters, CD, 11 & 13.

37

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I have had some liberty in pleading it before God. Enjoyed a precious season at the Throne of grace this evening in offering myself, and one not less beloved, a living sacrifice to the Lord, & intreating for us both a full & complete fitness to do & suffer all His will. Lord, glorify Thyself in us through life, & in death be our salvation. 39

It can only be assumed that Mumford’s reference to the “one not less beloved” and the inclusion of the word “us”, was indeed a reference to William and the developing relationship.40 Conflict True love never runs smoothly and William and Catherine were to encounter some area of disagreement after their engagement. One cannot help have the impression when reading the letters that it was not always a relationship whose path was strewn with rose petals.

In a letter in early May, 1852 Cathereine referred to the “abrupt manner in which we parted”.41 On 3 June 1852 she wrote in her diary: “Have had an interview with my dearest William to night. Pleasanter to me than usual …”42 and on 5 June she wrote: “Talked over some important matters with my dearest William, after which we parted in better spirits & with Sunnier feelings than on any previous occasion.” 43 Following the engagement the couple’s thoughts turned to the future, more particularly to William’s future as a minister. For a while they explored the idea of William becoming a minister in the Congregational church, no doubt influenced by Catherine, who was at this point, attending Stockwell New Chapel, a Congregational Church.

Catherine suggested that William see a John Campbell in the Congregational Church and it seems that although William finally acquiesced he was far from keen on the suggestion. On Wednesday, 4 August 1852, he wrote: I doubt not that Cotton End [Cotton End was a training school for Congregational ministerial students] has already been in your thoughts if not on your tongue, but not intending an epistle I will not pause to moralise or discuss the pro & con of Colledge [sic] life. 44

William made contact with the Congregationalists but after some further discussions he withdrew citing his disagreement with the Calvinistic Congregational doctrine, declaring “he would sooner starve than preach such a doctrine.”45 Although Catherine may have seen some security in the Congregational Church, their doctrine was certainly not a fit for William, steeped in Wesleyan doctrine. As Le Feuvre expressed, “Poverty or no poverty, Catherine would just have to understand.”46 About this time William laid down a less than romantic routine for meetings between them:

39

David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The Diary of Catherine (Mumford) Booth, (CD), (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2011), 44-45.

40 Ibid., 44-45.

41 41 Letter (WB 1), early May 1852, Letters, CD, 8.

42 Bennett (ed.), Diary of Catherine, 45.

43 Ibid., 45.

44 Letter WB 9, late July or early August, 1852, Letters, CD, 17.

45 Bennett, Booth, 1:112.

46 Le Feuvre, William and Catherine, 55.

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Our meetings must & shall be salvation meetings. We will have a rule of conversation and action, somewhat after the following fashion.

1st Any general information to impart. Anything oc[c]urred since we last met. Inquiries into health etc.

2 What progress made in reading, shorthand, music etc.; exchange any information on the above subjects that may be required.

3 Inquire closely into our religious experience and give each other counsel and advice as may be needed afterwards.

4 Each pray earnestly that our meeting may be made a means of grace and for general prosperity.

5 Any desultory conversation and retire never later than ¼ after 10.

What think you? I have no doubt you will be perfectly willing and say that it is just what you have wanted all along but that I have stood in the way. 47

Towards the end of 1852 William took a position with Methodist Reformers and was based in Spalding, Lincolnshire. For around 14 months William and Catherine saw very little of each other and a continuous stream of letters were their main means of communication. It would appear that on William’s part, letter writing was something he fitted in when he had time. In a letter, dated Tuesday 30 November, 1852 he commented: “Do not take this as a sample of my future letters; it is written with a number of gentlemen around me.”48 The lack of face to face personal interaction was to lead to a number of misunderstandings between the couple. In a letter, now missing, it seems that Catherine feared that William had been secretive about his engagement, for he wrote to her: You rather surprise me by thinking & fearing that I shall not, to the letter, fulfil my promise to let it be known that I am engaged. I have done so whenever opportunity, fitting opportunity, offered, & moreover stated to Mr. Hardy some of the particulars of such engagement. 49

Catherine’s letter, dated 5 December 1852 was probably written over a period of days and is no doubt a response to William’s of 6 December 1852: Forgive me, my love, if what I said seemed to cast a doubt on the honourableness of your intentions as to our engagement. I did not intend it so. It was what you said about letting them have it so caused me to say it. Perhaps I did not word it happily. However, be assured of the fullest confidence of my soul on the subject & of my willingness, nay, desire that you should use only fitting opportunities to disclose it. 50

In Spalding, William is a lodger in the home of the local chemist, Mr. Shadford, and he is at pains to tell Catherine that, “Mrs. Shadford is indeed a kind lady. There are no young ladies.”51 From a later letter it is obvious that the young William was missing his sweetheart. On Monday 10 January 1852 he wrote: “My own dear, darling Kate, I feel so lonely just now. You cannot imagine how much I would give for a kiss off those dear lips and an hour’s chat …”52

47

Letter WB 6, 9 June 1852, Letters, CD, 15.

Letter WB 12, 30 Nov. 1852, Letters, CD, 21.

49 Letter WB 16, 6 Dec. 1852, Letters, CD, 26.

50 Letter CM 6, 5 Dec. 1852, Letters, CD, 28.

51 Letter WB 12, 30 Nov. 1852, Letters, CD, 21.

52 Letter WB 25, 10 Jan, 1853, Letters, CD, 55.

48

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We need to remember that these are two people in bloom of their youth with all its emotional and hormonal challenges, separated for long periods by circumstances. In the same letter William expressed something of the frustration he was experiencing in not being with the girl he loved: My dearest love, never did I love you more dearly, never with a calmer and more enduring affection, and never did I more earnestly desire its consummation. 53

Catherine, for her part is no doubt experiencing similar feeling and on 26 May 1853 she wrote: My own dear Love, Your precious, kind, cheering letter came before I was down stairs, so I lay down again in bed & read it. The first part roused all the tenderest feelings of my nature and filled my soul with gushing gratitude to God and tenderest affection for you. Oh, my heart does thank you, my soul appreciates your watchfulness & my body I trust will soon feel the good effects of such sweet assurances. I cannot discribe [sic] my feelings; my tears blind me. 54

David Bennett¸ The General: William Booth, suggested that: William regarded himself as under some kind of temptation, that made him suggest that they did not necessarily delay their wedding. It would seem that he was concerned that he might find himself attracted to another woman while he and Catherine were so long separated. 55

William, with his fiery, emotional style of preaching, no doubt acted as a magnet to young people and it is quite conceivable that he found himself at times the centre of young women’s attention. We need to remember that a few years later he was to pen the words of O Boundless Salvation: My tempers are fitful, my passions are strong, They bind my poor soul and they force me to wrong; 56

As most hymn writers write from their own experience, 57 is this an example of a very human William? Catherine counselled him: …believe me, my own dear Love, I have confidence in your professions, & I never for one moment doubted the honourableness of your intentions. As to the time of our union, I am surprised you think it will be practicable so soon, & I cannot think it is any way necessary in order to prevent your being unfaithful, notwithstanding all the temptations to which you are exposed. You have often told me that your love was founded on the deepest esteem of your soul, that I have the preference of your judgment & soul, & that your love for me was conceived in the entire absence of passion. This being the case, & feeling some confidence in my own ability to sustain this esteem, I am not so anxious as I otherwise should be about the the (sic) temptations you may meet with, tho’ I am thankful to hear they are no temptations to you. 58

The later letters show some of their humanity appearing. After their marriage, in a letter to her mother Catherine disclosed the satisfaction she experienced in bed with William and went on to

53

Ibid., 56.

Letter CM 36, ?26 May 1853, Letters, CD, 106.

55 Bennett, Booth, Vol 1, 169.

56 The Song Book of The Salvation Army, (London: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 2015), 509.

57 For example, Charles Wesley in his great hymn ‘And can it be’ was writing from his own experience of conversion.

58 Letter CM 19, 7 Feb. 1853, Letters, CD, 68.

54

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say: “If you know any poor wretch who dithers and shakes an hour every night as I used to do, advise them to get married.”59 William and Catherine were married on 16 June, 1855, at Stockwell New Chapel. It was a partnership that lasted a lifetime. They were able to accommodate each other’s failings and idiosyncrasies through huge dollops of forgiveness, understanding and love. It all came to a close with Catherine’s promotion to glory on 4 October, 1890. Immediately afterwards William wrote: “Ever since our first meeting, now nearly forty years ago, we have been inseparable in spirit; that is, in all the main thoughts and purposes of our lives. Oh, what a loss is mine! It cannot be measured.”60

59 60

Bennett, Booth, 1:221ff.

Railton, Booth, 180.

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The home of Edward Rabbits, 1 Crosby Row, where William Booth recited the poem, photographed in 1986, from The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

An image of William Booth as a young man from the Salvation Army Heritage Centre, Sydney The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 1, Issue 1, 2016. Page 32

A RECITATION TO ROMANCE: A STUDY ON THE POEM AND EVENT WHICH LED TO THE ROMANCE OF WILLIAM BOOTH AND CATHERINE MUMFORD Garth R. Hentzschel History is full of turning points1 that could have turned people or events in a very different trajectory. One such turning point in the history of The Salvation Army was the reciting of a poem

by William Booth. For many Salvation Army historians, Booth was propelled on to two new paths the moment the poem was recited. The first connected him to a romance with Catherine Mumford, which blossomed into a partnership of physical, spiritual and cognitive equality. The second opened Booth’s way to full time preaching and the romance of evangelism. These two trajectories laid the foundation for the romance of The Salvation Army.2 This paper, the first of two, highlights the reference to the event surrounding the poem in Salvation Army historical popular and scholarly works. It will show that although this incident has been cited in the majority of accounts of Booth and Mumford’s life, there has been a variety of interpretations of each element of the occasion. This paper will discuss these differences and comment on the validity of the interpretations. It will also define how each author evaluated the poem, although it has been found that no author knew a significant amount about the poem itself and not one gave any indication that they knew who the poet was. The paper will also show that authors had misquoted and misnamed the poem, while blatantly ignoring the poet and therefore to some extent have misinterpreted events surrounding the recitation of the poem. For this reason the second paper will build on this paper and trace the poem’s history, unveil the life of the author and include an in-depth display of changes to the poem made in both Salvation Army and non-Army historical works.

Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “A recitation to romance: a study on the poem and event which led to the romance of William Booth and Catherine Mumford”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 32-49.

1 A term used by Satterlee in his book of important historical events that impacted The Salvation Army. None of Satterlee’s turning points relate to incidents before the formation of The Salvation Army. Allen Satterlee, Turning Points – How The Salvation Army Found A Different Path, (Virginia, USA: Crest Books, 2004).

2 A number of authors have developed the theme of romance of The Salvation Army and how this was linked to the romance of Booth and Mumford. Coutts, quoting a 1914 War Cry report, stated that Evangeline Booth announced, “my father and mother kissed each other and in that kiss was conceived The Salvation Army”. The idea of The Salvation Army enshrouded in romance continued with many pens: Evangeline Booth & Grace Livingstone Hill, The War Romance of The Salvation Army; W.P. Ryan, Romance of a Motor Mission; William Nicholson, Romance of the War Cry; Harlan Halsey, Romance of a Salvation Army Girl; and, William Booth even wrote for the preface of Friederichs, The Romance of The Salvation Army, “A romance indeed it is…I am delighted that other eyes should see, and other pens describe, the poetry, the sentiment, the overflowing wealth of pure emotion – in short, the romance which undoubtedly abounds in every department of its [The Salvation Army] activities”. Evangeline Booth & Grace Livingstone Hill, The War Romance of The Salvation Army, (Philadelphia, USA: J.B Lippincott Company, 1919).; Frederick Coutts, The Better Fight – The History of The Salvation Army, Volume VI, 1914-1946, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1973), 17.; Hulda Friederichs, The Romance of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Cassell & Company, 1908), 1.; Harlan Halsey, Romance of a Salvation Army Girl: A Story of New York Life, (New York, USA,: J.S. Ogilvie Publishing Company, 1894).; William Nicholson, Romance of the War Cry, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, 1929).; W.P. Ryan, Romance of a Motor Mission, With General Booth on his White Car Crusade, (London, UK: Salvation Army Book Dept., 1906).

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The recitation of the poem and surrounding event Notable Salvation Army historian, Cyril Barnes, With Booth In London, described the event under investigation and set the scene in a simple manner: …[Edward Harris] Rabbits held a house party for a group of leading reformers in his Crosby Row home, and among the specially invited guests were Miss [Catherine] Mumford and her Mother [Mrs. Sarah Milward Mumford] and William Booth.

The gathering for tea and conversation was well under way when William arrived. Almost immediately Rabbits asked him to recite an American temperance poem, ‘The Grogseller’s Dream’. Whereupon William launched into a vivid, terrifying 900-word description of the dangers of taking strong drink.

Catherine, dressed in lavender silk with a velvet jacket of darker shade and a lavender bonnet, smiled approval beneath her dark curly hair. In the discussion which followed William heard her voice for the first time and his grey eyes dwelt on her as though she were a great light midst surrounding darkness. 3

Barnes went on to state that from this point Rabbits promised to finance Booth 20 shillings a week to preach full time at Binfield House and thus Booth left pawnbroking. In addition, Barnes outlined that Mumford took every opportunity to attend the chapel service, Rabbits’ house and meetings at which Booth preached, and thus inferred that Mumford went to see Booth.4 Investigation of the event surrounding the recitation As will be seen, the event surrounding the recitation of the poem, described by Barnes, has appeared in almost every biography of Booth and Mumford and historical work on The Salvation Army. Where the event was discussed, it has been portrayed, to varying degrees, as a significant incident in the life of Booth and the history of The Salvation Army. Firstly, the occasion commenced the relationship of Booth and Mumford and secondly, it led to the professional preaching life of Booth. There could, however be some question over this story, as not all authors listed the event, therefore raising some doubt over the origin of the story and flowing from this, the significant outcomes.

A mere myth?

Although myths are important elements of a historical narrative, they are kept usually to pass on certain values. No historian, except for David Bennett, The General: William Booth has explicitly attempted to link this event to underlying Salvation Army values, even though it could easily link to the Army’s stand against alcohol and its belief in the equality of women. Therefore, as it has not been used as a myth to teach values, it needs to be investigated as a real occurrence. 5 Yet, as at least ten works on the life of Booth and Mumford did not include the incident, there must first be an investigation into the validity of the occasion.

3

Cyril Barnes, With Booth in London – A Tourist Guide, (St. Albans, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1986), 5.

4 Barnes, Booth in London, 6.

5 David Malcolm Bennett, The General: William Booth, Volume 1 – The Evangelist, (USA: Xulon Press, 2003).

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While it is understandable that biographies written for ‘the masses’, or those written for young people, did not include every event in the life of the subject, it would be imperative that such an important incident, as finding one’s destiny and one’s life partner, could not be missed. There are, however both biographies and historical research works of the early Salvation Army that included neither the occasion nor a description of the poem and so, places a question over the event.6 Two of the authors who omitted this event: George Railton, General Booth; and W.T. Stead, General Booth, knew Booth and Mumford personally and spent long periods of time in their home. 7 Railton and Stead were also known for their showmanship, engagement with controversy and love of early Salvation Army standards, therefore they should have been the ones who emphasised the poem, for its drama and content, and published the romance between Booth and Mumford. Minnie Carpenter, William Booth; known for her sensitive spirit,8 should have also used the occasion to emphasise the sensitive side of Booth and Mumford’s nature. Yet, in the section, which covered this period of Booth’s life, Railton and Carpenter wrote nothing of the poem or the meeting, while Stead attributed the romance to another time and place. 9 Without the inclusion of this event authors were in danger of a gap in their narrative, as there was no explanation of how the romance began nor how Booth commenced full time preaching. To fill this gap some of the authors tell of other occasions that led to the commencement of Booth and Mumford’s relationship. Stead, John Larsson, Those Incredible Booths and Roy Hattersley, Blood & Fire, each gave a different account, a later incident which commenced the relationship of Booth and Mumford. 10 Stead even included an interview with Mumford and it was she who told of the different event. He wrote, Mumford “told me the story of her engagement and marriage” and although she declared it was “love at first sight”, the “first sight” described by Stead was a later occasion when Booth accompanied Mumford home in a horse and carriage. Therefore, like other authors, the incident surrounding the recitation of the poem was not listed.11 The absence of the event in these works however does not prove the occasion did not take place. A number of authors, who failed to include the incident in their first work, did so in a later work, while other authors referred to the occasion later in their original work, but did not attach much significance to it. Hattersley, who drew on an interview by Booth printed in the 8 October, 6

See for example: Charles T. Bateman, Everybody’s Life of General Booth, (London, UK: Marshall Brothers, n.d.).; Edward Bishop, Blood and Fire!, (Gateshead, UK: Longmans, Green and Co., 1964), 20-21.; Minnie Lindsay Carpenter, William Booth – Founder of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: The Epworth Press, 1942), 14.; Thomas F.G. Coates, The Prophet of The Poor – The Life-Story of General Booth, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1905), 40-41.; Glenn K. Horridge, The Salvation Army – Origins and Early Days: 1865-1900, (Rochester, UK: Ammonite Books, 1993), 13-14.; John Larsson, Those Incredible Booths – William and Catherine Booth as parents and the life stories of their eight children, (London, UK: Salvation Books), 7-8.; Charles Ludwig, General Without a Gun – The Life of William Booth, Founder of the Salvation Army, for Teens, (Arizona, USA: Zondervan Publishing House, 1961), 22-25.; Norman E. Nygaard, Trumpet of Salvation – A Biographical Novel on the Lives of William and Catherine Booth, Founders of The Salvation Army, (Michigan, USA: Zondervan Publishing House, 1961).; Jesse Page, General Booth – The Man and His Work, (Row, UK: S.W. Partridge & Co., 1901).; John Read, Catherine Booth – Laying the Theological Foundations of a Radical Movement, (Eugene, USA: Pickwick Publications, 2013).

7 George S. Railton, General Booth, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Book Department and Hodder and Stoughton, 1912), 29-31.; W.T.Stead, General Booth A Biographical Sketch, (London, UK: Isbister & Co., 1891), 45.

8 Even the author’s grandfather called Mrs. General Minnie Carpenter, “Weeping Minnie” due to the fact that every appeal she would cry. Carpenter, William Booth.

9 Railton, General Booth, 29-31.

10 Roy Hattersley, Blood & Fire – William and Catherine Booth and Their Salvation Army, (London, UK: Little, Brown and Company, 1999).; Larsson, Those Incredible Booths.; Stead, General Booth.

11 Stead, General Booth, 45.

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1910 edition of the War Cry (London), claimed that Booth stated that the relationship commenced at a later meeting and for him the recitation of the poem did not appear to rate highly. Hattersley wrote: …When he [Booth] talked, after her [Mumford’s] death, about love at first sight, he was describing a later occasion. He did not remember his first meeting with his future wife, constant companion, and unflinching conscience…12

Yet Hattersley did include the event of the recitation and thus gave it some significance. Larsson, as Hattersley, claimed that “love at first sight” occurred at another time for Booth and Mumford.

Larsson too did not hold strong conviction that the incident did not occur as he still included the occasion surrounding the recitation of the poem, although he did not give the event a specific timeline.13 Two authors omitted the event in their first book but included it when they revised their work.

Stead and Trevor Yaxley & Carolyn Vanderwal, Through Blood and Fire, listed neither the occasion nor the poem in their first work, but in their second work included full details of the event.14 Stead’s later work, Mrs. Booth of The Salvation Army ignored the earlier account of Mumford and explained that the incident which surrounded the recitation was the point at which the romance commenced. 15 The timeframe of Stead’s two works gives an insight into how and when the event surrounding the recitation of the poem was introduced into the Booth and Mumford narrative.

Between Stead’s first work, published in 1891, which did not include the event and his later work, published in 1900, which did, something must have happened for the event to be introduced or become more important.16 One other author who published two works on Booth and Mumford between the years 1891 and 1900 and they included the incident linked to the recitation of the poem. This was Frederick St. George de Lautour Booth-Tucker and it was he who was responsible for the event under investigation coming to prominence. Booth-Tucker had written a major, three volume work, The Life of Catherine Booth – The Mother of The Salvation Army in 1893 and then a much smaller work on Booth, William Booth – The General of The Salvation Army in 1898.17 Both of these works included the occasion. The 1893 work not only outlined the event, but also included a substantial quotation of the poem, which many later authors used to quote and analyse the work. It should be noted that Booth-Tucker had Booth recite the poem to him for the book and it is highly likely that while discussing the poem Booth revealed that this event had taken place and that it was the time when he fell in love with Mumford. So it is from Booth-Tucker’s works the event and the 12

Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39.

Hattersley, Blood & Fire.; Larsson, Those Incredible Booths, 306.

14 See for example, Stead’s first work as compared to his second work and Yaxley & Vanderwal’s first work as compared to their second. Stead, General Booth, 45.; W.T.Stead, Mrs. Booth of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: James Nisbet & Co., 1900), 62-63.; Trevor Yaxley & Carolyn Vanderwal, Through Blood and Fire – The Life of General William Booth, (Auckland, New Zealand: Castle Publishing, 1999), 27.; Trevor Yaxley & Carolyn Vanderwal, William & Catherine – The Life and Legacy of the Booth’s, Founders of The Salvation Army, (Michigan, USA: Bethany House, 2003), 66-67.

15 Stead, Mrs. Booth.

16 Stead, General Booth.; W.T.Stead, Mrs. Booth, 62-63.

17 F. De L. Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth – The Mother of The Salvation Army (3 Vols), (London, UK: International Headquarters, 1893). This book was also published as a two volume and an abridged one volume edition; F. De L. Booth-Tucker, William Booth – The General of The Salvation Army, (Hawaii, USA: University Press of the Pacific, 2001 reprinted from the 1898 edition).

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poem have appeared in the majority of biographies of Booth and Mumford as well as historical studies into The Salvation Army.

There could be a number of reasons why Booth and Mumford, at times, forgot this event.

Hattersley gave two simple reasons this may be the case. Hattersley stated that neither person was impressed with the occasion and that other matters were on their mind: …The events of the afternoon might well have estranged William Booth from Catherine Mumford for life, but it seems that they, and she, left William Booth absolutely unmoved….

The only possible explanation for William forgetting the occasion is that he had other things on his mind. Principal amongst them was Rabbits’ suggestion, indeed insistence, that he should become a fulltime evangelist…18

Another reason why authors may have neglected the event is due to the source they cited. If the researcher viewed Stead’s first work they would read a different story from that in his later work. It is also not difficult to explain both Booth’s and Mumford’s neglected memories of the occasion. Stead would have been in close communication with Mumford during her final days, while he worked with Booth on In Darkest England and The Way Out.19 Their communication would have been through the pain and suffering of Mumford’s cancer and it may not have been appropriate to discuss this event at that time. Further, Booth’s interview, which Hattersley used, was not given until 1910, just two years prior to Booth’s promotion to Glory. Booth-Tucker, on the other hand interviewed Booth nearly 20 years earlier, much closer to the event. In light of this and even allowing for the fact that Booth did not always get the details of incidents correct20 it is safe to conclude that the event surrounding the recitation of the poem is not a myth and that it did take place. This means it is now up to historians to interpret this occasion and the poem itself.

Interpretations of the event Each element of the event surrounding the recitation of the poem has been interpreted and reinterpreted by historians; the reluctance of Booth to recite the poem, through to, how the discussion commenced after the poem, and even what Mumford wore, have all been open to interpretation. The wide continuum of interpretations concerning each element, motivation and impact of the occasion will be discussed in the following section.

Booth’s reluctance to recite the poem One element, which historians have given a variety of interpretations to, was the level of reluctance and reason for any reluctance Booth displayed when requested to recite the poem. Authors portrayed a continuum of reluctance; at one extreme, Booth needed to be bullied to recite the poem, to the other extreme, Booth had no trepidation at all.

18

Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39-40.

William Booth, In Darkest England and The Way Out, (London, UK: International Headquarters, 1890).

20 One example of when Booth gave a different historical account of some events was in 1903 when a reporter interviewed him. Although Booth gave an account of the recitation of the poem and meeting Mumford, he earlier stated that the name of The Salvation Army was change from The Christian Mission not on the report of 1878 but on a poster to advertise a meeting at a station. “Story of the Salvation Army told by its founder”, The Omaha Sunday Bee, The Illustrated Bee Supplement (18 January, 1903), 3 19

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Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth, David Malcolm Bennett, The General, David Bennett, William Booth, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Catherine Booth, Roger Green, Catherine Booth, and Yaxley & Vanderwal all believed that Booth had to be persuaded to recite the poem. The earlier work of Bennett indicated a growing reluctance; as he stated, the more Booth read the more he became uncomfortable. 21 Hattersley pushed the idea of persuasion further, when he claimed that Rabbits “either persuaded or bullied” Booth into this recitation.22 Helen Hosier, William and Catherine Booth put forward a number of quite different interpretations. Her “Booth refused” was the strongest in the level of Booth’s reluctance. 23 In addition to this Hosier claimed it was not Rabbits, but Mumford who seduced Booth to recite the poem: “It was the gentle, musical voice of the dark-eyed woman pleading from the sofa that convinced him, albeit reluctantly…” 24 Not all authors felt that Booth was coerced into reciting the poem. The other end of the continuum are authors, although fewer, who claimed that Booth was either relaxed or had no hesitation to recite the poem. Although, Hattersley claimed that Booth was initially reluctant, he must have thought that Booth relaxed, as Hattersley went on to state that Booth initiated the ensuing conversation. Yaxley & Vanderwal also supported this assumption.25 Yet, Barnes indicated that Booth was not reluctant at all. 26 The distance in history cannot give a clear indication of Booth’s reluctance; however as Booth worked with Booth-Tucker on the biography of Mumford, this could give some indication that Booth did indeed feel a level of trepidation in being requested to recite the poem.

Each author also gave a reason why there could have been some reluctance on Booth’s part.

The first group claimed that the reluctance had to do with the matter of teetotalism. Bennett and Bramwell-Booth placed Booth’s reluctance to an external source, his knowledge that, “few present were abstainers.”27 Green concurred with the idea of Booth’s concern of others, then went further and claimed that Booth too, at this point, was not a teetotaller: …few persons in the room were actually teetotallers, and certainly Booth was not at this point in his life – his mother having introduced him to drink at age thirteen for medicinal uses. 28

Hattersley also stated that Booth was not a total abstainer at the point of this recitation, yet interpreted this element differently. Hattersley claimed that Booth was known for his stand against strong drink and his peers knew that Booth was “dangerously illiberal on the subject.”29 Neither Green nor Hattersley gave any reference to their claim that Booth was not an abstainer, only that

21

Harold Begbie, Life of William Booth – The Founder of The Salvation Army (2 vols), (London, UK: MacMillan & Co., 1920), Vol. 1, 129.; Bennett, The General, 1:80.; David Bennett, William Booth, (Minneapolis, USA: Bethany House Publishers, 1986), 17.; Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 82.; Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Catherine Booth – The Story of Her Loves, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1970), 55.; Roger J. Green, Catherine Booth – A Biography of the Cofounder of The Salvation Army, (Grand Rapids, USA: Baker Books, 1996), 43.; Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 66.

22 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39.

23 Helen K. Hosier, William and Catherine Booth – Founders of The Salvation Army, (Uhrichsville, USA: Barbour Publishing, 1999), 30.

24 Hosier, William and Catherine Booth, 30.

25 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 40.

26 Barnes, With Booth In London, 6.

27 Bennett, The General, 1:80.; Bramwell-Booth, 55.

28 Green, 43.

29 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39.

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Booth took strong drink for medicinal purposes.30 Contradicting Hattersley’s claim, that Booth was immovable on his belief against strong drink, Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine claimed that Booth “was not a zealous advocate for total abstinence” and “did not want to make any of the guests feel uncomfortable”.31 Although some authors did not provide any evidence to support their claim that Booth was not, at this stage, a total abstainer it could have been easily verified by reference to the Booth Letters.32 Yet in time, Booth would, under Mumford’s direction, become a zealot against strong drink.33 Some authors gave a second reason for Booth’s reluctance, one that does not sit well with character portraits of Booth. Begbie interpreted Booth’s reluctance from the idea that he did not want to be forced into “prominence”; he stated Booth believed that “the piece was not in the key of social festivity”. 34 Hosier went further than Begbie and stated that Booth’s reluctance was because, “He wasn’t a sociable person”.35 Brian Lunn, Salvation Dynasty and Yaxley & Vanderwal, gave a similar reason to Hosier for Booth’s reluctance.36 Similarly, Yaxley & Vanderwal claimed that Booth was used to larger congregations and was not at ease talking in front of smaller groups.37 These are problematic interpretations of Booth’s character for a number of reasons. Booth was known for not adhering to social conventions; he once stated that, “If standing on my head and beating a tambourine with my toes will win a soul for Jesus, I will do it.” 38 In addition to this, the interpretation that Booth could not preach to smaller congregations is not feasible, as he had been preaching to small groups of people indoors and in the open-air since his first sermon in Kidd Street, Nottingham. 39 Booth-Tucker gave yet another interpretation, something that could be closer to the character of Booth. Booth-Tucker claimed, although Booth understood that there were few teetotallers in the room, he would only be reluctant to recite the poem if it would take time from more important matters and cause unnecessary division. 40 This sounded more like the task focused personality of Booth; after all, Booth-Tucker showed that Rabbits asked Booth to recite the poem as Rabbits had heard Booth recite it on an earlier occasion. This showed that Booth had no objection to the actual poem or its recitation; only that it may have taken attention away from other matters.

The conversation that ensued

30

See for example, Green, Catherine Booth; Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 40.

Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 66.

32 The statement could easily be verified with a reference to the Booth Letters. Letter CM 11, 27 Dec. 1852, David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The Booth Letters, CD (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2011), 48.

33 Mumford urged Booth to stand against all addictive behaviours. In one letter she wrote, “I hope you don’t forget to wage war with the drinking custom; be out and out on that subject. Am glad Mr. Shadford is a teetotaller; hope he is also anti-tobacco & snuff.” Letter CM 7, 12 Dec. 1852, David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The Booth Letters, CD (Brisbane: Camp Hill Publications, 2011), 33.

34 Begbie, 1:129.

35 Hosier, William and Catherine Booth, 30.

36 Brian Lunn, Salvation Dynasty, (Great Britain: William Hodge & Company, 1936), 18.; Trevor Yaxley & Carolyn Vanderwal, Through Blood and Fire.

37 Yaxley & Vanderwal have a number of inconsistencies in dates and events leading up to this event, Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 66.

38 Cited in Sallie Chesham, Born to Battle – The Salvation Army in America, (New York, USA: The Salvation Army, 1976), 53.

39 Bennett, The General, 1:47-53.

40 Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 82.

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Another element, which differs in interpretation between the authors, was that of the conversation that occurred after the recitation. The authors differ as to who started the discussion, when it commenced and the focus of the discussion.

There has been no clear indication of who started the conversation, as groups of authors believed it came from a different person. As stated earlier, Hattersley and Yaxley & Vanderwal claimed that Booth commenced the conversation.41 Ervine, God’s Soldier: General William Booth, would not have agreed with Hattersley and Yaxley & Vanderwal, as not only did Ervine see Booth not commencing the conversation, but also not participating. Ervine stated, “Booth seems not to have joined in the debate which came after the recitation.” 42 Barnes, Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Wilson, all led by their loyalty to Mumford and a female voice, declared that she commenced the discussion as, she was, as Booth-Tucker stated, “in her element, and led off in an animated debate.”43 After more research, in their later work Yaxley & Vanderwal, who initially claimed that Booth commenced the discussion, did not state who started the discussion. 44 Yet another element which authors have not agreed upon was when the discussion commenced and the ferocity in which it was conducted. Some authors argued that the poem caused an immediate debate or an intense debate; Hosier stated that there was, “Immediately a noisy argument”;45 Stead, called it a “hot debate”;46 Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth stated, “there arose a bit of a dispute.”47 The other extremity of this continuum saw a number of authors claim that an uneasy silence fell on the group: Booth-Tucker called it “an awkward pause”; Ervine and Wilson, General Evangeline Booth, an “Awkward silence”;48 and Barnes and Bennett stated an “embarrassed silence” fell upon the group after the recitation.49 It was again Yaxley & Vanderwal who gave a unique interpretation; they stated there was first applause then, “an awkward and uncomfortable atmosphere.”50 The one thing most authors agreed upon was that the discussion that ensued was a debate on the virtues of total abstinence and that Mumford was a strong advocate. Barnes, Bennett, BoothTucker, Green, Ervine and Wilson all claimed that a push for the point of “total abstinence” occurred against those for moderate use and over against indulgence of strong drink.51 Yaxley & Vanderwal too stated that the discussion was very much a strong argument for total abstinence. 52 Of those who attempted to capture the topic of conversation only three authors, Bennett, Booth-Tucker 41

Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 40.

St. John Ervine, God’s Soldier: General William Booth (2 vols), (London, UK: William Heinemann, 1934), 1:54.

43 Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 85.; Booth-Tucker, William Booth, 17.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 51 & 54.

44 Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 67.

45 Hosier, William and Catherine Booth, 30.

46 Stead, Mrs. Booth, 62.

47 Roger J. Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, Founder of The Salvation Army, (Nashville, USA: Abingdon Press, 2005), 44.

48 Wilson had many of the items incorrect about this event. He stated that the event took place at the Mumford’s house rather than the Rabbits’ and that it had been the Mumford’s rather than Edward Rabbit who heard Booth recite the poem on a previous occasion. P.W. Wilson, General Evangeline Booth of The Salvation Army, (New York, USA: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1948), 17.

49 Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 85.; Bennett, William Booth, 17. Little changed in Bennett’s later recount of the event. David Malcolm Bennett, William Booth and His Salvation Army, (Capalaba, Australia: Even Before Publishing, n.d.), 8.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 54.

50 Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 67.

51 Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 85.; Bennett, William Booth, 17. Little changed in Bennett’s later recounting of the event. Bennett, Booth and His Salvation Army, 8.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 51 & 54.

52 Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 67.

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and Green, attributed Mumford’s thinking to her intellect. These three attributed her stand against strong drink to her reading habits, including such contemporaries as Charles Finney. 53 BoothTucker went further, however, and declared that Mumford’s knowledge came from a clear understanding of the Bible. 54 While most authors were in agreement that Mumford was a staunch supporter of total abstinence they were not as clear about Booth’s loyalty to teetotalism. For one, Begbie clearly stated that Mumford and Booth were of one mind: “Catherine Mumford, with a downrightness of opinion, a logic unmatched in that room, and a searching analysis troublesome, one imagines, at a tea-party, and sided entirely with William Booth.”55 On the other hand, Green and Hattersley felt the recitation of the poem and the discussion estranged Booth from Mumford and created awkwardness between them. 56 What is surprising was that there were another three authors who, although they discussed the event, focussed on other matters when it came to the debate which followed the poem. Lunn passed over the occasion and did not include any information on the discussion which followed;57 Bramwell-Booth focused on the dress and look of Mumford, rather than the discussion;58 while Green stated that it was not the discussion which was important, it was the meeting of two minds and two hearts: “The importance of the occasion was not, however, in the conversation about total abstinence but in the meeting for the first time of Catherine Mumford and William Booth.”59 Again the fog of history has thickened with time and there can be little clarity as to who started the discussion but it can be clear, as will be shown in the next paper, that the poem would have been pleasing to Mumford’s belief and that if Booth had also believed the content then this would have endeared Booth to Mumford, not estranged them as some have suggested.

The impact of the recitation As has been stated, from Booth-Tucker’s initial inclusion of the event, many of the biographies noted that the incident surrounding the recitation of the poem led to two important paths in the life of Booth and Mumford and in turn that of The Salvation Army. Yet as with the other elements already discussed there have been different interpretations on the outcomes of this event.

Recitation to romance Green and Booth-Tucker saw that the most surrounding the recitation of the poem was, admiration that it awakened in the hearts of important was this in Booth-Tucker’s mind that

“important and lasting” outcome of the event “the feeling of mutual respect, sympathy, and Catherine Mumford and William Booth”. 60 So it was the only outcome listed in his later work.61

53

Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 86.; Green, Catherine Booth, 43.

Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 86.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 54. Bennett used this information for his book. Bennett, The General, 1:82.

55 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 129.

56 Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, 43-44.; Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39-40.

57 Lunn, Salvation Dynasty, 18.

58 Bramwell-Booth, Catherine Booth, 55.

59 Green, Catherine Booth, 43.

60 Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine, 87. Also see the reference connected with footnote 53.

61 Booth-Tucker, William Booth, 17.

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Green also called this meeting “fortuitous” for Booth and Mumford. 62 Bennett, in line with Green and Booth-Tucker, stated that Rabbits became cupid to Booth and Mumford and therein, “That evening the first signs of love stirred in their hearts.” 63 Out of all the authors who claimed this event as the commencement of the romance of Booth and Mumford, Bramwell-Booth listed the occasion in the most romantic manner. She stated: The recital over … for the first time, William heard Catherine’s voice. Their eyes met, and while she, opposing, entered the discussion ‘with logic unmatched in the room’, William’s grey eyes dwelt on her as if she were a point of light in surrounding dusk. 64

Barnes and Bramwell-Booth agreed with Begbie, Barnes repeated some phrases65 while Begbie described the commencement of the romance in a more clinical and procedural manner, he stated: It was one of those fallings in love which are as instantaneous as they are mutual, which are neither approached nor immediately followed by any formal declaration of affection, and which manifest themselves even in the midst of conversations altogether absorbed in other matters. 66

Not all authors were as reliant on the idea that “love at first sight” was connected to this event.

Some saw love as a process, others, that love occurred at a different occasion. Barnes, Stead and Yaxley & Vanderwal did not go as far as the authors previous listed: Barnes did not declare “love at first sight”, but stated that Mumford decided to attend the meetings arranged by Rabbits; Stead described the incident as a beginning of a process, which from Mumford’s argument helped Booth develop, “an admiration which soon deepened into love”; 67 while, Yaxley & Vanderwal only stated that a smile was shared between the couple. 68 Hattersley, Larsson and Stead all down played the link between this event and love, as they claimed, as has been previously stated, that when Booth and Mumford talked of “love at first sight” they thought of a later occasion. 69 Booth’s supposed reluctance to fall in love could have been due to, as Ervine stated, Booth’s need to wait until finances became more available to him; “It was not, however, until after he had accepted Mr. Rabbits’ offer to maintain him as a full-time preacher…” that Booth could think of love. 70 Green and Hattersley gave a very different perspective on the incident as they interpreted that Mumford was displeased with the poem and therefore with Booth.

Green stated, “Catherine’s first close impressions of William were rather awkward because William had been pressed by Mr. Rabbits to recite a rather absurd American temperance poem…” 71 and Hattersley argued that “The events of the afternoon might well have estranged William Booth from Catherine Mumford for life.”72 This is an abstract line of thinking, as the poem showed how the selling of strong drink was in cohorts with the devil and with Mumford’s stand for temperance, it 62

Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, 43.

Bennett, William Booth, 17.

64 Bramwell-Booth, Catherine Booth, 55.

65 Barnes, With Booth in London, 5.

66 Begbie, Life of William, 130.

67 Stead, Mrs. Booth, 62-63.

68 Barnes, With Booth In London, 6.; Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, 43.; Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 67.

69 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39.; Larsson, Those Incredible Booths, 7-8.; Stead, General Booth, 45.

70 Ervine, God’s Soldier, 54.

71 Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, 43-44.

72 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39-40.

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could only be stated that Mumford would have approved of the sentiments of the poem and endeared her to Booth.

Recitation to preach As with elements already discussed, authors have given different weight to how this event led to the outcome of Booth’s introduction to fulltime preaching. Barnes, and to a lesser extent Begbie, wrote that the recitation of the poem made Rabbits finance Booth, which in turn, led Booth away from his pawnbroker career to become a full time preacher.73 Although Hattersley linked the incident to the outcome of preaching, his socialist leaning compelled him to state that Booth’s motivation was not the desire to preach, but the need to financially care for his mother.74 Other authors moved yet further from linking the occasion to Booth’s move into fulltime preaching. Stead and Ervine only placed the event with Booth’s move to preaching within a paragraph structure, not as cause and effect.75 Bennett and Yaxley & Vanderwal did not link the two at all. 76 However Bennett went deeper and in fact was the only author to analyse the incident further and discussed deeper outcomes, which arose from the occasion. He attributed other significant trajectories which arose from this event: The Salvation Army’s stance on Alcohol; Mumford’s desire to change laws, which were unchristian and unjust; and Booth’s lack of confidence in the parliamentary processes to change lives, which could only be done through Jesus Christ.77 Although Booth’s ability to move into fulltime preaching may have been important, many authors aligned with Green, as cited earlier, stated that the major outcome of this event was, “the meeting for the first time of Catherine Mumford and William Booth.”78 It could be true that Rabbits commenced to finance Booth as an outcome of this event as he had previously asked Mumford to review Booth’s preaching and must have felt that he ‘owned’ Booth enough to force him to recite the poem. However and whenever the agreement of payment was received, there can be no doubt that this incident did play a part in Booth’s move towards paid fulltime preaching.

The performance of the poem Just as authors had differed on interpreting each element of the event and its significance, they too had differed on how elements took place. The element discussed here is how Booth presented the poem. At first glance this may not appear important; however, it identifies a previously undefined ability Booth had exhibited. Barnes, Begbie, Green, Stead and Winter, Travel with William Booth, all stated that Booth recited the poem, it should be added that Winter did so with no discussion or evaluation on the poem or the event.79 Yet, there are other interpretations. While Bennett stated, at first, that Booth recited the poem, he later declared, “On he read”. Then in a later publication, 73

Barnes, With Booth In London, 6.; Begbie, Life of William Booth, 130.

Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 40.

75 Ervine, God’s Soldier, 54.; Stead, Mrs. Booth, 63.

76 Bennett, William Booth, 17.; Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 67.

77 Bennett, The General, 1:82.

78 Green, Catherine Booth, 43.

79 Barnes, With Booth In London, 5.; Begbie, Life of William Booth, 129.; Green, The Life & Ministry, 44.; Stead, Mrs. Booth, 62.; Jim Winter, Travel with William Booth – Founder and First General of The Salvation Army, (Surry, UK: Day One Publications, 2003), 63.

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Bennett had sourced Booth-Tucker and noted that Booth had both recited the poem at a previous occasion and also recited it on this occasion.80 Hattersley, however, made a different and very unique claim, he stated that the poem was a song and Booth sang it to the group. 81 There is, however, no doubt that the work is a poem. Despite both Hattersley’s and Bennett’s claims there is evidence that Booth not only recited the poem, but could do so upon request, and did so on a number of occasions.

Booth-Tucker and others gave evidence that Booth knew this poem by heart. Booth-Tucker stated that Rabbits had heard Booth recite the poem a few days earlier.82 Then Booth-Tucker also stated that “Forty years later”, when he collected data for his biography on Mumford, “… the General was able to repeat the whole poem without error or hesitation”, thus adding weight to Booth’s ability to recite the poem.83 Adding more weight to Booth-Tucker’s claim are other firsthand accounts of Booth’s ability to recite the poem by memory. J. Evan Smith, Booth the Beloved, wrote that while visiting Booth’s youngest daughter, Commissioner Lucy Booth-Hellberg, in Denmark, he spontaneously recited the poem. The event, described by Smith was corroborated by Booth-Hellberg in another publication,84 thus proving that Booth not only could recite the poem at the commencement of his preaching career, but also up to 60 years later. It can therefore safely be declared that Booth did not sing or read the poem, but recited the poem from memory.

Booth’s ability to recite this and other lengthy works showed that he had high levels of verbal-linguistic intelligence. Although Hattersley thought it a song, he highlighted Booth’s ability to remember such a long body of work. Yet, Booth-Tucker left no doubt of Booth’s ability to remember and recite poetry, and stressed that Booth’s gift gave him the title of “the ‘John Gough of England’”. 85 To add more weight to this claim was another first-hand account of Booth’s ability to recite lengthy poems. Smith stated that, “The Founder was fond of poetry and frequently tested his memory by repeating to me well-known poems like Gray’s ‘Elegy,’ and some of his favourite hymns…”86 Remembering and reciting the poetry specifically listed was no easy task as Thomas Gray’s, Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard, ran to 128 lines,87 while the poem under investigation ran to 192 lines. What is more astounding was that Smith continued with his account of Booth’s ability and stated that, after he heard Booth recite the poem, Booth went on and recited Charles Dickens’ A Christmas Carol.88 A Christmas Carol was written in 5 Staves with some staves covering 260 lines.

80

Bennett, William Booth, 17.; Bennett, Booth and His Salvation Army, 8.; Bennett, The General, 1:80.

Green, Catherine Booth, 43.

82 Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 82.

83 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 40.

84 Cited in Larsson, Those Incredible Booths, 306.

85 John B. Gough (1817-1886) was an American temperance orator and celebrity. Having trouble with alcohol he signed the temperance pledge in 1842 and as he used his own experiences to warn others, he made a great impression on his listeners; many of whom also took the pledge. Gough he was one of the best know public speakers in Great Britain and the USA and made it a lucrative business. “John B Gough (1917-1886) The Temperance Orator as Revivalist”, Teach US History, http://www.teachushistory.org/second-great-awakening-age-reform/approaches/john-b-gough-1817-1886temperance-orator-revivalist accessed on 9 December, 2015.; Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 82.

86 J. Evan Smith, Booth the Beloved – Personal Recollections of William Booth, Founder of the Salvation Army, (Melbourne, Australia: Geoffrey Cumberlege, 1949), 56.

87 “Elegy Written in a Country Churchyard”, Thomas Gray Archive, 2000 http://www.thomasgray.org/cgibin/display.cgi?text=elcc accessed on 9 December, 2015 88 Smith, Booth the Beloved, 61.

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Booth’s ability to memorise and then recite by heart large pieces of poetry gives evidence of his intelligence, something which often has been denied him. Authors have focused on Mumford’s intellectual ability, often inferring that Mumford was the intellect while Booth was the practitioner.89 One such case, from a feminist perspective, was Nicole Slee & Stephen Burns, Presiding Like A Women who unfairly stated that Mumford was “long considered the superior intellect of the two.”90 Yet Booth’s ability to memorise and recite poetry is indicative of the cognitive intellect of verbal-linguistic intelligence.91 This intelligence explains much of Booth’s skills and the reasons why people followed him. Howard Gardner, the theorist of Multiple Intelligences, stated that; “Linguistic intelligence is the capacity to use language, your native language, and perhaps other languages, to express what’s on your mind and to understand other people.”92 Dario Nardi, Multiple Intelligences went further to explain this intelligence; Verbal-linguistic intelligence includes reading, writing, speaking, and listening. At its simplest, it means using and understanding words in order to communicate. Language use also includes the multiple and subtle meaning of words and phrases, as well as the sound, rhythm, and style of what’s conveyed. … People who excel in language enjoy debate, poetry, metaphor, puns, storytelling, speech and essay writing, creative writing and many other sophisticated expressions of language… 93

Booth exhibited all these throughout his ministry and further investigation into Booth’s use of this intelligence should be pursued.

The poem as the feature item Identifying the name of the poem and the poet The reader may have noticed that this paper did not make reference to the name of the poem recited in the event under investigation. The reason for this was that the name had been slightly changed between the authors; also after further research it was found that the name given to the poem was, in 89

For example: Bennett wrote that Mumford “was very intelligent and an avid reader”; Murdoch stated, “William’s limited theological training… led Catherine to compensate for his deficiencies”; Parkin wrote, “Catherine was intelligent and well education…”; Read stated that Mumford “was the visionary thinker, the principal architect of the Army’s theology, the one through whom Salvationism was first formed, and the one who gave it coherent and eloquent expression.” This showed that Mumford displayed intrapersonal intelligence and possibly one still being developed, spiritual intelligence. Bennett, The General, 1;87.; Norman H. Murdoch, Origins of The Salvation Army, (Knoxville, USA: The University of Tennessee Press, 1995), 2.; Christine Parkin, “A woman’s place?” in Clifford W Kew, Catherine Booth – Her Continuing Relevance, (London, UK: The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 1990), 1.; Read, Catherine Booth, 2.

90 Nicole Slee and Stephen Burns (eds), Presiding Like A Women: Feminist Gesture for Christian Assembly, (London, UK: Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 2010), 26.

91 Booth was not strong in memorising historical facts (logical-mathematical intelligence) but not only could he remember large sections of poems and hymns, above and beyond rote learning, but also gave lectures and sermons up to two hours long without notes or prompting. He also wrote many articles for Salvation Army publications throughout the world and wrote songs. Finally, which is often forgotten, Booth wrote a novel, all of these given evidence in the area of being ‘word smart’ and therein showing verbal-linguistic intelligence. See for example Booth novel, William Booth, Sergeant-Major Do-Your-Best of Darkington No.1 – Sketches of the inner life of a Salvation Army corps, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, n.d.).

92 As cited in Dario Nardi. Multiple Intelligences and Personality Types – Tools and Strategies for developing human potential. Understanding yourselves and other series. (USA: Telos Publications, 2001), 54.

93 Nardi, Multiple Intelligences, 54.

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fact, incorrect. In addition to this, not one author gave an indication as to who the poet may have been. Barnes, Bennett, Booth-Tucker, Ervine, Green, Hattersley and Hosier did not list the author; they only stated it was an “American Temperance poem”, “American Temperance recitation”, or “American Temperance piece”. Smith just referenced the poem back to Booth-Tucker and Bennett stated it was an “American poem”. 94 There were some authors who, while they described elements of the event, did not give either the name of the poet or the name of the poem: Catherine BramwellBooth only stated that it was an, “American temperance piece”;95 while Harold Begbie only referred to it as an, “American poem”. 96 Other authors, while they gave the poem a name, could not agree upon its correct title. Barnes, Booth-Tucker, Hattersley and Wilson listed the poem as, The Grogseller’s Dream,97 while Bennett, Hosier, Lunn, Smith and Yaxley & Vanderwal hyphenated the title to, The Grog-Seller’s Dream.98 Green had a similar title, but failed to apostrophise, The Grog-Sellers Dream. 99 Ervine, Green, Le Feuvre and Stead hyphenated the name but did not use title capitals for the entire name, The Grog-seller’s Dream,100 yet Winter separated the words, without a hyphen, The Grog Seller’s Dream. 101 Sadly, no author listed the name of the poet and, as will be seen, not one of the authors discussed above had the name of the poem correct.

How the poem had been quoted and evaluation Although not knowing the name of the poet, or the correct title of the poem, each author in turn evaluated the poem and some did so by quoting a section. Most authors ridiculed the poem: Green called it an, “odd American temperance poem”, and later that it was “absurd”;102 Ervine, labelled it an “appalling poem”;103 Le Feuvre a “ridiculous poem”. 104 Bennett too, although he stated that Booth “was probably not uncomfortable with the poem itself” condemned the poem. Bennett stated: “The poem, of course, is very Victorian if not quite up (or down) to the level of the great bad poet William McGonagall”. 105 Hattersley also did not mince words about his dislike for the poem, which he called a song, as he stated that the: …song which made up in moral fervour what it lacked in every other sort of merit. The grogseller, in over 210 lines of doggerel, describes with contempt the customers whose lives he has ruined by drink… 106

94

Bennett, The General, 1:80.; Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 82.; Booth-Tucker, William Booth, 17.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 56.

95 Bramwell-Booth, Catherine Booth, 55.

96 Begbie, Life of William Booth, 129.

97 Barnes, With Booth In London, 5.; Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 82.; Booth-Tucker, William Booth, 17.; Wilson, General Evangeline Booth, 17.

98 Bennett, William Booth, 17. Nothing was added with the later edition, Bennett, Booth and His Salvation Army, 8.; Lunn, Salvation Dynasty, 18.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 56.; Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 66.

99 Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, 44.

100 Bennett, The General, 1:80.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 51.; Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, 43.; Cathy Le Feuvre, William and Catherine – The Love Story of the Founders of The Salvation Army, told through their Letters, (Oxford, UK: Monarch Books, 2013), 34.; Stead, Mrs. Booth, 62.

101 Winter, Travel with William Booth, 63.

102 Green, Catherine Booth, 43.; Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, 44.

103 Ervine, God’s Soldier, 51.

104 Le Feuvre, William and Catherine, 34.

105 Bennett, The General, 1:81.

106 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 40.

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It is not clear where Hattersley got the idea of 210 lines when the entire poem ran for 192 and each publication did not include it in its entirety. Only Wilson gave praise to the poem, which could be an evaluation consistent with views at the time when the poem was more widely known. Wilson claimed it was, “quite popular in those days.” 107 These evaluations were made without deeper investigation into the poem, the poet or any declaration of the author’s own worldview. Different views of the poem and an understanding of its author could have led some to a different point of view; after all Booth felt the poem important enough not only to commit it to memory but still be reciting it some 60 years later.

Not only did the authors feel that they had licence to evaluate the poem, but also to cite sections of the poem without correct reference. It can now be firmly stated that not one of the authors, who cited the poem, had done so in its entirety; many had just referenced sections of the work from Booth-Tucker and even he did not include the entire poem. Booth-Tucker only included the section, albeit an extensive section, remembered by Booth at the time of the research into the biography of Mumford.108 Barnes and Green do not quote any of the poem, while Hattersley quoted only five lines from the poem109 and Bennett only referenced four lines of stanza I.110 In his later work, Bennett only included stanza I, and part of stanzas II and XX. 111 Some authors used only some lines of the poem to suit their purpose. For example, Hosier did not use any of the lines of an entire stanza, she only used the first and second lines of stanza I and the second, third and fourth lines of stanza II which created a different structure from the original poem.112 Stead only quoted the last two lines of stanza XXIII and changed the words from the original. Yaxley & Vanderwal quoted lines one and two of stanza I, lines two to four of stanza II and lines seven and eight from stanza XXIII; again this created a different structure and feeling from the original poem. 113 Wilson quoted only two lines and stated that they were the final lines of the poem. In fact they were not but rather, were the third and fourth lines of the final eight-lined stanza.114 Even those who attempted to include the entire poem failed to do so. Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith deleted half of stanza IV and moved stanza V to a later position. These authors also removed stanza XIV to the second line of stanza XIX. Near the end of the poem stanzas XXI and XXIII are completely removed as well as a number of lines in the final stanza. 115 It appears from this investigation that when authors, such as Bennett, Ervine and Smith, included the poem they sourced the poem from Booth-Tucker, not from an original source.

Further investigation into the poem As there were no authors who identified the poet, a further investigation was undertaken. It was found through searches that, outside Salvation Army focused literature, there were only two 107

Wilson, General Evangeline Booth, 17.

For a full analysis of the poem and what authors did and did not include see Garth R. Hentzschel, “A new look at an old poem – The poem that changed William Booth’s life”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 51-71.

109 Green, Catherine Booth, 43.; Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 40.

110 Bennett, Booth and His Salvation Army.

111 Bennett, William Booth, 17.

112 Hosier, William and Catherine Booth, 30.

113 Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 66-67.

114 Wilson, General Evangeline Booth, 17.

115 Ervine, God’s Soldier, 51-54.; Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth, 82-86.; Smith, Booth the Beloved.

108

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references to the poem The Grog-Seller’s Dream or variations of the name. The poem appeared in The Albany Patriot in the same year and month The Salvation Army commenced, July, 1865 116 and The State Temperance Journal and Home Visitor, 11 June, 1868.117 The poem was attributed in the first publication to George S. Burleigh, the second publication, as in Salvation Army works, no author was listed. Yet there was no more information to be found to link the poem to George Burleigh. In addition to this, for Booth to have recited the poem in the event at Rabbits’ house, there needed to be reference to the poem well before 1865, yet no poem by the title of The Grog-Seller’s Dream could be found.

As the search continued, a few glimmers of information emerged. Gibson, who, in the poem was said to have murdered his child: There’s Gibson has murdered his chid, they say He was drunk as a beast here the other day!

I gave him a hint, as I went to fill His jug, but the brute would have his will. 118

also appeared in another poem, The Rum Fiend. More of Gibson’s sad story was told in this second poem: Bill Gibson has murdered his boy, they sayA bright little lad – but his face was so sad That it made one doubt if he ever were glad.

He was here with his father but yesterday, And the poor boy was trying to coax him away, But the bloody old bloat was determined to stay, And he did, til at least he was tight as a fool, All rum and tobacco, and drivel and drool; And when I rebuked him, ‘Just stick to your trade, Said he, ‘nor find fault with the thing you have made.

You and your master are very nice chaps, But both may as well quit preaching, perhaps.’119

This poem, The Rum Fiend had other similarities to the poem under review, such as wives coming to talk to the grog-seller with, “…stories of sorrow, and care, and wrongs”,120 the use of phrases like “He! he! he! he! and “Ho! ho! ha! ha!” and the laugh “seemed to come from an iron throat”.121 In this poem, too, the devil visited the grog-seller with similar descriptions of humanity’s fiend and even takes entire lines from the poem cited in Booth-Tucker. For example from stanza XVI is taken: Having come from a warmer clime [climate] below, To chat with a friend for an hour or so, 122 116

“The Grog-Seller’s Dream”, The Albany Patriot, Vol. XIX, No. 22, (Albany, USA, 29 July, 1865), 1.

“The Grog-Seller’s Dream”, The State Temperance Journal and Home Visitor, Vol. 3, No. 24, (Hartford, USA, 11 June, 1868), 1.

118 Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 83.

119 William H[enry] Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, and Other Poems, (New York, USA: National Temperance Society and Publication House, 1871), 13.

120 Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 15.

121 Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 17.; compared with, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 83.

122 Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 22.; compared with, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 83.

117

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Unlike The Grog-Seller’s Dream, however, the devil was joined by other phantoms who took the grog-seller on a Dickensian ride viewing the people he had wronged; the mother and child, the imprisoned murderer of a father, and others. When the grog-seller returned to his abode the poet returned to the lines from The Grog-Seller’s Dream and much of the information and many of the lines from this poem are used from stanzas XX to XXIV; however they are all expanded.123 There are too many similarities and directly plagiarised lines for a coincidence; The Rum Fiend must have some relationship to The Grog-Seller’s Dream; so this was further investigated.

The author of The Rum Fiend was William Henry Burleigh and upon further investigation it was found that Burleigh had other poems published, one, in 1848 entitled The Devil and the GrogSeller, A Ditty for the Times.124 When a search was made for this poem data was found in many publications and it was found that The Grog-Seller’s Dream was, in fact, Burleigh’s The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times. The next paper introduces the poet, and for the first time, publishes the full poem to The Salvation Army readers.

From the discussion of historical works listed above, it is clear that Booth’s recitation of the poem, The Devil and the Grog-Seller by Burleigh, was a turning point in the history of The Salvation Army. While there is evidence that Rabbits persuaded Booth, it is not clear if this event turned Rabbits’ mind to funding Booth’s ministry. At the very least the incident did add weight to Rabbits’ later decision and for this reason set Booth on his life long journey for souls. It is clearer that the recitation of the poem brought Booth and Mumford into each other’s view and at some time in the evening the two strangers developed admiration for each other, which later turned into love.

The love led to letters, discussions and a kiss, and as Evangeline Booth announced, “my father and mother kissed each other and in that kiss was conceived The Salvation Army”. 125

123

See for example Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 35- 38.; compared with, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 84-85.

William Henry Burleigh, The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times, (Philadelphia, USA: Merrihew & Thompson Printers, 1848).

125 Coutts, The Better Fight, 17.

124

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“The Grog-Seller.” This drawing appeared before William Henry Burleigh’s The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times in Jewett’s book. 1

“The Grog-seller.” This drawing appeared before William Henry Burleigh’s The Rum Fiend, and Other Poems, the poem being inspired by his earlier work The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times.2

1

Charles Jewett (Compiled), Temperance Lyrics. No. 1, (Boston, USA: Isaac Tompkins, 1845), 29.

William H[enry] Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, and Other Poems, (New York, USA: National Temperance Society and Publication House, 1871), 6ff.

2

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A NEW LOOK AT AN OLD POEM: THE POEM THAT CHANGED WILLIAM BOOTH’S LIFE Garth R. Hentzschel This is the second of two papers about the poem, incorrectly referred to in Salvation Army literature as The Grog-Seller’s Dream, that when recited, changed the life of William Booth. The first paper investigated how historians portrayed the narrative surrounding the recitation of the poem. As that paper described how the poem had been misnamed and its author not identified by the earlier authors, more research was conducted. Through that research the poem was identified as The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times, and the name of the poet, William Henry Burleigh was also discovered.3 This paper continues the discussion of the findings from the research into the poem and its author. Firstly, this paper gives a brief rationale as to why it is important to identify the information presented. Secondly, the poem will be included, which, it is believed, will be the first time it has been published in its entirety in Salvation Army literature. Footnotes will show how Salvation Army and non-Army literature used and changed sections of the poem. Thirdly, the changes to the poem are analysed to identify meaning. Fourthly, a brief biography of the poet will be given. Finally the paper will identify the poem’s popularity and despite previous Salvation Army works criticising the poem, show the influence the poem had on future works, which linked back to The Salvation Army.

Rationale There are a number of reasons why more information about The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times, needed to be found. Firstly, as the previous paper outlined, no author of Salvation Army works, historical or biographical, had listed the name of the poet or correctly titled the poem, so the true identity needed to be revealed.4 It should be noted that some had tried to identify the poet; for example, in personal communication the eminent Booth biographer, David Bennett stated that he had attempted to find the name of the poet, but could only find information relating to the poem in Salvation Army sources.5 In addition to this Bennett’s work was incorrectly used to claim that William McGonagall had written the poem. 6 So the true identity of the poem and poet are needed. Secondly there have been different evaluations of the poem, which has led some to infer that Booth and Catherine Mumford may not have liked the poem and that this reaction caused them to become estranged from each other at their first meeting. 7 Thirdly, no author in a Salvation Army Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “A new look at an old poem: The poem that changed William Booth’s life”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 50-71.

3 See the discussion in Garth R. Hentzschel, “A recitation to romance: a study on the poem and event which led to the romance of William Booth and Catherine Mumford”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 32-49.

4 Hentzschel, “A recitation to romance”.

5 Interview, David Malcolm Bennett, Friday 13 November, 2015.

6 David Woodbury, “A Victorian Love Story, The romance of William and Catherine Booth”, https://salvos.org.au/scribe/sites/historicalsociety/files/A_Victorian_Love_Story_-_William_and_Catherine_Booth.pdf , accessed on 10 January, 2015.

7 See for example Roger J. Green, The Life & Ministry of William Booth, Founder of The Salvation Army, (Nashville, USA: Abingdon Press, 2005), 43-44.; Roy Hattersley, Blood & Fire – William and Catherine Booth and Their Salvation Army, (London, UK: Little, Brown and Company, 1999), 39-40.

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work discussed the poem to any level which gave justice to it; therein they denied the poem the position of importance it deserved. For these reasons more research was needed on the poem and the results discussed.

The history and name of the poem The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times is an early piece of North American temperance poetry. 8 From a search on websites, such as the United States of America Library of Congress, the earliest publication of the poem was found to be 1842 yet throughout its history, as with Salvation Army works, the poem suffered from being given different titles and attributed to different poets or no poet at all.

The earliest publication of the poem was found in newspapers and books featuring temperance poems and readings. It is therefore very difficult to determine when the poem was first written and subsequently published. In the search, the first time the poem was listed with its full and correct title, The Devil and the Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times, was in The Liberator from Massachuses, 1842; however the online copy was difficult to read.9 Three years later, 1845, Charles Jewett’s, Temperance Lyrics, used the full title and attributed the poem to W.H. Burleigh. 10 On the other hand the Sangamo Journal, in the same year gave only the second part of the title, A Lyric for the Times and listed no author.11 The title more familiar to Salvation Army readers was used by Hannibal Journal in 1853, The Grog-Seller’s Dream, yet unlike historical Salvation Army works a poet was listed, although incorrect, George Burleigh. 12 The poem appeared in publications throughout 1864: first, The Columbian Fountain as The Grog Seller!;13 then in the Michigan Temperance Journal and Washingtonian, where it received its full and correct title, but was attributed to a Cyrus M. Buleigh. 14 The poem was first published as a standalone work by Merrihew and Thompson in 1848 as The Devil and the Grog-Seller: A Ditty for the Times. It only had 11 pages and the author was not listed on the original publication. 15 In 1854 the Fremont Journal only used the second part of the title.16 On the other hand Thomas Summers, Methodist: Pamphlets for the People, used the first 8

Please note that the only publications listed here are those that could be verified, therefore not all publications found in the search are included in this paper, for example, Garrett was not included in this paper as only 10 lines of the poem could be viewed on previews of each page. P. Garrett (ed), The Speaker's Garland and Literary Bouquet: Combining 100 Choice Selections; Nos. 1 - Embracing New and Standard Productions of Oratory, Sentiment, Eloquence, Pathos, Wit and Humor, Volume 5, (USA: P. Garrett & Company, 1883).

9 “The Devil and the Grog-Seller”, The Liberator (Massachusetts, USA, 29 April, 1842), 4.

10 This is one of only a few publications which had all the information correct. Jewett, Temperance Lyrics, 29-34.

11 “A Lyric for the Times”, Sangamo Journal, (Springfield, 25 September, 1845), 1.

12 “The Grog-Seller’s Dream”, Hannibal Journal, (Hannibal, Thursday, 7 April, 1853), 1.

13 “The Grog Seller!” The Columbian Fountain (Washington, 12 May, 1846), 1.

14 “The Devil and the Grog Seller, Ditty for the Times”, Michigan Temperance Journal and Washingtonian, (Jackson, 15 July, Vol. 1, No. 7, 1846), 1&2.

15 The Google book page did not accredit the work to a poet, yet the Buffalo Library did, as did Poole in his review of the work. “The Devil and the Grog-Seller: A Ditty for the Times”, Google Books, https://books.google.com.au/books/about/The_Devil_and_the_Grog_seller.html?id=NMKOHAAACAAJ&redir_esc=y accessed 16 January, 2015.; “The devil and the grog-seller; a ditty for the times” Buffalo & Erie County Public Library Catalog, https://www.buffalolib.org/vufind/Record/465740 accessed on 16 January, 2015.; W. Scott Poole, Satan in America: The Devil We Know, (Lanham, USA: Rowan & Littlefield Publishers, 2010), 22 & 225.

16 “A lyric for the times”, Fremont Journal, (Fremont, USA, Vol. 2, No. 32, 1 September, 1854), 1.

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section of the title in 1857. 17 It was about 1858 when A.B. Richmond, Intemperance and Crime stated he heard The Grog-seller’s Dream recited.18 The following two decades again saw the poem appear in a number of different publications: 1861, The Spirit of Democracy did not give a title to the poem;19 1865, The Albany Patriot used The Grog-Seller’s Dream, as found in Salvation Army works;20 1866, The Ikwezi printed it under its correct and full title;21 1868, The Emporia News and 1869, Orleans Independent Standard, both published it under a different title, Satan and the Grog-Seller; 1869, The State Temperance Journal and Home Visitor used the same as The Albany Patriot;22 1869, and its republication in 1879, J.N. Stearns, The Temperance Speaker, used the first part of the correct title and attributed it to W.H. Burleigh;23 and 1874 George Rose, Light for the temperance platform also used the original title.24 The poem has an ongoing history. J.M. Shoemaker, Elocutionist’s Annual, in 1869, as others, called the poem Satan and the Grog-seller. In 1881, Shoemaker again included it, under this incorrect title, in another of his publications, Best Things from Best Authors.25 Charles Shoemaker, One Hundred Choice Selections in Poetry and Prose, 189026 also called it Satan and the GrogSeller and correctly attributed it to W.H. Burleigh. In 1910 Phineas Garrett, One Hundred Choice Selections, used the same title as Shoemaker.27 Between these two there was an abridged version printed under the title of, Saloon Keeper’s Soliloquy.28 The stand-alone work of 1848 was republished in 1977 with the full title, The Devil and the Grog-Seller: A Ditty for the Times and attributed to the poet William Henry Burleigh, unlike the first edition.29 Eli Siegel, ‘Ethics Has Spoken’ too contributed Burleigh as the poet but, incorrectly titled it as Satan and the Grog-

17

Thomas O. Summers (ed.), Methodist: Pamphlets for the People (4th Ed.), (Nashville, USA: E. Stevenson & F.A. Owed, Agents, No. 56, 1857), 4-8.

18 A. B. Richmond, Intemperance and Crime: Leaves from the Diary of an Old Lawyer, (Washington, USA: A.B. Richmond, 1883), 161.

19 The Spirit of Democracy, (Woodsfield, USA, Vol 18, No 5, 10 April, 1861), 4.

20 “The Grog-Seller’s Dream”, The Albany Patriot, (Albany, 29 July, Vol. XIX, No. 22, 1865), 1.; 21 “THE DEVIL AND THE GROG-SELLER. A DITTY FOR THE TIMES,” Ikwezi, (Esidumbini, March, 1866), 1- 7.

22 “The Grog-Seller’s Dream” The State Temperance Journal and Home Visitor (Hartford, Vol. 8, No. 24, 11 June, 1868) 1.; “Satan and the Grog-seller”, Orleans Independent Standard, (Vermont, USA, Vol. 13, No. 24, Friday,12 June, 1868) 1.; “Satan and the Grog seller”, The Emporia News, (Kansas, USA, Vol. 12, No. 3, 15 January, 1869), 1.

23 J.N. Stearns (ed.), The Temperance Speaker: A Collection of Original and Selected Dialogues, Addresses and Recitations, for the use of Temperance Organizations, Schools, Bands of Hope, Anniversaries, Etc., (New York, USA: National Temperance Society and Publication House, 1869), 180-186.

24 George Maclean Rose (ed), Light for the temperance platform: A collection of readings, recitations, and dialogues, for sons of temperance, good templass, cadets of temperance, band of hope, Etc, Etc.(Toronto, Canada: Hunter, Rose and Company, 1874), 64.

25 Jacob W. Shoemaker, The Elocutionist's Annual Comprising New and Popular Readings, Recitations, Declamations, Dialogues, Tableaux, Etc.,(Philadelphia, USA: National School of Elocution and Oratory, 1881), 60.; Jacob W. Shoemaker, Best Things from Best Authors: Humor, Pathos, and Eloquence Designed, (Philadelphia, USA: National School of Elocution and Oratory, 1881), 445.

26 Charles Chalmers Shoemaker (ed), One Hundred Choice Selections in Poetry and Prose, (New York, USA: P. Garrett & Company, 1890), Iss. 18, 49-52.

27 Phineas Garrett, One Hundred Choice Selections, (New York, USA: P. Garrett, 1910), Vol. 5, Iss. 17-20, 49-69.

28 “Saloon Keeper’s Soliloquy”, The Jennings Daily Record, (Jennings, USA, Vol. 111, No. 307, 30 December, 1902), 5.

29 “The Devil and the Grog-Seller”, Google Books, https://books.google.com.au/books/about/The_Devil_and_the_Grog_seller.html?id=a1IctwAACAAJ&redir_esc=y accessed on 16 January, 2015.

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Seller.30 Siegel could have taken this title from a number of earlier publications or memories of the poem as Salvation Army historians had done.

The Poem As authors of Salvation Army works had not reproduced the entire poem, it is printed below in its full and original format. The footnotes included outline the changes made to the original poem and what parts of the poem were excluded in Salvation Army and non-Salvation Army works.

The Devil And The Grog-Seller: A Ditty For The Times31 William Henry Burleigh The grog-seller sat by his bar room fire, With his feet as high as his head, and higher –32 Watching the smoke, as he puffed it out, 33 That in spiral columns curled about,34 Veiling his face with its fleecy fold, 35 As lazily up from his lips it rolled, While a doubtful scent and a twilight gloom36 Were slowly gathering to fill the room. 37 II To their drunken slumbers, one by one.

Foolish and fuddled, his friends had gone, To wake in the morn to the drunkard’s pain, With a bloodshot eye and a whirling brain. 38 30

Eli Siegel, ‘Ethics Has Spoken’, The Right of Aesthetic Realism to be Known – A Periodical of Hope and Information, (New York, USA: Aesthetic Realism Foundation, 1999), 2. http://www.aestheticrealism.net/lectures/Tro1366.htm accessed on 16 January, 2016.

31 Sangamo used the shorter title A Lyric for the Time, others such as Ikwezi, Jewett, Michigan used the correct title, The Devil and the Grog-Seller. A Ditty for the Times, while another, Summers use the shorter The Devil and the Grogseller.

As the published book could not be viewed the earlier copy of the poem from Sangamo was used as a foundation of the poem. Ikwezi, 1- 7.; Jewett, 29-34.; Michigan Temperance Journal, 1&2.; Sangamo Journal, 1.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.; 32 Hosier used the first two lines of this stanza with only one change, “His feet as high…” this is some evidence that she got the information from a Salvation Army source as Smith has this word too, Yaxley & Vanderwal also used the first two lines of this stanza in their book. Helen K. Hosier, William and Catherine Booth – Founders of The Salvation Army, (Uhrichsville, USA: Barbour Publishing, 1999), 30.; J. Evan Smith, Booth the Beloved – Personal Recollections of William Booth, Founder of the Salvation Army, (Melbourne, Australia: Geoffrey Cumberlege, 1949), 57.; Trevor Yaxley & Carolyn Vanderwal, William & Catherine – The Life and Legacy of the Booth’s, Founders of The Salvation Army, (Michigan, USA: Bethany House, 2003), 66-67.

33 The Albany had “…as he curled it out”. The Albany Patriot, 1.

34 Summers had “When in spiral columns it curled about” while Bennett, Booth-Tucker, Ervine, and Smith had “Which in spiral columns curved about”. Bennett only quoted these four lines. David Bennett, William Booth, (Minneapolis, USA: Bethany House Publishers, 1986), 17.; F. De L. Booth-Tucker, The Life of Catherine Booth – The Mother of The Salvation Army (3 Vols), (London, UK: International Headquarters, 1893), Vol. 1, 82.; St. John Ervine, God’s Soldier: General William Booth (2 vols), (London, UK: William Heinemann, 1934), Vol. 1, 52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 56.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

35 The Albany had “…his fleecy flood” while Booth-Tucker had “Veiling his face ‘neath its fleecy fold”. The Albany Patriot, 1.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:82.

36 The Albany had “…and a dismal gloom”. The Albany Patriot, 1.

37 Ikwezi had “gathered to fill the room”. Ikwezi, 1-7.

38 Hosier used only the second, third and fourth lines of this stanza while Yaxley & Vanderwal used the second to fourth lines, but changed the fourth line as Hosier and other authors. Bennett, Booth-Tucker, Ervine, Hosier and Smith had “…and a reeling brain”. David Malcolm Bennett, The General: William Booth, Volume 1 – The Evangelist, (USA,

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Drowsily rang the watchman’s cry – “Past two o’clock and a cloudy sky!”

Yet the host sat wakeful still, and shook39 His head, and winked with a knowing look.40 III 41 “Ho! ho!” said he, with a chuckling tone, 42 “I know the way that the thing is done – Twice five are ten, and another V, Two ones, two twos, and a ragged three, Make twenty-four for my well-filled fob, –43 He! he! ‘tis a rayther [rather] good nights job!44 The fools have guzzled my brandy and wine – Much good may it do them, – the cash is mine!”45 IV And he winked again with a knowing look, And from his cigar the ashes shook –46 47 “He! he! the younkers are in my net, –48 I have them safe, and I’ll fleece them yet!

There’s Brown – what a jolly dog is he, – And he swells the way that I like to see; 49 Let him dash for a while at this reckless rate, 50 And his farm is mine as sure as fate.

V I’ve a mortgage now on Tomkin’s lot, What a fool he was to become a sot!51 But it’s luck to me, – in a month or so52 Xulon Press, 2003), 80.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:82.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:51.; Hosier, William and Catherine Booth, 30.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 57.; Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 66.

39 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “But our host sat…”. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:82.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 57.

40 The Albany had “His head with a wink and a knowing look”, The State Temperance Journal had “with a chuckling look”. The Albany, 1.; The State Temperance Journal, 1.

41 The Albany moved stanza three and four around. The Albany, 1.

42 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith stated “’Aha!’ said he in…” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 56.

43 Summers had “Make twenty-and-four for my well-filled fob”. Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

44 Summers had “He! he! ‘tis rather a good night’s job!”, while Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “I think it is rather a good…” which used more correct language. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:88.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

45 Siegel used the final two lines of this stanza to help argue that the poem was about the ethics of profit. Siegel, ¶. 5.

46 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “… the ashes he shook” this moved the action from an involuntary to a voluntary action, showing that he was somewhat in control of his actions. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

47 Siegel used the final six lines of this stanza to help argue that the poem was about the ethics of profit. There are a change to some of the words, “He! He! Those fellows are in my net – He swills the way that I like to see; Let him dash for a while at this reckless rate”. Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic, ¶. 5.

48 The word younker here means youngsters. Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith did not include the final six lines of this stanza and moved stanza five down further in the poem. This could be becaouse Booth had forgotten these lines, but also could show a deeper importance of Booth moving the poem away from a financial to a more spiritual discussion, especially leaving out the line about acquiring Brown’s the farm. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 56.

49 The Albany removed “And” at the commencement of the line. The Albany, p. 1.

50 The Albany had “Let him go on at this same rate”. The Albany, 1.

51 Siegel used the first two lines of this stanza to help argue that the poem was about the ethics of profit. Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic, ¶. 7.

52 The Albany had, “But tis lucky for me, for in a month or so”, The Albany, 1.

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I shall foreclose, and the scamp must go. 53 Zounds! won’t his wife have a “taking on,”54 When she learns her house and lot are gone? 55 How she will blubber and sob and sigh – But business is business – and what care I?”56 VI And Gibson has murdered his chid, they say; 57 He was drunk as a fool here, yesterday; 58 And I gave him a hint as I went to fil59 His jug, – but the brute would have his will.

And the folks blame me, why bless their gizzards!60 If I did’n’ sell, he would go to Izzard’s!61 I’ve a right to engage in a lawful trade, And take my chance if their’s [there’s] cash to be made.62 VII If men get drunk, and go home to turn Their wives out of doors, ‘tis their own concern – But I hate to have women come to me63 With their tweedle-dum and their tweedle-dee, 64 With their swollen eyes and their haggard looks, And their speeches learned from the temperance books; With their pale, lean children, – the whimpering fools!

Why can’t they get to the public schools?65 53

Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “Then the scamp must go!” Booth-Tucker, Catherine, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

54 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “Oh, won’t his wife…”. Booth-Tucker, Catherine, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

55 Ikwezi, Jewett and Summers had “When she learns that his house and his lot are gone?” Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “When she hears that his farm and his lot are gone!” It is interesting that some had the wife as owner “her house” while others are more true to the times as most property was owned and even handed over to the husand upon marriage. Booth-Tucker, Catherine, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Ikwezi, 1-7.; Jewett, Temperance Lyrics, 2934.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

56 Hattersley had “… so what care I?”. Siegel used the final four lines of this stanza to help argue that the poem was about the ethics of profit. Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39.; Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic, ¶. 7.

57 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “There’s Gibson has…” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

58 The Albany had “He was drunk as a fool but yesterday”, while Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “He was drunk as a beast here the other day!” Fool would not have been used lightly, and although Booth may have remembered the poem differently, he also knew Psalm 14:1 “The fool says in his heart, ‘There is no God’” and could have made a point here that believers could also act in a negative manner when under the influence of strong drink. The Albany, ‘The Grog-Seller’s Dream’, 1.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

59 Ikwezi had removed this line. Ikwezi, 1- 7.

60 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “Then folks blame me! Why, bless their souls” This is another example of Booth trying to have his listeners think more on eternal matters than physical, he moves the mind from the stomach to the spirit. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

61 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “If I did not serve him, he’d go to Cole’s!” they also then inserted stanza five here and removed the next two lines from this stanza. While “Cole’s” is added to rhyme with “souls”, the inclusion of the word soul and the removal of the lines is an example of Booth trying to move the thoughts of his listeners from the material to the spiritual. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

62 The Albany and Ikwezi had “And take my chance where there’s cash to be made”, The Albany, 1.; Ikwezi, 1- 7.

63 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith remove the first two lines of this stanza and had “Yet I hate to have women coming to me” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

64 The Albany had “With their toodledum and their toodledee” while Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith has “…tweedlede-dum and tweedle-de-dee”, The Albany, 1.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

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VIII Let the hussies mind their own affairs, For never have I interfered with theirs, – I will turn no customer away Who is willing to buy and able to pay; For business is business – he! he! he! he!”

And he rubbed his hands in his chuckling glee; 67 “Many a lark I have caught in my net, – I have them safe, – I will fleece them yet!”68 IX “He! he! – he! he!” ’Twas an echoed sound, –69 Amazed, the grog seller looked around; This side and that, through the smoke peered he, 70 But nought but the chairs could the grog-seller see,71 “Ho! ho! – ha! ha!” – with a gutternal note:72 It seemed to come from an iron throat – And his knees, they shook, and his hair began to rise, And he opened his mouth and strained his eyes.

X And lo! in a corner, dark and dim, Stood an uncouth form with an aspect grim, – From his grisly head, through his snaky hair,73 Sprouted, of hard rough horns, a pair –74 And redly, his shaggy brows below, Like sulphurous flame did his small eyes glow, –75 And his lips were curled with a sinister smile, 76 And the smoke belched forth from his mouth the while.

XI 77 Folded and buttoned around his breast, 66

65

Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith inserts the last two lines of stanza six here, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

66 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith removed the first five lines of this stanza. This is yet another example of Booth ignoring the economic stand of the poem. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

67 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith removed the last two lines of this stanza and replaced them with “And loudly laughed, “Aha! Eehee” the continued with the next stanza. This is another example of Booth removing the economics on the poem. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

68 Michigan Temperance Had “…and I’d fleece then yet!” Michigan Temperance, 1&2.

69 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith commenced with “Aha! Eehee!”…” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

70 Booth-Tucker and Smith removed this line and the next, Michigan Temperance Had “This way and that…” BoothTucker, Catherine Booth, 1:83.; Michigan Temperance, 1&2.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 58.

71 The Albany had “But nought save the chairs…” The Albany, 1.

72 Summers, Stearns and Jewett had “Ho! ho! – he! he!”, while Booth-Tucker and Smith had “Aha! Eehee!...” BoothTucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Jewett, Temperance Lyrics, 29-34.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 59.; Stearns, The Temperance Speaker, 180-186.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.; 73 Booth-Tucker and Ervine had “From his grizzly head…” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:52.

74 Hattersley quoted these first four lines of this stanza. Being a socialist he could have done this for the same reason as Siegel, who used the first four lines of this stanza to argue that the poem was about the ethics of profit, yet he had the Devil sit not stand. Siegel stated that this was the retribution for making money and “This carries on the Dickens idea that if you make too much money, you are going to be visited by supernatural powers — which hasn’t wholly caught on yet.” Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39.; Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic Realism, ¶. 8.

75 The Albany had “..sulphurous smoke did his small eyes glow” The Albany, 1.

76 Booth-Tucker and Smith had “His lips they were curled…” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 59.;

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Was a quaint and silver gleaming vest, Asbestos it seemed, - but we only guess Why he should fancy so cold a dress.

Breeches he wore of amber hue, From the rear of which a tail peeped through; His feet were shaped like a bullock’s hoof, And the boots he wore were caloric proof.

XII In his hand he bore – if a hand it was, Whose fingers were shaped like a vulture’s claws, 78 A three tined fork, and its prongs so dull, Through the sockets were thrust of a grinning skull, – Like a sceptre he waved it to and fro, 79 As he softly chuckled “ha! ha! – ho! ho!”80 And all the while were his eyes that burned Like sulphurous flames, on the grog-seller turned!81 XIII And how did he feel beneath that look?

Why, his jaw fell down, and he shivered and shook, And quivered and quaked in every limb, As an ague-fit had hold of him!82 And his eyes, to the monster grim were glued, 83 And his tongue was as stiff as a billet of wood.

But the fiend laughed on – “ho! ho! – he! he!”84 And switched his tail in his quiet glee. 85 XIV “Why, what do you fear, my friend?” he said, And nodded the horns on his grisly head, – “You’re an ally of mine, and I love you well!

In a very warm country, that men call Hell,86 I hold my court, – and am proud to say,87 I have not a faithfuller fiend in pay88 77

The Albany, Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith do not include stanza XI. There must have been no need to further describe the image of the devil, or at least a devil defined more in line with children’s tales than a biblical description.

The Albany, 1.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 1949, 59.

78 Smith had “The fingers were shaped like vulture’s claws –” Smith, Booth the Beloved, 59.

79 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “Gently he waved it to and fro” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 1949, 59.

80 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “And softly chuckled, “Aha! Oho!” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 1949, 59.

81 The Albany again replaced the word flame with smoke, The Albany, 1.

82 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “As though the ague had hold of him!” The State Temperance Journal had “As if an ague fit had hold of him”. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 1949, 59.; The State Temperance Journal, 1.

83 Ikwezi had removed this line. Ikwezi, 1- 7.

84 Ikwezi had “But the fiend laughed on” while Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “Come, come,” said the devil, “’tis a welcome cold”. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Ikwezi, 1- 7.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

85 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “That you give to a friend so true and old.” Then removed stanza XIV to the second line of Stanza XIX. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

86 The Albany must have believed that the word “hell” was too offensive and replaced it with “h --!” yet in stanza XXI the word hell was used in this publication. The Albany, ‘The Grog-Seller’s Dream’, 1.

87 Summers had “…and I’m proud to say”. Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

88 The Albany had “… a more faithful servant in pay”. The Albany, 1.

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Than you, dear Sir, for a work of evil, – Mayhap you don’t know me? I’m called the Devil!” 89 XV Like a galvanized corpse, so pale and wan, 90 Upstarted, instanter, that horror struck man, – And he turned up the whites of his goggle-eyes, With a look half terror, have surprise, 91 And his tongue was loosed, – but his words were few. – “The Devil? – you don’t –“ “Yes, faith! I do!”

92 Interrupted Old Nick – “and here’s the proofs, Just twig my tail, and my horns, and hoofs!93 XVI 94 “Having come from a warmer clime below, 95 To chat with a friend for an hour or so, 96 And the night being somewhat chill, I think97 You might ask an old fellow to take a drink!98 Now let it be strong, – the clear, pure stuff –99 Sweetened with brimstone – a quart is enough, Stir up the mess in an iron cup, And heat by the fire till it bubbles up!”

XVII As the devil bade so the grog-seller did, Filling a flagon with gin to the lid – And when it boiled and bubbled o’er, The fiery draught to his guest he bore, Nick in a jiffy the liquor did quaff, And thanked his host with a guttural laugh, – But faint and few were the smiles, I ween, That on the grog-seller’s face were seen.

XVIII For a mortal fear was on him then, And he deemed that the ways of living men He would tread no more, that his hour had come, 100 And his Master too, to call him home!

Thought went back to the darkened past, And shrieks were heard on the wintry blast, 89

The State had “I’m the devil”. The State, 1.

Michigan Temperance had “Like a galvanized corse” which was probably a typographical error for corpse, Michigan Temperance, 1&2.

91 Ikwezi, Michigan Temperance Journal and Summers had “With a look half terror and half surprise,” Ikwezi, 1- 7.; Michigan Temperance, 1&2.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

92 Summers changed the final two lines to 90

“Said Satan with smiles, but none, I ween, Upon the grogseller’s face were seen.”

Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

93 The State had “Just see my tail”. The State, 1.

94 Summers removed both stanzas XVI and XVII which removed the idea of a human being at the bidding of the devil.

Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

95 The State had “climes below”. The State, 1.

96 The State removed “for”. The State, 1.

97 The Albany had “…chill, she’d think” yet it appears it should have been “…chill, he’d think”, The Albany, 1.

98 The Albany had “…an old crony to take a drink”, The Albany, 1.

99 The Albany must have set the poem in England as it had “…let it be warm, the clear pure stuff” and the English are known for their warm beer. The Albany, 1.

100 Summers had “He could tread no more..” and Stearns had “He should tread no more…” Summers, Methodist, 4-8.; Stearns, 180-186.

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And gliding before him, pale and dim, Were gibbering fiends spectres grim!

XIX “Ho! ho!” said Nick, “’tis a welcome cold, 101 You give to a friend so true and old, Who has been for years in your employ, 102 Running about like an errand boy.

But we’ll not fall out, for I clearly see 103 You are rather afraid (‘tis strange!) of me, 104 Do you think I’ve come for you? - Never fear; You can’t be spared for a long while here!

XX “There are hearts to break, there are souls to win From the ways of peace to the paths of sin, 105 There are homes to be rendered desolate, There is trusting love to be changed to hate; 106 There are hands that murder must crimson red; 107 There are hopes to crush; there is blight to be shed 108 Over the young and the pure and fair,109 Till their lives are crushed by the fiend Despair!

XXI 110 “This is the work you have done so well, Cursing the earth and peopling hell, Quenching the light on the inner shrine Of the human soul, till you make it mine! 111 Want and Sorrow, Disease and Shame, 112 And crimes that even I shudder to name, Dance and howl in their hellish glee, Around the spirits you’ve marked for me!

XXII 101

Summers had “Ho! ho!” said the Devil, “a welcome cold”. Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

Ikwezi, Jewett, Summers, Stearns, and The State had “Who has been for years in your own employ,”. Ikwezi, 1- 7.; Jewett, Temperance Lyrics, 29-34.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.; Stearns, 180-186.; The State, 1.

103 Booth-Tucker, Ervine, Smith and The Albany, had “…for I plainly see”. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.; The Albany, 1.; 104 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith included two lines of this stanza and then: 102

“Why, what do you fear, my friend?” he said,” “And he nodded the horns of his grizzly head.”

Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

105 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had, “From the paths of peace to the ways of sin!” Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

106 The Albany had “…love to be turned to hate”. Siegel used the final two lines of the previous stanza and parts of the first four lines of this stanza to help argue that the poem was about the ethics of profit. The Albany, 1.; Siegel, ‘Ethics Has Spoken’, ¶. 10.

107 The Albany had “There are hundreds whom murder must crimson red” while Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “Hands that murder must be crimson red-“ The Albany, 1.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

108 The Albany had “There is hope to be crushed, there is blight to be spread” while Bennett, Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “There are lives to wreck-there is blight to be shed” The Albany, 1.; Bennett, The General, 1:80.; BoothTucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

109 Bennett, Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “O’er the young, o’er the old, o’er the pure and the fair” Bennett, The General, 1:80.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

110 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith removed stanza XXI Bennett, The General, 1:80.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

111 The Albany had “nine” but this appears to be a misprint. The Albany, 1.

112 Summers had “Sorrow and want, disease and shame”. Summers, Methodist, 4-8.

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“Oh, selling of grog is a good device, To make a hell of Paradise!

Wherever may roll the fiery flood,114 It is swollen with tears, it is stained with blood!

And the voice that was heard erewhile in prayer, With its muttered curses stirs the air, And the hand that shielded the wife from ill, 115 In its drunken wrath is raised to kill!

XXIII 116 “Hold on your course! you are filling up, With the wine of the wrath of God, your cup;117 And the fiends exult in their homes below, As you deepen the pangs of human wo [woe]!

Long will it be, if I have my way, Ere the night of death shall close your day, For to pamper your lust for the glittering pelf, You rival in mischief the Devil himself!” 118 XXIV Nor more said the fiend, for, clear and high, Rung out on the air, the watchman’s cry;119 With a choking sob, and a half formed scream, 120 The grog seller waked, – it was all a dream!121 His grisly guest with his horns had flown; 122 113

113

Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith replaced virtually the entire stanza: The arm that shielded a wife from ill, In its drunken rage shall be raised to kill Where’er it rolls, that fiery flood, ‘Tis swollen with tears, ‘tis stained with blood!

Long shall it be, if I have my way, Ere the night of death shall close your day!

For to pamper your lust with the gold and pelf, You rival in mischief, the devil himself!

Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

114 The Albany had “…gory flood”, Booth-Tucker and Smith had “Where’er it rolls…” The Albany, 1.; Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:85.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 61.

115 The Albany had “while the hand…” The Albany, 1.

116 Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith removed stanza XXIII. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.

117 Jewett had a footnote at this point “Short-sighted Devil! To tell, in his exultation, so many truths that were calculated to startle, from its guilty slumbers, the grog-seller’s soul. It is not the first time, however, that Old Nick has outwitted himself.” Jewett, Temperance Lyrics, 34.

118 Siegel and Yaxley & Vanderwal used the final two lines of this stanza to help argue that the poem was about the ethics of profit. Stead only quoted the final two lines of this stanza but changed words to; For to pamper your lust with the gold and pelf, You rival in mischief, the devil himself!

Siegel, ‘Ethics Has Spoken’, ¶. 10.; W.T.Stead, Mrs. Booth of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: James Nisbet & Co., 1900), 62-63.; Yaxley & Vanderwal, William & Catherine, 67.

119 Michigan Temperance Journal had “Rung out in the air…” Michigan Temperance, 1&2.

120 Booth-Tucker, Ervine, Smith and Wilson had “With a stifled sob and a half-formed scream” Wilson also wrongly stated that these were the final lines of the poem. Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:84.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:53.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 60.; P.W. Wilson, General Evangeline Booth of The Salvation Army, Charles Scribner’s Sons: New York, USA, 1948, 17.

121 Michigan Temperance had “’twas all a dream” while Booth-Tucker, Ervine and Smith had “The grog-seller woke…” then replaced the last four lines of the poem with only two: “Solemn and thoughtful, his bed he sought, And long on that midnight vision he thought!”

Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 1:85.; Ervine, God’s Soldier, 1:54.; Michigan Temperance, 1&2.; Smith, Booth the Beloved, 61.

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The lamp was out and the fire was gone, And sad and silent, his bed he sought, And long of the wondrous vision thought!

Analyses of the missing sections and changes Most Salvation Army authors evaluated the poem in terms of temperance yet there have been others, including Booth who read the meaning of the poem differently. Siegel and to a lesser degree Hattersley used the poem as a way of questioning humanity’s unethical practice of making money from the flaws or addictions of others and outlined that the poem had deeper meanings than just the ‘sin’ of selling strong drink. It was about the ‘sin’ of using people’s weakness to gain profit.123 Siegel stated: I’m going to read a poem [of the 1840s] that has to do with the idea of profit in liquor. While the present-day feeling is not for prohibition, there is the larger feeling in the poem—that people would be for dealing in anything, as long as it made a profit.

The history of profit as to the liquor business is a very big thing — the history of profit as to things that weren’t so good.124

Siegel then used selected lines and an edited version of the poem to press the point. The last two lines of stanza III and the last four lines of stanza IV were quoted to focus the argument on money.

Then he reinforced the claim by using the story of Tomkin’s mortgaged farm; cited in the first two and last four lines of stanza V.125 It is odd that Siegel also used the story of Gibson who murdered his child, as this had nothing to with finances. Siegel and Hattersley used a number of lines to show that the grog-seller received his retribution through a visit from the devil. It is interesting that Hattersley, with his socialist leaning used the same lines as Siegel to show the retribution of the grog-seller. Could this mean then that grog, not religion is the opium of the people, 126 that grog is the power which holds them, oppresses them and makes them poor? For this reason Hattersley and Siegel listed the justified retribution of the grog-seller. Siegel concluded that the poem was not just

122

Michigan Temperance, Summers and The Albany had “His grizzly guest…”Michigan Temperance, 1&2.; Summers, Methodist, 4-8.; The Albany, 1.

123 Hattersley, Blood & Fire, 39.; Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic Realism, ¶. 8.

124 Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic Realism, ¶. 1&2.

125 Last two lines of stanza III The fools have guzzled my brandy and wine — Much good may it do them — the cash is mine!

Last for lines of stanza IV He! He! Those fellows are in my net — I have them safe, and I’ll fleece them yet!

There’s Brown — what a jolly dog is he — He swills the way that I like to see; Let him dash for a while at this reckless rate, And his farm is mine as sure as fate."

First two lines of stanza V I’ve a mortgage now on Tomkin’s lot — What a fool he was to become a sot!

Last four lines of stanza V ...Won’t his wife have a ‘taking on,’ When she learns that his house and his lot are gone?

How she will blubber and sob and sigh — But business is business — and what care I? 126

Karl Marx wrote “Die Religion ... ist das Opium des Volkes”

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about giving up alcohol, but the dangers of profit which comes from unethical behaviour. Siegel stated about the poem: This carries on the Dickens idea 127 that if you make too much money, you are going to be visited by supernatural powers — which hasn’t wholly caught on yet.

Well, this poem has to do with profit; and profit is very much in the history of the world.

There is a profit that is good, as there is an anger that is good; and there’s another kind that can be called not good. 128

Booth too identified these undertones. At first glance it could be assumed Booth neglected to remember a number of lines and stanzas, but upon closer analysis there can be seen some deeper insight into the beliefs of Booth. Unlike Siegel, who focused on the economical attributes of the poem, Booth moved away from the physical and material to the spiritual and eternal.

Booth cared more for the soul than the body and cared more for eternal rules than for manmade laws. There are a number of clear examples of these ideas through the sections omitted and changes of sections of the poem. In stanza VI one of the lines stated, “And the folks blame me, why bless their gizzards!” but Booth was not only focused on a person’s stomach but on eternal matters and he changed the line to, “Then folks blame me! Why, bless their souls”. 129 In addition to this Booth left out another line in stanza VI, “I’ve a right to engage in a lawful trade,” showing that it mattered little if it was lawful, if it hampered a man’s relationship with God and their fellow human beings, then it was wrong.130 The removal of lines also showed Booth’s theology on the devil. To Booth the devil was a very real and dangerous enemy and throughout the poem Booth left out any language which made him look comical and friendly or the ruler and regal. Booth left out the entire stanza XI which had the devil wearing a silver vest which was folded and buttoned at the chest, amber pants and boots, all which appeared to be stylish and a little comical. Booth also gave the devil no homage as he left out the line from stanza XII where it described the devil holding a sceptre and the entire stanza XIV where it outlined the devil’s kingdom as being a “warm country” where he held “court”.131 Not only did Booth leave information of the regency of the devil out of the poem but also ignored many of the lines about financial elements. A modern movement in The Salvation Army is that entitled “social justice” with those involved using history to claim that the movement has always focused on such a cause. The positional statement on social justice claimed,

127

Siegel is incorrect here as the poem was written before Dickens wrote the Christmas Carol, see discussion later in this paper 128 Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic Realism, ¶. 8 & 9.

129 It is reputed that Booth wrote the following in the autograph book of King Edward VII: “Some men’s ambition is art, Some men’s ambition is fame, Some men’s ambition is gold, My ambition is the souls of men.” Richard Collier, The General Next to God – The story of William Booth and The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Collins, 1965), 215.

130 Booth and Mumford were clear about The Salvation Army’s position on law and political views; they stated, “the Salvation Army benefits the State by creating respect for law” yet “the politics of The Salvation Army are righteousness, peace, and joy in the Holy Ghost”. Catherine Booth, The Salvation Army in Relation to the Church and State, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Publishing Department, 1883), 6.; War Cry, 22 July, 1885, as cited in Wesley Harris, Battle Lines, (Canada: The Salvation Army, 1992), 90.

131 Booth wrote, “ How much there is in the past recorded on the page of history, and how much we see in the present, turn which way we will, to justify the assertion of Satan that he is really and truly in possession of the bodies and souls of men and of the very world they dwell in.” William Booth, Salvation Soldiery, (London, UK: International Heaquarters of The Salvation Army, 1889), 44.

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The Salvation Army has from its inception applied Biblical principles to the social problems presented by humanity and society, and this continues to be our work. We believe that Jesus Christ is the answer for humanity's deepest need.

The Bible consistently emphasises justice, and particularly social justice. in how people are treated in the just division of resources in how people relate to each other in caring for others (Zechariah 7: 9-10) Jesus taught the two-fold responsibility - to love the Lord your God with all your heart, soul, strength and mind, and your neighbour as yourself.

The Bible teaches against: the luxury of the rich and the deprivation of the poor pride and arrogance indifference to the needs of others oppression and exploitation of the poor institutional corruption It teaches: responsibility and accountability for others out of our love for God. (Romans 13: 8-10)132

It is interesting to note that in the points under “The Bible teaches against” there are no scripture references and while it is true that the early Salvation Army and even in the Christian Mission days the movement looked after those with physical and financial needs, Booth’s focus was elsewhere.

Booth left out key lines on the financial injustice the poem outlined which was discussed by others such as Siegel. 133 The poem did show the arrogant indifference of the grog-seller to the needs of his customers as well as his exploitation of their addictions, but Booth ignored these sections. Lines 4 to 8, which outlined the grog-seller taking Brown’s farm to pay the bill for the grog, are removed from Stanza IV.134 In addition to this, not only did Booth leave out reference to real estate, but also the reference to physical cash. Booth left out a number of lines: 7 and 8 of Stanza VI, which covered making money;135 3 to 5 of Stanza VIII, which covered unethical business principles;136 and 3 and 4 of Stanza IV, which outlined that the grog-seller would take all the customers wealth.137

132

The Salvation Army, Social Justice, Who we are, Australia Southern Territory, 2015, http://www.salvationarmy.org.au/en/Who-We-Are/vision-and-mission/Positional-Statements/PositionalStatements/SOCIAL-JUSTICE/#sthash.hJ6W4vKy.dpuf accessed on 14 February, 2016.

133 Siegel, ‘Ethics Has Spoken’, 2.

134 Booth removed lines 4 to 8 from Stanza IV; I have them safe, and I’ll fleece them yet!

There’s Brown – what a jolly dog is he, – And he swells the way that I like to see; Let him dash for a while at this reckless rate, And his farm is mine as sure as fate.

135

Booth removed lines 7 to 8 from Stanza VI; I’ve a right to engage in a lawful trade, And take my chance if their’s [there’s] cash to be made.

136

Booth removed lines 7 to 8 from Stanza VIII; I will turn no customer away Who is willing to buy and able to pay; For business is business – he! he! he! he!”

137

Booth removed lines 7 to 8 from Stanza IV; “Many a lark I have caught in my net, – I have them safe, – I will fleece them yet!”

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There too could be some problem in taking an approach that the recitation of the poem by Booth was about a deep desire for teetotalism. Booth was not focused on teetotalism, his heart and soul was focused on Salvationism! While still The Christian Mission, Booth began to think of ways to handle meetings specifically designed to encourage people not to take strong drink. Although he was unsure of a model to follow, he did know that it was not to take the form of temperance societies of the time. Booth did not want his people to be persuaded by entertainment but by their love for Christ, he stated in the 1877 Christian Mission Conference: As to THE TEMPERANCE QUESTION we shall have no time for deliberation, and our opinions upon the question, as it affects our societies, differ. Let us wait till we can arrive at something with unanimity: until we have made up our minds to some definite plan it will be useless to talk. But in the meantime let us make all our people abstainers, and then jump on all temperance-meetings without God in them. We will have no song-singing or recitations. I cannot express my disgust at any entertainment of that sort. We will have no more mere teetotalism. We will have godly meetings, and we will teach all our people never to drink or touch the stuff for Christ’s sake. 138

The deeper analyses of the poem therefore showed Booth’s theology of the devil and a desire to focus on the spiritual rather than the material.

A biographical sketch of the poet William Henry Burleigh

William Henry Burleigh139

138

“The Conference”, (William Booth), The Christian Mission Magazine, (London, July, 1877), 179-180.

Celia Burleigh, Poems by William H[enry] Burleigh with a sketch of his life, (New York, USA: Hurd and Houghton, Cambridge: Riverside Press, 1871), title.

139

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Both the poem and the poet should be investigated to better understand the context and content of the work. William Henry Burleigh’s biographer focused on the principles of Burleigh’s private and public life, rather than the historical chronology of events, yet information of his life can be gleaned from these notes. His life was outlined in three important themes; abolitionism, temperance, and human progress.140 One of Burleigh’s ancestors arrived in America on the Mayflower and became Governor of Plymouth Colony, a position he held for many years. Burleigh’s father was a teacher and farmer.141 The poet son, William Burleigh was born on 2 February 1812 with an illness which would later take his like.142 He was a shy child, but due to his sense of justice he trained himself to talk for the causes about which he felt strongly.143 In 1837 Burleigh moved to Pittsburgh and began to publish the Christian Witness and later the Temperance Banner which he used as a platform for “anti-slavery, temperance and literary associations.”144 In 1843 Burleigh was asked to take charge of the Connecticut Anti-Slavery Society’s publication, the Christian Freeman. Soon after he arrived in Harford the name was changed to the Charter Oak.145 Then a move was made in 1849 to Albany as a lecturer, editor and secretary of the New York State Temperance Society. 146 Here he edited the Prohibitionist and met his first wife.

After becoming personal friends with Governor Clark he was appointed as New York harbour master in 1855 and moved there with his wife and six children. 147 After his first wife died he remarried in September 1865, however his health had some setbacks and he needed to take a rest from his duties. Upon his improvement of health not only did he resume his work but also became the New York correspondent of a number of newspapers, to which he submitted poems, lectures and notes on political speeches. 148 To the other areas of reform Burleigh soon added women’s rights. In 1869 he wrote: …That some women want to vote is evident, and if but one wished to exercise this right, and her sex was the only legal obstacle, it would be tyranny to withhold it from her. If men cannot command better arguments against the enfranchisement of women than they have yet used, they had better let the case go against them by default. I am a little ashamed of their puerility, …. I am not an advocate of woman’s suffrage from reading the arguments in its favor, but from reading those opposed to it. They have so utterly failed, logically and morally, that I was compelled to accept the position which I now hold, that of a believer in women’s suffrage.149

Burleigh not only took to on the cause of women suffrage, but supported his wife to do her part in the fight for her gender. In August 1869 epileptic attacks began to impact his health in a serious manner. New York’s new governor, John Thompson Hoffman appointed a new harbor master in January 1870 and Burleigh retreated to the country until November. 150 He returned to New York briefly before going to Washington to give a series of lectures throughout 1870..151 Burleigh’s 140

Burleigh, Poems, vi.

Burleigh, Poems, vii.

142 Burleigh, Poems, vii & vi.

143 Burleigh, Poems, x.

144 Burleigh, Poems, xi.

145 Burleigh, Poems, xii.

146 Burleigh, Poems, xiv.

147 Burleigh, Poems, xvii.

148 Burleigh, Poems, xxvii.

149 Burleigh, Poems, xxx.

150 Burleigh, Poems, xxxii.

151 Burleigh, Poems, xxxiv.

141

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illness increased from the epileptic attacks and he passed away on 18 March 1871. Shortly before his passing he wrote: I have made a great many mistakes, but I have tried to live a manly and true life, and to serve God by helping humanity. In leaving the world it is with no bitter self-condemnation; my purpose has been honest and upright. 152

A new evaluation and the impact of the poem The evaluation of a poem is similar to that of art – different poems for different tastes and then there is another level for the professional critic. Poetry is highly subjective, and one person might love a poem while another one detest it; but this is true for every form of art whether it be novels, plays, movies, or paintings. What makes a poem pleasing for one person could totally ruin it for another person. There does not appear to be any Salvation Army historian who also declared themselves a literary critic, yet most evaluated the poem in a negative light.153 Burleigh, being so humble, possibly would have agreed with this evaluation by Salvation Army historians of his poetic works, as he claimed: So you liked the verses, but you must remember that I do not claim to be a poet. Were it not for a few who love me, and who, because they love me, take pleasure in my verse, I should never attempt another line. I am often amazed at my own assurance in writing, it looks so like presumption; as if I would thrust myself into the company of inspired souls, with no power to speak the ‘Open Sesame’ which can alone admit one to their august companionship. But indeed I do not claim to be of their guild. 154

Contrary to the published criticism by Salvation Army authors, others have liked this form of poetry. The Hartford Evening Post praised both Burleigh and his poetry, saying: …he had but equals and no superiors. And when to these remarkable personal attractions was superadded the opulence of his rare intellectual gifts, his solid understanding, logical acumen, and extensive knowledge, irradiated as they were by the splendours of a rich poetic fancy and a sparkling wit, the impression first made by the remarkable stranger was one which time can never efface. 155

Not only has praise been offered for Burleigh’s work in general, but there is also some specific praise for The Devil And The Grog-Seller: A Ditty For The Times. Scott Poole, Satan in America, while investigating how the devil had been portrayed in American literature, stated that the poem was among a small number of “popular temperance tracts” and that the poem impressed Poole so much that he stated; “A more comprehensive study of the devil and temperance could likely yield a number of interesting results.”156 George W Slater, who was active in the Band of Hope also liked and memorised sections of the poem and quoted these sections in his published memoir.157

152

Burleigh, Poems, xxxvii.

See the discussion in Hentzschel, “A recitation to romance”.

154 Burleigh, Poems, xxviii – xxix.

155 Burleigh, Poems, xiii.

156 Poole, Satan in America, 22.

157 Edwin Salter, Memorial Services and Notices of George William Salter, of Washington, D. C., (London, UK: R Beresford, 1882), 10.

153

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Not only was the poem frequently published but it was also recited and requested. It appears to have been a popular recitation item in temperance meetings, as a Mr. Green recited it at a meeting in Indianapolis in 1874.158 The poem also appeared to be in demand in print. As early as 1861 a person wrote to the editor of The Spirit of Democracy; Mr Editor: I have been requested, by a friend, to hand you for publication the following Poem,

by Burleigh, originally published several years ago. Its publication has been often called for, and as it has lost none of its pertinence and force, we commend it to the attention of the old and young readers. B.P.159

An 1869 edition of The Emporia News printed the poem after another request.160 People were still interested in the poem and tried to track it down as late as 1909, some 60 years after it first appeared in print. J.P. Little wrote to The National Tribute to request anyone who knew how to obtain a copy of the poem to contact him. 161 It is clear that the poem was, at the time of publication, a popular and therefore well-liked poem, a fact which dispels some of the criticism of Salvation Army historians on the grounds of popularity.

Salvation Army historians were not clear if they disliked the structure or the content of the poem. But as none outlined the rhythm or meter, allegory or allusion, the ambiguity or subjective meaning, it can therefore be assumed that they had issues with the content. Yet, as will be seen, without this content, the literary world could have been very much the poorer.

The content or allegory of the poem impacted the literary word by the works it inspired as well as The Salvation Army by the relationship it forged. A number of major works were created from the influence of this poem, some better known than others and which one would link back to The Salvation Army.

The influence of The Devil And The Grog-Seller: A Ditty For The Times It was fortuitous that Smith recounted that after Booth recited The Grog-Seller’s Dream, he went on and recited Charles Dickens’ A Christmas Carol.162 The two literary items have some striking similarities and have been compared in later analyses. 163 But the similarities go deeper, in the same year, 1842 that Burleigh published the Devil and the Grog-Seller, Charles Dickens arrived in the United States of America. 164 Not only was Dickens in the United States at that time 165 and could have read the poem, but he also met Burleigh and they “enjoyed a short but pleasant intimacy during the stay of the distinguished novelist in this country [the USA].”166 Therefore Dickens could have known of the poem, spent time with the poet and this could have easily inspired his famous A Christmas Carol, which was written in the weeks leading up to Christmas 1843.

158

“Temperance”, The Evening News, (Indianapolis, USA, 4 May, 1874), 3.

The Spirit of Democracy, 4.

160 The Emporia News,1.

161 “Information Wanted”, The National Tribute, Washington, Thursday, 2 December, 1909), 2.

162 Smith, Booth the Beloved, 61.

163 See for example Siegel’s comparison of the two works. Siegel, The Right of Aesthetic Realism, ¶. 8 & 9.

164 In the search, the first time the poem was listed with its full and correct title, The Devil and Grog-Seller, A Ditty for the Times, was in The Liberator from Massachuses, 1842; however it was difficult to read the text. Therefore this would have to be verified to more accurately describe the poem’s inspiration of A Christmas Carol. The Liberator, 4.

165 See David A. Perdue, ‘Dickens in America’, David Perdue’s Charles Dickens Page, 1997-2016, http://charlesdickenspage.com/america.html accesses 14 February, 2016.

166 Burleigh, Poems, vii.

159

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A lesser known poem which was influenced by the Devil and the Grog-Seller was also written

by Burleigh and titled The Rum Fiend.167 George Bungay, Pen Portraits wrote about Burleigh, “Years ago he wrote his ‘Devil and Grog-selling’, which was the basis of his ‘Rum Fiend.’ His poetic powers he consecrated to temperance.” 168 The Rum Fiend both borrowed from and expanded upon the Devil and the Grog-Seller. The Rum Fiend, as withthe earlier poem included information on the wives of the costumers coming to talk to the grog-seller with, “…stories of sorrow, and care, and wrongs”,169 and used similar phraseology when they described the devil’s laugh, “He! he! he! he! and “Ho! ho! ha! ha!” and it “seemed to come from an iron throat”.170 The later poem also took entire lines from the earlier poem.171 Expanded areas included more information on Gibson’s sad story172 and that the devil was joined by other phantoms who took the grog-seller on a Dickensian ride. It would appear that while A Christmas Carol may have been influenced by Burleigh’s earlier poem the Devil and the Grog-Seller, Scrooge’s encounters with spirits in turn could have inspired elements of this later poem.

On the devilish flight the grog-seller witnessed people he had wronged. Many sad and sorrowful victims were described. Two were also portrayed in pictorial form: firstly, the imprisoned murderer of a father, “The Rum Manic”; secondly, the father who lay stiff in the snow;

The Rum Manic173

167

Burleigh, The Rum Fiend.

George Washington Bungay, Pen Portraits of Illustrious Abstainers, Vol 1. (USA: National Temperance Society and Publication House, 1881), 113.

169 Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 15.

170 Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 17.; compared with, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 83.

171 For example from stanza XVI is taken: Having come from a warmer clime [climate] below, To chat with a friend for an hour or so Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 22.; compared with, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 83.

172 William H[enry] Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, and Other Poems, (New York, USA: National Temperance Society and Publication House, 1871), 13.

173 Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, i.

168

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A form lay stiff in the wintry sleet And the winds were weaving his winding-sheet, And the dull, dead eyes, with a frozen stare, Look up at the sky in their still despair.

In his nerveless hand was a bottle filled With the draught by an evil greed distilled – The liquid death that had doubly killed.

And this – how it makes the demon laugh! – Was his monument and epitaph.

But close at hand, in that hovel old, Which the fierce blast shakes as it sweeps the wold, A mother and daughter sat hungry and cold.

They watch and wait for the perished sire With the promised boon of food and fire. 174

A Form Lay Stiff in the Wintery Sleep 175

When the grog-seller returned to his room Burleigh returned to the lines from The Devil And The Grog-Seller: A Ditty For The Times; however they were all expanded. 176 The final poem investigated here which was inspired by the Devil and the Grog-Seller has strong links with The Salvation Army. The poem is the Exemplary conversion of a grog-seller by Bertolt Brecht. John Willett, Ralph Manheim and Erich Fried, Bertolt Brecht Poems, 1913-1956 stated that this poem was in fact inspired by Booth’s recitation of the Devil and the Grog-Seller: …the poem arose from Brecht’s reading of Paul Wiegler’s book Figuren (mentioned in his diary for 31 August 1920). Here there is a section on William Booth of the Salvation Army which claims that Booth’s wife fell in love with him on hearing him recite ‘The Grog-Seller’s Dream’, an American temperance poem in which the Devil appears to a grog-seller and warns him of his fate. The text of the poem is printed in St John Ervine’s God’s Soldier (Heinermann, London 1934), vol. 1, pp. 52-4, which adds that the recitation took place on 10 April 1852, Good Friday, at the request of a friend of Booth’s called Edward Rabbits. Rabbits, a boot 174

Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 25 & 26.

Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 24.

176 See for example Burleigh, The Rum Fiend, 35- 38.; compared with, Booth-Tucker, Catherine Booth, 84-85.

175

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manufacturer from the Elephant and Castle district of London, ‘liked strong verse, and The Grog-Seller’s Dream was exceptionally strong’. 177

From Brecht’s reading of this event he wrote his poem, which was “finished on 1 September 1920, according to Brecht’s diary”.178 The poem first made its way into an early version of Brecht’s play, Saint Joan of the Stockyards (Die heilige Johanna der Schlachthöfe, 1929-1931) but was later removed. It also found its way into another of Brecht’s plays Happy End (1929) and was later set to music by Kurt Weill. The song suffered from the same fate as the Devil and the Grog-Seller in that it has appeared under different names, Exemplary Conversion of a Grog-Seller, The Liquor Dealer’s Dream, The Song of the Brandy Merchant and in German, Das Lied vom BranntweinhAondler. Both Saint Joan of the Stockyards and Happy End were written with Salvation Army characters in the main roles. Therefore bringing the story in a full circle, Booth recited Burleigh’s poem, Brecht read the account and was inspired to write a poem based on Burleigh’s work and then Brecht’s poem appeared in plays focused on The Salvation Army.

There then remains one loose end, what of the grog-seller? Burleigh had him thinking long and hard of the vision while Brecht had him ‘converted’: Then he wakes: though with eyes still bleary Heavy-lidded, lips of violet.

But he tells himself: No longer will I Be a grog-seller pallid and fat.

Rather will I seek out orphan children Drunks, the old, the chronic ill They alone shall henceforth get this Filthy lucre from the till.179

It may not have been the ‘conversion’ Booth hoped for, but Siegel and Hattersley would have rejoiced that the grog-seller began to act in an ethical and socialist manner. Even Booth would not have spoken against such a change, for although the grog-seller did not surrender himself to God, in Booth’s eyes he was still doing God’s will, as Booth wrote: I have nothing to say against those who are endeavouring to open up a way of escape without any consciousness of God's help. For them I feel only sympathy and compassion. In so far as they are endeavouring to give bread to the hungry, clothing to the naked, and above all, work to the workless, they are to that extent endeavouring to do the will of our Father which is in Heaven, and woe be unto all those who say them nay!180

177

John Willett, Ralph Manheim and Erich Fried (ed), Bertolt Brecht Poems, 1913-1956, (New York: Routledge, Theatre Arts Books, 1987), 531.

178 Willett, Manheim & Fried, Bertolt Brecht, 531.

179 Willett, Manheim & Fried, Bertolt Brecht,66.

180 William Booth, In Darkest England and the Way Out (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1890), 35.

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Editorial notes and suggested change of drawings from The Sunbeam Handbook 1996 for the 2001 revision.1

1

Photograph from the document. Garth Hentzschel’s private collection, Brisbane, Australia.

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THE CENTENARY OF SAGALA IN AUSTRALIA WITH A FOCUS ON THE AUSTRALIA EASTERN TERRITORY Glenda Hentzschel The year 2016 will see the centenary of the Life-Saving movement of The Salvation Army in Australia. This paper draws on information presented at a Salvation Army Historical Society meeting, Brisbane Chapter and will be the foundation of a proposed book to be published to commemorate the centennial. The Salvation Army’s Life-Saving movement is a ministry among young people through Scouts, Guards and Legions. Now known as SAGALA it has developed different groups for both girls and boys in different age groups - Guards, Sunbeams, Moonbeams, Rangers, Adventurers and Explorers. Although a number of changes have taken place, these groups still aim to connect young people to The Salvation Army and to build better citizens through positive living, personal development, outdoor skills, team work and sportsmanship. This paper outlines the commencement of the Life-Saving movement in England, then describes some of the inconsistencies in current historical works and concludes with a chronology of significant appointments and changes in the movement to help piece together its development.

Origins in England After some trepidation and earlier attempts at work with young people, in 1887 William Booth gave instruction that children’s work was to be “given greater impetus.”2 Then in 1892, to show that work among young people should be “a serious business,” 3 Booth reorganised the work and included it in the responsibility of divisional commanders. To stress the importance he designated 1894 as ‘juniors’ year’ and wrote: For the first time in our history we will take up the work of saving and blessing the Children as a serious business – a business we have to do – to which we are called, which must be done, and which, by the grace of God, shall be done, and that with all our might…. What do we want?

4 Nothing less that the salvation of our children for this world and the next.

Most Salvation Army organised work with young people has in part imitated other organisations already in existence. The Salvation Army had attempted to introduce meetings in line with the Sunday school movement5 but Booth expressed concern about this approach, saying:

Reference citation of this paper Glenda Hentzschel, “The centenary of SAGALA in Australia with a focus on the Australia Eastern Territory”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 72-83.

2 Arch Wiggins, The History of The Salvation Army. Volume 4: 1886-1904, (New York, USA: The Salvation Army Volume, 1979) 340.

3 Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 4:345.

4 Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 4:346-347.

5 The Sunday school movement began in Britain in the 1780s to support poor children in educational matters, then gradually shifted to a focus on biblical teaching. Timothy Larsen, ‘When did Sunday Schools start?’

ChristianHistory.net, 2008, http://www.christianitytoday.com/ch/asktheexpert/whendidsundayschoolstart.html accessed on 28 November, 2015.

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We are in danger of being merely imitators of other workers, and thereby producing little more than an old-fashioned Sunday School, and presenting the Army with nothing more than a Junior 6 Soldier in Sunday Scholar’s dress, and hardly that…

This imitation of work did not cease with the cessation of Sunday schools, which were replaced by Company Meetings. In 1892 the Band of Love was inaugurated by The Salvation Army, following the example of the Band of Hope. The latter organisation had been developed by a Baptist minister from Leeds, Rev. Jabez Tunnicliff in 1847. The Band of Hope’s objectives were to teach children the importance and principles of teetotalism and introduce them to Christian teaching.7 Similarly, The Salvation Army’s Band of Love had as its main purpose, to provide a stepping-stone to children to accept Jesus as their Saviour. A pledge for members was drawn up, which could be signed by the children in which they promised to not partake of intoxicants, smoke tobacco, swear, steal or gamble. They also promised to be kind to animals, strive to speak the truth and to offer a prayer morning and evening.8 In the War Cry (London) January 1896, Commission T. Henry Howard announced the formation of the Young People’s Legion, which developed out of the Band of Love. 9 This was aimed at those “who are too old for juniors and too young for the seniors.” 10 The program was for youth aged 14 to 18 years and had the motto of, “For Christ and others. Each day its crowning deed.”11 The Young People’s Legion had the curriculum of “Salvation education”, which included “foreign languages, drawing, shorthand, typewriting, recreation, … sociability, outings, demonstrations… library, instruction in Army principles, government, history and geography…” 12 In 1897 it was reported that very few groups in London would have offered such activities for young people as The Salvation Army’s Young People’s Legion. 13 It became so popular that even International Headquarters had a troop. 14 The Young People’s Legion was the program which became the foundation of the Salvation Army’s Life-Saving Scouts and it was in operation well before Sir Robert Baden-Power inaugurated the Boy Scouts.

After writing Scouting for Boys, Baden-Power decided to try out some of his ideas in a real world context, so on 25 July, 1907, he took 21 adolescents to Brownsea Island, United Kingdom.

This experiment worked and plans were put in place to develop more troops. By the end of 1908, there were 60,000 Boy Scouts in the United Kingdom and across the world. The following year saw the first national Boy Scout meeting. It was held at the Crystal Palace, London with 10,000 Scouts attending. This meeting also included a group of uniformed girls, the Girl Scouts and following this, Baden-Powell organised Girl Guides in 1910. 15 After Baden-Powell’s scouting commenced, The Salvation Army in England looked upon its development with great interest. In 1910 Booth had a conversation with Baden-Powell in which 6

Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 4:347.

‘Hope UK’, Wikipedia, 2015 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hope_UK accessed on 28 November, 2015.

8 Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 345.; Authority of the General, Outlines of Salvation Army History, (London, UK: Salvationists Publishing & Supplies, 1927), 65.

9 The General, Outlines of History, 65.

10 Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 4:347.

11 Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 4:348.

12 Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 4:248, 347-348; The General, Outlines of History, 65.

13 Colleen Morton, SAGALA Tutorial, (Sydney, Australia: Territorial Headquarters of The Salvation Army, n.d.), 2.

14 Wiggins, History of The Salvation Army, 4:348.

15 “1908 Boy Scouts movement begins”, This Day in History, http://www.history.com/this-day-in-history/boy-scoutsmovement-begins accessed on 29 November, 2015.

7

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Booth asked for approval to use his idea for a youth activity within The Salvation Army. BadenPowell approved16 and both groups, Baden-Powell’s Scouts and Booth’s Salvation Army Legion had similar aims. But in time, Salvation Army leaders found many things associated with Scouts unacceptable so General Bramwell Booth and Commissioner Edward Higgins, together with those responsible for Young People’s work decided to take the good points of the Scouting movement and develop it with The Salvation Army principles.

In 1913 The Salvation Army Young People’s Legion became the Life-Saving Scouts. Soon the movement spread worldwide, operating in countries and territories where The Salvation Army operated. Other sections were added to focus on different age groups, such as: the Chums, inaugurated in England in 1917, as a junior section of Life-Saving Scouts; and the Sunbeams, inaugurated by Mrs. General Florence Booth in England during 1921. The Life-Saving movement did not commence in Australia until 1916 and, in comparison to England, it was the Life-Saving Guards which took the vanguard.

Problems in research Six major issues impeding the collection of data have arisen when researching the Life-Saving and later SAGALA movements.

Firstly, little information has been found thus far regarding the boys programs in Australia.

With the different levels of connection to the Baden-Powell movement over the years, information has been lost, or has remained only in the hands of individuals.

Secondly, there has been a disconnection between information on when troops or programs commenced and when they were officially recognised. Again information about the activities of troops and their commencement and concluding dates has either been lost or not kept at corps, divisional or territorial levels.

Thirdly, there is a problem between people’s individual memories and official documentation.

For example, one centennial was held in 2015 under the advice of a retired leader; an unofficial centennial will be held in 2016 to commemorate the 1916 commencement of the first three troops in Australia; and the official centennial will be held in 2019, to commemorate the official recognition in Australia in 1919 of the Life-Saving movement.

Fourthly, there are differences across the two Australian territories. From 1921 Sydney and Melbourne were the headquarters for the different territories and quite independent of each other.

They introduced different programs at different times, or made very different decisions. Thus the timeline presented below, focuses on the Australian Eastern Territory, until further research can be done.

The following quote from Barbara Bolton’s Booth’s Drum illustrated something of these differences and the confusion which can arise. Bolton wrote:

16

Despite the agreement between Booth and Baden-Powell, in 1918 the Supreme Court of the United States of America, ruled that the Baden-Powell movement was the only organisation that could rightfully use the terms “Scout” or “Scouting.” This forced The Salvation Army to change their program’s name from the Life-Saving Scouts and LifeSaving Guards to the Life-Saving Guards-Boys. Bill Sloan, “Partners in Service,” Scouting, (September, Vol. 89, No. 4, 2001), 30-32 & 54, 54.

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In 1954 the scouts of both Territories merged with the Baden-Powell Movement, the Guards and Sunbeams also merged with the Baden-Powell movement, becoming guides and brownies.

However, during the 1970’s the Southern Territory decided that there was value in using the Army approach and guards and sunbeam brigades were once more established. Guards and Sunbeam brigades have always flourished in the Eastern Territory.17

Although the first sentence is not fully correct in this quotation, as the Guards and Sunbeams in the Eastern Territory did not combine with the Baden-Powell movement, Bolton did rectify this point in the later sentence.

This extract points to the fifth issue; that is the Salvation Army’s written history. Much of the present history promotes positive elements over critical reflection or evaluation. Despite Bolton’s claim that the groups had always flourished, as will be shown, there were a number of times when Guards and Sunbeams in the Eastern Territory did anything but flourish.

The final issue with research in this area is that, although publications of manuals and guides can be sourced, there are many occasions when the publication year is not listed on the document.

This inhibits the researcher from drawing well-founded conclusions. For example, if a date had appeared on A Guide to Effective Boys’ Legions,18 it could be determined if the book was produced before the experimental Boys’ Legion took shape and therefore help in tracking the development of the move away from the Baden-Powell movement. One could presume that it was produced after the official commencement of the Boys’ Legion section, as it stated in the introduction that Legion Leaders had requested such a book, but as there are a lot of “Scouting terms” it could easily have been produced before the move was made. In addition to this, although the Boys’ Legion officially launched in 1974 in the Eastern Territory it was not until the following year, 1975 that the territory produced Effective Legions.19 Therefore it must be concluded that groups were officially running before refined instructions on how to run them were produced. These examples are not unique, as many instructional materials and guides give no year of publication.

Timeline of the Australia Eastern Territory Life-Saving movement Following is a chronological timeline of important appointments and events which shaped the development of the Life-Saving and later the SAGALA movement. As already stated, this is a preliminary list, in order to spark memory and conversation in the hope of gleaning more information for a deeper study. As will be seen, the movement in Australia, has to some degree been impacted by Salvation Army international decisions, but has also remained independent and therefore not followed the lead of many other Salvation Army Territories.

1916 May, What appeared to be the first listing of the Life-Saving movement in Australia appeared in The Young Soldier, where Commissioner James Hay is reported as introducing two LifeSaving Guard troops during the Young People’s Demonstration at the territorial congress in 17

Barbara Bolton, Booth’s Drum – The Salvation Army in Australia 1880-1980, (Lane Cove, Australia: Hodder and Stoughton, 1980), 192.

18 Milton Brindley, A Guide to Effective Boys’ Legions, (Sydney, Australia: Australia Eastern Territory of The Salvation Army, n.d., [c1975]).

19 Issued by the authority of the Territorial Commander, Effective Legions, (Sydney, Australia: Territorial Youth Department of The Salvation Army, 1988), i. The 1988 edition of Effective Legions stated that its first edition was published in 1975. It is thought that the 1975 edition could have been the work by Milton Brindley.

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Melbourne. These troops were No. 1, South Richmond and No. 2, Collingwood, both in Victoria.20 July, The Young Soldier reported on a troop in operation at Albion, Queensland.21 August, Salvation Army officers, Adjutant Frances Holzman and Ensign Elsie Culter were appointed to Sydney and South Australia Divisions respectively, solely to organise the Primary Department (Sunday School) and the Life-Saving Guards.22 October, The Young Soldier reported on a troop in operation at Sydney Congress Hall, New South Wales under the leadership of Primary Leader Ruby Petersen. 23 The uniform for the Life-Saving Guards was detailed in The War Cry.24 November, The Young Soldier reported on a troop in operation at Lithgow, New South Wales.25 1919 The Life-Saving Guards movement was officially recognised in the eastern states of Australia.

At this time the Guards motto was ‘Pleasant under all Circumstances’ and the slogan ‘To Save and to Serve.’ The motto later changed to ‘Cheerful under all Circumstances.’ The first guard troop registered was Newtown, Sydney under the leadership of Adjutant Daisy Kemp. 26 1921 The one Australian Territory was divided into two territories with headquarters in Sydney and Melbourne. The Orders and Regulations For Field Officers included a chapter on the Young Peoples’ Legion and other chapters of the Life-Saving movement. The chapter on Young People’s Legion included both the movement itself and the Band of Love. The Life-Saving moment was given three chapters: The Life-Saving Scout Organization, The Life-Saving Chum Organization, and The Life-Saving Guard Organization.27 6 January, Brigadier Holzman replaced Mrs. Daisy Nettleton28 as Territorial Guard Leader in Sydney.

February, Commissioner James Hay declared that Life-Saving Scouts would be introduced to Australia and ordered that officers and local officers were “to prepare without delay for the inauguration at all possible Corps”. 29 The Albion Corps, Queensland, was the first to commence a Life-Saving Scout troop, under the leadership of Hubert Scotney. 30 Queensland was honored to have the first two troops of Life-Saving Scouts, No. 1, Albion troop, No. 2, Woollongabba troop.

20

At this time Australia was one territory. The Young Soldier, (Melbourne, 3 June, 1916), 8.

This is the first troop in the area of what would later become the Eastern Territory. The Young Soldier, (Melbourne, 15 July, 1916), 13.

22 The Young Soldier, (Melbourne, 5 August, 1916), 8.

23 The Young Soldier, (Melbourne, October, 1916).

24 The War Cry, (Melbourne, 7 October, 1916), 16.

25 The Young Soldier, (Melbourne, 25 November, 1916), 14.

26 Kemp went on to commence guard troops at a number of other corps at that time, for example; Leichhardt, Waterloo and St Peters, all in the Sydney area. Kemp later married and became Mrs. Nettleton. Nigel Barbour, The Brigadier Remembers! Highlights of History of Guarding in the Australia Eastern Territory as recalled by Brigadier Mabel Ward (Sydney, Australia: Nigel Barbour, c1990).

27 Authority of The General, Orders and Regulations For Field Officers, (London, UK: The Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1921), 430-429; 434-447.

28 See footnote 26.

29 The War Cry, (16 February, 1921), 2. Hay remained territorial commander for both territories during the first year of their separation; hence his order applied to the whole country.

30 Scotney was later to become a commissioner of The Salvation Army. Barbara Bolton, Booth’s Drum – The Salvation Army in Australia 1880-1980, (Lane Cove, Australia: Hodder and Stoughton, 1980), 192.

21

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1924 Mrs. Major Elizabeth Ward commenced the first Sunbeam brigade in Australia at Wagga Wagga and a little later she also commenced a Chum group in the same corps.

1925 First General’s Guard Tassel was awarded in the Australian Eastern Territory. It was presented to Effie Annabel of Newtown Troop. 31 Sunbeams first appeared in Orders & Regulations For Corps Officers of The Salvation Army. 32 1927 Captain Mary McDowell was appointed as the Territorial Guard Leader.

1928 A number of items were officially produced: the Chum pledge and declaration appeared; Orders & Regulations for Life-Saving Guards was published; Sunbeam and Guard pledge and declaration. Ensign Flockton was appointed to the responsibility of Guards and Scouts in the Eastern Territory.

1929 Adjutant Elsie Andrews appointed as Territorial Guard Leader.

1930 From 1930 until 1945 saw a decline in the Life-Saving movement throughout Australia. This has been linked to the Great Depression and World War Two. 1935 Adjutant Bertha Faucett was appointed as Territorial Guard Organiser. Discussions of affiliation between The Salvation Army’s Life-Saving Scouts and the Baden-Powell Scouting movement took place. International Headquarters allowed each Salvation Army territory to either affiliate or to remain under Salvation Army authority. This decision affected the whole world and in some places Salvation Army youth work has never recovered.33 The move could have come from pressure from the United States of America, as The Salvation Army there had merged the Life-Saving movement with the Baden-Powell movement in 1929 and Evangeline Booth who oversaw the amalgamation had become General in 1934. 34 1936 The Declaration of both the Guards and Sunbeams were changed to be the Law and the pledges for both sections were changed. The motto of Guards was changed and a motto and prayer for the Sunbeams was introduced.

1948 Affiliation between the Life-Saving Scouts and the Baden-Powell Scouts were completed in British Territory and other Salvation Army territories. The name of Chums was changed to Cubs in line with the Baden-Powell movement. This did not impact Australia at this time as both territories decided to not affiliate. The uniform for guards changed to a grey dress, leather belt, a tie that displayed the troop colour, and a forage cap.

1953 Senior Captain Mabel Ward was appointed as Territorial Guard Organiser, and ordered to undertake improvements. At that time, the Life-Saving Guard movement had nearly died in the Australia Eastern Territory. There were only four guard troops and one sunbeam brigade still in operation with a total membership of only 123 girls. Commissioner Joshua James wrote in Ward’s appointment letter dated 13 April, 1953: “I send you my best wishes, and trust that the Life-Saving Guard and Sunbeam Organisations will make definite headway under your leadership.” There had been no Territorial Guard Organiser appointed for 20 years prior to Ward’s appointment. Ward was diligent in her work and both a guard and scout

31

Annabel later married and became Mrs. Effie Gough. As reported by A. Stoneham of Rockdale Corps.

Authority of the General, Orders & Regulations For Corps Officers of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1925), 165-169.

33 One Commissioner stated “When we had larger, and more scout troops in the British Territory, we also had larger Sunday-schools.” Reginald Parker, “Scouting – its place in The Army”, The Officer, (January – February, Vol. 14, No. 1, 1963), 29-35, 32 34 Bill Sloan, “Partners in Service,” Scouting, (September, Vol. 89, No. 4, 2001), 30-32 & 54, 54.

32

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meeting was called to reinvigorate the movements. She set about training new leaders and establishing new troops. A new uniform was also launched.

1954 A guard camp was held at Collaroy, Sydney, the first for many years. A group of guards, under the leadership of Doreen Tindale, together with three New Zealand guards made an Australasian group as delegates to The Salvation Army’s International Guard Camp, Norway.

1955 Lithgow Corps was the only corps in the Eastern Territory to have guards, sunbeams, scouts and cubs functioning. 35 1956 General Wilfred Kitching visited Sydney and the Life-Saving sections were the guard of honour at the march past in front of the Sydney Town Hall. First edition of The Guard Handbook was printed. It was subsequently revised in 1972, 1975, 1979, 1982, 1984, and 1997. A new edition was developed in 1988.

The author, Major Glenda Hentzschel with her Guard uniform.36

1957 A Territorial Efficiency Shield was re-introduction and guard and sunbeam demonstrations begun. Each demonstration was held in Sydney Congress Hall. Before each demonstration ‘old guards’, former members of the movement enjoyed a meal and activities in Sydney Congress Hall.

1958 The first combined cub camp was held at Collaroy, Sydney. Nearly 100 boys attended the camp representing troops from; Campsie, Rockdale, Dulwich Hill, Belmore, Parramatta, 35 36

The Young Soldier, (19 March, 1955), 6.

Garth Hentzschel’s private collection, Brisbane, Australia.

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Granville, Toongabbie, Thornleigh, Lithgow, and Tamworth. Collaroy also hosted an interterritorial camp with guards from New Zealand, Australian Southern and Eastern Territories.

May, The first combined Sunbeam camp held in the Australia Eastern Territory was attended by 120 girls and their leaders from eight brigades. The program of the camp included church parades at Dee Why Corps, a Saturday evening concert and a visit to the hospital for children.

1959 Another round of affiliations took place across The Salvation Army life-saving world. In a number of countries Life-Saving Guards and the Girl Guiding Associations were combined with the name Guards changed to Guides and Sunbeams to Brownies in some Salvation Army territories. The Australia Eastern Territory retained original terms and did not enter into this agreement as the Life-Saving Guards movement was growing. Membership had risen from 123 in 1953 to over 900.37 Not only did the year see the 40th anniversary of guarding in the territory, but also the Chief Secretary, Colonel Garnet Palmer re-assigned the job of divisional guard organiser to the wife of the divisional young people’s secretary. This brought more interest and enthusiasm into the Life-Saving movement.

1963 A wooden boomerang shaped box called “Walkabout” was sent from corps to corps to emphasise the importance of the Life-Saving movement. Rallies or meetings were held, and written report enclosed in the boomerang.

1964 The Commissioner’s Sunbeam award was introduced in USA and was adapted immediately to the Australian situation.

1965 After years of service to the movement Brigadier Ward became an advisor on guarding. The Territorial Youth Secretary, Major Terence Higgins suggested the term SAGALA (Scouting And Guarding And Legion Activities) as a name to embrace both boys’ and girls’ sections.

The first time the word SAGALA was used with the Life-Saving movement was at Collaroy Life-Saving demonstration with displays, presentation of awards, a march past, and competitions. At a later date, most probably once the Salvation Army pulled away from the Baden-Powell movement, the acronym SAGALA was changed to Sunbeams And Guards And Legion Activities. It later changed again in 2005.

1966 The 46th anniversary of the Life-Saving movement in Australia was held at Collaroy, Sydney.38 Major Peggy Stephens was appointed as Territorial Guard Organiser.

1969 The 50th anniversary of guarding was celebrated throughout the Eastern Territory.39 1970 By this year, most Life-Saving Scout troops had closed or had amalgamated with the BadenPowell movement or with Boys’ Brigade. This left a gap in the boys’ movement of The Salvation Army. While there were a number of young people’s legions still in existence, these had a specialised focus, such as gymnastic troops. The first experimental boys’ legion was begun at Dee Why, under the leadership of Kevin Hentzschel. 40 Major Dorothy Stephens was appointed as Territorial Guard Organiser.

1971 Major Gweneth Woodbury was appointed as Territorial Guard Organiser. The Sunbeams celebrated their 50th Anniversary, and a small souvenir flag was produced to celebrate this significant anniversary.

37

The Victory, (Melbourne, October, 1959), 5.; Barbour, The Brigadier Remembers!, 5.

Barbour, The Brigadier Remembers!

39 Barbour, The Brigadier Remembers!

40 Hentzschel is now a retired Salvation Army Officer.

38

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1972 To honour the First Nations, guard leaders were encouraged to take on Aboriginal names for use in their troops. Talks also began in late 1972 regarding a program for boys, which would be beneficial to the boys, fill the gap left by the Life-Saving Scouts and have an evangelical outreach component.

1973 A committee was formed to discuss The Salvation Army’s program for boys and the first meeting was held at Granville. At this meeting it was decided that The Salvation Army Eastern Territory would break away from Baden-Powell movement completely and develop its own program.

November, The decision was made to re-organise the boys’ program into something worthwhile and the Boys’ Legion Section was formed.

1974 Publication of a new Orders and Regulations for Guards, the Australian version known as Guidelines for Leaders of the Life-Saving Guard Organisation. 41 In the new Guidelines a Leader’s Pledge was also introduced. The Good Singing booklet was also printed for use at camps and other guard outings. The new Boys’ Legion Section was officially launched in the Eastern Territory.

1975 The Boys’ Legion in the Southern Territory was officially launched and saw an increase in boys attending.42 Around this time A Guide to Effective Boys’ Legions was produced. It was not revised until 1988. In connection with this a boys’ legion leaders’ conference was held at Collaroy, Sydney. General Clarence Wiseman presented 11 girls with their General’s Guard award. Also the territory produced a book entitled What’s a Sunbeam, later revised in 1996.

1976 Captain Jeanette Swinton was appointed as the Territorial Guard Organiser.

1977 Captain Heather Merrick was appointed as the Territorial Guard Organiser. The uniform style was changed for guards and leaders. The Territorial Guard of the Year Award was introduced and Christine Cohen was the first guard to receive this award.43 1978 The ‘Fourfold Fellowship’ was formed by Brigadier Ward to encourage former members and leaders of the girl’s sections to remain in communication with each other and The Salvation Army. Ward became the first secretary of the Fourfold Fellowship. A territorial boys’ legion camp was held at Tallebudgera with the theme of “Pirates.” Rafts were made by each troop and launched into Tallebudgera creek to go along with the theme.

1979 The Life-Saving Guards celebrated its 60th anniversary. As a part of the celebrations, a large key-shaped wooden box was sent around to every division, and every troop wrote a message outlining the activities occurring in the SAGALA groups.

5 October, Brigadier Ward, received official approval, from Chief Secretary, Colonel William Cairns, to commence the ‘Fourfold Fellowship’.

1980 Mrs. Major Ruth Jessop was appointed as acting Territorial Guard Organiser. The Moonbeam section was formally introduced into the SAGALA family. Many corps had already commenced similar groups or Moonbeams without registration. When registration became a necessity Mackay Corps was first to submit the registration forms. It became No. 1, and Bundamda No. 2; both corps from Queensland.

41

Barbour, The Brigadier Remembers!

Barbara Bolton, Booth’s Drum – The Salvation Army in Australia 1880-1980, (Lane Cove, Australia: Hodder and Stoughton, 1980), 192.

43 Cohen is now a Salvation Army Officer.

42

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1982 The Moonbeam Section’s program was revised. The Salvation Army in the USA commenced SABAC (Salvation Army Boys’ Adventure Corps).44 1984 The new Guidelines for Life-Saving Guards was introduced and the Moonbeams’ Pledge, Law, and Motto introduced.45 1985 Mrs. Major Pamela Clarke was appointed as the acting Territorial Guard Organiser.

1986 Long Service badges and certificates were introduced for the girls’ sections. Mrs. Major Clarke was appointed as the Territorial Guard Organiser and under her leadership a number of changes were made to the Guard’s program and leadership training.

1987 Another new edition of the Guidelines for Boy’s Legions was published and in this the wording of the Sunbeams’ pledge was changed.

1988 A Bicentennial project was launched and the National Bicentennial Camp, “Camp Australiana” was held in Canberra for Guards and Rangers. A working party meet, and from this working party a new Guard program was developed. The new program saw the introduction of a new Pledge and Law, as well as the Yellow, Red and Blue Awards. The Boys’ Legion Adventurer Handbook was first published with further reprints in 1991, 1992, 1996, and 1998. Mrs. Major Clark rewrote the Guidelines for the Life-Saving Guard Organisation and the first edition of The Moonbeam Handbook was published. 46 In recognition for her work, Mrs. Betty Hazell was commissioned as Guard Adviser.

1989 The 70th anniversary of guarding was celebrated at Rockdale, Sydney. A commemorative badge was produced to mark this occasion along with A Short History of Life-Saving Guards

by Brother A. Stoneham. Mrs. Captain Judith Baker was appointed as the Assistant Territorial Guard Organiser.

1990 Mrs. Major Coral Strong was appointed as the Territorial Guard Organiser.

1991 The Boys’ Legion Ranger Handbook was published.

1994 The 75th anniversary of guarding was celebrated at Camp Kiah, held in Brisbane. A commemorative badge was again produced for this occasion.

1995 A committee was formed and produced a new combined, Guidelines to Legion and Effective Legions. Captain Judith Baker was appointed as the Territorial Guard Organiser.

1996 A Territorial Leaders’ Conference was held at Coffs Harbour, New South Wales. It was important for two reasons; Kevin White from USA attended the conference to view the Boys’ Legion program, which was introduced as the Salvation Army Adventure Corps; also Divisional Legion Leaders Garth Hentzschel and Brad Strong pushed to have the acronym SAGALA changed to mean Salvation Army Guards and Legion Activities.

1997 The Boys’ Legion sections had a new Ranger Handbook produced with changes to badges.

1998 Mt Gravatt Boys’ Legion was the first to introduce the sash to the Boys’ Legion uniform, for display of badges.

1999 The 80th celebrations were held at Campsie Corps for the Life-Saving Guards.

2000 Kerry Parker took on responsibility of the SAGALA movement as Territorial Leader, under the leadership of Mrs. Major Wendy Walters.

44

In the 1990s a representative from The Salvation Army in the USA visited Australia to seek information and ideas from the Boys’ Legion Program to reinvigorate the Adventure Corps.

45 Barbour, The Brigadier Remembers!

46 Much of the program was taken from the program written by leaders of Bundamba.

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2001 Major Rodney Walters sent out a request to SAGALA leaders to complete a questionnaire on decisions that would effect the future of SAGALA. The Sunbeam prayer was also changed again at this time.

2002 A territorial consultancy group was commenced and a SAGALA Consultation Weekend was held on 1-3 March. A large number of recommendations were put forward and one of the outcomes saw the uniforms of the SAGALA groups changed.

2003 Consultancy groups continued 2004 Consultancy groups continued. The Boys’ Legion introduced the Explorers section for younger boys of the same age as the Moonbeams. The first unofficial Explorers troop was run

by Garth Hentzschel in the Shellharbour Corps in 1988.

2005 The acronym SAGALA was re-defined to make clear that these were Salvation Army sponsored activities for boys and girls – Salvation Army Guarding And Legion Activities.

The new program for SAGALA was rolled out under Major Ian Channel with a common pledge for all sections.

2007 New guidelines were written but were not immediately approved.

2008 Another change in the uniform took place. Around this time a Salvation Army soldier Heather Brodrick was put in charge of the SAGALA movement across the territory and she moved operations to Brisbane.

2011 The Guidelines, previously written in 2007 were corrected, alterations made, and with more changes were made official. The Moonbeams and Explorers had a top award introduced, the ‘Mega Star’, given after receiving 10 proficiency badges.

2013 Derek Hughes was appointed to look into SAGALA and then took charge of the movement on a territorial level.

2015 SAGALA held a territorial camp, Camp Kiah and celebrated the heritage of SAGALA and the commenced the 100th anniversary of the movement in Australia.

As the celebration of the centennial commences, research and preparations are well underway to commemorate this occasion with a book so a more complete story of the Life-Saving and SAGALA movements can be compiled. If the above timeline has sparked memories or information, please contact the author. The author invites former SAGALA members, or others, who may have information pertaining to the Life-Saving or SAGALA movements, to contact her at ctp.nanna@hotmail.com

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ELECTRONIC RESOURCE FOR GENEALOGICAL AND HISTORICAL RESEARCH Lyndall Maag Key source documents for family historians across the world are immigration records. These documents can include information regarding immigration schemes, passenger lists, arrival and departure information, passport documentation, and land order and naturalisation records. By far the majority of this information is compiled by local, regional, and national governments.

Records series at Queensland State Archives include Passenger Lists for ships sailing into what are now Queensland Ports.1 It must be noted that the earlier the lists the less detailed the content. Later lists include passenger’s ability to read and write, general comments regarding immigration schemes, births and deaths on a voyage and names of sponsors. Also included are passenger’s nominated religions. Initially those compiling the lists would simply note that immigrants were Roman Catholic or Protestant. Then, over time, notations are made of the Church of England, the Church of Scotland, Congregationalists, Baptists, Wesleyans, Presbyterians, Friends or the Quakers, Brethren and Christadelphians. One such example, from the QSA series mentioned above, is the passenger list for the journey of the Duke of Norfolk that arrived in Brisbane February, 1901 (see figure 1).

Figure 1 The passenger list for the journey of the Duke of Norfolk that arrived in Brisbane February, 1901, www.archives.qld.gov.au Reference citation of this paper Lyndall Maag, “Electronic resource for genealogical and historical research”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 84-85.

1 An example is the Index for Assisted Immigration 1848-1912 http://www.archives.qld.gov.au/Researchers/Indexes/Immigration/Pages/Immigration1848.aspx, accessed on 14 November, 2015.; QSA now provides access to digital copies of these lists via their website www.archives.qld.gov.au.

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In the list on pages 290 and 291 are details regarding the following passengers: Catherine Grenfell, aged 30, single female, Domestic Servant, from Perthshire Scotland, who could read and write; and Ernest Bow, aged 23, single male, Farm Labourer, from Dorset England These two adventurous young people, out of a total of 453 travellers undertaking this voyage, were Salvationists. Clearly, during what is generally acknowledged as a period of mass immigration from Britain to its colonies, particular immigrants identified with The Salvation Army as one of many Christian denominations.

From the time they begin exploring their family history, genealogists are taught to use these government records when focusing on immigration aspects of their research. These records enlighten us to the movements of many people and to how Salvationists moved around the world; they also show how The Salvation Army assisted people to find a better life in a different country.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SALVATION ARMY LITERATURE IN ENGLISH 1988 – PRESENT SURNAMES OF BOOK AUTHORS A TO C Garth R. Hentzschel Following on from R.G. Moyles, A Bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English 18651987,1 each edition of the Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History will have information on literature by Salvationists or containing information on The Salvation Army to assist researchers and those interested in The Salvation Army. Both bibliographical information and a brief outline of the work will be included. Where possible, information will also be provided on where the work can be accessed or purchased. Please note that categories and referencing style will be that used by Moyles to continue the style of the work. If the reader knows of other works published in English they are encouraged to contact the author.

SECTION I – HISTORY, DESCRIPTION, AND PUBLIC REACTION A. GENERAL HISTORIES Cohen, Susan. THE SALVATION ARMY. Great Britain: Shire Library, 2013, 64 pp.

The book outlined the commencement of The Salvation Army and the social work, which led to Darkest England Scheme. Other areas which were covered included; Salvation Army music, women’s ministries, young people’s work, as well as war and emergency services work.2

Coutts, John. SAINTS ALIVE! A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. London, UK: Salvation Books (International Headquarters of The Salvation Army), 2007, 104 pp.

The book introduced major historical figures and theological ideas throughout the history of the Christian church. There is also a section on The Salvation Army which investigated the sacramental

Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English 1988- present, surnames of book authors A to C”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 86-117.

1 R.G. Moyles, A Bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English (1865-1987), (Lewiston, USA: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1988).

2 At the time of publication the book could be purchased on fishpond - http://www.fishpond.com.au/Books/SalvationArmy-Dr-Susan-Cohen/9780747812456

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stand, evangelism and social work, as well as the cult of personality in the connection to William Booth.3 Curtis, A. Kenneth, Lang, J. Stephen and Petersen, Randy. THE 100 MOST IMPORTANT EVENTS IN CHRISTIAN HISTORY. Grand Rapids, USA: Fleming H. Revell, 1991, paperback edition 1998, seventh edition 2000, previously published as DATES WITH DESTINY, 208 pp.

The book introduced major Christian historical figures, events and theological ideas throughout the history of the Christian church. There is also a section on The Salvation Army which investigated the political and Christian environment of the time and outlined the evangelism and social work of the movement. 4 B. DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNTS OF ARMY METHODS AND ACIVITIES Bennett, David Malcolm. THE SINNER’S PRAYER: ITS ORIGINS AND DANGERS. Capalaba, Australia: Even Before Publishing, c2014, 162 pp.

The book examined various forms of the Sinner’s Prayer and the assumptions from which it arose. The work suggested that the method is unbiblical and therefore put forward another method for evangelicals, which are more in line with the teaching of the Bible. The work gave a section on William and Catherine Booth’s use of the prayer and method of appeal. 5 Bovey, Nigel. THE MERCY SEAT. London, UK: United Kingdom Territory, 1996, 100 pp.

This work was a study on the history, form and function of The Salvation Army’s Mercy Seat. It included research from a search of biblical, historical Salvation Army publications and songs, as well as data from an interview held in 1994. There was also a survey of inscriptions written on the Mercy Seat.

Bovey, Nigel. THE MERCY SEAT REVISITED. London, UK: United Kingdom Territory, 2000, 2011, 294 pp.

This work was an updated and expansion of the earlier study on the history, form and function of The Salvation Army’s Mercy Seat. It included research from a search of biblical, historical Salvation Army publications and songs, as well as data from an interview held in 1994. There was also a survey of inscriptions written on the Mercy Seat. 6 Burrows, William. HEART OF THE FAMILY – A HISTORY OF THE HOME LEAGUE IN THE BRITISH TERRITORY. London, UK: National Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1989, 108 pp.

The book gave a brief overview of the history and philosophy of the Home League. An entire chapter was dedicated to the 50th anniversary celebrations while another discussed the move towards a focus on the family and future developments. A list of territorial leaders was also given.

Clifton, Shaw. WHO ARE THESE SALVATIONISTS? AN ANALYSIS FOR THE 21 ST CENTURY. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books (Salvation Army National Publications), 1999, 240 pp.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/saints-alive-john-coutts/ 4 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Koorong https://www.koorong.com/search/product/100-most-important-events-in-christian-history-a/0800756444.jhtml 5 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Amazon - http://www.amazon.com/The-Sinners-PrayerOrigins-Dangers/dp/1921633670 6 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=2342&c=20555

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The book was a discussion, in four parts, to investigate who Salvationists are and the history and current methods used to outplay the worldview of The Salvation Army. The parts were; Salvationists as Protestant Evangelicals, Salvationists as Sacramentalists, Salvationists as Pragmatists, and Salvationists as Internationalists.

D. HISTORIES OF SPECIFIC ENDEAVOURS AND EVENTS 5. Limelight Department and Film Making in The Salvation Army Cox, Lindsay. THE STORY – THE SALVATION ARMY SOLDIERS OF THE CROSS – CENTENARY OF THE FIRST SCREENING 1900-2000. Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Archives & Museum, 2000, 15 pp.

The booklet gave information on Joseph Perry, Herbert Booth and the making of the film Soldiers of the Cross. The plot, story line and information on the travelling lecture were connected with pictures of the equipment and the scenes.

E. PUBLIC REACTION TO AND COMMENTARY ON ARMY METHODS AND ACTIVITIES Aragon, Lorraine V. FIELDS OF THE LORD – ANIMISM, CHRISTIAN MINORITIES AND STATE DEVELOPMENT IN INDONESIA. Honolulu, USA: University of Hawai’i Press, 2000, 383 pp.

This book came from research on the religious and ethnic history of Indonesia, which included the work of The Salvation Army in western Central Sulawesi. The author claimed The Salvation Army pursued its missional goals through gifts of education and medicine so doing confused the local spirituality and later developed a complication to define valid “religion”. 7 Bibby, Reginald W. UNKNOWN GODS – THE ONGOING STORY OF RELIGION IN CANADA. Toronto, Canada: Stoddart Publishing, 1993, 359 pp.

The book used The Salvation Army in a number of examples, which included; the public’s respect for The Army, social services, women’s rights, use of media to ‘sell its product’, membership numbers and use of property.

Black, Alan W. (ed). RELIGION IN AUSTRALIA, SOCIOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVES. Study in Society Series. North Sydney, Australia: Allen & Unwin, 1991, 222 pp.

The research uncovered sociological perspectives of religion in Australia. Through the case study of a small town The Salvation Army was investigated and the study revealed the movement’s decline, class, educational background of its members and authority of the officers over the soldiery.

F. THE SALVATION ARMY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD Australia Broadbere, Robert. EXPLORING HENRY LAWSON – AN EXAMINATION OF THE LIFE AND TIMES OF HENRY LAWSON. Sydney, Australia: Robert Broadbere, 2009/2010, 114 pp.

The paper was a study on the life of Henry Lawson, an Australian poet. There was information throughout the study on The Salvation Army and a chapter was entitled, “Henry Lawson and his place in Salvation Army History”.

7

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from the University of Hawai’I Press http://www.uhpress.hawaii.edu/p-1475-9780824823030.aspx

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Broadbere, Robert. FROM COFFEE PALACE TO PEOPLES’ PALACE – A UNIQUE STYLE OF ACCOMMODATION – A BRIEF HISTORY OF COFFEE PALACES AND PEOPLES PALACES WHICH FORMED PART OF AUSTRALIA’S EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT AND HOUSING NEEDS. Kogarah, Australia: Robert Broadbere (For private circulation only), 2012, 63 pp.

The paper was a study on the Coffee Palaces and Peoples’ Palaces run in connection with The Salvation Army throughout Australia and New Zealand.

Bryce, Rhonda, Ryan, Tracy and van Willigen, Gabrielle. GOING TO THE GUMS – THE LAZARET ON PEEL ISLAND. Cleveland, Australia: The Friends of Peel Island Assoc., 2009, 71 pp.

The book was the history of the leper colony and gave information and photographs of The Salvation Army’s ministry to the lepers of Peel Island, Brisbane.

Canada Creighton, David. LOSING THE EMPRESS – A PERSONAL JOURNEY – THE EMPRESS OF IRELAND’S ENDURING SHADOW. Toronto, Canada: Dunburn Press, 2000, 256 pp.

The book focused on the sinking of the Empress of Ireland and the author’s grandparents as well as five children left orphaned. There was discussion on the sinking of the vessel in relation to the British Empire, World War I and The Salvation Army. 8

China Cairns, William. A COSTLY DEATH BED CHARGE (A REPORT OF THE SALVATION ARMY MISSION TO THE PEOPLE OF CHINA). Menai, Australia: Walker & Associates, 1989, 144 pp.

The book gave information about the commencement of The Salvation Army in China and covered information which included the Japanese occupation of parts of the country and how this impacted The Salvation Army. Post war information was given on The Salvation Army’s retreat to Hong Kong and Taiwan but concluded with an optimistic hope for The Army’s return to China.

Indonesia Brouwer, Melattie. HISTORY OF THE SALVATION ARMY IN INDONESIA – VOL 1, 1894-1949.

Hawthorn, Australia: The Salvation Army, 1996, 171 pp.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies & Purchasing Department, Canada - http://store.salvationarmy.ca/index.php?main_page=product_info&cPath=544&products_id=13669

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The book outlined the commencement of The Salvation Army in the then Dutch East Indies by Australia Salvationists. It included many of the aspects of the early formation of The Army’s work in social services, medical services, education as well as the disruption of the work during World War II and the internment of many Salvationists by the Japanese military.9 Korea Chang, Peter H. THE SALVATION ARMY IN KOREA. Seoul, Republic of Korea: The Salvation Army, Korea Territory, 2007, 262 pp.

The book gave information about the history of The Salvation Army in Korea. The book was written on a theatrical bases, each chapter covered a different institution or element of The Army in Korea, for example there was a chapter on; the training college, the Seoul Boy’s Home, the Songbook of The Salvation Army, information about The Army during the Korean War, missionary officers with a table and biographies of leading Salvation Army officers.

New Zealand Bennett, Judith. WHITE CLOUD SOARING – THE STORY OF 24-7 PRAYER IN AOTEAROA. Wellington, New Zealand: Flag Publications, n.d., 176 pp.

The book told the story of how the 24-7 prayer movement arrived in New Zealand and how it impacted The Salvation Army. 10 Broadbere, Robert. FROM COFFEE PALACE TO PEOPLES PALACE (see entry under Australia) Cook, H. Bramwell. THINK ON THESE THINGS – THE SALVATION ARMY CHRISTCHURCH CITY CORPS 1883-2008. Christchurch, NZ: The Salvation Army, Christchurch Corp, 2008, 207 pp.

The book was a researched history of the Christchurch Corps, NZ, and covered the commencement, musical sections, young people’s groups and the development of the property. It included appendixes of; Officers, Candidates, and Senior Local Officers.

Cutt, John. LIVING LEGACY – THE STORY OF THE SALVATION ARMY’S JEFF FARM. Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications (The Salvation Army New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga Territory), 2011, 72 pp.

The book covered the development of the farm from its purchase from the Maori in 1853 through to The Salvation Army receiving it as a donation in 1954. It showed the problems The Salvation Army had with the land and farm management, then how the “laughing stock” became an award-winning training farm for future farmers and became an icon through the television program of Country Calendar.11

9

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/history-of-the-salvation-army-in-indonesia-melattie-brouwer/ Brouwer has written a second volume covering 1951 to 1994 but it is not available in English at this time - Brouwer, M. Melattie. Zamrud di khatulistiwa : sejarah gereja Bala Keselamatan di Indonesia, jil. 2 1951-1994. Gereja Bala Keselamatan, Bandung, 1994.

10 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Resources, Wellington https://shop.sarmy.net.nz/product?openform&pid=CFIN-9M75WZ 11 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Resources, Wellington NZ https://shop.sarmy.net.nz/product?openform&pid=CFIN-9M763Y

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Russia Aitken, Tom. BLOOD AND FIRE, TSAR AND COMMISSAR – THE SALVATION ARMY IN RUSSIA, 1907-1923. Studies in Christian History and Thought series. Bletchley, UK: Paternoster, 2007, 319 pp.

The study unpacked the historical climate of The Salvation Army and Russia at the time of 1907-1923.

A wide variety of resources were used to explain decisions and highlight the narrative, included was the discussion on The Salvation Army during the revolution. 12 Blackwell, Miriam. THE OPEN DOOR – MIRIAM BLACKWELL’S ACCOUNT OF THE SALVATION ARMY’S SECOND ENTRY INTO RUSSIA AND THE COMMONWEALTH OF INDEPENDENT STATES. London, UK: United Kingdom Territory of The Salvation Army, 2001, 166 pp.

The author served as a Salvation Army officer in Russia from 1993-1996 and gives a personal account of the Salvation Army’s reopening in the former USSR. It introduces key players in the work and also The Army’s commencement in some locations. 13 United Kingdom Bovey, Nigel. BLOOD ON THE FLAG. London, UK: Shield Books (The Salvation Army United Kingdom Territory), 2015, 464 pp.

The book was a result of data collected from newspapers in the Victorian period about the Skeleton Army’s attacks upon The Salvation Army. The study focused on the years 1881 to 1893 and covered events on the streets and in the courtroom; it looked at individual events and riots. The book also included times lines, list of Corps attacked, photographs and a reproduction of a page of the Skeleton’s magazine. 14 Bradley, Timothy and Butler, Jonathan. FROM TEMPLES TO THAMES STREET – 2000 YEARS OF RIVERSIDE DEVELOPMENT – ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS AT THE SALVATION ARMY INTERNATIONAL HEADQUARTERS. London, UK: Pre-Construct Archaeology Limited, PCA Monograph Series No. 7, 2008, 141 pp.

The book was an archaeological study of The Salvation Army International Headquarters site, London. It included historical maps of the site, photographs of the dig, information on the Roman period of the site with pictures and discussion of the artefacts collected. The book also included information on the medieval and post-medieval periods.15 SECTION II – SOCIAL SERVICE G. GENERAL HISTORY, DESCRIPTION, AND ANNUAL REPORTS Buckeridge, Judith. BUILDING THE FUTURE – THE SALVATION ARMY’S CONTRIBUTION TO AUSTRALIA’S SOCIAL INFRASTRUCTURE – WORKING FOR CHANGE – THE CHALLENGE OF THE FUTURE IS TO USE METHODS APPROPRIATE TO THE TIMES AND ADAPT TO CURRENT TRENDS. Australia: The Salvation Army, 1993, 64 pp.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=1661&cID= 13 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/the-open-door-2202-p.asp 14 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-blood-on-the-flag---nigel-bovey-10807-p.asp 15 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Fishpond - http://www.fishpond.com.au/Books/FromTemples-to-Thames-Street-2000-Years-of-Riverside-Development-Tim-Bradley-Jonathan-Butler/9780954293864

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The report included a snapshot of The Salvation Army’s national network of services and included; crises care, homelessness, drug and alcohol abuse, court and prison services, employment and training, aged care, families adolescents and children, and each discussed possible future directions.

Buckingham, Hillmon. LIFE THE SPIRIT. Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 1997, 12 pp.

The report included letters of support from community leaders as well as a list of services offered by The Salvation Army.

H. SPECIFIC ASPECTS OF SOCIAL WORK 1. THE ‘DARKEST ENGLAND’ SCHEME Bishop, Gary. DARKEST ENGLAND & THE WAY BACK IN. Leicester, UK: Matador, 2007, 139 pp.

The book told the story of The Salvation Army and The Message Trust work in the Openshaw estate.

The work opened with information about the context and “God’s understanding of the poor”, which was the foundation of the model of incarnation the author espoused. The work then showed examples of transformation and how this worked in parallel to community building.16 4. MISSING PERSONS’ BUREAU Brown, Judith and Poff, Christine. NO LONGER MISSING! – COMPELLING TRUE STORIES FROM THE SALVATIOIN ARMY’S MISSION PERSONS MINISTRY. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books (Salvation Army USA National Headquarters), 2009, 198 pp.

The book was a compilation of 71 cases handled by the Missing Persons’ work of The Salvation Army in North America. It was written, in part, to celebrate the 125th anniversary of the ministry.17 7. WAR SERVICES Clifton, Shaw. CROWN OF GLORY, CROWN OF THORNS – THE SALVATION ARMY IN WARTIME. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2015, 559 pp.

The book was written from the author’s doctoral thesis and examined The Salvation Army’s work and attitudes during military conflict. It covered the conflicts from 1899 to 1945 including the Boer War and both World Wars. Photographs were included to enhance the information and sometimes evidence of the argument made by the author. 18 Cox, Lindsay. BRAVE & TRUE, FROM BLUE TO KHAKI – THE BAND OF THE 2/22ND BATTALION. Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory Archives & Museum, 2003, 136 pp.

The book outlined Australia’s involvement in World War II, The Salvation Army’s anti-war stand and Arthur Gullidge’s discussion with his bandsmen to enlist. The Salvationist who enlisted became the 2/22nd Band and a short biography of each was given. Information about the training and assignment to 16

At the time of publication the book can be purchased from Koorong https://www.koorong.com/search/product/darkest-england-and-the-way-back-in-gary/9781850788348.jhtml 17 At the time of publication the book can be purchased from Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=1577&cID=1 18 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-crown-of-glory-crown-of-thorns-11081-p.asp

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Rabaul, New Britain was also given with many photographs. The invasion of the Japanese, which led to the band’s imprisonment, their loss at sea and aftermath were all areas discussed in the book.

10. MISCELLANEOUS SOCIAL SERVICES Brekke, Bo and Bry, Knut (photographer). SALLY ANN – POVERT TO HOPE, FAIR TRADE BY THE SALVATIOIN ARMY. London, UK: Shield Books (UK Territory), 2005, 160 pp.

The book outlined, with professional photography, the formation and work of the international company, Sally Ann. From the creation of Sally Ann crisps to furniture, it told the story of The Salvation Army’s fair trade in action. 19 Campbell, Wesley and Court, Stephen. BE A HERO – THE BATTLE FOR MERCY AND SOCIAL JUSTICE. Shippensburg, USA: Destiny Image, 2004, 294 pp.

The book outlined the history of children ‘at risk’ throughout ancient and modern history. It described The Salvation Army’s work to rescue those who were ‘at risk’ and discussed In Darkest England and the Way Out. The book outlined the growth of the Christian faith and the current demographic makeup of the world. This investigation identified seven deadly sins which pushed children to become at risk; dirt poor, children in chains, orphans of the street, sex and the city, AIDS and plagues, waraffected children, religious persecution.

Coventry, Louise and McKenzie, David (ed.), Grant, Elisabeth (Layout) and Cox, Lindsay (Cartoons). A WORKING SOCIETY? Australia: The Salvation Army Territorial Commanders Norman Howe and Hillmon Buckingham, 1997, 46 pp.

The report outlined an ethical framework of work and gave statistical information of the unemployed in Australia and how it impacted individuals. It also suggested reforms of employment and taxation, freeing the market, redefining work, and a development of an enterprising culture.

11. YOUTH SERVICES Baker, Kate. FRIDAYS AT OASIS – HOPES AND DREAMS, ONE STEP AT A TIME. Sydney, Australia: Earth Violets, 2008, 104 pp.

The book was a collection of portraits and interviews with homeless youth and Salvation Army workers who have connection with the Oasis Youth Network, Sydney, Australia.

Bartlett, Leo. SOCIAL ENTERPRISES AT OASIS – MISSION, MARKETS & INNOVATION. Indooroopilly, Australia: Preneur Press, 2010, 252 pp.

The book outlined the issue of youth homelessness and then unpacked 26 social enterprises run by Oasis. The programs included: a restaurant, build-a-boat, film making, property cleaning and maintenance. 20 12. MEDICAL AND PHYSICAL/MENTAL HEALTH AND WELL-BEING SERVICES Brook, Rhidian. MORE THAN EYES CAN SEE – A NINE-MONTH JOURNEY THROUGH THE AIDS PANDEMIC. London, UK: Marion Bayars Publishers, 2007, 285 pp.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/sally-ann---poverty-to-hope-2240-p.asp 20 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/social-enterprises-at-oasis-leo-bartlett/

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The author travelled with his family throughout the world to see what The Salvation Army was doing to assist people through the HIV/AIDS pandemic through The Salvation Army AIDS Response Team.

Countries visited included; Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Hong Kong, South Africa, China, India and USA. Calvert, Graham (ed.). HEALTH, HEALING & WHOLENESS – SALVATIONIST PERSPECTIVES. London, UK: Salvation Army International Headquarters, 1997, 191 pp.

The book was a collection of work from; Graham Calvert, Phil Needham, Joan Burton, Cynthia White, William Millar, Barbara Sampson, John Nelson, Colin Fairclough, Stepfan Germann, Barbara Johnson, Captain Lalngaihawmi, Roy Mwilu, Trevor Dawson, Robert C. Shaw, Mirriam Cepe, Ted Morris, David Burrows, and Ian Campbell. It outlined how well-being of the entire person has been the aim of Salvation Army activities and gave personal and organisational examples. Outlines of theology commenced the work, followed by examples form; Brazil, Indonesia, New Zealand, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Japan and more. 21 SECTION III – PROMOTING THE WAR M – PROMOTIONAL LITERATURE Brook, Stephen. GOD’S ARMY – THE STORY OF THE SALVATION ARMY. London, UK: Channel 4 Books, 1998, 192 pp.

The book was developed in connection with a Channel 4 television series, produced by Independent Image and Double Exposure. It outlined the history, beliefs and practices of The Salvation Army and held interviews with both officers and soldiers. The latter sections covered the social work of The Salvation Army, and an interview with John Gowans, at the time the Territorial Commander of the UK Territory. Photographs are included throughout to enhance the discussion and interview.

Cleary, John. SALVO! – THE SALVATION ARMY IN THE 1990S. Double Bay, Australia: Focus Books, 1993, 160 pp.

The book looked at The Salvation Army in Australia through the eyes of a number of Salvationists. It gave an overview of the history, beliefs and practices of The Army, which included homelessness, unemployed, crises, the Red Shield Appeal, international social work, music, gender equality, and drug and alcohol services.

N – INSTRUCTIONAL AND DEVOTIONAL LITERATURE Allchin, Sally-Anne. THE BABY JESUS STORY. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing (Australian Southern Territory), 2008, 2010, 2011, 12 pp.

The booklet was designed for infants and young readers and retold the annunciation, the berth in Bethlehem and the visitation of the angle to the shepherds. 22 Allchin, Sally-Anne. THE PRESENT. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing (Australian Southern Territory), 2009, 2011, 12 pp.

The booklet was designed for infants and young readers and retold the visitation of the wise men to the infant Christ.23 21

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=28&cID=1 22 See footnote 24 23 See footnote 24

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Allchin, Sally-Anne. THE SHEPHERDS AND ME. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing (Australian Southern Territory), 2010, 2011, 12 pp.

The booklet was designed for infants and young readers and retold the visitation of the shepherds to the infant Christ.24 Armistead, Beryl. A BOUQUET OF ROSES AND OTHER REFLECTIONS THROUGH THE YEAR. London, UK: The Salvation Army UK Territory, 1997, 65 pp.

The book used 32 topics as focus for devotional material; there were a mixture of seasonal and personal topics, each linked with either a verse of scripture of a song from The Song Book of Salvation Army.

Armistead, Norman (ed.). FOR GOD ALONE – DEVOTIONAL THOUGHTS FROM THE WRITINGS OF CATHERINE BOOTH, CO-FOUNDER OF THE SALVATION ARMY. Belfast, UK: Ambassador Productions, 1990, 189 pp.

The writings of Catherine Booth were used to write devotional material under 60 themes. Each theme had a section of Booth’s writing followed by a verse of scripture.

Banfield, Stephen and Leedom, Donna. SAY SOMETHING – TELL THEM. WIN. THEM. ESTABLISH THEM. – INSPIRING ACCOUNTS OF EVERYDAY EVANGELISM. Alexandra, USA: Crest Books, 2013, 87 pp.

The book was a compilation of experiences from the National Seminar on Evangelism, Colorado Springs, USA. It contained papers, poems, quotations and a reproduction of a letter to soldiers of The Salvation Army by the Founder.25 Bassett, Carol A.. …AND YOU SHALL SHINE. USA: The Salvation Army, USA Eastern Territory, 2000, 95 pp.

The book was exclusively published for mothers who received the Order of the Silver Star. It was a compilation of poetry, photographs and devotional material all linked to verses of scripture.

Beadle, Tim and Matthews, Joel. LET THE SON SHINE OUT – LET GOD’S CHURCH FIND ITS PLACE IN YOUR COMMUNITY. Calgary, Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda Territory, 2000, 136 pp.

The book focused on Corps growth and discussed issues of the firm foundation, a healthy church, and marketing the church, which included both print based and on-line examples.26 Bell, Bebora and Gilger, Ronda (Illustrator). LYSSA LAMB. Long Beach, USA: Frontier Press, 2005, 29 pp.

The book was written for children and is similar to Pilgrims Progress in that a lamb is sent on a journey and is distracted along the way. There are a number of questions at the end of the book for parents to talk through with their children.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased as a set from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=2343&cID= 25 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationists Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-say-something-7308-p.asp 26 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies & Purchasing Department, Canada - http://store.salvationarmy.ca/index.php?main_page=product_info&products_id=4696

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Birks, Rob. ORSBORNAGAIN – A NEW LOOK AT OLD SONGS OF NEW LIFE. USA: Frontier Press (USA Western Territory), 2013, 128 pp.

The book of devotions used the work of General Albert Orsborn to set the scene for the discussion and meditation.27

Birks, Rob. SOMEONECARED – PROSE AND PRAYERS INSPIRED BY THE POETRY OF JOHN GOWANS. USA: Frontier Press (USA Western Territory), 2014, 128 pp.

The book of devotions used the work of General John Gowans to set the scene for the discussion and meditation.

Brengle, Samuel Logan and Farthing, Peter. SAMUEL LOGAN BRENGLE – HEART FOR GOD. Sydney, Australia and London, UK: Carpenter Media and The Salvation Army’s International Centre for Spiritual Life Development, 2009, 187 pp.

The book was a collection of Samuel Logan Brengle’s works “paraphrased” into contemporary language. It covered discussion on holiness and holy living of the Christian faith of a Salvation Army tradition.

Brown, Arnold. OCCUPIED MANGER, UNOCCUPIED TOMB – MEDITATIONS ON CHRISTMAS AND EASTER THEMES. Ontario, Canada: Arnold Brown on behalf of The Salvation Army in Canada and Bermuda, 1994, 91 pp.

The book of devotions covered 18 topics related to Christmas and Easter. Each discussion linked to a portion of scripture and sometimes included a carol or part of a song.

Brown, Arnold. READING BETWEEN THE LINES – DISCOVERING THE SIGNIFICANCE OF “THE UNMENTIONED” IN SCRIPTURE. Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda, 1997, 99 pp.

The book comprised 22 thoughts on themes in scripture and unpacked some facts which remained unmentioned in the Bible.

Burrows, Eva and Court, Stephen (eds). A FIELD FOR EXPLOITS – TRAINING LEASERS FOR THE SALVATION ARMY. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2012, 222 pp.

The book was a compilation of papers written by past and contemporary leaders of The Salvation Army. The writers included; Bramwell Booth, Florence Booth, Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Albert 27

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/orsborn-again-rob-birks/

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Orsborn, Erick Wickberg, Arnold Brown, Paul Rader, Clive Adams, Jonathan S. Raymond, Stephen Court and Eva Burrows. 28 Burrows, Eva. GOD STILL LOVES THE WORLD. USA: Crystal Cathedral Ministries, 1994, 13 pp.

A printed sermon given by General Eva Burrows in the Crystal Cathedral based on John 3:16 and 1 John 4:9. Burrows emphasised how much God loves the world through the person of Jesus Christ.

Bovey, Nigel. TELLING A CHILDREN’S STORY. How to Series. London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1990, 21 pp.

The book covered three areas of advice on how to tell a children’s story, the observer, the teller and the tale. Modern knowledge of education and how learning takes place was drawn on for support. The attitude and communication skills, including facial and body language were all discussed to help the story come to life. The final section explained mediums which could be used to help link the story with its purpose.

Beek, Anna. LEARNING TO PRAY. Challenge Books, London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1957, reprinted 1996, 66 pp.

Instructions are given in the book on praying; of what prayer consists, when to pray, where to pray, praying for self, praying for others and the prayer of the soldier of God. Booth, Catherine and Harrison, Cory. AGGRESSIVE CHRISTIANITY – A MODERN RENDITION OF A REVOLUTIONARY DOCUMENT. Vancouver, Canada: Credo Press, 2005, 125 pp.

This is the classic work of Catherine Booth re-written into more contemporised language and layout.

Booth, Catherine, Booth, Evangeline Cory, and Rader, Kay F. TERMS OF EMPOWERMENT – SALVATION ARMY WOMEN IN MINISTRY. New York, USA: The Salvation Army USA Eastern Territory, 2001, 100 pp.

The work comprised three papers on women in ministry: Female Ministry, by Catherine Booth; Woman, by Evangeline Booth; and Keeping the Dream Alive, by Kay Rader. The papers outlined the foundation and continual struggle for equality of gender within The Salvation Army.

Booth, William. ESSENTIAL MEASURES. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2009, 22 pp.

The booklet was published from a letter written by William Booth to Brigadier and Mrs James Melling, who were serving as Salvation Army Missionaries in India. The letter, written only months before the Founder’s Promotion to Glory, outlined information for Salvation Army leaders. 29 Booth, William. SALVATION SOLDIERY. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing (Australia Southern Territory), 2012 reprinted from 1889, 156 pp.

The book used biblical stories to illustrate the life and work of Salvation Army soldiers and included chapters reprinted from The Christian Mission Magazine, The Salvationist and War Cry. It also

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/a-field-for-exploits-eva-burrows-and-stephen-court/ 29 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-essential-measures-2289-p.asp

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included the important papers of the change of name to The Salvation Army which appeared at the time to explain to Booth’s followers the motivation and expectations from the name change. 30 Booth, William Bramwell and Hentzschel, Garth R. OUR FIRST OFFICER – A STUDY OF THE FOUNDER OF THE SALVATION ARMY AS A CORPS OFFICER AND A STAFF OFFICER. Brisbane, Australia: Cross & Crown Publications, 2004, 40 pp.

The work was a reprinted, with explanatory footnotes, from Bramwell Booth, Our First Officer, 1922 and Our First Staff Officer, 1922. It outlined instructions for officers of The Salvation Army from life lessons of its Founder, William Booth. 31 Bowler, Blair. BETWEEN THE CLINIC AND THE CROSS. Sydney, Australia: Book House, 1998, 138 pp.

This was a devotional work for people going through life trauma of personal breakdown or illness.

The work used medical information, biblical references and real life stories to support the reader through their journey.

Bowler, Blair. LAST WORDS. Sydney, Australia: Fast Books. 1998, 50 pp.

This was a devotional work on the final sayings of Jesus Christ leading up to his death on the cross. It focused on the books of Matthew, Luke and John, but linked the discussion to other books of the Bible.

Brown, Arnold. WITH CHRIST AT THE TABLE. London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1991, 74 pp.

This was a study of Biblical and Christian history, with a focus on meals and ministry of Christ. It investigated the feasts of celebration, fasting, the last supper, supper in Emmaus, Breakfast on the sea of Galilea and the supper of the Lamb.

Brown, William L. and Brown, Gordon. ROMANS, GOSPEL OF FREEDOM AND GRACE, New York, USA: The Salvation Army Eastern Territory, Literary Department, 1988, 137 pp.

This Bible study focused on the book of Romans with discussion on elements, as well as questions to encourage thought or discussion.

Buckingham, Hillmon. THE SACRAMENTS – A SALVATION ARMY PERSPECTIVE. USA: USA Eastern Territory, 2002, 20 pp.

The booklet outlined, with the use of both historical and scriptural references, The Salvation Army’s perspective on the use of the sacraments.

Burke, Donald E. BEING A CHRISTIAN IN AN UNCHRISTIAN WORLD. The Salvation Army New Century Series. Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda, 1996, 47 pp.

The booklet had eight group Bible studies, each contained discussions linked to scripture and contained a list of questions to encourage discussion and exercises to permeate the thinking into action.

Burns, Alan. FOUNDING VISION FOR A FUTURE ARMY – SPIRITUAL RENEWAL AND MISSSION IN THE SALVATION ARMY. London, UK: Shield Books (UK Territory), 2012, 114 pp.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased on from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=2915&cID= 31 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from the editor – ghentzschel@chc.edu.au

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The author used Salvation Army historical information and aligned it to contemporary terminology and theory to stress Salvationists need to develop charisma, community, mission focus and to serve suffering humanity.32 Cairns, William. ‘GOD – INCIDENCES, HOW BEAUTIFUL’. Australia: Willian Cairns, n.d., 65 pp.

The author used his own stories, the stories of others, and scripture to show how God puts things in place to help His followers to work for the good of His Kingdom. 33 Cairns, William. MORNING AND EVENING DAILY CONVERSATIONAL PRAYERS FOR THE SALVATIONIST. Erskineville, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern & Papua New Guinea Territory, 1991, revised edition 1995 by The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 127 pp.

The devotional book gave a discussion and a place to write general and specific prayers to guide and focus the reader in their prayer time.

Cairns, William. “PLEASE LORD MAY I…? Menai, Australia: Walker & Associates, n.d., 152 pp.

The devotional book discussed topics which covered Christian faith and practice and was written for a wider Christian audience. Topics included prayer, Bible reading, not to be cynical, not to be critical, cheerfulness, patients, tolerance and others, 52 in all, one for each week of the year.

Cairns, William, THE SACRAMENT OF THE SACRED MOMENT – SACRAMENTAL SALVATIONISTS. Sydney, Australia: The Territorial Commander of The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2004, 59 pp.

The devotional work encouraged Salvationists to seek the experience of spiritual reality of Holy Communion with Christ through non-ritual observation. In three parts the book investigated The Salvation Army’s position on the sacraments, then gave testimonials followed by historical biographical evidence of the sacramental salvationists.

Cairns, William. “WALKING AND TALKING WITH GOD. Menai, Australia: Walker & Associates, n.d., 100 pp.

The devotional diary developed daily discussions based on scripture with the theme of walking with God. In addition to the Bible, The Song Book Salvation Army was used to enhance the 31 discussion topics.

Caldwell, Anita. HOLINESS ALIVE. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2015, 90 pp.

The book contained devotional discussions which focused on holiness. Each topic gave a scripture reference then a discussion, which was followed by questions that encouraged deeper thinking.

Contained within the book was a Bible study on holiness.34

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-founding-vision-for-a-future-army-6563-p.asp 33 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/god-incidences-how-beautiful-william-cairns/ 34 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-holiness-alive-11077-p.asp

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Camsey, Terry. SLIGHTLY OFF CENTER! – GROWTH PRINCIPLES TO THAW FROZEN PARADIGMS. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books (Salvation Army National Publications), 2000, 81 pp.

The book was a study on Corps growth with a discussion followed by a list of questions to provoke thought. It was divided into 6 parts; exploring growth inhibitors, aging brings its own challenges, eliminating choice is not an option, on going forth and multiplying, keeping all eyes on the ball, and clearing log jams.

Chase, Marlene J. PICTURES FROM THE WORD. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books (Salvation Army National Headquarters), 1998, 239 pp.

The book was a collection of 56 devotional discussions that focused on the metaphors in the Bible. It was divided into four sections, the divine personality, redemption, life in community and comfort in suffering.

Chesham, Sallie. SYCAMORE, HOW TO FIND PEACE AND JOY – AND KEEP THEM! New York, USA: The Salvation Army, Eastern Territory, Literary Department, 1989, 118 pp.

The book was a collection of short chapters on information and facts about Jesus Christ and the Bible. 35 Cheydleur, John R. CALLED TO COUNSEL – COUNSELING SKILLS HANDBOOK. Wheaton, USA: Tyndale House Publishers in association with The Salvation Army, 1999, 229 pp.

The handbook outlined the basic skills needed for counselling on a biblical basis.

Clarke, Douglas G. GALATIANS – NO LONGER BOUND…BUT FREE! TEN STUDIES FOR INDIVIDUALS AND GROUPS. Sydney, Australia: Territorial Commander, Australia Eastern and Papua New Guinea Territory, 1992, 80 pp.

This Bible study guide focused on the book of Galatians with discussion on elements as well as questions to encourage thought or discussion.

Clarke, Douglas G. GUIDELINES FOR GROUP AND INDIVIDUAL BIBLE STUDY. Sydney, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern & Papua New Guinea Territory, Education Department, 1993, 15 pp.

The guideline gave information on how to lead a Bible study and included, examples of resources, and approaches to Bible studies. It was an abridged version of Understanding the Bible published in 1988.

Clarke, Douglas G. IT’S CHARACTER THAT COUNTS – A STUDY IN THE EPISTLE OF JAMES. Sydney, Australia: Territorial Commander, Australia Eastern and Papua New Guinea Territory, 1986, 1987 revised 1989, 62 pp.

This Bible study guide focused on the book of James with discussion on elements, as well as questions to encourage thought or discussion.

Clarke, Douglas G. MORE STORIES THAT ARE SEEN – 12 STUDIES ON THE PARABLES OF JESUS. Sydney, Australia: Territorial Commander, Australia Eastern Territory, 2008, 115 pp.

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This Bible study guide focused on 12 parables of Jesus with discussion on elements, as well as questions to encourage thought or discussion. 36 Clarke, Douglas G. STORIES THAT ARE SEEN (THE PARABLES OF JESUS). Sydney, Australia: Territorial Commander, Australia Eastern Territory, 2002, 80 pp.

This Bible study guide focused on the parables of Jesus with discussion on elements, as well as questions to encourage thought or discussion.

Clarke, Douglas G. THE KINGDOM WAY – STUDIES ON PRACTICAL DISCIPLESHIP. Caringbah, Australia: The Salvation Army, 2014, 48 pp.

This Bible study guide focused on the practical discipleship with discussion on elements, as well as questions to encourage thought or discussion. 37 Clarke, Douglas G. UNDERSTANDING THE BIBLE – A GUIDE FOR INDIVIDUAL AND GROUP BIBLE STUDY. Sydney, Australia: Territorial Youth Department, 1988, 47 pp.

The study guide gave information on how to lead a Bible study and included, examples of resources, and approaches to Bible studies, a short history of translations and sound exegesis was also included.

Clifton, Shaw (ed.). FROM HER HEART – SELECTIONS FROM THE PREACHING AND TEACHING OF HELEN CLIFTON, CHOSEN BY SHAW CLIFTON. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2012, 232 pp.

The book was a compilation of the work of Helen Clifton, which included; testimonies, information from her prayer journal, and time as international World President of Women’s Ministries. 38 Clifton, Shaw. NEVER THE SAME AGAIN – ENCOURAGEMENT FOR NEW AND NOT-SO-NEW CHRISTIANS. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books (Salvation Army National Publications), 1997, 177 pp.

The book outlined answers to frequently posed questions that new Christians ask and unpacked elements of faith and practise. Each topic covered was supported by links to scripture.39 Clifton, Shaw and international guest writers. NEW LOVE, THINKING ALOUND ABOUT PRACTICAL HOLINESS. Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications (The Salvation Army, New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga Territory), 2004, 197 pp.

The book was divided into two sections, both of which were to encourage Salvationists to search again after the blessing of holiness. Section one commenced with an outline of Salvationism distinctives; then holiness was linked; to the commandments, to love, to ethics, to terrorism, to marriage and to leadership. The second section compiled work from other leading Salvationists who included; Marlene Chase, Eva Burrows, Henry Gariepy, Stephen Court, Joe Noland, Geoff Ryan, and Matt Clifton.

Clifton, Shaw. SELECTED WRITINGS VOL. 1 – 1974-1999. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2010, 186 pp.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/more-stories-that-are-seen-douglas-g-clarke/ 37 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Trade, Sydney http://thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/the-kingdom-way-douglas-g-clarke/ 38 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationists Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-from-her-heart-5301-p.asp 39 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/never-the-same-again-2203-p.asp

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Clifton, Shaw. SELECTED WRITINGS VOL. 2 – 2000-2010. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2010, 192 pp.

The books were a compilation of the writings of Shaw Clifton from The Officer magazine and other sources. The papers covered moral and ethical issues, spiritual teaching as well as Salvation Army processes and policy. 40 Court, Stephen (ed). BOSTON COMMON – SALVATIONIST PERSPECTIVE ON HOLINESS. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing (The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory), 2010, 160 pp.

The book was a compilation of papers by Salvationists on holiness. The authors included; Ian Barr, Danielle Strickland, Alan Harley, Grant Sandercock-Brown, Raymond Finger and Stephen Court.41 Coutts, Frederick. THE SPLENDOUR OF HOLINESS. London, UK: Salvationists publishing and Supplies, 1983 revised 1988, 82 pp.

The book discussed a newer Salvationists understanding of holiness and looked and faith and practice.

Coutts, Frederick & Cooke, Peter M. (Compiler). THROUGH THE YEAR WITH FREDERICK COUTTS – DAILY READINGS EDITED AND ARRANGED BY PETER M. COOKE. London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1987 reprinted 1988, 286 pp.

The devotional material covered every day of the year with selected sections of published works by Frederick Coutts. The published works included sections from The Officer magazine, The Salvation Army Year Book, and many of his books and sermons.

Coutts, Philip. STAYING THE COURSE – A CHRISTIAN STUDENT’S HANDBOOK. London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1989, 144 pp.

The book outlined information for Christian young people entering university life with tips on; creating new networks, managing money, studying, drugs and alcohol, sex, and planning for the future.

Crossland, Alan. EAGLE’S WINGS. London, UK: Alan Crossland and The Salvation Army UK Territory Literary Unit, 2006, 40 pp.

The devotional book gave practical tips on holiness from the authors own experience and scripture. It came from a focus on relationship with God rather than an enforced ritual of religion. 42 Curtis, Dean. THE CRANBOURNE EXPERIENCE… Melbourne, Australia: Australia Southern Territorial Headquarters, 1991, 23 pp.

The report was an outline of the experience of a Corps plant and Corps growth model applied to a semi-rural town in Victoria, Australia.

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At the time of publication the books could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London – Vol. 1 http://www.sps-shop.com/selected-writings-vol-1---1974-1999-2312-p.asp Vol 2 http://www.sps-shop.com/selectedwritings-vol-2---2000-2010-2313-p.asp 41 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=1798&cID= 42 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/eagles-wings-2249-p.asp

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SECTION IV – MUSIC AND MUSICAL GROUPS Collins, Mervyn E.. SOUNDS OF THE GOSPEL – 125 YEARS OF THE MELBOURNE STAFF BAND. Melbourne, Australia: Australian Southern Territory, 2015, 109 pp.

The book outlined the history of the Melbourne Staff Band with photographs of the band, its bandsmen, vocal soloists, programs booklets, drawings and locations it had performed. There were lists of recordings, all past and present band personnel, former names of the band, bandmasters and executive officers.43 Coutts, John. RHYME AND REASON – FORM AND FREEDOM IN SALVATION ARMY WORSHIP, paper presented at The Frederick Coutts Memorial Lecture, Sydney, Australia: The Salvation Army College of Further Education Association, Tuesday, 23 October, 2001, 22 pp.

The paper presented a historical discussion on the form of worship and a linage of The Salvation Army from the Jewish tradition, trough the sacramental and scriptural approaches, to the Quaker “spirit-led” and camp meeting approaches to The Salvation Army methods. The paper also discussed the topics of praise, prayer, testimony and public worship.

SECTION V – SALVATIONIST BIOGRAPHY Lim Ah-Ang Cairns, William. A SHY SINGAPOREAN GOD USED. Singapore: The General of The Salvation Army, 1997, 79 pp.

History of Singapore and the occupation of the Japanese forces were the first items discussed in the biography, as it was only after these events Lim Ah-Ang become involved with The Salvation Army.

Prior to this a Salvationists assisted the Lim family. Ang became a Salvation Army officer and served in Singapore, England, Malaysia, Hong Kong and Taiwan, The Philippines and while at IHQ preached throughout Europe.

Eric Ball Cooke, Peter M.. ERIC BALL – THE MAN AND HIS MUSIC. Baldock, UK: EGON Publishers, 1991 revisited 1992, 239 pp.

The biography outlined the life and music of Eric Ball. It covered his early years in The Salvation Army, his years of personal crisis and calmer later life. The author portrayed Ball in all his elements, as a composer, conductor, compére, pianist and ever-widening influence as a musical figure.

Colin Keith and Edith May Begley Begley-Bourke, Audrey, Begley, Ian T., & Begley, C. Neil. SEPARATED FOR SERVICE. Green & Gold Series No. 12. Mount Albert, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 1994, 88 pp.

The biography told of Colin Begley, who entered The Salvation Army Training College in Melbourne from Colac and as a missionary in China married Edith Doherty. As a couple they served in India and then back to China, where they were interned in Japanese camps after that country had invaded China.

This saw the separated from each other for many years. After World War II they returned to Australia where they held a number of administrative appointments in The Salvation Army.

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Catherine Booth (The Army Mother) Bennett, David Malcolm. CATHERINE BOOTH ON WOMEN’S PLACE AND MINISTRY – THE PROGRESS OF HER THROUGHT, INCLUDING HER LETTER TO THE REV. DAVID THOMAS. Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications. 2004, 40 pp.

The information in the work was taken mostly from David Bennett, The General: William Booth, Vol. 1, The Evangelist, chapter 12. It contained information from letters written by Catherine Booth and followed her progression towards a woman’s right to preach and therefore the foundation of The Salvation Army’s stand on the right of women in the church. 44 William Booth Barnes, Cyril. BOOTH’S ENGLAND. Baldock, UK: EGON Publishers, 2000, 61 pp.

The tour guide followed William and Catherine Booth’s activities and homes throughout England.

Information was given for places including; Cornwall, London, Nottingham, Spalding, Yorkshire, as well as Booth’s early motor missions.45 Barnes, Cyril. WITH BOOTH IN LONDON – A LONDON GUIDE. London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1986, revised 1989, 72 pp.

The tour guide followed William and Catherine Booth’s activities and homes in and around London.

Information, photographs and maps are given for important places to Salvation Army history including; the Booth’s homes, properties around the East End of London and locations of statues and plaques to the Booth family and early Salvation Army.

Benge, Janet and Benge, Geoff. WILLIAM BOOTH – SOUP, SOUP, AND SALVATION. Christian Heroes: Then & Now series, Seattle, USA: YWAM Publishing, 2002, 203 pp.

This series was designed for young people and collected true stories of men and women whose trust in God led them to do extraordinary things for His kingdom. In a historical novel style the authors told the life story of William Booth including; the formation of The Salvation Army, the opposition of the Skeleton Army, the Darkest England Scheme, and the growth of The Salvation Army around the world.46 Bennett, David Malcolm. THE GENERAL: WILLIAM BOOTH, VOL. 1 – THE EVANGELIST. USA: Xulon Press, 2003, 382 pp.

Bennett, David Malcolm. THE GENERAL: WILLIAM BOOTH, VOL. 2 – THE SOLDIER. USA: Xulon Press, 2003, 451 pp.

The books were a well-researched and argued biography of the Founder of The Salvation Army.

William Booth was portrayed as a real person, relying on both primary and secondary sources the author clearly depict the events of the life and times of the Founder.47 44

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Koorong https://www.koorong.com/search/product/catherine-booth-on-womens-place-and-ministry-david/0957793731.jhtml 45 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/booths-england---cyril-barnes-1882-p.asp 46 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Koorong https://www.koorong.com/search/product/william-booth-christian-heroes-then-now-series-geoff/1576582582.jhtml 47 At the time of publication the books could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-the-general-william-booth---volume-1-the-evangelist-1883-p.asp

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Bennett, David Malcolm. WILLIAM BOOTH. Men of Faith series. Minneapolis, USA: Bethany House Publishers, c1996, 188 pp.

This was an undated and expanded edition of earlier works by the author; William Booth and the Salvation Army, 1987. It was a well-researched historical biography on the life of William Booth and the early development of The Salvation Army.

Bennett, David Malcolm. WILLIAM BOOTH AND HIS SALVATION ARMY. Capalaba, Australia: Even Before Publishing, c2014, 166 pp.

This was an updated and expanded edition of earlier works by the author; William Booth and the Salvation Army, 1987 and William Booth, 1996. It was a well-researched historical biography on the life of William Booth and the early development of The Salvation Army. 48 Booth-Tucker, Frederick. WILLIAM BOOTH – GENERAL OF THE SALVATION ARMY. Honolulu, USA: University Press of the Pacific, 2001, reprinted from the 1898 edition, 126 pp.

The biography covered the early life of both William and Catherine Booth and the work commencing The Christian Mission and The Salvation Army. There was a chapter on Hallelujah lasses, which discussed; Kate Shepherd, ‘Happy Eliza’, and ‘Chinese Smith’ and paragraphs which covered the commencement of the work in; the USA, Canada, Australia, France, Switzerland, Holland, Belgium, Scandinavia, Germany, Italy and other countries. Another chapters discussed; the Booth children, favourite songs of Booth, Booth as a writer and Booth as a preacher.

Samuel Logan Brengle Chesham, Sallie. THE BRENGLE TREASURY – A PATCHWORK POLYGON. Atlanta, USA: The Salvation Army Supplies, 1988, 1989, 190 pp.

The book brought together a collection of letters, articles and notes all written by, or related to Samuel Logan Brengle.

George L. Carpenter Carpenter, Stella O. A MAN OF PEACE IN A WORLD AT WAR – THE STORY OF GENERAL GEORGE L. CARPENTER 1939-1946 WORLD LEARER OF THE SALVATION ARMY AND HIS WIFE MINNIE. Erskineville, Australia: Stella Carpenter, 1993, 343 pp.

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The biography outlined the ancestry of the family and how they came in touch with The Salvation Army. Carpenter’s early officer career and Minnie’s thoughts of an officer-wife and mother were given chapters. The 1929 High Council was discussed and their time in South America, Canada and election to the office of General were also given chapters. Part two of the book was dedicated to the time as General throughout World War II and the post-war relief efforts.

Bramwell Coles Court, W.L. IN THE FIRING LINE. USA: Credo Press, 2006, 159 pp.

The biography covered the life and work of one of The Salvation Army’s brass band composers and music journalist. The book included a CD of Coles’ work, as well as a list of his published band and vocal music.

Bramwell and Dorothy Cook Cook, H. Bramwell. WHITE GUJARATIS. Christchurch, NZ: H. Bramwell Cook, 2007, 238 pp.

The biography outlined the linage of the Cook family, who served The Salvation Army in England, Wales, Australia, New Zealand, and India. The appointments included Corps, medical and Territorial leadership positions. 49 Matthew Cross Campbell, Crystal. GREAT WARRIOR FOR GOD – A BIOGRAPHY OF ENSIGN MATTHEW CROSS. Green & Gold Series No. 11. Hawthorn, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 1992, 63 pp.

The biography outlined Matthew Cross’ early life in Victoria and entry to The Salvation Army’s Training College in 1905. Appointments included; Fitzroy, Winton, Herberton, Mackay, Townsville, Newcastle, and Nowra. In 1916 Cross sought permission from The Salvation Army to enlist in Australia’s war effort and lost both legs in military service. Due to his wounds they set up home at Atherton and worked in the Corps, later the family moved to Perth and joined the Highgate Corps, Matthew became YPSM and assisted at Headquarters.

Leah Davids Ashton, Joan. WITH A SMILE AND A SONG. Dee Why, Australia: Joan Ashton, 1994, 93 pp.

This biography was the story of Lt. Colonel Leah Davids and her work with The Salvation Army in Haiti. From trouble caused by her parent’s Roman Catholic and Jewish backgrounds she came in contact with The Salvation Army in Australia and became an officer in 1945. After a number of appointments in Australia she was appointed to Haiti. Upon her return to Australia she was appointed to North Queensland Division and then Sydney.

Tom Ferihough Bevan, Marge. T.T. – BUILDER FOR GOD, THE BIOGRAPHY OF ENVOY TO FERNIHOUGH, OF SUBIACO, WESTERN AUSTRALIA. Green & Gold Series No. 4. Hawthorn, Australia: The Salvation Army, Australia Southern Territory, 1989, 64 pp.

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The biography told the story of the builder Tom Ferihough. It outlined his early years in Western Australia and attendance at The Salvation Army. He joined the AIF and served overseas during World War II, even supporting the Red Shield Defence Services. He assisted The Salvation Army after the war and became an Envoy, always ready to assist The Army to build or inspect properties.

Dean Goffin Bradwell, Cyril R. SYMPHONY OF THANKSGIVING – THE LIFE AND MUSIC OF COMMISSIONER SIR DEAN GOFFIN. Wellington, NZ: New Zealand and Fiji Territory of The Salvation Army. 1994, 245 pp.

This biography told the story of Commissioner Sir Dean Goffin. It covered: his upbringing; time in military service, during World War II; his career as an officer of The Salvation Army from local, Divisional, to Territorial leadership; and listed published works for both Brass Bands and vocal groups.

Yin Hung-Shun Brown, Arnold. THE MOUNTAIN THE WIND BLEW HERE – YIN. Toronto, Canada: Bookwright Publications, 1988, 201 pp.

The biography told the story of Hung-Shun who became a Salvation Army Officer in his native land of China and when non-nationals were expelled, after the communist party rose to power, Major Yin Hung-Shun became the movement’s final Chinese leader. Yin remained in the position until 1958 when Chiu Shih Chun (The Salvation Army) was proscribed from China.

Edward and Joyce John Clee, Garnet, and Clee, Lorna. GOD BLESS AFRICA (ISHE KOMBORERA AFRIKA). Green & Gold Series No. 8, Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 1991, 56 pp.

The John family served The Salvation Army in Africa in both Divisional and Territorial leadership positions. Mrs John served as a nurse and midwife and as a team the couple served in Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda.

George Scott Railton Chase, Marlene J., and Waldron, John D. (Researcher). A SEED IN THE WIND – GEORGE SCOTT RAILTON AND THE SALVATION ARMY IN ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI. USA: The Salvation Army Central Territory, 1995, 128 pp.

The book was a result new data sourced on George Scott Railton and his arrival in the USA. The research focused on Railton’s work in St. Louis.50 Richard Slater Cox, Gordon. THE MUSICAL SALVATIONIST – THE WORLD OF RICHARD SLATER (1854-1939).

Music in Britain, 1600-1900 Series, Series editors: Richard Cowgill & Peter Holman. Woodbridge, UK: The Boydell Press, 2011, 225 pp.

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The study covered the origins of The Salvation Army and its music before the introduction of Richard Slater and his work in the movement. It also discussed the contribution The Salvation Army made to the musical landscape of late Victorian Britain. 51

Priscilla Studd (nee Stewart) Bennett, David Malcolm. FROM ASHES TO GLORY – A DRAMATISED LIFE OF CT STUDD, CRICKETER AND MISSIONARY. Capalaba, Australia: Even Before Publishing, 2014, 232 pp.

The biography focussed on CT Studd the famous cricketer who became a missionary. While in China Studd married a Salvation Army missionary and the account of her conversion and life was also captured in the book, especially in pages 105-121.52 Ruth Wilkins Clee, Garnet. THE UNDAUNTED AMBUYA OF ZIMBABWE. Green & Gold Series No. 5, Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 1990, 63 pp.

The biography told the story of Wilkins, who was commissioned as a Salvation Army officer in 1930 and served in Tasmania and Victoria before going to Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) for more than 30 years.

She served as training principal to train other Salvation Army officers, assisted the Bible Society to revise the Shona Bible and translated The Songbook of The Salvation Army and other Salvation Army publications into the Shona language.

Miscellaneous Biographies Ash, Fred. NEW DAY DAWNING – TRUE STORIES OF REAL PEOPLE WHOSE LIVES HAVE BEEN TOUCHED BY GOD. Toronto, Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda Territory, 2006, 140 pp.

This book was a combination of interviews and testimonies to the life changing work of Christ. Each story was originally published in Faith & Friends magazine. The biographies included; Frank, Brenda McIntyre, Alan Simmonds, Junda Kinkhanat, Ernie Hollands, Harry Spencer, Chris MacGregor, Klaus Dimytruk, Phillis Harvey, Terry Dyck, Lenny Goldberg, Phoungern Sombounkhanh, Les and Sue Holley, Barbara Campbell, Peter D.A. Warwick, Mona Fudge, Lucy West, Victor Lee, Michael Clemons, Lorilee Cracker, and Rick Green.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Fishpond - http://www.fishpond.com.au/Books/MusicalSalvationist-Gordon-Cox/9781843836964 52 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Koorong https://www.koorong.com/search/product/from-ashes-to-glory-a-dramatised-biography-of/9781921632761.jhtml

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Atherton, Anna, and Golia, Dean (photographer). JUST SAY YES. Sydney, Australia: Aged Care Plus of The Salvation Army, n.d., 102 pp.

This book was a combination of interviews and testimonies of retired Salvation Army officer with photographs of the people and objects to enhance the biographies. The biographies included; Hazel Woodbury, Bram and Judy Hindle, Allistair Cairns, Barry and Raemor Pobjie, Rodney and Glenda Towerton, Brian and Margaret Watters, and Ian and Nancy Cutmore.

Bateman, Alan. THEY GAVE THEIR LIVES – THE STORIES OF TWELVE SALVATIONISTS WHO DIED FOR THEIR FAITH. London, UK: Salvation Books (International Headquarters of The Salvation Army), 2008, 84 pp.

The book was a collection of mini-biographies about Salvationists who died for their faith. Those included were: Sarah Beaty, Tedd Cass, William Dempster, Louis Frederic Jeanmonod, George Flandre, Kim Lock, Sifalafala Ngcobo, Annie Smyth, Noh Yung Soo, Diane Thompson, Sharon Swindells, and Bo Brekke. The book also gave a challenge to live a sacrificial life and be prepared to give all for faith.53 Bradwell, Cyril R.. A SHARING OF GIFTS. A paper presented at the Tri-Territorial Archives Conference, Wellington, New Zealand, 10-13 October, 2000. Wellington, NZ: The Salvation Army Archives and Museum, 2000, 20 pp.

This paper outlined Salvationists who had worked in both Australia and New Zealand. Those included were; Joseph and Elizabeth Graham, Harry Edwards, Ernest Holdaway, Stephen Buick, Joseph Perry, James Bray, Happy Dinah, Mary Anderson, John Bladin, the Scotney Family, and Robert and Bessie Prowse.

Cairns, William. CLASSICAL BIOGRAPHICAL EXTRACTS FROM THE LIVES OF SALVATIONISTS. Kings Park, Australia: The Salvation Army Literature Department, n.d., 99 pp.

This book gave extracts from other books and printed works of 50 salvationists. The salvationists included were: William and Catherine Booth, Erick Wickberg, John Irwin, Murry Stanton, George Walker, Johanna van de Weiker, Arnolis Weerasooriya, Richard Slater, Gunpei Yamaruro, Mary Layton, Emma Booth-Tucker, George Marshall, Bramwell Booth, Kate Lee, James Barker, Alfred Benwell, Enid Lee, James Dowdle, Elijah Cadman, John A. Carleton, Francis Pearce, Charles Péan, Harry Munn, John Allen, George Dinsdale, Eva McLeod, Annie Smyth, Jack Stocker, J. Allister Smith, Evangeline Booth, George Lyndon Carpenter, William Pearson, Florence Soper, Albert Orsborn, Poll Cott, Charles Jeffries, Hugh Redwood, Mary Styles, John Lawley, Jimmy Glover, John Sinclair, Hanna Ouchterlony, A. Bramwell Cook, Harry Bass, Tamokichi Ohara, Arthur Arnott, Mildred Duff, and John Dean.

Coleman, Joy, Jenks, Jessie R., Lingard, V. Martin, Cairns, William, Watters, Margaret, Harris, Graham R., Young, Neil, Garratt, Margaret, Margaret, Robertson, Laurie, Dunster, Nelson, McGuigan, Peter, McLeod, Morris, Sketcher, Ronald, Faragher, Christine, Palmer, Stanley M., Bolton, Barbara, Hill, Don, Brown, Marge, Bevan, Marge, and Hull, Walter. IN THE STEPS OF THE FOUNDER – CELEBRATING THE LIVES OF 23 AUSTRALIAN RECIPIENTS OF THE ORDER OF THE FOUNDER. Hawthorn, Australia: The Salvation Army, Australia Southern Territory, 1995, 130 pp.

This book gave short biographical information on Australian Salvationists who have received the Order of the Founder, these people include; Mary Anderson, Stella Bywater, James Crocker, Charles Mathers Geddes, John Gore, George Hazell, Ken Hile, Thomas Hodge, Keith Hopper, John Irwin, Arthur McIlveen, William McKenzie, Norman K. McLeod, Alice Meech, Harold Morgan, Elsie 53

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplied, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-they-gave-their-lives-2282-p.asp

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O’Neil, Robert Henry Palmer, Lily Parsell, Edward Gordon Randall, William Shepherd, Arthur J. Stevens, John William Turner, and Wilbur Walker.

SECTION VI – AUTOBIOGRAPHIES AND MEMOIRS Armistead, Norman (ed.). THIS IS MY CALL – TWELVE OFFICERS TELL THEIR STORY. London, UK: The Salvation Army, United Kingdom Territory, 1991, 64 pp.

Salvation Army officers from International Headquarters, United Kingdom Territory and Switzerland and Austria Territory wrote about their call to officership. The twelve Officers were; Major John Amoah, Lieutenant Peter Ayling, Mrs Captain Noreen Batt, Major Janet Gilson, Major Melvin Hart, Lieutenant Hugh McGill, Major Peter Mylechreest, Mrs Major Christine Parkin, Lieutenant Chris Pender, Captain John Read, Lieutenant Noel Wright, and Captain Massimo Tursi.

Anderson, Lester K.. JOINING GOD’S ARMY – AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF A SOLDIER. Columbia, USA: AKA Publishing, 2011, 196 pp.

The author outlined his life through the combination of a number of stories. The stories cover ed time spent in Seattle, Jamestown, his early years in The Salvation Army, the 1950’s and 1960’s and entering officership. Stationed at such places at Winona, Minot, Minneapolis, Chicago, Battle Creek, Panama, Oklahoma, and Atlanta each place had a number of stories.

Bate, John M.. DESTINATION UNKNOWN – MEMOIRS OF A PRIVATE SECRETARY TO THE GENERAL OF THE SALVATION ARMY. USA: Frontier Press (USA Western Territory), 2012, 165 pp.

From Napier, New Zealand the author became a Salvation Army officer and served as private secretary to both General Arnold Brown and General Jarl Wahlström. Personal memoirs were given on The Salvation Army’s work in South, Central and North America, New Zealand, Africa, Europe, Asia, Pacific, Caribbean, as well as at IHQ. The book also included information on work with Commissioner Catherine Bramwell-Booth and a tribute to General Arnold Brown.

Bearcroft, Norman. IN GOOD COMPANY. USA: Salvation Army Trading Company, 2010, 313 pp.

The author told his life story and work with The Salvation Army in Wallsend, London, Canada, Ukraine, Zimbabwe and Australia. It included information on the first National School of Music in the USA, the re-formation of the Canadian Staff Band, and the commencement of the International Songsters.54 Begley, Neil. AN AUSTRALIAN’S CHILDHOOD IN CHINA UNDER THE JAPANESE. Kenthurst, Australia: Kangaroo Press, 1995, 160 pp.

The book was a personal and sometime humours narrative of a Salvation Army Missionary child in China, under Japanese control. It was a child’s impression of both The Salvation Army and the political turmoil of the pre and inter-war years of World War II. Bennett, David Malcolm (ed.). THE DIARY AND THE REMINISCENCES OF CATHERINE BOOTH. Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2005, 158 pp. Both a signed limited edition of 50 copies with dark blue binding and a library edition in red binding were published.

This was a transcribed copy of both the diary and reminiscences of Catherine Booth. The diary showed Booth’s spiritual thinking and development prior to her marriage to William Booth. It covered 54

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-in-good-company-2300-p.asp

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the years of 1847, 1848, 1852 and was an insight into the life of the Mother of The Salvation Army.

The reminiscences are Booth’s memories of her life and work of The Salvation Army. Booth dictated these to people such as Fred Fry and were initially edited by Emma Booth-Tucker.55 Bennett, David Malcolm (ed.). THE DIARY OF CATHERINE BOOTH (POPULAR EDITION). Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2005, 55 pp.

This was a transcribed copy of the diary of Catherine Mumford which showed her spiritual thinking and development prior to her marriage to William Booth. It covered the years of 1847, 1848, 1852 and was an insight into the life of the Mother of The Salvation Army.

Bennett, David Malcolm (ed.). THE LETTERS OF WILLIAM AND CATHERINE BOOTH (FOUNDERS OF THE SALVATION ARMY) – EXTRACTED FROM THE BOOTH PAPERS IN THE BRITISH LIBRARY AND OTHER SOURCES. Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2003, 379 pp.

Both a signed limited edition of 50 copies with dark blue binding and a library edition in red binding were published.

This was a transcribed copy of the letters written between William and Catherine Booth throughout their lives. From both original and secondary sources the work placed the letters in chronological order and was extensively footnoted to cover observations and explanation of the original letters. The work was divided into six parts: The early letters, 1852; the Lincolnshire letters, 1852-1854; the early New Connexion letters, 1854-1855; letters in early married life, 1855-1860; “The Wilderness” letters, 18611865; and the final letters, 1872-1888/1889.

Bond, Lil. PROVE ME NOW. Arncliffe, Australia: L. Allbutt, 2000, 150 pp.

The memories gave information on growing up pre and during World War II in England, it covered school days, Girl Guides and Sunday School. The author arrived in Sydney in 1949 and started to attend The Salvation Army at Taree and adopted and fostered indigenous children. Later there was a time where she worked at the Divisional Headquarters in Newcastle, Australia and then appointed as Envoy to Dean Bank Corps, UK. In 1978 she returned back to Australia and became the Hostel Supervisor at Macquarie Lodge, Sydney and also worked in the Bexley Corps.

Boon, Brindley. THE BEST OF BOTH WORLDS. Wellingborough, UK: World of Brass, The Salvation Army Trading Company, n.d., 379 pp.

The autobiography first appeared in The Musician 1981/1984 and was edited by Cyril Wood. It discussed his; childhood, Salvation Army heritage, work in the 1978 International Congress, playing in the Men’s Social Work Headquarters Band, service in World War II, published works. 56 Booth-Clibborn, Evelyn. 50 YEARS FOR JESUS. Chichester, UK: New Wine Press, 1989, 127 pp.

The author was the daughter of the Maréchale and grand-daughter of William Booth. There was information throughout the book about the family’s relationship to The Salvation Army.

Bovey, Nigel. CHRISTIANS IN THE HOUSE. Baldock, UK: EGON Publishers, 1998, 285 pp.

The work was a compilation of interviews held with Christian members of the United Kingdom parliament. There were 48 interviews in all and included the Chaplain to the speaker.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Koorong https://www.koorong.com/search/product/the-diary-and-reminiscences-of-catherine-booth-david/095779374X.jhtml 56 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-the-best-of-both-worlds-2290-p.asp

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Bovey, Nigel. GOD, THE BIG BANG & BUNSEN-BURNING ISSUES. Bletchley, UK: Authentic Media, 2008, 205 pp.

The work was a compilation of interviews held with scientists who are Christians. There were 15 interviews in all and included physicists, mathematicians, geneticists, biologists, botanists, and astrophysicists.57 Bradwell, Cyril R. TOUCHED WITH SPLENDOUR – A 20TH CENTRY PILGRIMAGE. Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications (New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga Territory), 2003, 350 pp.

The book was a narrative on the life of Cyril Bradwell and his experiences. It traced his childhood and attendance at The Salvation Army Corps, Linwood, NZ and listed notable Salvation Army leaders of the time. The author’s war experience and post-war life both link with Salvation Army activities. Kisii School in Kenya was discussed, along with the return to NZ and leadership within the Oamaru Corps.

The author discussed leadership positions in schools throughout NZ and The Salvation Army Historical Trust, which led to the publication of Fight the Good Fight – The Story of The Salvation Army in NZ 1883-1983. Intertwined with family memories were stories of Salvation Army involvement and the establishment of the movement’s museum and archives. 58 Broadstock, Howard. THE STORY OF MY LIFE … AS I REMEMBER IT. Australia: Howard Broadstock, c1996, 131 pp.

Born at Wallaroo Mines, South Australia the author told his life story from working in the mines and association with both the Methodist Church and The Salvation Army. The author entered The Salvation Army Melbourne Training College in 1939 and was appointed to Corps, which included; Yea, Sale, Altona, Burnley, Golden Square, Kent Town, Burnie and others. He served overseas as a Red Shield Welfare Officer throughout World War II and during the Malayan ‘Emergency’ 19551956. The author also served in Salvation Army social institutions, which included: William Booth Hostel (Melbourne), Lyndon Lodge, Box Hill Boys’ Home, Bayswater Youth Training Centre, and Inala Village. Not only were appointments discussed, but also the following events, a tour with the Melbourne Staff Band through New Zealand (1959), International College for Officers, World Social Conference in Finland, and the United Nations Conference in Switzerland.

Charlesworth, Pat. CHARLIE, CALLED AND CHOSEN OR (GOD IN THE INNER CITIES). UK: Pat Charlesworth, 2009, 86 pp.

The booklet gave memories of an officer serving in The Salvation Army Goodwill Department and covered the work in cities such as Belfast, Bristol, Leeds and London. 59 Christian, Doug. DIGGERS’ MATE. Bayswater, Australia: Doug Christian, 1995, 246 pp.

The memories focused on the closing years of World War II and the occupation forces in Japan. The author served as a Red Shield officer during the Aitape/Wewak Campaign 1944-1945, Danmap River, But, and Boram. The second section of the book gave information about the occupation forces in Japan and a large section of this was the author’s engagement with The Salvation Army in Japan as it attempted to re-establish itself after the war.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/god-the-big-bang-and-bunsen-burning-issues-2002-p.asp 58 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Resources, New Zealand https://shop.sarmy.net.nz/product?openform&pid=CFIN-9M75VA 59 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supples, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-charlie-called-and-chosen-1947-p.asp

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Clifton, Shaw. ‘SOMETHING BETTER…’ AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL ESSAYS. London, UK: Salvation Books (The Salvation Army International Headquarters), 2014, 411 pp.

The essays were written in a thematical, rather than a chronological order. The themes included: Salvation, which covered the early life; Sharing, which covered levels of leadership from Corps to the General; Sickness; Singing, which covered the new songbook; and Standing, three High Council nominations. There were also appendixes of poetry, appointments served and international travel from 1975 through to the time as General.60 Cocker, Marcia. AS FAR AS YOU CAN GO AND STILL BE IN GOD’S HAND – LETTERS FROM PAPUA NEW GUINEA. West Nyack, USA: Others Press (The Salvation Army USA Eastern Territory), 2011, 315 pp.

After 21 years of service as a Salvation Army officer in Eastern Pennsylvania, the author was appointed, in 2007, to Papua New Guinea. The memoirs were written as letters, which outlined the events on Missionary service. 61 Coutts, John. WAS THAT ME? – MEMORIES OF A LONG SPENT YOUTH. St Andrews, UK: The Handsel Press, 2015, 94 pp.

The memories were an insight into the life of a Salvation Army officer’s child and early experiences of one growing up in the movement. There are some interesting insights into the family life of the former General, Frederick Coutts, but also deep reflect of the authors experiences of childhood and also his time in Nigeria working in a Salvation Army school. 62 Crowhurst, Fred. ALONG THE WAY, ‘MARK II’. Builth Wells, UK: Abernant Publishing, 2012, 75 pp.

The book was a collection of memoirs of the author’s life, family members and also other people he met. It gave insight into the life of a Salvation Army officer’s child and covered Salvation Army groups such as Sunday School, sporting teams, pageants, junior band, Gowans and Larsson musicals, Home League, and National Music Schools. 63 SECTION VII – CREATIVE PROSE, NOVELS AND POETRY BY SALVATIONISTS Booth-Tucker, Frederick St. George de Lautour and Hentzschel, Garth R. THE DEVIL’S ARMY – A NOVEL. Brisbane, Australia: Cross & Crown Publications, 2006, 136 pp.

This was a compilation of a series which appeared in The Officer Magazine from 1895-1896. The novel contains explanatory footnotes and illustrations. It was a story about the spiritual warfare of the early Salvation Army.64 Castle, Rachel and Wight, Nicholas (illustrator). WALTER WANTS WINGS. Melbourne, Australia: Australian Southern Territory, 2011, 20 pp.

The story was about a caterpillar who wanted to be a butterfly, it was aimed at children as it set out to teach them positive self-esteem and that all things change as they grow older.65 60

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/something-better-autobiographical-essays-7226-p.asp 61 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=2301&cID= 62 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from the author http://www.johncoutts.eu/9.html 63 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-along-the-way-11328-p.asp 64 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from the publishers – ghentzschel@chc.edu.au

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Castle, Rachel and Wight, Nicholas (illustrator). EMMALINE RABBIT. Melbourne, Australia: Australian Southern Territory, 2011, 24 pp.

The story was about a family of rabbits who needed to move from their home to find a new and safe place to live. The book was aimed at children as it set out to teach them compassion for refugees. 66

Chase, Marlene. OUR GOD COMES AND WILL NOT BE SILENT. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books (Salvation Army National Publications), 2000, 78 pp.

The book of poetry took for its motivation Psalm 50:3 and introduced the incarnational movement of the Holy Spirit and his work in nature and community. 67 Coleman, Joy. FOR ALL SEASONS – REFLECTIVE POEMS FOR TIME AND ETERNITY. Pakenham, Australia: Joy & Lawrence Coleman, 1998, 136 pp.

A collection of poetry about topics as diverse as the Bible and World War II were presented sometimes enhanced with pictures or clipart.

Cooke, Peter M. (compiled). PILGRIMS – SELECTIONS FROM SALVATIONISTS POETS. London, UK: International Headquarters, 1988, 101 pp.

The book was a compilation of poems by a number of Salvationists, which included: Heather Allott, David Armistead, Norman Armistead, Catherine Baird, Rene Baird, Andrew Bale, David J. Balkham, Neil Bannister, S.A. Boyne, Mary Bullock, Ray Caddy, Wilfred Caney, Sallie Chesham, Peter M. Cooke, John Coutts, Connie Croly, Jenty Fairbank, John Gowans, David Guy, Muriel Hammond, Wesley Harris, Jean Kiff, Roy Hill, John Izzard, Clifford W. Kew, Kenneth Lawson, Erik Leidzén, Merle Linnett, Margaret MacMillan, Ivy Mawby, William Metcalf, Albert E. Mingay, Margaret Moore, Jim Moss, Constance Nelson, Dorothy Dale Phillips, Paul du Plessis, Harry Read, Doris Rendell, Leslie C. Rusher, William River, William Rivers, Lily Sampson, Eileen Spriggs, Joseph Viola, Joy Webb, Donald C. Weekes, Mona Westergaard, John Wood, David Yates and Chick Yuill.

Coutts, John. A GARLAND FOR THE PASSION – POEMS FOR EASTER. Gravesend, UK: Robert Greene Publishing, 1992 reprinted 1997, 2001, 40 pp., reprinted and enlarged 2001, 2009, 62 pp.

The poems were performed on Scottish Television, Radio, and appeared in The War Cry, Salvationist, and Hawick News. Some were formally published in the author’s earlier work, Then for Thy Passion… and A Garland for the Passion. As the title indicated the poems focused on Easter.68 65

At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=2470&cID= 66 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies, Melbourne http://commerce.salvationarmy.org.au/product.asp?pID=2252&cID= 67 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from The Salvation Army Supplies & Purchasing Department, Canada - http://store.salvationarmy.ca/index.php?main_page=product_info&products_id=4742

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Coutts, John. A SACKFUL OF PLAYS AND POEMS FOR CHRISTMAS. Stirling, UK: RG Publishing, 1986 reprinted 1987, 1992, enlarged and revised 1994, enlarged and revised 1999, reprinted 2002, 2004, enlarged and reprinted 2008, 71 pp.

The work was a collection of recollections, comments, songs, prayers, devotions and plays all based on Christmas.69 Coutts, John. EVERYCHILD AND OTHER POEMS. Peterborough, UK: RG Publishing, 2006, 59 pp.

The poems appeared in the following media, The Gravesend Reporter, All Year Round, Worship Live, The News and Star, The Cumberland and Westmorland Herold, Salvationist, and a number were prize winning. The poems were presented in a number of sections; poems about poems, for girls and boys, stories from the past, commemorations, translations and invocations. 70 Coutts, John. LINES OF A LIFETIME – COLLECTED POEMS. Haddington, UK: Handsel Press, 2010, 271 pp.

In the author’s own words “a number of the poems in the smaller books are reprinted in Lines of a Lifetime - my collected poems”. The work was divided in a number of sections: mainly for children, tales from the past, voices from the past, people and places, a bunch of valentines, wedding gifts, thanksgiving, Christmas interpreted, Easter interpreted and others.

Coutts, John. THE STORY OF JESUS IN RAP: ‘LET’S ALL GO WITH THE GALILEE MAN’. Kent, UK: Robert Greene Dramascript, n.d., 23 pp.

The work was a drama on Jesus Christ written as a rap.

Coutts, John. THE TRIAL OF CHRISTMAS & THE KING OF HEART’S DESIRE. Stirling, UK: RG Publishing, 2003, 11 pp.

The work was a collection of poetry, drama and rap on Christmas.

Coutts, John. THE WILLIAM TYNDALE FILE. Penrith, UK: Robert Greene Publishing, 1994, revised and enlarged 1995, reprinted 2003, 25 pp.

The work was a collection of facts, hymns, prayers, and plays linked to William Tyndale.

Coutts, John. WHO SHOUTED HOSANNA?. Stirling, UK: Robert Greene Publishing, 2004, 21 pp.

The work was a collection of poetry, drama and a rap based around the events of Easter. Elements of Easter which are covered included Peter’s denial, Matthew 21:1-19 and Good Friday.

Coutts, John. WORDS BEYOND WORDS. Stirling, UK: Robert Greene Publishing, 1990, reprinted 1998, 2007, 66 pp.

The book was a collection of poems originally published in Act Justly, The Hawick News, Frontier, Orbis, Salvationist, Thamesview, The Gravesend Reporter, and recited on Scottish Television, Radio Clyde and BBC Radio Kent. A number of poems were awarded prizes and arranged in sections

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from the author http://www.johncoutts.eu/9.html Items in this book were also produced as a CD recording of the author and his wife reading the works in this book. At the time of publication the book could be purchased from the author http://www.johncoutts.eu/9.html 70 At the time of publication John Coutts books could be purchased from the author http://www.johncoutts.eu/9.html 69

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including; growing pains, a bunch of valentines, mysteries, thanksgiving and people, places, perplexities.71 Crowhurst, Fred. CITADEL SCENE AND ALL THAT. Builth Wells, UK: Abernant Publishing, 2013, 83 pp.

The book was a collection of items printed in a Corps newsletter and included short stories on; historical information, Salvation Navy, General Frederick Coutts, timbrels and congresses. 72 Crowhurst, Fred. HISTORY, ANECDOTE AND VERSE. Builth Wells, UK: Abernant Publishing, 2013, 95 pp.

The book was a collection of items printed in the Corps newsletter and included short stories on; historical information, badges and insignia of The Salvation Army, the Empress of Ireland, Richard Slater and Salvation Army instrument making.73 SECTION VIII – PLAYS, POEMS, NOVELS AND SHORT STORIES ABOUT THE SALVATION ARMY Archer, Jeffrey. THE SINS OF THE FATHER – A NOVEL. New York, USA: St. Martins Press, 2012, 415 pp.

Near the end of the novel the main character learned that clothes were given to Miss Penhaligon who, in turn gave them away on behalf of the “Sally Army”.

Bennett, Maggie. A CHILD’S VOICE CALLING. London, UK: Arrow Books, 2002, 449 pp.

The novel was set in South London in the early part of the 20 th Century. The main character, Mabel Court, tried to keep her family together and was assisted by a Salvationist, Harry Drover who loved her and tried to help her fight for her survival.

Courtenay, Bryce. MATTHEW FLINDERS’ CAT. Camberwell, Australia: Penguin Books, 2002, 2004, 572 pp.

The novel was dedicated to The Salvation Army and also the main character interacts with The Salvation Army and Salvationists through his time with the Bridge Program for Drug and Alcohol addictions.

SECTION IX – PORTRAITS, PHOTOGRAPHS AND CARTOONS Cardiff, Julie. GRAPHIC ART – COPYRIGHT-FREE ILLUSTRATIONS FOR ALL USES. Brisbane, Australia: Julie Cardiff, 1997, 32 pp.

The book was filled with drawings of Salvation Army symbolism and came with computer cards to use the art in newsletters and other Salvation Army publications. Both Salvation Army personalities and sections were included.

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At the time of publication the book could be purchased from the author http://www.johncoutts.eu/9.html At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-citadel-scene-and-all-that-11331-p.asp 73 At the time of publication the book could be purchased from Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, London http://www.sps-shop.com/book-history-anecdote-and-verse-11330-p.asp 72

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BOOK REVIEW AN AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF AN EARLY ARMY LEADER Garth R. Hentzschel Hugh Whatmore and David J. Miller (Compiler). The Autobiography of Commissioner Hugh Whatmore. (Bulith Wells, UK: The Salvation Army Historical & Philatelic Association and Abernant Publishing), 2013, 187. ISBN: 978-1-909196-07-0. RRP £9.50. Available at SP&S online store.

For a memoir, this book was well written and sequenced. The autobiographer, Commissioner Hugh Whatmore was a member of The Christian Mission and became an officer of The Salvation Army, holding leadership positions in the United Kingdom, Italy, United States of America and Australia. Written specifically for a Salvationist audience, the book gives information about his appointments and the people he met. For readers and researchers interested in the first-hand accounts of leaders in the early Salvation Army, this book is in the league of Commissioner James Hay’s memoir and a necessity for any Salvation Army historical library.1 A peer of Hay, this work could easily have been lost to The Salvation Army’s collection of early leadership notes and information on leadership on the international scene. The early section of the book outlined how the manuscript came back into Salvation Army hands and how it was rescued for the current generation to enjoy and learn of the early Salvation Army.

The book is very personal and tells of the fears and triumphs of this remarkable early Salvation Army leader. The autobiographical materials were written around 1937, just before Hugh Whatmore was promoted to Glory in 1938; this is evident as he included information about his life in 1936. Whatmore highlighted four ideas he hoped would come from his notes; the right decision to become an officer of The Salvation

Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book review, An autobiography of an early army leader”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 118-119.

1 James Hay. Aggressive …Salvationism, Achievement for God and souls – Life of James Hay, OBE, Senior Commissioner, The Salvation Army – Seventy years’ service. (Melbourne, Australia: Gordon Hay, 1951).

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Army; how God used him in spite of his nervous and retiring disposition; God’s sustaining power through physical weaknesses; and that God can use the ordinary to achieve the extraordinary. Through the very personal testimony and lived experiences these four points were clearly achieved. An additional outcome of the book is the historical importance of this work.

The work gives a first-hand account of Whatmore’s early life, conversion and early connection with The Christian Mission and early The Salvation Army. There are many early Salvationists listed; ‘Gypsy’ Smith, Catherine Booth-Clibborn, Bramwell Booth, Kate Lee, Hannah Ouchterlony, Catherine Booth, William Booth, Lucy Booth-Hellberg, Edward Higgins, Evangeline Booth, Henry Howard, David Rees and many other lesser known contemporaries. However herein lies one of the weaknesses of the book. As a historical work it was informative, but by being published only recently it would have benefited from explanatory notes for those unfamiliar with the personalities discussed. On the other hand, the avid reader of Salvation Army history will know most names listed in the work. There were a number of photographs which included people and places discussed. Narratives were also given around Salvation Army events or places. These included: Poplar Corps; the Whitechapel area; The Skeleton Army’s attacks upon The Salvation Army; and early Salvation Army organisational structures.

As Whatmore served the Salvation Army in a number of countries the book could be of interest to people throughout the world. Discussions included his experiences in the United Kingdom, Italy, Canada, Holland and both Australian territories. His time as, principal of The International Training College at Clapton and International Travelling Commissioner were also outlined with some interesting comments on his relationship to the leadership of the movement. Major world events and their impact on The Salvation Army and the Whatmore family were included. The Empress of Ireland sinking was included as Whatmore lost his son and their personal loss was outlined. The Army’s work in World War I was also discussed.

In the area of Salvation Army major events, although the first High Council is listed, it is unfortunate that he, like many of the Salvation Army leaders of the time, refused to discuss his involvement with the 1929 High Council. This is another weaker areas of the book. Yet another weakness is that there are no clear indication of which material originated with Whatmore and what was added, changed or rearranged by David J. Miller, the compiler. Footnotes giving explanation of people and events and a clearer indication of editorial changes would have given a richer reading experience for the research.

Overall this book is a useful source for readers and researchers of Salvation Army history, particularly those interested in its organisational development and work in the United States of America, the United Kingdom and Australia. Also, people interested in biographical information of people in the late Victorian and early Edwardian periods will find this work of interest. The personal accounts give a great understanding of how Salvation Army work impacted individual leaders and how personal frailties were overcome. The book was published in part by the Salvation Army Historical & Philatelic Association and can be purchased online from Salvationists Publishing and Supplies, United Kingdom.

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Front cover of the War Cry (New Zealand) 19 August, 1916, featuring the names and photos of twenty-five enlisted Salvation Army bandsmen. 1

1

War Cry, (NZ, 19 August, 1916), 1

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NEW ZEALAND SALVATION ARMY BANDING IN WORLD WAR ONE Kingsley Sampson Introduction This article is based on an analysis of Harold Hill’s list of New Zealand Salvationists who enlisted in World War One, 2 War Cry reports during the war, Paper Past and material located at The Salvation Army Archives and Heritage Centre, Upper Hutt.

From one perspective this story can be told quite simply. Salvationist bandsmen from New Zealand were among those men who either volunteered for or were conscripted into the New Zealand Expeditionary Force. Their departure meant that some Salvation Army bands struggled to continue while others were able to recruit new players and so continue their ministry. Some Salvation Army bandsmen played in military bands while on active service and some augmented corps bands when on leave. Once the war was over some bandsmen returned to their place in a Salvation Army band while others did not.

Within this straightforward story lies a more detailed account of Salvation Army banding in World War One and that is what this article attempts to portray. From their popularity in the United Kingdom in 1880, brass bands quickly became an integral part of The Salvation Army. 3 They provided music for open-air services and marches, accompaniment for singing in indoor meetings and a strong mission-focused fellowship particularly for men.

At the outbreak of World War One there were 23,313 Salvation Army bandsmen worldwide 4 but the actual number in New Zealand is not known. It has been said that bands enabled The Salvation Army to retain a greater proportion of men compared to women when compared to the membership of other churches but this researcher knows of no statistical evidence that proves or disproves this assertion. This also applies to the proportion of bandsmen to men Salvationists.

Enlistment

Reference citation of this paper Kingsley Sampson, “New Zealand Salvation Army banding in World War One”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 120-131.

2 See Harold Hill, First World War: New Zealand Salvation Army soldiers in the war. This document lists every known New Zealand Salvationist serviceman from World War One. It gives a summary of their military record and notes every mention in the War Cry from 1914-1919. Already 105 pages long, it remains a work in progress and is updated as new information is discovered. For the purposes of this article, I have used the list as received from Hill on 25 July 2015. It is therefore likely that some of my statistics and analysis could be modified due to future discoveries.

3 It should be noted that the first recorded brass instruments used were in the Christian Mission days, 1877. While Sandall stated the first official brass band of The Salvation Army appeared in Salisbury in 1878, Holz stated that this was not a band but an ensemble. This then means the first official local corps brass band was at Consett, County Durham in 1879. Ronald Holz. Brass bands of the SA: their mission and music. Vol. 1., (Hitchin, UK: Streets Publishing, 2006), 69.; Robert Sandall, The History of The Salvation Army – Vol 1, 1865-1878, (London, UK: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1947), 211; Robert Sandall, The History of The Salvation Army – Vol 2, 1878-1886, (London, UK: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1950), 113.

4 Anon, The Salvation Army Year Book, (London, UK: International Headquarter of The Salvation Army, 1914).

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Hill’s list named over 460 New Zealand Salvationist men who enlisted in World War One. Many were attested as Salvation Army but not all were Salvationists for a variety of reasons. 5 Of these 460 over 170 were either known to be Salvation Army bandsmen or had some link to a Salvationist family member who was bandsman (see table 1).

Table 1: Summary of Enlisted New Zealand Salvation Army Bandsmen in World War One By Corps6 Corps Ashburton Auckland City Christchurch City Dannevirke Dunedin City Eltham Feilding Gisborne Gore Greymouth Hamilton Hastings Hawera Inglewood Invercargill Linwood Masterton New Plymouth Newton Oamaru Opotiki Oxford Palmerston North Petone Port Chalmers Raetihi Rangiora South Dunedin Stratford Sydenham Timaru Waimate Wanganui Wellington City Wellington South Total

#Known Bandsmen 8 13 6 2 15 3 9 7 3 3 3 1 1 2 2 6 1 6 4 5 1 1 11 1 1 1 1 4 2 7 2 2 1 30 10 175

5

See introduction to Hill’s list for more on this.

The numbers in Table 1 are based on Hill’s list of NZ Salvation Army servicemen who enlisted for WW1 as supplied on 25 July 2015. This table as at 15 August 2015 6

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This would suggest that over one third of all New Zealand Salvationists who enlisted were also Salvation Army bandsmen. It is possible that an even greater number of bandsmen enlisted.

However time has not permitted further research such as looking through band photos stored at the Salvation Army Archives to find banding connections for other Salvationists who enlisted.

It will be noted that main centre corps feature prominently in the examples used in this article.

The proximity of Wellington corps to territorial headquarters and the War Cry plus the fact that almost 25% of enlisted bandsmen came from Wellington City and Wellington South bands meant they gained proportionately much more coverage than others. This and the lack of the specific identification of bandsmen in reports from some centres may explain why there are no reports of bandsmen enlisting from corps like Onehunga, Napier and Tauranga, places from which such enlistments might have been expected.

It also worth noting that many of the bandsmen who enlisted from midway through 1918 had not been posted overseas by the time the armistice was signed and were speedily discharged after this. For instance in early December 1918 Wellington City Corps reported that they were “pleased to welcome home from military duties Bandsmen Greenfield, Ballinger and Thompson,” 7 all of whom had been called up in the months before the armistice but had not been deployed overseas.

Salvationist Bandsmen in Military Bands Over 40 New Zealand Salvationist bandsmen are listed as participating in military bands during their years of service. Some were retained in headquarters bands in New Zealand while others played in military bands in the Middle East, the United Kingdom and France.

Among those who played in permanent headquarters bands in New Zealand were Charles James Renner (Auckland City), Herbert Alfred Newall (Dunedin City) and Bertie Robert Burgess (Gore). Renner and Newall were assigned to the headquarters band because they did not pass their medical for active service while for Burgess the war had ended before he could be posted overseas.

Salvationists who played in military bands overseas included Robert William Allison (Wellington South) who was recorded as playing in a military band in 1916, George Frederick Ball (Sydenham) who played in the Reserve Battalion Band at Codford, England in May 1917 and Ernest Vivian Ellery (Greymouth) who played in the ANZAC Mounted Band in Palestine in 1918.

Sometimes several Kiwi Salvationists played in the same military band. Bert Bolton of Dunedin City Corps gave the surnames of five other New Zealand Salvationist bandsmen playing in the same band as himself in France in November 1917 – Topping and Maxfield (Christchurch City), Sawyer (Gisborne), Dewar (Sydenham) and Robertson (Wellington City). 8 A photograph taken in Cologne, Germany and published in the War Cry named three Salvationists in the 4th Battalion Band of the New Zealand Rifle Brigade – George Henry Burgess (Gore), Stanley Albert John (Stan) Inwood (Wellington City) and Albert Edward Tremain (Wellington City).9 7

War Cry, (New Zealand, 7 December, 1918), 7.

War Cry, (NZ, 17 November, 1917), 5. Bolton only gave surnames of his fellow bandsmen but from the records assembled by Hill it would appear that these men were Herbert Topping (34752), Edgar Jack Sawyer (12482), Francis Arthur Dewar (12150) and Leonard Robertson (11344). Unfortunately Maxfield cannot be located, this could be Mayfield, possibly Johnson Mayfield (34702) who came from Christchurch and who may have been in France in 1917 when Bolton wrote.

9 War Cry, (NZ, 12 July, 1919), 3.

8

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The Band of the 4th Battalion, New Zealand Rifle Brigade, Cologne, 1919.10 Albert Tremain (Wellington City) is playing tenor horn third from the left in the second row; Stan Inwood (Wellington City) is seated at the left of the front row with a G trombone while George Burgess (Gore) is seated at the front right with the Bb Bass.

Some Salvationist bandsmen saw service as military buglers. George Burgess (Gore) played in the bugle band at Sling Camp, England in September 1917 before being posted to France. Neville William Allan Newbold (Wellington South) was bugler at a casualty clearing station in 1918.11 Gilbert Marsden Beale (Wellington City) was a bugler at Bulford Camp, England in July 1918.12 On a wider scale it is estimated that over 3,000 British Salvationist bandsmen enlisted in World War One and on one notable occasion a full band of 32 players was made up entirely of Salvationists. The War Cry reported that the colonel of an unnamed British regiment wanted to form a band but didn’t know how he could obtain enough players. One of his officers suggested that he form a band out of the Salvation Army men in the regiment. The colonel was dubious but the next morning on parade commanded that all men belonging to The Salvation Army step forward.

To his surprise over one hundred men responded. Sixty-seven of these then indicated that they could play a musical instrument and from these the regimental band was formed. 13 Banding wasn’t the only duty for military bandsmen. Chris Pugsley, New Zealand military historian, stated that military bandsmen were often used as stretcher-bearers. 14 But Hill noted that while,

10

War Cry, (NZ, 12 July, 1919), 3. On a personal note, in the course of some family research, I discovered that Walter Allan Sayer, my maternal step-grandfather also played in the Band of the 4th Battalion, New Zealand Rifle Brigade. I have no picture of Walter but as he played cornet, he is likely to be in the back row of this photo. Walter gave his religion as Roman Catholic when he enlisted in March 1917. As far as I know he never became a Salvationist but did spend the last three and a half years his life in a Salvation Army men’s home in Miramar, Wellington.

11 War Cry, (NZ, 22 June, 1918), 1.

12 War Cry, (NZ, 20 July, 1918), 5.

13 War Cry, (NZ, 26 June, 1915), 3.

14 Conversation Chris Pugsley, 20 May, 2015.

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members of military bands doubled as stretcher bearers in the earlier years of the war … the high casualty rate amongst stretcher-bearers caused a change of policy lest [there be a shortage] of bandsmen!15

Perhaps this is backed up by a War Cry reference to an unnamed British periodical which reported that “out of 950 [British] military bandsmen … killed on the field of battle, no less than 300 were Salvation Army bandsmen.”16 Bandsmen and Battles Not all Salvationist bandsmen became military bandsmen. Many were in rifle or artillery units and like other servicemen were involved in some of the big battles of World War One. The first New Zealand Salvation Army bandsman to be Promoted to Glory from Gallipoli was Harold Arnold Gale Lee (Eltham) who died on 17 June 1915. 17 Another, Alfred Henry Harding (Feilding) was killed on 8 August 1915, the date of the New Zealand assault on Chunuk Bair in which over 800 New Zealanders lost their lives. 18 William John Griffiths (Auckland City) was wounded in the same attack and died of his wounds a few days later. 19

The first New Zealand Bandsman promoted from the field of battle from Gallipoli Sergt. Arnold Lee, Eltham20

15

Harold Hill, Under Two Flags. Part 3: The Soldier Boys, Unpublished manuscript. Received 4 August 2015, 10.

War Cry, (NZ, 14 September, 1918), 5.

17 War Cry, (NZ, 19 August, 1916), 6.

18 War Cry, (NZ, 2 October, 1915), 6.

19 War Cry, (NZ, 11 September, 1915), 7.

20 War Cry, (NZ, 19 August, 1916), 6.

16

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Bro. A. Harding, Feilding

Among those also wounded in the Gallipoli campaign were Edwin Joynt, the first bandsman to volunteer from Newton Corps,21 Ernest Henry Kitto (South Dunedin) 22 and James McDonald (Sydenham). 23 Reginald James Brooks (Greymouth) was among the survivors rescued after the sinking of the Marquette in October 1915.24 When New Zealand’s focus turned to Europe and the Western Front, Salvationist bandsmen were also among the casualties in the various battles. In June, 1917 Harry Alexander Old (Inglewood) was killed and Richard David Henley (Ashburton) was wounded at Messines. 25 Richard Frederick Allan (Ashburton) was wounded at Ypres in January 1918. John Samson Fleming (Dunedin City) was killed on 4 November 1918 in the dying stages of the war and is buried in the Le Quesnoy British Military Cemetery.

Out of 65 Salvationists who were killed in action or who died of wounds, 17 were bandsmen.

Of the 80 recorded as wounded, 26 were bandsmen. Two were also prisoners of war – Matthew John Eddy (Invercargill) and Albert Smith (New Plymouth).

Some Salvationist bandsmen were awarded high honours for bravery shown under fire. David Osborne (Ashburton) and David Stanley Radcliffe (Wellington South) were both awarded the Military Medal for gallantry at Messines.26 Earlier, in the opening stages of the war, several Salvationist bandsmen were among the territorial volunteers in the expeditionary force that went from New Zealand to secure the surrender of German Samoa in August 1914. These included Edwin Simpson Andrews (Wellington City), Francis Raper (Dunedin City) and William Griffiths Tomkins (Wellington City). After their return to New Zealand a number of these men re-enlisted and went on to serve on the Western Front.

War Cry Reports 21

War Cry, (NZ, 11 August, 1917), 3.

War Cry, (NZ, 4 December, 1915), 4.

23 War Cry, (NZ, 11 September, 1915), 4.

24 War Cry, (NZ, 16 January, 1916), 5.

25 War Cry, (NZ, 21 July, 1917), 6.

26 War Cry, (NZ, 14 July, 1917), 7.

22

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With so many New Zealand Salvationists passing through places like Trentham or Featherston camps, Salvation Army chaplains and other Salvation Army territorial headquarters staff were able to keep a fairly close eye on who was in camp, when they were going overseas and later those who had returned home and been discharged. Chaplains overseas often included information about Salvation Army bandsmen in their reports home. This information was published regularly in the War Cry which operated in this way like a big family newsletter.

The War Cry of 19 August, 1916 had a specific focus on Salvation Army bandsmen both those serving overseas and those serving in New Zealand. The cover featured the photos of 25 enlisted bandsmen from nine corps and band-related items appeared on pages three to seven, this out of a total of eight pages.27 On occasions the War Cry published names and photos of enlisted Salvationist bandsmen by their corps. In August, 1914 it published a photo of five bandsmen over the heading Our Boys in the First Contingent. They were named as Bram. Hoare (Wellington City), Robert McCoy (Wellington South), Alex. Elliot (Wellington South), W. Tomkins (Wellington City) and W. Greenfield (no corps given). 28 A photo of the Gisborne Corps Band Roll of Honour featured the names of six bandsmen who had enlisted “for King and Country” was published in June 1917,29 while in July 1918 Linwood Corps reported the names of five bandsmen who had been “called to the Colours of our country” since the last band Sunday in 1917. They were Charles Fennell Stephens, Frederick Ernest Taylor, Richard Henry Mayfield, Eric Rintoul Perkins and Albert George Riley. 30 Effect of Enlistment on Salvation Army Bands in New Zealand In Fight the Good Fight, Cyril Bradwell stated that “the first world war years were difficult for bands, with large numbers of men serving in the forces.”31 Thirty Wellington City bandsmen enlisted during the war and the bandmaster Harry Goffin commented that “to keep the band intact was most difficult.”32 Five trombonists went in 1915 33 and

by July 1916 the band had given 17 members to active service though the band still had 31 players, in part because of transfers of bandsmen into the corps. Goffin also noted that “over 100 men played in the band during the war period”34 in part because bandsmen from other centres played in the band when they were on leave from the military camps in the Wellington and Wairarapa regions.

Four Auckland City Corps bandsmen enlisted on the same day (25 July 1916) 35 and Dunedin City reported that it had farewelled its eleventh player by September 1916. 36 Christchurch City 27

War Cry, (NZ, 19 August, 1916), 1, 3-7. See the first page of the article for a copy of the cover.

War Cry, (NZ, 22 August, 1914), 6.

29 War Cry, (NZ, 30 June, 1917), 6.

30 War Cry, (NZ, 6 July, 1918), 6.

31 Cyril R. Bradwell, Fight the good fight – The Story of The Salvation Army in New Zealand 1883-1983, (Wellington, NZ: Reed, 1982), 154.

32 A. Goffin, & D. Wells, Legends in their own lifetime: the story of Harry and Kate Goffin, (NZ: Photocopied family history, 2012), 19.

33 War Cry, (NZ, 25 September, 1915), 8.

34 Goffin, & Wells, Legends in their own lifetime, 19.

35 They were Henry Ashton, George Eveling Chapman, Henry Halsall Charnley and Wilfred George Gladding.

36 War Cry, (NZ, 23 September, 1916), 4.

28

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Corps Band lamented that “our band numbers 19 players having lost a good many through transfers and the war; Wellington City being the chief gainers.”37 Hastings Band confessed to being “hard hit of late owing to the transfer of some and the entering into Military Camp of others” 38 while Bandsman Waugh reported that Gisborne Corps was doing well “despite losses through enlistment.”39 In some corps, band local officers were among those who enlisted. During the war, Dunedin City Corps saw its bandmaster (William Aubrey Fleming) and band sergeant (Frank Raper) both enlist on the same day (14 January 1916) followed by band secretary Arthur Millard in 1918. This would have impacted on the functioning of the band with the loss of local leadership. In Wellington South, Band Sergeant Joseph Radcliffe enlisted in 1916 as did his successor Nelson Weeks in 1917.

Enlisting and transfers affected the viability of Salvation Army bands to a greater or lesser degree. Auckland City Band confessed in September 1917 that “lately it has become necessary to readjust positions owing to depletions consequent on enlistments.”40 Ashburton kept their numbers up with three women and some junior players. 41 Oamaru Corps reported in August 1918 that “the band had suffered somewhat” since the war “but the fourteen players left do some very effective work and are a credit to Oamaru.”42 On the other hand, as already noted, Wellington City Corps was still able to field a band of 30 players at the end of the war.

Ashburton Lassies who ‘carried on’ while the War raged Sister Mrs. Jameson, Sister Argyle and Sister Mrs. Frew. These Sisters did valiant service on the Brass.

Band Activity during the War Despite the impact of the war on Salvation Army bands, they continued with their usual round of activities and parades as much as they were able. They played in open air and indoor meetings, held band weekends and other music festivals and undertook the usual Christmas carolling.

Waihi Corps reported that their band paraded on Christmas Eve, 1914 and “met with a good 37

War Cry, (NZ, 15 July, 1916), 6.

War Cry, (NZ, 29 July, 1916), 4.

39 War Cry, (NZ, 14 July, 1917), 7.

40 War Cry, (NZ, 15 September, 1917), 6.

41 War Cry, (NZ, 12 July, 1919), 1.

42 War Cry, (NZ, 10 August, 1918), 6.

38

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response.” They did more carolling on Christmas Day and finished their carolling season with a total of 24 pounds raised. 43 In January, 1918 Waihi Band reported that it had been “through a trying and difficult period” but had still collected 25 pounds in the 1917 carolling season. It hoped for a brighter new year under the leadership of their bandmaster and some newly commissioned band local officers. 44 On Sunday 16 June 1918 Linwood’s Annual Band Festival featured an open air meeting before the morning meeting, an afternoon meeting “of a more musical nature” and an evening meeting when the band was “to the fore”. This was followed by a musical programme of twenty items plus refreshments on Tuesday evening.45 The effect of the war on standards of playing did not go unnoticed. Reporting on the Congress Music Festival in 1916 the War Cry commended “the general standard of excellence … especially when we consider how hardly each of them [the bands] have been hit by the demands of the war; as evidence of the continual demands, several bandsmen in khaki on leave from the camp were playing in various combinations.”46 Salvation Army bands also participated in specific war-related activities. Bands were often asked to assist with farewelling the troops and welcoming them home. In November 1915, Auckland City Corps Band played 200 soldiers to the station “at the invitation of the military authorities”, 47 while the banding-focussed War Cry of 19 August, 1916 had photos of Christchurch City Corps Band “playing the troops off” and Wellington City Corps Band “welcoming the wounded home.”48 In Eltham the Salvation Army band played at the town’s welcome home for two troopers in September 1917,49 then “led the music” at a united national memorial service held in the Eltham Town Hall the next month.50 Later in 1918 they played recruits off at the railway station because enlistments had forced the town band into recess. 51 Bands and their members also provided encouragement to recuperating soldiers as illustrated in July 1917 when “six members of the Wellington City Band [had given] a programme at the wounded soldiers’ hospital on Tuesday night last.”52 Harry Goffin recorded in his memoirs that: the Wellington City Band was in great demand by the Government. It had weekly engagements to play at military parades and at street corners to keep up the morale of the people. At the commencement of this arrangement fears were expressed by some government men that I would select tunes of a jingoistic nature. Actually we were deluged with requests for this type of music; so much so that I was always busy arranging popular numbers. 53

43

War Cry, (NZ, 16 January, 1915), 6.

War Cry, (NZ, 26 January, 1918), 6.

45 War Cry, (NZ, 6 July, 1918), 6.

46 War Cry, (NZ, 15 April, 1916), 2.

47 War Cry, (NZ, 27 November, 1915), 4.

48 War Cry, (NZ, 19 August, 1916), 4 & 5.

49 Hawera & Normanby Star, (Taranaki, NZ, 12 September, 1917), 8.

50 Hawera & Normanby Star, (Taranaki, NZ, 8 October, 1917), 8.

51 War Cry, (NZ, 22 June, 1918), 8.

52 War Cry, (NZ, 14 July, 1917), 7.

53 Goffin & Wells, 18.

44

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Goffin also stated that on one occasion the Wellington City Band headed a parade of 6,000 troops from Newtown through the main streets of the city. “This the band did, with the yellow red and blue flag of the Army flying proudly in the breeze.”54 On a more poignant note, Goffin wrote the march Absent Comrades in 1918 in honour of three Wellington Citadel bandsmen who had been killed in action – Jessie Bonham (2 June 1916), George Olsen (31 July 1916) and Willie Bailey (July 1917). 55 Goffin also arranged or wrote patriotic songs such as the jingoistic The Sailor to help keep up people’s spirits during the war.56 Some bands kept up the pattern of corps visits during the war. In Easter, 1918 Wellington South Band went to Levin, 57 Feilding Band went to Stratford and New Plymouth, and Gisborne Band went to Napier. Palmerston North Band went to Masterton but also visited Pahiatua, Carterton, Greytown, Featherston and Eketahuna. Their visit to Masterton also included a presentation of the song service The Wreck of the Wairarapa at the Opera House on Easter Sunday evening, the proceeds of which went towards the Salvation Army War Fund.58 This highlights another aspect of Salvation Army banding during the war – assisting wartime fundraising both for Salvation Army and patriotic appeals. On Labour Day 1914 the Christchurch Salvation Army Band played at a patriotic demonstration in Ashburton where funds were raised for the Britain and Belgian Relief Fund and The Salvation Army’s annual Self-Denial Appeal. 59 In 1915 Newton band participated in a demonstration in aid of the [Auckland] Hospital Auxiliary Fund.60 Wanganui Band played “at the Rutland Hotel corner” and took up a collection “in aid of the wounded soldiers.”61 In Feilding, the corps band gave a municipal concert at which funds were raised in aid of “the bugle and drum band of the 18th regiment.”62 After the war was over Due to inadequate corps records, we cannot tell how many bandsmen kept up an active Salvationism after the war and how many dropped out. But for ardent Salvation Army bandsmen, it was back home and back into the band once they were demobbed. These men gradually settled into the familiar routine of Salvation Army corps life and banding – open air meetings, Sunday services, musical festivals, corps visits, civic events and other special activities.

Feilding Band reported that it was back to its full strength of 30 players for its Easter 1919 tour to Rotorua.63 Hawera band played at the local hospital on the afternoon of Sunday 25 May

54

Goffin & Wells, 18-19.

Goffin & Wells, 19.

56 Free Lance, (Wellington, NZ, 24 March, 1916), 18; Feilding Star, (Feilding, NZ, 29 March, 1916), 2.

57 Ronald W. Holtz, Brass Bands of The Salvation Army – Their Mission and Music. Vol. 1. (Hitchin, UK: Streets Publishers, 2006), 347.

58 Wairarapa Daily Times, (Wairarapa, NZ, 26 March, 1918), 4.

59 Ashburton Guardian, (Ashburton, NZ, 26 October, 1914), 4, Grey River Argus, (Greymouth, NZ, 28 October, 1914), 2.

60 New Zealand Herald, (Auckland, NZ, 13 April, 1915), 9.

61 Wanganui Star, (Wanganui, NZ, 18 November, 1915), 4.

62 Feilding Star, (Feilding, NZ, 4 November, 1916), 2.

63 Feilding Star, (Feilding, NZ, 15 April, 1919), 2.

55

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1919.64 In August, Dunedin City Band played at “the Fountain” in “wintry conditions” one Saturday night while funds were collected by Captain McKenzie “for a family in need”. 65 In June 1919 five bands (Dunedin City, Gisborne, Palmerston North, Wanganui and Wellington City) took part in the Jubilee Congress in Wellington led by Commissioner T. Henry Howard, Chief of the Staff. As well as some massed band numbers, each band presented items in the Saturday night musical festival in the Wellington Town Hall and also conducted open air ministry over the weekend. According to the War Cry one international visitor said the five bands were the “finest set of bands we’ve heard since leaving London”. 66 This comment must have cheered all participants given the challenges of the preceding years and, more immediately, the Gisborne band which en route to the congress had “experienced a rough trip [by sea] to Napier [when] sea-sickness proved to be the order of the day”. 67 In addition to regular commitments and special events, Salvation Army bands also participated in post-war civic activities. The Wellington City Band took part in the city’s welcome when 748 officers and men returned on the ship Athenic in March 1919,68 Hawera band was present when Lieutenant Henry John (Harry) Laurent VC was welcomed home in July 1919 69 and Sydenham Band played in “county peace celebrations” at Leeston in October.70 In late July 1919 Wellington City Band “participated in the Great Peace Procession [held on a] Saturday morning and in the torchlight procession of the evening that same day”. 71 As the years went by Salvation Army bands played regularly at the annual ANZAC Day services held around New Zealand.

These activities may have been regular and even routine for post-war bandsmen. But as we now know, for those who had served overseas in whatever capacity and who had experienced the horrors of modern industrial-scale warfare, life would never be the same again no matter how normal the routines of civilian life and Salvation Army service were.

64

Hawera & Normanby Star, (Taranaki, NZ, 24 May, 1919), 8.

Otago Daily Times, (Otago, NZ, 11 August, 1919), 6.

66 War Cry, (NZ, 21 June, 1919), 8.

67 Poverty Bay Herald, (Poverty Bay, NZ, 13 June, 1919), 4.

68 Colonist, (Port Nicholson, NZ, 21 March, 1919), 5.

69 New Zealand Herald, (Auckland, NZ, 11 July, 1919), 7.

70 Ellesmere Guardian, (Ellesmere, NZ, 29 October, 1919), 3.

71 War Cry, (NZ, 2 August, 1919), 5.

65

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From The Way Cry (Wellington, New Zealand)

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PROVISION OF AMBULANCES IN THE FIRST WORLD WAR Kingsley Sampson

Some of The Salvation Army's Ambulance Cars in France 1

During the First World War, The Salvation Army provided ambulances and crews to help with the care and transport of the wounded mainly on the Western Front but also in Italy, Egypt and Russia.

Unlike Australia and Canada, The Salvation Army in New Zealand did not supply actual ambulances. Rather it contributed funds to International Headquarters for the purchase of ambulances in Britain and their maintenance in Europe. The Salvation Army’s ambulance brigade was frequently mentioned both in the New Zealand War Cry and in New Zealand newspapers, particularly in articles about the Salvation Army’s war efforts and the need for funds to continue this work. The following is based on those reports.

Soon after the outbreak of war, General Bramwell Booth, despite being an avowed pacifist and grieving that hostilities would pit Salvationist against Salvationist, nevertheless appealed for men and money to run an ambulance service. 2 The result was “the formation of the Salvation Army Ambulance Brigade, operating nominally under the wing of the British Red Cross. It employed its own personnel under the command of an officer carrying the rank of captain.”3 All Salvation Army supplied cars were labelled ‘Salvation Army Ambulance’ and the drivers and their leaders all wore Salvation Army cap-bands and S’s of red, yellow and blue on their epaulettes. The first commandant of the unit was Staff-Captain Aspinall. 4 In a specially prepared statement Booth said that the ambulance unit would consist of five Argyll cars “specially built and properly equipped ambulance motors and that these would operate between the firing line and the bases.”5 He stated that each ambulance would “[bear] the name of ‘The Salvation Army’” and that they would be “manned exclusively by Salvationists.” The General also declared that “just as under our Colours all nations agree,” so the Army’s ambulance service

Reference citation of this paper Kingsley Sampson, “Provision of Ambulances in the First World War”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 132-138.

1 From The Way Cry (Wellington, New Zealand) 2 Harry Williams, An Army Needs An Ambulance Corps – A History of The Salvation Army’s Medical Services, (London, UK: Salvation Books, International Headquarters of The Salvation Army , 2009), 44.

3 Williams, An Army Needs An Ambulance Corps, 44.

4 Williams, An Army Needs An Ambulance Corps, 44.

5 Colonist, (Nelson, NZ, 27 January, 1915), 2.

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“will extend to the wounded soldiers of all the combatants, irrespective of nationality.”6 These five ambulances were dedicated at the Guildhall, London on 1 December 1914, in the presence of the Lord Mayor7 and were quickly put to use.

A further twenty ambulances were added in 1915 with six of these being dedicated by Queen Alexandra on 15 February 1915 8 and named in her honour. A motor lorry was included in the unit to help with ferrying supplies.9 These were all “purchased and equipped out of money raised by The Army and manned entirely by Salvationist drivers and orderlies.”10 A total of six ambulances were also supplied from Australia, the first four of which were dedicated during the annual congress in Melbourne in 1915 where Lady Helen Munro Ferguson accepted the gift on behalf of the Australian Government.11

The second Ambulance Unit donated by The Salvation Army and dedicated by Queen Alexandra 12

The Australia-supplied ambulances were described as being; about 14ft in length and built according to the recent military specifications. [Each car was] fitted with side tent curtains which [could] be unrolled and pegged to the ground, thus enabling [four] ambulances to shelter about thirty … wounded men in case of emergency. [This meant] that the four Cars with side curtains down would practically form a hospital. Each Car [was] equipped with a special water tank, medical chest, and a cupboard for extra stretchers. 13

6

War Cry (New Zealand, 9 January, 1915), 8.

Frederick Coutts, The Better Fight – The history of The Salvation Army 1914-1946, (London, UK: Hodder & Stoughton, 1973), 26.

8 War Cry (New Zealand, 1 May, 1915), 3; Coutts, The Better Fight, 27. One report suggest there were seven ‘Queen Alexandra’ ambulances but this may have been a simple reporting error. See Hawera & Normanby Star, (Taranaki, NZ, 6 August, 1915), 4.

9 War Cry (New Zealand, 31 July 1915), 5.

10 War Cry (New Zealand, 18 September, 1915), 3.

11 War Cry (New Zealand, 25 December, 1915), 8.

12 From The Way Cry (Wellington, New Zealand).

13 War Cry (New Zealand, 21 August, 1915), 3.

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Australia's Ambulance Cars 14

Later additions to the fleet included six ambulances purchased and equipped by the Canadian Territory in 191615 and twelve Ford ambulances in 1918 from The Salvation Army in the United States of America. 16 At the direction of the Czar, the Canadian ambulances bore his name and that of the Czarina and were used for wounded Russian soldiers. 17 The number of ambulances in service increased as the war progressed - 15 in 1915, 27 in 1916, 60 in 1917, 70 in 1918. 18 In April 1918 a letter from Booth to the British Red Cross spoke of a £2,000 donation for the Red Cross to supply the Salvation Army unit with as many additional ambulances as the amount would cover. 19 Likewise the number of wounded servicemen transported mounted as the war continued – from 50,000 by July 1916 to over 150,000 by November 1917.20 In one month alone (September 1916), eight thousand people were assisted by Salvation Army ambulance teams. 21 Apart from the American ambulances, money for these and subsequent ambulances came from donations received in Great Britain and other countries of the British Empire. For instance, the New Zealand War Cry of 9 January, 1915 announced the opening of a War Emergency and Relief Fund with a target of £10,000, some of which was to be applied to the provision of the first ambulances.22 Donations for this appeal were quickly forthcoming and by the end of January almost £4,000 had been given.23 In mid-1915 The Salvation Army in New Zealand offered to provide two ambulances but the New Zealand defence authorities thought there were sufficient ambulances at the front for the time being and suggested that the Army would be better helping to raise funds for base hospitals. 24 Later in December 1917 the New Zealand War Cry announced a patriotic appeal with a target of £35,000

14

From The Way Cry (Wellington, New Zealand).

War Cry (New Zealand, 23 December, 1916), 11.

16 War Cry (New Zealand, 13 July 1918), 3.

17 Coutts, The Better Fight, 27.

18 Auckland Star, (Auckland, NZ, 17 September, 1915), 8.; Ashburton Guardian, (Ashburton, NZ, 7 September, 1916), 2; Poverty Bay Herald, (Poverty Bay, 14 December, 1917), 5; Wairarapa Daily Times, (Wairarapa, NZ, 28 October, 1918), 4.

19 War Cry (New Zealand, 6 April, 1918), 4.

20 Auckland Star, (Auckland, NZ, 9 October, 1916), 2; Dominion, (Wellington, NZ, 14 November, 1917), 7.

21 War Cry (New Zealand, 14 October, 1916), 5.

22 War Cry (New Zealand, 9 January, 1915), 8.

23 War Cry (New Zealand, 30 January, 1915), 8.

24 Hawera & Normanby Star, (Taranaki, NZ, 15 June, 1915), 4.; also Evening Post, (Wellington, NZ, 22 May, 1915), 9.

15

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of which £5,000 was to be used for the provision of six additional motor ambulances and their maintenance in France.25 In support of this on-going fundraising for the Salvation Army’s war effort, senior officers including Commissioner H.C. Hodder (Territorial Commander, 1914-1919) gave regular lectures and newspaper interviews throughout the war. In these they described The Salvation Army’s national and international social work, including its war efforts plus its repatriation work once hostilities had ended. The Salvation Army’s ambulance brigade was always mentioned in these presentations.26 Writing in 1915 the then Captain Bramwell Taylor described some of the conditions under which the ambulance units worked: We are working between Field and Clearing Hospitals, and are within the sound of the big guns.

We have, however, become accustomed to their roar, and when our turn comes can sleep peacefully through it all. The life is hard but … [we] have become adept at making a very comfortable bed out of truss of straw, a couple of blankets, and a knapsack. Our toilet has to be done in the open, and about every other morning, we get a rain bath – the only kind of bath we do get. Hot water is at a premium. All we see is that used for cooking. 27

Later in the same article he described one journey with wounded soldiers: The Unit was instructed to carry wounded soldiers from a certain Field Hospital to a Base hospital thirty-six miles distant. The journey had to be done at night …. Rain descended in torrents; pot-holes six, seven, eight and ten inches deep lined the roadway, and the mud was in parts twelve inches deep: … [the road] was as slippery as an ice-field, and only by the greatest efforts were we able to deliver our tragic freight safely at the Hospital. 28

Salvation Chauffeurs - 'Somewhere in France.'

25

War Cry (New Zealand, 1 December, 1917), 1.; Auckland Star, (Auckland, NZ, 2 July, 1918), 2.

For examples of these, see Auckland Star, (Auckland, NZ, 17 September, 1915), 8.; North Otago Times, (Otago, NZ, 9 June, 1916), 4.; Colonist, (Nelson, NZ, 20 June, 1917), 2.; Timaru Herald, (Timaru, NZ, 16 October, 1917), 3; Oamaru Mail, (Oamaru, NZ, 18 June, 1918), 6.; New Zealand Herald, (Auckland, NZ, 2 June, 1919), 6.

27 War Cry (New Zealand, 6 March, 1915), 7.

28 War Cry (New Zealand, 6 March, 1915, 7.

26

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In the background is the motor lorry attached to our ‘Alexandra’ Unit of Motor Ambulances. 29

One poignant story from the front was printed twice and may be indicative of many such incidents. On Christmas Day 1914 a Salvation Army ambulance picked up a badly wounded man from an aid station and began to transport him. He was very weak but revealed that he had joked with his comrades that if he was injured, he would like to “fall into the hands of The Salvation Army”. Now he was pleasantly surprised to see this had happened. He was concerned for his wife and children and anxious that their Christmas Day would be spoiled if they learned of his condition that day. He asked the Salvationist to tell his wife and children that he died as a true British soldier and then requested that the Salvationist pray with him. This the Salvationist did. He knelt in the car, prayed with the man, commended him to God and waited with him as he passed away. 30 This suggests that more overtly spiritual work was not neglected by the Salvation Army ambulance units. Brigadier Mary Murray reported one such event early in the war: On Sunday night, we had a singing service in the Garage. The big guns were booming and so on. We starting singing ‘Though your sins be as scarlet,’ and one or two fellows joined us; the crowd gradually grew until we must have had between thirty or forty drivers joining in.31

A later report by Lieut-Colonel Haines said that “as far as occasion offers the ambulance drivers take part in salvation meetings and [other gatherings nearby]” and that the men “can not only sing and play, but they pray, and their lives exercise an influence for righteousness.” Haines declared that “many a soldier has found peace with his God, and has taken up new life again with new hope and faith through having been brought into contact with the members of what we proudly call ‘Our Unit.’”32 A brass band made up of Salvation Army ambulance personnel was also formed under the leadership of Adjutant Bramwell Taylor, a staff bandsman. “When in base at Boulogne, the band was available for programmes on Sundays in base camps over a wide area.”33 Pressure of duties meant it was not always able to function but a report in 1918 told of a meeting at St. Martin Camp, France led by the band where 25 seekers were recorded.34 On the last Christmas of its existence, it played to audiences with a total of 30,000 men. 35

29

From The Way Cry (Wellington, New Zealand).

War Cry (New Zealand, 3 April, 1915), 3; repeated War Cry (New Zealand, 18 September, 1915), 3.

31 War Cry (New Zealand, 20 February, 1915), 7.

32 War Cry (New Zealand, 30 June, 1917), 3.

33 Williams, An Army Needs An Ambulance Corps, 44.

34 War Cry (New Zealand, 24 August, 1918), 5.

35 Williams, An Army Needs An Ambulance Corps, 44.

30

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The Salvation Army Motor Ambulance Band 36 B.E.F. France 1914-19 Leader – Adjutant Bramwell Taylor

The work of The Salvation Army’s ambulance brigade was highly regarded by the authorities.

The Honourable Arthur Stanley, Chairman, British Red Cross acknowledged “the good work of The Salvation Army Cars” and said that the Red Cross valued the Salvation Army cars but also “the men who are sent with them, who have a marked influence for good upon all with whom they come in contact.”37 In 1917 a high military authority described The Salvation Army’s ambulance section in France as “the most up-to-date and the best equipped”38 while the Governor-General, the Earl of Liverpool speaking at a Wellington meeting in 1918, said that “he had heard nothing but praise for the work done by the Army’s ambulances”.39 So it was that during the First World War, one way The Salvation Army expressed its overriding concern for the whole person was through the provision of ambulances, the care of wounded servicemen and an alertness to spiritual opportunities as they arose. The Army was able to do this because of strong public appreciation for its work and the resulting financial support.

36

The Salvation Army Archives, Upper Hutt, New Zealand.

All The World, (London, September, 1917), 289. Also Anon, The Salvation Army Year Book 1916, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1916), 21.

38 Nelson Evening Mail, (Nelson, NZ, 6 November, 1917), 6.; Oamaru Mail, (Oamaru, NZ, 18 June, 1918), 6.

39 Evening Post, (Wellington, NZ, 9 April, 1918), 4.

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THE SALVATION ARMY IN NEW ZEALAND IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR PART ONE Harold Hill How did the First World War affect The Salvation Army in New Zealand? The overwhelming experience of the war inevitably led to great changes in countries involved, even though it might be difficult to disentangle these after-effects of war from economic, social and cultural changes which were happening in any case. These would all have an impact on the lives of both individuals and religious communities. This first of two papers outlines developments of a more obvious and practical nature, comparatively easily identified. A second paper will attempt to address other outcomes, relating to the realm of ideas and therefore more nebulous and speculative, with less evidence available to prove them one way or another.1 The most obvious consequence of the war for The Salvation Army in New Zealand is that a number of Salvationists enlisted in the forces. It is not certain how many but we know the names of around 400 men, about three quarters of whom served overseas. Perhaps more than a third of enlisted men Salvationists were Bandsmen and had belonged to corps bands. 2 Some did not come back; we know of at least 64 who were killed or died of wounds, so there would have been empty places in the ranks at home after the war. At least 80 others were wounded, some of them terribly, which had long-term consequences for them.

A few Salvation Army Corps erected memorial boards inscribed with the names of those of their number who had fought in the war. Gisborne was one of these, although this was put up at a comparatively early date and mercifully left under-utilised after a half-dozen names had been inscribed. A very fine carved timber Roll of Honour board, adorned with Salvation Army crest and Royal Coat of Arms, and with shield-shaped spaces for silver plates to be inscribed with the names of fallen soldiers, was made by a prisoner in Mount Eden, Auckland, gaol and offered to the National Headquarters in Wellington. Its 40-odd spaces for soldiers’ names would not have sufficed for all of those killed by the end of the war, and perhaps no-one thought of having additional timber added for more. Perhaps it was overtaken by events since the words “Egypt” and “Somme” can be seen but the war went on for another two years after the latter battle. The gift was reported and illustrated in The War Cry, but it does not seem to have been utilised and, alas, its whereabouts is now unknown.3 Those who came back, whether wounded or not, would inevitably have been changed by their experiences, but we do not have much information about the individual experiences of Salvationists. Some may have lost their faith while we know of others who maintained or

Reference citation of this paper Harold Hill, “The Salvation Army in New Zealand in the Aftermath of the First World War – Part One”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 139-153.

1 For part two of this paper see Harold Hill, “The Salvation Army in New Zealand in the Aftermath of the First World War – Part Two”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 154-169.

2 See the following for an in-depth discussion on New Zealand Salvation Army bandsmen in WWI, Kingsley Sampson, “New Zealand Salvation Army banding in World War One”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 120-131.

3 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 23 June, 1917).

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From The War Cry.4 4

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 23 June, 1917) 6.

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strengthened their commitment to The Salvation Army. Even although New Zealand was not itself a theatre of war, soldiers’ families would also have been affected to varying degrees. A brief reflection on how the war affected Salvationists at home was found in Commissioner Hodder’s 1916 Report to International Headquarters: Unfortunately the World War is still raging and there can be no question but that its continuance seriously interferes with what may be considered the main part of our work, viz., aggressive soulsaving. The minds of the people are agitated, the young men are being commandeered, homes are being stricken with sorrow; and men and women are more or less in a quandary as to where God comes in. 5

Commissioner Henry Hodder. 6

We do not have much specific information about how individuals’ Salvation Army services might have been affected, nor of course can we know what might have happened to those same people in this respect had they not gone to war. In any case the numbers were probably too small to have a marked statistical effect on The Salvation Army.

In common with the wider church, The Salvation Army experienced slow and steady decline relative to the population as a whole from its peak in the mid-1890s to the present day (though actual membership continued to grow). In the 1891 census, 9,383 people, or 1.49% of the population (excluding Maori) claimed to be Salvation Army. 1896 was the peak census percentage year for the Salvation Army, 10,532 registering as Salvationists out of 703,360 (1.5%). By 1901, this had fallen to 7,999, or 1.04% of the population. In 1916, there were 10,004 registered Salvationists, or 0.94% of the population. In 1921, there were 11,591 salvationists, or 0.87%. In 1951, 13,607 Salvationists comprised 0.7%7 (Note: these were Census registrations as “Salvation Army”, so included people with tenuous connections or sympathisers as well as enrolled members 5

H.C. Hodder, Report to International Headquarters, (New Zealand: Salvation Army Archives, 1916), 1.

The Salvation Army New Zealand Archives 7 Department of Statistics figures, given in Allan K. Davidson and Peter J. Lineham, Transplanted Christianity: Documents illustrating aspects of New Zealand Church History (Palmerston North: Massey University, 4th edn, 1997), 241.

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of The Salvation Army). It may be that the war did not affect those trends significantly, although it can be speculated that for some people it contributed to a loss of faith, and to a loss of faith in religious institutions. I recall meeting, in an Invercargill bar an aged First World War soldier, who had been a Bible class lad in 1914 but had lost his faith in the trenches because he could not reconcile the idea of a loving God with the horrors he had seen and experienced.

Whether keeping their faith or not, most just wanted to go home. Towards the end of the war, Chaplain Walter Winton wrote, What can be said of our brave men who have fought, received their wounds, and many have lain in ‘No Man’s Land’ for one or two days without being attended to and many ‘go west’ from sheer exhaustion. Last Saturday I saw off from here some sixty of our boys for New Zealand, some cot cases, others who would never be fit for service again, yet quite happy. You should have seen their faces in view of what was before them – New Zealand!8

Above gives reference to Walter Winton (back, left), also pictured are Alfred Greene (front right) and Charles Walls (centre). 9

The War Cry’s corps reports began to mention that soldiers had returned home and been welcomed in the meetings. Some issues included paragraphs like the following, after the SS Ruapehu docked in Wellington on 22 February 1919: Staff Captain Burton met the returning troops during the week. Eighteen hundred arrived in one day, among the number being Brother Upjohn, of Hokitika, who brings home a Salvation bride; Lance Corporal Franks of Eltham, whose relatives are sterling Salvationists; Privates Innes and Smith, of Christchurch and New Plymouth respectively, who each have a sister in the Training 8 9

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 29 June, 1918), 3.

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 12 December, 1918), 10.

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Garrison; Private Sharp, whose wife is a soldier at Hastings; and last but not least the Brothers Knight of Blenheim, who have returned to their posts in the Corps.10

By the time the soldiers began to return after hostilities had ceased, their home country had been invaded by another foe, the Great Influenza Epidemic, which in one year took more lives than the war of the previous four years. Their families and countrymen were contending with circumstances which may in some cases have eclipsed consciousness of the soldiers’ far-off sacrifices. While The War Cry drip-fed the news of returning soldiers being welcomed home, in many corps reports, headed “News from the Front”, the Great War was superseded by word of local deaths and it was these soldiers whose photographs now appeared with their obituaries.

The soldiers also returned to a world battered by a series of economic lows – 1921 saw a collapse of business confidence, loss of jobs and foreclosures of mortgages, there was another recession in 1926 and the “Great Depression” at the end of the decade saw many returned soldiers walk off the marginal lands they had been allotted by their grateful government. Religious conservatives tended to disapprove of soldiers’ reported drinking habits and rumoured wartime sexual depravity and venereal afflictions, so that churches were perceived to be less inviting than should have been the case. Yester-year’s heroes were too easily forgotten. For some of them the RSA11 or the pub replaced the church; some did not want to remember at all.

Nevertheless, some of the returned men fronted up for another war twenty years later. Of the 339 soldiers whose Defence Department History files could be accessed for this research, 48 (14%) re-enlisted for the Second World War. One 72468 Robert John Ward Dalton of Wellington unsuccessfully attempted to do this even though he had in the meantime lost his right leg in an accident. Most of these men served around their home areas in New Zealand, keeping the local defence facilities operating while those younger and fitter went overseas. Only a handful served abroad again. 24/1420 William Mackinder of New Plymouth, who altered his date of birth from 1895 to 1900 in order to qualify to re-enlist in 1940 was one of these (31335). The military file also reveals that he did not upon enlisting this time mention that he had won the Military Medal for “acts of gallantry in the field” in October 1918 – which provoked a further flurry of documentation when they found out. Sadly, he was killed in action in Crete on 21 May 1941.

But that was another war. In the meantime our soldiers had somehow to take up the threads of their lives again, amongst people sympathetic but not really comprehending the enormity of the experiences they had undergone. The War Cry made one or two attempts to address concern about the particular emotional and spiritual needs returned soldiers might have. The Editor’s “Passing Notes” for 22 March 1919 reflected on the return of surviving members of the original Main Body of troops and the fact that not all had been able to return; Many of those returning, while feeling keenly the absence of much loved mates, have also lost loved ones in the epidemic, so that the home-coming will make the gaps all the more conspicuous and make the old wounds bleed afresh. They are coming home, but to what kind of homes?12

10

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 1 March, 1919), 5. Franks had attested as Salvation Army; Sharp’s military file has not been identified.

11 The Royal New Zealand Returned and Services’ Association.

12 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 22 March, 1919), 4.

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The editor, Staff Captain Charles Rixon, went on to stress the role of women as wives and home-makers, activists of the Home League (“intended to be much more than a sewing or knitting guild”) and arbiters of public morality and community standards, who might be relied upon to ensure the victory of Prohibition. 13 The War Cry’s campaign for Prohibition, only narrowly defeated in a number of referendums and that largely by the votes of the returned soldiers, included shocked descriptions of drunken ex-soldiers in the street and asked how the nation could allow its wounded heroes to suffer in such a way by giving the demon drink free rein. It represented a mindset perhaps having difficulty accommodating to the needs or preferences of those who had fought, even though The Salvation Army did its best to contribute to the rehabilitation and reintegration of the troops.

Staff Captain Charles Rixon when editor of The War Cry drawn by one of his staff. 14

Another article, entitled “How will they come back?” was reprinted from the British War Cry. Attributed to an anonymous “Serviceman in France”, this noted that; the return of our servicemen from all lands, including thousands of Salvation Army bandsmen, cannot be long delayed. ‘How will they come back?’ is a natural question to ask. Some full of fervour and ambition for our holy warfare. Others, alas, perhaps with an inclination to be 13 14

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 22 March, 1919), 4.

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 22 March, 1919), 4.

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indifferent towards religion owing to their having been in contact with the world and the devil’s allurements; others again, with a preference towards the pleasures and attractions that are opposed to Salvation. 15

Naturally it answered its own question with the improving tale of a Bandsman who had thrown himself into Salvation Army activities upon his return. The War Cry seemed to assume that the only reason he would not do this would be that he had fallen for drink or loose women. It did not, however, broach the possibility that some may have rejected God because they could not accept that he would have allowed such suffering as they had encountered, or because the gap between the horrors of the front line and the once-familiar religious platitudes of the home Corps seemed too wide to be bridged.

Even had The War Cry been much given to reflection, both editor and readers were far too close to events to conceive the extent of disillusionment which would colour society in the 1920s or to think in terms of the passing away of the authoritative meta-narratives which yet sustained western religion and culture well into the twentieth century. Even today, with the benefit of hindsight and the perspective of time, we struggle to understand. Those of us reading of the soldiers’ experiences today, aware as we are of an intervening century marked by both high ideals and their betrayal, and perhaps remembering some of those men and what they had to say, can only wonder at the terrible waste of young lives and hopes.

Nor do we hear much from the men themselves. Returned soldiers were notorious for not speaking about the war, except perhaps to one another. As Jane Tolerton comments, “Everyone wanted to get over the war and the way you got over things then was by ‘putting it behind you’, not dredging up the details.”16 We do not know of many Salvationists who wrote about their experiences, although there may be undiscovered, unreported journals. We still do not know very much of what they thought and felt; not much beyond the barest facts of their lives and (in some cases) deaths. What we do read in the War Cry is naturally optimistic and encouraging. Thomas Dewes Jamieson, on the occasion of his welcome home to Dunedin North Corps, “spoke in the morning and night meetings with power, giving God the glory for all his mercy bestowed, and expressed his desire to push the old chariot along.” 17 At Dunedin South, “Sergeant Raper related his stirring experiences at the front; all listened attentively.” 18 Some had come through with their faith intact or even strengthened by what they had undergone; many of them went on to be the leaders and supporters of Salvation Army corps for the next fifty years. We can give thanks for that.

The exigencies of the war necessitated various adjustments by The Salvation Army as an organisation, with consequences which persisted into peacetime years. One was a shortage of officers because of war time deployment. Some twenty officers left their appointments to enlist in the forces as soldiers; four of them were killed and one died of illness; seven were wounded and four were invalided out sick. Only six were able or willing to take up post-war appointments and only three of those made it to retirement age as active officers. A further eighteen officers were seconded to war work – eight as chaplains overseas (Alfred Greene, Charles Walls, John Bladin, Walter Winton, Edward Garner, Samuel Green, Herbert Colledge and Donald Macauley), two 15

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 19 April, 1919), 3.

Jane Tolerton, An Awfully Big Adventure: New Zealand’s World War Veterans, (Auckland: Penguin, 2013), 15.

17 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 31 May, 1919), 6.

18 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 8 March, 1919), 6.

16

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officer couples as welfare workers with troops overseas (McPhersons and Elstons) and another eight chaplains with troops in training camps in New Zealand (Chaplains Hoare, Gunn, Gray, Haywood, Carter, Jackson, Burton and Dixon).

In consequence the Army’s appointment system came under significant strain. In mid-1917 Lt. Colonel James Bray told a Military Service Tribunal that The Salvation Army could not spare further officers for war work without serious difficulties in maintaining its operations at home. 19 In addition, numbers of Salvationists served in various capacities helping out with welfare services for the troops and their families in camps and at transit points like main railway stations. In the immediate post-war period, Captains Burton and Garner were assigned to repatriation work, under the supervision of Major Alfred Greene. At least fifteen officers in all also served as part-time chaplains with territorial units in the inter-war years (C. Bear, S. Bridge, J. Hawkins, A. Charker, D. Duggan, H. Goffin, S. Hayes, A. Montgomery, H. Morley, G. Sawyer, C. Neeve, H. Parkinson, W. Searle, R. Sawyer, L. Toomer). All of this added up to a massive commitment of personnel for the organisation. Fewer men cadets were trained during the war years: twelve men were amongst thirty-one cadets admitted in 1915 but two of these then enlisted; there were just four in 1916, those being sent straight to appointments as assistants, and there were none in 1917 or 1918. This also had a flow-on effect on the availability of officers in the 1920s and later.

Another consequence of the war was the capital expenditure involved providing a soldiers’ hostel in Rotorua (1915), accommodation for soldiers’ families visiting the camp in Featherston (1917), a major extension of the Wellington People’s Palace to provide further for soldiers’ families travelling to farewell or to greet the men on their return (1917), and the erection of a new soldiers’ hostel in Vivian Street, Wellington, for returning men (1918). Some of these institutions remained as part of the Army’s infrastructure, along with children’s homes like those at Hodderville (1919) and Masterton (1925), both originally intended to cater for soldiers’ families.

The Boys' Home near Putaruru, named "Hodderville" after Commissioner Hodder 20 19 20

The Evening Post, (Wellington, 11 June, 1917), 2.

Salvation Army Archives, New Zealand.

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Featherston hostel for families visiting troops in camp opened in 1917

As well as the direct effects upon Salvationists who enlisted and the structural changes forced on the Army’s administration, another consequence for which there is at least some statistical and anecdotal evidence concerned the regard in which the Salvation Army was held by the general public. The Army’s early, “lunatic fringe” period of disapproval was well behind it and its social work was beginning to alter public perception and generate some appreciation of its activities even before the war. Its welfare and chaplaincy services to the troops during the war now gave it a profile beyond what its numbers might have justified. The fact that a total of eight Salvation Army chaplains served overseas when the numbers of Salvationists enlisted might have justified only one on a pro rata basis was a tribute to the reputation the first chaplains – Alfred Greene in particular – earned in the eyes of the military authorities. That the public agreed might be indicated by the increase in the annual Self Denial Appeal income from £17,000 in 1913 to over £50,000 in 1918 – an increase of nearly 300% and much greater than the 44% rate of inflation over the war years. This was on top of the very considerable amounts of money the Army raised for patriotic purposes, including over £100,000 in the Red Jersey Appeal which supported Salvation Army services to the troops. It is interesting to compare this with initial British Salvation Army concern that donations to its regular work had fallen away because of giving to special war-time appeals. 21

21

See Evening Post, (Wellington, NZ, 1 October, 1914), 7.; Evening Post, (Wellington, NZ, 22 December 1914), 4.; Grey River Argus, (Greymouth, NZ, 24 December, 1914), 2.

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The Salvation Army Soldiers Hostel, Vivian Street, Wellington opened in 1918.22

The Army’s success in this area was resented by some individuals in other churches. Some Anglicans, for example, were offended that many Anglican donors supported the Army while their own church’s facilities for soldiers were under-funded. 23 However, the soldiers themselves evidently approved. A Masterton soldier wrote home from Egypt: “In pre-war days we looked upon the Salvation Army with a certain amount of amusement; today we know its value at the front…

The Salvation Army is out on its own.”24 When an officer went to solicit funds at a patriotic committee meeting in 1917, one committee member announced that he had two sons overseas and they mentioned the good work of The Salvation Army in nearly every letter home; hence his willingness to support The Salvation Army’s request for funds. 25 The Salvation Army in New Zealand did not appear to follow up this advantage as assiduously as, for example, the American Salvation Army which exploited the reputation of the “Dough-nut lassies” of the Western Front, but it must have paid dividends in the post-war period. Unfortunately, the New Zealand Salvation Army’s success also left a legacy of inter-denominational rivalry for it to deal with on the outbreak of the Second World War in 1939, but that is another story. 26

22

The Salvation Army, New Zealand Archives.

For example, in Waiapu Church Gazette, (Waiapu, Volume VII, Issue 6, 1 March, 1917), 5; and Waiapu Church Gazette, (Volume VIII, Issue 10, 1 April, 1918), 74. One reason was that The Salvation Army had “Special Collectors”, officers appointed to solicit donations from the wealthy, who were often Anglicans, whereas the Church did not.

24 Wairarapa Daily Times, (Wairarapa,NZ, 21 February, 1916), 4.

25 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 17 November, 1917), 5.

26 Thomas Gordon Aitken, “Aspects of the History of the Salvation Army in New Zealand 1929-1963: A Study in Adjustment.” MA thesis, Victoria University of Wellington, 1964, 87-102; Cyril Bradwell, Fight the Good Fight: The Story of the Salvation Army in New Zealand 1883-1983 (Wellington, NZ: Reed Publications, 1982), 104-6.

23

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Another question to consider is the impact of the war years on Salvationists’ sense of national and international identity, as New Zealanders, as British and as Salvationists – members of an international organisation. This is much more difficult to gauge and is inevitably somewhat speculative.

According to historian James Belich, British patriotism had enjoyed a resurgence in New Zealand in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, but with New Zealand seeing itself rather as a “better Britain”; deferential to the Mother Country and proud of its links to the Empire while considering its own institutions, society and character an improvement on the old. 27 New Zealand soldiers reportedly tended to consider themselves superior in training and initiative to other allied troops; even if that were myth rather than reality it still represented a consciousness of a distinct identity.

The period between the wars has been typified as one of growing sense of national identity in New Zealand. No doubt The Salvation Army’s New Zealand Territory’s becoming separate from that of Australia in 1912 would have contributed to that sense of identity amongst Salvationists. At a much later date, in 1934, Commissioner John Cunningham’s Annual Report to London referred to there still being some feeling about this: [I]t is generally considered to have been a real advantage to the Army work in New Zealand to have been separated from Australia, for rightly or wrongly, many of the older Officers, even today, feel that N.Z. in the days of her connection with the Australian command, did not always receive the consideration to which she was entitled, and in some cases hardly secured fair play… [T]here is very distinctly in the minds of all New Zealanders the idea that in all matters she is apart from, and equal to, Australia. It is therefore never wise to speak or write of “Australasia”, with thoughts of thus including New Zealand. 28

However, there are few overt signs of this in the Army’s publications; a 1913 cartoon exulting over Wellington’s War Cry sales compared with those in Sydney, for example, would be the height of trans-Tasman rivalry! Because New Zealand had spent a total of 25 years as part of the Australasian Territory up to 1912, most of its officers had trained in Melbourne, and transfers between countries were not uncommon, those ties would still be strong. Defence Department records show that many soldiers had also lived in both countries. The New Zealand War Cry frequently reported on Salvationist activities in Australia and changes of Australian personnel.

From the 1920s such links became attenuated and the territories grew further apart.

The Salvation Army’s keenness to safeguard its international unity in time of war perhaps distinguished the War Cry from other local denominational papers. Like the Catholic Church but unlike most other churches, The Salvation Army had no independent national jurisdictions; it was an Empire within an Empire. Would Salvationists be likely to identify as New Zealand Salvationists, or would they have a greater sense of kinship with overseas Salvationists than, for example, Baptists or Methodists, whose churches had no constitutional links overseas, would have with their British counterparts? We cannot be sure, though other denominational papers were freer to describe the war against the Central Powers as a righteous crusade whereas the Army’s internationalism was reflected in Bramwell Booth’s forbidding the use of the word “enemy” in 27

James Belich, Paradise Reforged: A History of the New Zealanders from the 1880s to the Year 2000 (Auckland: Penguin, 2001) 32-118.

28 J. Cunningham, Farewell Brief, 1935, 1. (Salvation Army Archives, New Zealand). (Plus ça change…)

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Salvationist publications and in the occasional reports on German, French and Belgian Salvation Army activities. Even so, there was some tension apparent in the War Cry between the Army’s British patriotism and its attempted international neutrality. As the New Zealand Territorial Commander, Commissioner Henry Hodder, wrote in his 1919 Report on the Army’s war time services, the “Salvation Army flag followed the Union Jack.” 29 Of course Salvationists had long been used to reading about the Army’s missionary activities and ministry in other countries in their publications and this did not change during or after the war years.

New Zealand patriotism was also “imperial patriotism”; New Zealanders were consciously citizens of an Empire – over 6,500 volunteers (including at least two Salvationists whose names we know) had fought in South Africa at the turn of the century. 30 The flag raised by New Zealand troops over the German Headquarters in Samoa was the Union Jack. Many had personal ties: Hodder himself was born in Portsmouth, had worked in Holland and Japan, but had two sons in the Canadian forces. In its copious reprinting of “franchised” material from British Salvationist publications, the New Zealand War Cry certainly strengthened the perception that the Army here was closely linked to the land still called “Home” by most – even by a generation not born there (and over 60, or 17.3% of New Zealand Salvationists who enlisted had been born in Britain). The War Cry habitually referred to Britain as “the Old Country” or “the Home Land” in these years. 31 The war probably reinforced those ties. The Army’s internationalism and its “Britishness” were therefore closely linked. This was not simply a New Zealand phenomenon: Gordon Moyles, in noting that the Canadian War Cry was “an ardent supporter of [British] imperialism”, regrets that it “failed to provide Canadian Salvationists with any sense of Canadian identity”. 32 Apart from speculation, all one can say is that New Zealand soldiers’ experiences abroad would certainly have enhanced their understanding of the Army’s internationalism, or its Britishness, with opportunities to interact, particularly with British Salvationists when on leave. Some also brought home British brides.

Beyond strictly “Salvationist” and “British” internationalism, was there any interest in the wider world and internationalism itself? Some European Salvationists – the cosmopolitan British officer Sidney Carvosso Gauntlett for example – had a special interest in promoting this but New Zealand was distant and relatively myopic. Nevertheless The Salvation Army was represented, along with Anglican, Roman Catholic, Presbyterian, Methodist, Baptist, Church of Christ and Congregational Churches and the Society of Friends, on the Rev Dr James Gibb’s United Peace Committee in Wellington in 1927.33 Gibb had been a passionate supporter of the war, but subsequently became an equally passionate advocate for peace. The Chief Secretary, Colonel C. Knott, and the Field Secretary, Lt. Colonel David Gunn, were amongst the official church 29

Albert Shaw Clifton, “The Salvation Army’s Attitudes and Actions in War Time, 1889-1945”. PhD thesis, King’s College London, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.509687, 108.

30 Frank Raper of Dunedin and Herbert Yardley of Gisborne both fought in South Africa.

31 I can recall people of my father’s generation (born early 20th century) speaking of contemporaries who had been born in New Zealand, “going home for a trip” – meaning to the United Kingdom – as late as the 1950s.

32 R. G. Moyles, The Blood and Fire in Canada: A History of The Salvation Army in the Dominion 1882-1976 ,(Toronto, Canada: Peter Martin and Associates, 1977), 35-6.

33 Allan Davidson, Christianity in Aotearoa: A History of Church and Society in New Zealand (Auckland, NZ: EFM, 1990), 100, citing The Outlook, 2 May 1927, 7. The Manifesto is reprinted in Davidson and Lineham, Transplanted Christianity, 289-91. See also L. H. Barber, “The Very Rev. James Gibb: Patriot into Pacifist.” Annual Lecture, Presbyterian Historical Society of New Zealand, 1973. http://www.stjohnsinthecity.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/RevJamesGibbpacifist.pdf.

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representatives and were signatories to the committee’s unanimously-adopted Manifesto.34 Both officers had had war-time military experience. Knott had worked with British troops in Egypt and the Middle East during the war, while Gunn had been one of the first four Salvation Army territorial chaplains appointed in 1913 and had served as a chaplain in training camps in New Zealand, although not overseas.

The Peace Committee’s Manifesto denounced war as an instrument of policy, and urged support for the League of Nations and disarmament as a means of ensuring peace. The next step was to ask each of the churches concerned to approve the document and officially endorse it. For other churches this would involve referring it to church courts for debate but The Salvation Army had no such bodies so we do not know how far this initiative was of interest to Salvationists in general. Presumably it was not even considered necessary that they should be informed, as the War Cry did not appear to mention either conference or manifesto.

We might wonder about the reasons for the Army’s involvement in Gibb’s committee. It might have been in order to claim and demonstrate solidarity with the other denominations, or in order to secure “a place at the table”. The Army had some ground to make up here, having tended to stand aloof in the past.35 Again, it is possible that the Army’s then leadership had a particular commitment to the cause of peace. During the war Herbert Booth had launched his nondenominational “Christian Confederacy”, one of whose tenets was pacifism, a cause the Booth family espoused even though it was never made a tenet of Salvationist belief.36 The “Christian Confederacy” received no official Salvation Army encouragement – rather the reverse, since Herbert was officially viewed as a renegade – but David Gunn had become an officer when Australasia had been under Herbert Booth’s command (1896-1901) so there may have been some personal loyalty involved, even though Booth had died in 1926. Herbert Booth did retain the loyalty of many officers, both former and current, although the territorial commander in 1927, James Hay, would not have been among them.37 When General Bramwell Booth addressed meetings in Auckland in 1920, Herbert Booth was also in the city. Some Salvationists asked the General if his brother could join him on the platform at one of the meetings but this appeal was rejected. An empty chair was left as a silent protest.38

34

Evening Post, (Wellington, NZ, 6 June, 1927), 4.

Hodder, in his farewell brief in 1922 after eight years as Territorial Commander, indicated that he was suspicious of the other churches, considered them jealous of the Army and to be working against it, so that he had as little as possible to do with them! This was not an isolated opinion; in reply to a correspondent in 1925, the editor of The Officer stated that although Regulations did not actually forbid officers to belong to local Free Church Councils in Great Britain, Headquarters disapproved of such attendance as a distraction from the officer’s real work.

36 From Article X of the Covenant of the Confederacy: “… I will refuse to shed the blood of any fellow-man in defense of any earthly realm.” Ford C. Ottman, Herbert Booth: A Biography, (New York, USA: Doubleday, Doran & Co, 1928), 340.

37 It was said to have been Hay who had Herbert Booth’s name chiselled off foundation stones laid in Australia during his term of office – an almost Orwellian manifestation of obloquy or damnatio memoriae. (Impact, 1976, No.3, 10.)

38 Ottman, Booth, 366.

35

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Herbert Booth. 39

However, no connection between the Christian Confederacy and the 1927 Committee is known. Both, along with support for local branches of the League of Nations Association, were evidently reactions to the awfulness of “total war”. Those who had been involved in the war were sickened by it. Former Salvation Army chaplain Brigadier Charles Walls MC was reported as saying, in an Anzac Day address in Wellington, that; [O]ur losses, the wreckage of war; the wastage, misery and suffering consequent upon war, all urge the utter futility of war as a means to idealism. We have had eloquent testimony that disease soon finds a host; that weakening of moral fibre is not unusual, and that undue strain upon mentality cannot be well borne. War victims are all about silently, yet eloquently, calling upon us who are in full possession of health and faculties to see the abhorrent misery which is the result, and the calamity of such practices, and to live and move that history will never again repeat itself in such a diabolical setting.

Once again, on this day, let it be reaffirmed that war is hell, that hostilities cannot be relied upon to settle national differences. It is known to us now that the greatest sufferers are the maimed in mind and limb, the widow and the fatherless. The futility of war as a means to the settlement of differences has been demonstrated, and future years will but strengthen us in our acceptance of that view.

Already, however, the signs were clear that the lesson had not been learned. Walls went on to express dismay that; a spirit of national distrust and insularity had been expressed by so many peoples that the apparent harmonious relationships of battle days appeared as a cloak to be tossed aside on the slightest misunderstanding. National self-interest was clamorous. Then while the Motherland had shown commendable selflessness in forgiving war debts she had recently been spending £200 a minute on armaments and 2½d in the same time for peace…40 39 40

Ottman, Booth, frontispience.

Evening Post, (Wellington, 26 April, 1932), 5.

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Delegates to the Christian Pacifist Society's annual conference in 1940.

Note the Salvationist with cap seated in the second row on the left of the photograph. 41

While the colonial governments within the Empire resisted involvement in, for example, the ill-fated British attempts to stem Bolshevism in Russia after the war, this was because they knew their soldiers were anxious to get home and the voters at home would not support further military adventures. It did not necessarily represent a national turning to pacifism, despite those countries’ support for the League of Nations. Dr Gibb’s proposals did not lead to any further action and international events in the following decade gradually eroded churches’ support for the strategies proposed. Salvationists, like everyone else, were war-weary but most had not become pacifist in consequence. Exceptions were evidently the uniformed Salvationist who appears in a photograph of the Annual Conference of the Christian Pacifist Society in 1940, and a man who appeared before the Wellington Armed Forces Appeal Board in early 1941. 42 In sum, then, the war years left a discernible mark on the Salvation Army’s personnel, structure and facilities, all readily identifiable and quantifiable, but their implications for the less tangible areas of the Army’s life are less easily established. A second paper will look further at these aspects of New Zealand Salvationism.

41

Photograph from David Grant, Out in the Cold: Pacifists and Conscientious Objectors in New Zealand during World War Two (Auckland, NZ: Reed Methuen, 1986), 80.

42 Access to the Appeal Board’s Minutes is restricted until fifty years after the death of those appearing before it and these men have not yet been identified. Papers of the Christian Pacifist Society, deposited in the National Library in 1983 by the NZ Security Intelligence Service, include questions asked of men appearing before it, and some of these are clearly addressed to a member of The Salvation Army.

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Salvation Army Institutes set up in New Zealand Army camps during World War I, The Salvation Army Archives, Upper Hut, New Zealand

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THE SALVATION ARMY IN NEW ZEALAND IN THE AFTERMATH OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR PART TWO Harold Hill This is the second of two papers looking at the effects of the war on The Salvation Army in New Zealand. The first gave an account of some of the more obvious and practical outcomes; 1 this second paper attempts to further explore the effects of the war on how Salvationists thought and believed.

The first paper concluded with reference to the Rev. Dr James Gibb’s “United Peace Committee”, which was attended by Salvation Army representatives. Participation in Gibb’s Peace Committee raises the whole question of how The Salvation Army processed controversial matters and handled debate on public issues – or even on religious and doctrinal issues. In general, the policy followed was to avoid discussing such matters almost entirely. This was a long-established practice, arising from the belief of the movement’s founders that any such debate would serve only to divide Salvationists and distract them from keeping the main thing – evangelism – the main thing. This of course apparently goes far beyond the question of the impact of the First World War on The Salvation Army, but serves as essential background and context for identifying and assessing that impact when we come to the area of ideas and beliefs, both religious and political.

In earlier years there had been some exceptions to this policy. In the early 1890s, for example, although the War Cry’s attention was largely given to the battle for the freedom to witness in the open air, it also supported women’s suffrage, not only on the principle of equality but because women were more likely to support prohibition and raising the age of consent. Once the vote was granted in September 1893, the War Cry printed copies of the voter registration form for readers to use.2 But these were exceptional examples of interest in mundane affairs, and related to the Army’s special concerns.

This avoidance of controversy related to both religious and political fields. It had been, for example, one of the less-widely acknowledged causes of the breakdown of the Army’s negotiations towards possible association with the Church of England in 1882. William Booth feared that Salvationists were in danger of becoming caught up in the Church’s own internal divisions between its High Church or Catholic and its Evangelical wings. 3 As a result he disengaged from these discussions and urged Salvationists to avoid controversies as “the poison of hell”. 4 In an address to Staff Officers at the 1904 Congress Booth explained that taking sides in political questions would Reference citation of this paper Harold Hill, “The Salvation Army in New Zealand in the aftermath of the First World War – Part Two”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 154-169.

1 For paper one see Harold Hill, “The Salvation Army in New Zealand in the Aftermath of the First World War – Part One”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 1, 1, 2016, 139-153.

2 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 22 July, 1893), 4.; War Cry, (NZ, 30 September, 1893), 7.; War Cry, (NZ, 7 October, 1893), 8.

3 See Andrew Mark Eason, “The Salvation Army and the Sacraments in Victorian Britain: Retracing the Steps to NonObservance”, Fides et Historia 41:2 (Summer/Fall 2009), 51-71. http://www.thefreelibrary.com/The+Salvation+Army+and+the+sacraments+in+Victorian+Britain:+retracing...a0218882622.

4 Booth in the Contemporary Review, August 1882, quoted in Robert Sandall, History of The Salvation Army – Vol 2, 1878-1886, (London, UK: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1950), 133.

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alienate some people from hearing what they needed to say about spiritual matters, discourage donors from contributing to the Army’s funds and lessen the Army’s potential influence for good by getting offside with the political powers that be. 5 In 1907 George Scott Railton wrote that; The one-mindedness and one-heartedness of The Army is strikingly exemplified in its newspapers and its prayers. It has 61 publications, issued in 49 countries and colonies. In not one of these can be found any recognition of the controversies, which disturb the Christian world. They represent minds always engaged upon one subject – the subjugation of the world to the Dominion of Jesus Christ.6

Commissioner George Scott Railton

Booth’s instructions for all Salvationist publications included very succinctly, “No politics. No unfavourable reflections on Christian churches.”7 The policy enunciated by Railton and Booth fits perfectly Ernst Troeltsch’s description of the sect as; …a somewhat limited form of fellowship, and the expenditure of so much effort in the maintenance and exercise of this particular kind of fellowship produces a certain indifference towards other forms of fellowship which are based upon secular interests. On the other hand all secular interests are drawn into the narrow framework of the sect and tested by its standards…

5

William Booth, “Politics” in International Staff Council Addresses, (London, UK: Salvation Army, 1904), 148-64.

George Scott Railton, The Salvation Army following Christ, (Atlanta, USA: The Salvation Army, [1907] 1986), 195, quoted in Dean Pallant, Keeping Faith in Faith-Based Organizations, (Eugene, USA: Wipf & Stock, 2012), 109.

7 Robert Sandall, The History of the Salvation Army – Volume 2, (1878-1886), (London, UK: Thomas Nelson and Sons, 1950), 324.

6

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What cannot be related to the group of interests controlled by the sect, and by the Scriptural ideal, is rejected and avoided. 8

Although the sect-church typological continuum proposed by Weber and Troeltsch in the early twentieth century has been greatly modified by subsequent sociological theorists and discarded as outmoded by some, it still provides an intelligible description of the process by which The Salvation Army evolved from a sect-like mission movement to something approximating a “denomination” in modern terms. Early-day Salvationists were likely to be “at the Army” seven nights a week and exhibit “a certain indifference towards other forms of fellowship”, but by the interwar years they were combining wider community interests with their corps commitments.

Joan Hutson’s account of the Gisborne Corps in the 1930s describes how: Almost without exception, faith in their God as expressed through The Salvation Army took precedence over all other loyalties, and there were many other loyalties. Somehow work and families and sport had to be fitted in around Army commitments. In addition most soldiers belonged to some kind of lodge, the Oddfellows Lodge, the Rechabites or the Masonic Lodge.

Some became Grand Masters, giving the Lodge their loyalty second only to their Salvationism…9

It may not be that the experience of the war contributed to, rather than being simply concurrent with, such broadening of sympathies. However, while in their personal lives and community associations, New Zealand Salvationists increasingly left behind sectarian attitudes in the course of the post-war years, The Salvation Army’s official policies took much longer to ameliorate. An example would be the experience of a successful youth officer, Jean Bennett who, when speaking at youth councils and illustrating a point with reference to a popular film, found herself interrupted by the territorial commander’s vigorous leading of a chorus to prevent the spread of this contagion of worldliness. Another would be the unsuccessful attempt by a chief secretary (of English provenance) to forbid a Christchurch Salvation Army rugby team’s participation in the local grades’ competition in the later 1930s.10 One unintended consequence of this avoidance of worldly and controversial matters, however, might have been that Salvationists would tend to be less ready to make connections between their faith and the larger moral and social issues of the day. There were no representative Salvation Army institutions in which such matters might be raised and discussed, and no articles or correspondence about such matters in Salvation Army publications. A common pattern for originally radical but 8

Ernst Troeltsch, The Social Teaching of the Christian Churches, translated by Olive Wyon (Chicago, USA: Chicago University Press, [1931, 1960] 1981), 1: 339. For critical reassessment of the Weberian approach, see June Elizabeth Milligan, “The Persistence of The Salvation Army: a challenge to the ‘sociology of sectarianism’”, PhD thesis, University of Glasgow, 1982. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/4038/1/1982MilliganPhD.pdf.

9 Joan Hutson, As for Me and My House: A salute to early Salvation Army families of Gisborne, 1886 to 1952 (Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications, 2004), 227.

10 Cyril R. Bradwell, Touched with Splendour (Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications, 2003), 49. Inter-alia, Joan Hutson’s reference to lodge membership is another example of the way in which an official prohibition was ignored at a local level. Masonry was disapproved of because it was a “secret society” and a distraction, until late in the 20 th century when it attracted doctrinal disapprobation largely through charismatic influence. Curiously, 1908 correspondence between William and Bramwell Booth (in the International Heritage Centre archives) discusses whether Colonel (“Acting Commissioner” in South Africa) W.J. Richards’ Masonic Lodge membership would make his promotion to the rank of Commissioner unpopular with his senior officer peers – but they still promoted him soon after and later appointed him Territorial Commander in New Zealand, and then Canada, which suggests Masonry was not such a shibboleth as some have suggested.

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maturing enthusiastic movements is that with a rising social and economic demographic there is a sociological and cultural shift towards conservative attitudes on political, social, doctrinal and moral issues. The lack of opportunity for any overt discussion of such matters within the Army would mean there could be no internal intellectual alternative or countervailing movement to that process.

The result would be that Salvationists would be more likely to become more generally conservative or reactionary in their views.11 In the area of doctrine and theology, this policy made The Salvation Army very reluctant to permit the expression of views which might be construed as straying from strict orthodoxy or outside its own control, an attitude persisting in some quarters even today. 12 Consistently with this policy, the New Zealand War Cry during the First World War and the 1920s (in fact, until recent years) carried mainly internal Salvation Army news and reports, along with general exhortations to be saved or sanctified. The War Cry also carried some “magazine” material, such as descriptions of new inventions, presumably to entice the general reader in, but apart from its campaigning on a few selected social issues such as alcohol use and its restriction, there are not many references to any wider controversies. The Salvation Army was of course heavily involved in the campaign for Prohibition right up to its rejection in 1919; in fact a November 1919 War Cry’s leading article headed “Political Notes” began, “The electioneering campaign which is now in full swing is of particular interest to Salvationists because another opportunity is therein given the people to banish the liquor traffic…” 13 No other election issue was suggested as being of interest to Salvationists. The War Cry continued to campaign against alcohol of course, but somewhat more mutedly than when a political victory had appeared in sight in 1919.

Apart from that, there were few exceptions to this non-controversial principle. A 1914 article asked whether it was time to end war as an instrument of policy (great timing, there!) 14. A 1919 article which began by describing unrest in the British coal industry, moved on to denounce as “generally deplorable” the housing of New Zealand miners at Burnett’s Face and Denniston on the West Coast and complained that “there has been little thought for the health, convenience or comfort of the workers.”15 Another 1919 number reproduced from The Sphere, an illustrated British weekly paper, a somewhat obscure diagram alleged to be “a graph which is a plea for the fairer distribution of wealth”, but lest anyone fear the Army was advocating Bolshevik revolution this was followed by the cryptic warning, “But beware of tactics which eliminate justice.” 16 A 1920 article denounced a proposal to introduce indentured Chinese labour to Samoa17.

Apart from such rare examples, the Salvation Army, as viewed through the columns of The War Cry, appeared to maintain what could be described as a sectarian focus mainly on its own internal life. This trend makes it difficult to trace the extent to which Salvationists in the post-war 11

Or on political matters, to believe it was neutral when it was not. A case in point, long after this time, would be the Army leadership’s belief that it was maintaining political neutrality in the Rhodesia-Zimbabwe liberation war of the 1970s, whereas in fact it could be seen as supporting the settler regime. See Norman H. Murdoch, Christian Warfare in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe: The Salvation Army and African Liberation 1891-1991, (Eugene, USA: Wipf and Stock, 2015), 131-182.

12 For example, again much later, the dismissal of Major Fred Brown after his publication of Secular Evangelism in 1970, and General Linda Bond’s attempted embargo on active officers contributing to an independently published volume on Salvation Army theology edited by a former Salvationist, even though the other contributors included one of her predecessors in the office of General. (Denis Metrustery, Saved, Sanctified, Serving, Paternoster, 2016.)

13 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 22 November, 1919), 4.

14 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 19 June, 1915), 4.

15 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 5 July, 1919), 3.

16 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 19 July, 1919), 3.

17 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 8 May, 1920), 8.

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years were influenced by or even aware of the questions of the day which were being debated vigorously within other churches or in the wider society.

One theological issue which arose during the war for churches in New Zealand as in Britain, and on which the War Cry did explicitly comment, concerned the fate of soldiers killed in the war.

Out of the rhetoric frequently employed to honour those who died in the conflict, the notion arose that their sacrifice on behalf of the nation was in some way salvific, like the sacrifice of Christ, and that this might assure them of their reward in heaven. In fact this assumption probably corresponded loosely to popular religious belief even if foreign to actual church doctrine. Some church spokesmen tried to avoid adding to peoples’ grief by not insisting too strongly on the need for repentance and faith or by warning of damnation in their absence. 18 The War Cry editor was amongst church representatives demurring from this point of view. For example, a 1915 War Cry Leader asked, “Do Soldiers dying for their country make atonement for their sins?” and answered in the negative. Rather, it concluded, “Let us declare against sin and proclaim Jesus – as the only Saviour, and his blood as the sole atonement.” It is unlikely that many Salvationists disagreed with this. 19 There were other, more esoteric theological issues which were never broached in the War Cry at all and are therefore more difficult to trace. The evidence is often British or international and how far it can be extrapolated to include New Zealand Salvationists is sometimes uncertain.

One such issue was the matter of eschatology and “end times” speculation. Eschatology was of great interest to early Salvationists and the Millennium (the expectation, stitched together from a variety of Old and New Testament verses, of a figurative 1,000 years of peace and happiness), was anticipated in the not too distant future. However, The Salvation Army had never adopted an official position on the vexed question of the timing of Second Coming of Christ, leaving the matter open for individual preference.20 Booth did not want his soldiers divided by pointless arguments and speculations though the Booths themselves favoured what is styled the “Post-Millennial” explanation. 21 This view, inherited from Wesley and held by a majority of evangelicals in the nineteenth century, suggested that through the efforts of the Church so many people would be converted and the world would therefore be so greatly improved that “the Millennium” would precede and usher in the return of Christ to earth. Such a position was consistent with The Salvation Army’s evangelistic ethos and was an inducement to get on with the job of converting the world – in fact they often appeared to assume responsibility for making this happen. 22 It also accorded with the generally optimistic Victorian view of progress – that everything was steadily getting better in every way.

18

See Allan Davidson, “New Zealand Churches and Death in the First World War” in John Crawford and Ian McGibbon (Ed.), New Zealand’s Great War: New Zealand, the Allies and the First World War (Auckland, NZ: Exisle Pub., 2007).

19 The War Cry, (New Zealand, 19 June, 1915).

20 Doctrines and Disciplines of The Salvation Army (London, UK: The Salvation Army, 1881), Section 23:9.

21 For example, William Booth, “The Millennium, or, The Ultimate Triumph of Salvation Army Principles” in All the World, (London, August, 1890), 337-43. Reprinted in Roger Green and Andrew Eason (Eds.) Boundless Salvation: The Shorter Writings of William Booth, (New York, USA: Peter Lang, 2012), 60-71.

22 For example, Catherine Booth saying, “The decree has gone forth that the kingdoms of this world shall become the kingdoms of our Lord and of His Christ, and that He shall reign, whose right it is, from the River to the ends of the earth. We shall win. It is only a question of time. I believe that this Movement is to inaugurate the great final conquest of our Lord Jesus Christ.” Catherine Booth, “Invasion of the U.S.” The War Cry, (London, UK: 21 February, 1880), 1, cited by John Rhemick, A New People of God: a study in Salvationism, (Des Plaines, USA: Salvation Army, 1993), 202-3.

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Such optimism could hardly survive the disillusionment of the Great War, although the aged Commissioner Elijah Cadman, interviewed in 1916, and asked whether he thought the world was growing better or worse, affirmed, “Better! More persons have heard of Christ and accepted him.

Soon the nations will realise they are truly of ‘one blood’ and war is a device to exterminate them on earth.”23 Increasingly, however, in the wake of the war, many evangelical Christians turned to the darker doctrine of “Pre-Millennialism”. This teaching first appeared in Britain in the seventeenth century and John Nelson Darby of the Brethren incorporated it into his ‘dispensational’ system in the 1830s. This system held that everything would actually get worse and worse, until a time of great tribulation. The faithful would be rescued from this eventuality by being “raptured up”, and afterwards Christ would return as Judge before inaugurating the Millennium, rather than after it.

Pre-Millennialism was never adopted as Salvation Army doctrine but the Scofield Reference Bible, first published in 1909 and advocating Pre-millennialism and Dispensationalism, became popular with Salvation Army officers in the 1920s and 1930s, partly because it included commentary with the text. Most officers could not afford to buy commentaries and so Schofield’s teaching would have found its way into their sermons, despite his theology being Calvinist rather than Wesleyan. 24 The Army’s “Trade Department” also stocked Clarence Larkin’s Dispensational Truth which was published in 1920 and sold well for forty years. 25 Larkin, an American Baptist, was an influential pop theologian of the early twentieth century; his works are the source of many ideas held by fundamentalist Christians even today. By these means this pessimistic doctrine may have spread amongst Salvationists.

Cover of Clarence Larkin’s Dispensational Truth 23

Quoted in Humphrey Wallis, The Happy Warrior: Elijah Cadman, (London, UK: Salvation Army, 1928), 178.

The Scofield Reference Bible (London, UK: Oxford University Press, 1909, revised 1917). This also introduced Bishop Ussher’s chronology, with its 4004 BC date for creation, more widely to fundamentalist Christians. A Trade Department advertisement for the “Schofield [sic] Reference Bible” in the 19 July 1919 War Cry (New Zealand), 7, claimed that it had “Helps at all the hard places on the page where they occur”.

25 Clarence Larkin, Dispensational Truth, or God’s Plan and Purpose in the Ages (Glenside USA: Larkin, 1918, revised 1920). I knew officers who had bought copies in the 1930s and 1940s, and I obtained a copy from the Wellington “Trade” in 1961.

24

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This issue has been explored by Allen Satterlee in his book, Turning Points: How the Salvation Army found a different path. He points to the war years as the hinge of a marked change in the Army’s literature, its hymnody and journalism, which had hitherto “involved the core conviction that the Army would lead the world to Christ en masse.” 26 Amongst the evidence Satterlee offered was that whereas almost 31% of pre-war songs in the (1987) Song Book by Salvation Army writers were about evangelism, of those written after 1920 only 14% were of this kind. Indeed, by the publication of the 1987 edition of the Song Book a great many earlier songs had already fallen out of fashion and their use discontinued; an analysis of all published Salvation Army songs would probably strengthen Satterlee’s argument. After the Great War the Army’s hymnody indeed showed increasing preoccupation with the private spiritual life of the Christian.

Satterlee’s review of articles in The Officer concluded that in 1905, 21% of articles were on evangelism and revival, in 1913 that figure had dropped to 14% and in 1920 only 5% were on these subjects. The change between 1905 and 1913 could not be related to the war, and so could point to a change in the Army’s ethos, or to a change in editorial policy. Although Satterlee’s thesis and evidence of change in The Salvation Army is of value, it therefore has to be asked whether the continued decline of interest in evangelism after 1913 was related only to the disillusionment following the war or was also a sign of continuing diminution of evangelical zeal, commonly found in a maturing sect, along with a greater preoccupation with its own life.

The Officer, for some years known as the The Field Officer (1900-1913) and The Officer’s Review (1932-39) provided “Outlines of Addresses”, for corps officers to use as a basis for their sermons, and some of these were collected in volumes published in 1914 and 1940. 27 While strict comparisons are difficult it would appear that 25% sermons in the earlier volume are about “salvation”, compared with about 29% in the later edition, so that does not provide unequivocal support for Satterlee’s hypothesis. Of course, there is no indication of how many New Zealand preachers utilised this resource or of how intently their congregations listened, or of whether they believed what was said!

To the extent that it may be relevant to the question of evangelism, the general approach and material printed in the New Zealand War Cry did not seem to change greatly from pre-war to postwar years. Most of the contents, before and after, were for internal Salvation Army consumption, with news reports from Corps and articles by and about the activities of the leaders taking much of the space. As June Milligan says of the British War Cry, “It was a paper about the Salvation Army and its leaders, and not a general evangelical tract.”28 Where material could be described as “evangelistic”, it was often biographical – sensibly enough, since testimony and story are often more compelling than propositional preaching. Particularly in the earlier years it was more common for the front cover to be a full-page illustration drawing attention to a story inside, and this was sometimes about someone being converted. Sometimes they were about contemporary events – front page and inside articles for 22 February 1913 were about Scott’s ill-fated Antarctic

26

Allen Satterlee, Turning Points: How the Salvation Army found a different path, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, 2004), 76.

27 Outlines of Addresses for the Use of Salvation Army Officers (London, UK: The Salvation Army, n.d.[c1914]); Outlines of Addresses for the Use of Salvation Army Officers, Volume II (London, UK: The Salvation Army, 1940).

28 Milligan, “Persistence of the Salvation Army”, 202.

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expedition. 29 Such stories would be run with an eye on the public house customers, in order to draw them in to reading the rest of paper, but only a minority of stories could be described as evangelistic.

It is not therefore clear from these pre- and post-war sources that the war itself had such a profound effect on Salvationists’ thinking about end-times, even though there was definitely a growing theological fashion for pre-millennial teaching at the time. There was certainly some discussion going on in the Army at large because in 1930 the Editor of The Staff Review, a journal published by International Headquarters, thought it necessary to remind his readers: [T]here are certain aspects of the Second Coming of our Lord – the idea that he will personally reign on earth in bodily form for a thousand years – which, although held by a minority of devout and thoughtful men and women in the church from time to time, have consistently been rejected by the overwhelming majority of equally devout and learned teachers; teaching which, moreover, has never been given a place in the creed of any of the great denominations of the Church at any time in its history. In view of this The Army’s Founders wisely forbore to commit The Army to the one view or the other, and forbade that its platforms should be used for teaching controversial aspects of the subject. What is clear to all they taught and permitted Officers to teach: That He is coming again; that of that day and hour no man knows, not even the angels in Heaven; and that we should all be ready all the time for His coming, so that at no time shall He find us unprepared. But beyond that they sanctioned no teaching on the subject… … Any Salvation Army Officer has begun to miss his way and has mistaken the legitimate use of Army platforms who can give time and thought to trying to show that in the books of Daniel and Revelation light is to be found in regard to the present and future conditions of the nations of the world…30

Unfortunately, not even ordinary field officers, let alone the soldiers, would be likely to have seen this warning, available only to Staff Officers.31 Despite such ideas being in circulation, the Army’s official publications made little mention of eschatology, and when they did so, upheld the view set out in the 1881 Handbook: 9. But what is the view of The Army on the subject of the Second Coming of Christ TO REIGN PERSONALLY ON THE EARTH? It does not pretend to determine a subject upon which there has been, and is still, so much difference of opinion. But we incline to the opinion that He will not come till the last day of judgement, and rejoice to know that, should He come before then, it will be so much better than our expectation.32

The new 1922 Handbook, having outlined what the Bible actually said on the subject, concluded that; Considerable differences of opinion exist among God’s people… and among these differing views The Army does not undertake to decide which is true… THE ONE CERTAINTY IS

29

The War Cry, (New Zealand, NZ, 22 February, 1913).

The Staff Officer, (London, UK: April, 1930), 106-7.

31 At that time, officers marked for advancement to “management” roles were placed on a separate promotion track, with ranks such as that of “Staff-Captain”, not held by other officers. The system became incredibly complicated with the frequent introduction of new ranks. See Harold Hill, Leadership in the Salvation Army: a case study in clericalisation (Milton Keynes: Paternoster, 2007), 334, for a descriptive chart.

32 Doctrines and Disciplines of The Salvation Army, (London, UK, The Salvation Army, 1881), Section 23:9.

30

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THAT CHRIST WILL RETURN: Hence our duty is (a) to be ready ourselves… (b) to do our utmost to get others ready also…33

A reviewer of the new Handbook obliquely criticised those too absorbed in the question of the Parousia: “This chapter also supplied simple and practical teaching about the Second Coming, concerning which so many Christians occupy almost the whole of their minds and thoughts.”34 Whether that was true of New Zealand Salvationists, we have little to go on. Nevertheless, Commissioner James Hay’s Farewell Brief in 1929 described Adjutant Hawkes of Hastings as “a good man, a very good man, but apt to swing on to the Second Advent – the Holy Ghost – overmuch…”35 Commissioner John Cunningham evidently thought the matter relevant to the New Zealand situation, as his Report on the New Zealand Territory to International Headquarters in 1934 indicated.

Commissioner James Hay Before passing away from the Field Officers it may be well to say here that there is an inclination for just a few to get making far too much of the Second Coming of Christ, and now and again we have learned of special announcements and special addresses on the subject. It has been popular among a certain class of Christian people in the Dominion, and whether the few have been trying to catch the popular idea, or whether they have been truly prompted by any 33

Handbook of Doctrine (London: The Salvation Army, 1922), 152.

The Officer, (London, UK: May, 1923), 424. It was not until Bernard Mobbs published Eternity Begins Now (London, UK: Salvation Army, 1964) that there was made available to Salvationists an accessible but scholarly respectable exposition of traditional Christian teaching on the subject. By then the horse had long bolted. Probably many Salvationists now, if aware of the subject at all, assume that pre-millennialism, replete with “rapture”, is the Army’s official teaching, and might even concur with Satterlee’s assumption that the pre-millennial view “has more biblical merit”. Satterlee, Turning Points, 80. This might have been thought a peculiarly American view but for the 2009 publication of a book on “The Rapture” by Philip Layton, a British officer.

35 J. Hay, Farewell Brief, 37A. (New Zealand Salvation Army Archives).

34

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sincere thoughts of their own, I am at a loss to say. I have not gone so far as to forbid the kind of thing referred to, but have strongly discouraged it, and have said that the business of the Army is to preach Salvation and get souls saved, leaving to The Lord that which He has not deemed wise to reveal to man. A watch on the few is really necessary, or we may have some of our people becoming cranks on the question. 36

Another, related, theological shift during these years concerned the rise of “Fundamentalism”.

This arose in the United States in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries as a reaction against what was termed “modernism”, a pejorative term encompassing theology which took into account the findings of contemporary Biblical scholarship, known as “Higher Criticism”, and against the “Social Gospel”, a demythologised development of post-millennialism. Fundamentalism was popularised by a multi-volume set of papers by many distinguished conservative scholars, on The Fundamentals, the first of which were published in 1909, so before the First World War. 37 However, over those years and into the 1920s and beyond, fundamentalism greatly extended its influence. Karen Armstrong has written of the way fundamentalism in any religion is a common defensive reaction to the instability of times of rapid change – as we see even today in Islam. She observed that; Protestant fundamentalism came into being in the United States when evangelical Christians pondered the unprecedented slaughter of the First World War. Their apocalyptic vision was simply a religious version of the ‘future war’ genre that had developed in Europe. Religious fundamentalists and extremists have used the language of faith to express fears that also afflict secularists.38

Fundamentalism stressed five doctrines: Biblical inspiration and the inerrancy of scripture as a result of this; the Virgin birth of Jesus; belief that Christ’s death was the atonement for sin; the bodily resurrection of Jesus; the historical reality of the miracles of Jesus. At first sight such a schema appears indistinguishable from the substance of conservative evangelical doctrines like those of The Salvation Army (although the Army’s Eleven Points of Doctrine somehow overlooked both the Virgin Birth and the Resurrection). William Booth was not, however, a Fundamentalist; he was firmly in the earlier Wesleyan tradition. For example, for him, Biblical inspiration and authority did not imply verbal inerrancy – he expressly denied that idea. 39 Nor would Fundamentalism have accommodated Booth’s understanding of the sacraments or his views on women’s ministry.

Nor might all Salvation Army officers of the early generations have found fundamentalism entirely palatable. A curious light is shed on this by former Commissioner Alex Nicol, writing in 1911. Expressing concern that the Army’s “Eleven Points” had become a doctrinal straight-jacket, Nicol commented on the Fifth Doctrine;

36

J. Cunningham, Report on the New Zealand Territory, July, 1934, 44. (New Zealand Salvation Army Archives).

R.A. Torrey and A.C. Dixon (Eds), The Fundamentals: A Testimony to the Truth, (Chicago, USA: Testimony Publishing Coy, 1910).

38 Karen Armstrong, Fields of Blood: Religion and the History of Violence, (London, UK: the Bodley Head, 2014), 365.

Armstrong’s chronology for Fundamentalism is inaccurate but her analysis is compelling.

39 “What is claimed for the Bible? Not that every word is inspired… Not that exactly in its present form it is entirely free from errors…’” William Booth, “What do we mean by Inspiration?” Reprinted in The Staff Review, (London, UK, January, 1928), and in Alfred G. Cunningham, The Bible: Its Divine Revelation, Inspiration and Authority, (London, UK: The Salvation Army, 1961), 12.

37

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We believe that our first parents were created in a state of innocence, but by their disobedience they lost their purity and happiness and that in consequence of their fall all men have become sinners totally depraved and as such are justly exposed to the wrath of God.

Alexander Nicol in 1911 40

He wrote, “The Army is committed for all time to this doctrine and many others equally contentious, and some of which Staff officers no more believe in than they do that Bacon wrote Shakespeare.”41 We might wonder why the élite of the staff should be more prone to such doubts than lesser mortals but Nicol’s observation hints that at least there may have been some diversity of views on such matters throughout the Army’s history. Another straw in the wind not much later was a comment by the editor of The Staff Review, on councils conducted by General Higgins in London in 1930, commending his recitation of the Army’s doctrines, and his invitation to Commissioners present to join him and the Chief of the Staff in signing a copy of the Declaration of Faith.

This was a timely and significant gesture on the part of the General. Cabled throughout the world by the Press within a few hours, this solemn reaffirmation of faith answered in the clearest manner the hope expressed in certain quarters that “under the new regime” The Army would “broaden out theologically”, and the assertion already made by others that its Leaders intended to alter the doctrines of The Army. 42

40

A. M. Nicol, General Booth and The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Herbert and Daniel, [1911]), 369.

Nicol, General Booth, 93-5.

42 The Staff Review, (London, UK, April, 1930), 103.

41

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General Edward Higgins

We are left to wonder who the “others” were and where the “certain quarters”, and for what did they hope, but it would suggest a preference by a minority of Salvationists for a more liberal interpretation of Salvation Army doctrine.

That some officers at least were wrestling with the challenges of Biblical scholarship is suggested by a question posed in The Officer by “Inquirer,’ Scotland: Does an acceptance of the conclusions arrived at by the majority of ‘Higher Critics’ as to the composite authorship of some of the books of the Old Testament involve the rejection of The Salvation Army teaching on the Inspiration of Scriptures?

The answer poured cold water on the “conjecture and supposition” characterising the critics, but did not actually answer the question. Instead, it warned that “… the ‘conclusions’ of the Higher Critics are extremely unlikely to be of any service in soul-winning – and that is our business, is it not?”43 Another questioner wondered how the discoveries of archaeologists could be reconciled with the marginal dates given in the Bible, particularly those in the opening chapters of the Book of Genesis.

The editor’s reply pointed out that Bishop Ussher’s seventeenth century chronology formed no part of the Biblical text and was clearly not appropriate for the early chapters of Genesis, where incalculably long periods of time were indicated, but that dates pertaining to more historical periods were being confirmed by modern archaeology. 44 Whether any New Zealand officers shared these concerns, we do not know.

Despite the possible existence of a continuing more liberal tradition within the Army, the default position of many officers over the years would have been towards the conservative, if not the fundamentalist end of the spectrum, and probably many would not have distinguished between these positions. The Trade Department was able to supply copies of The Fundamentals to them, and the soldiers would hear sermons based on them. Barely a hint of dissension over such matters ever 43 44

The Officer, (London, UK, April, 1923), 285-6.

The Officer, (London, UK, June, 1923), 473-4.

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disturbed the readers of the War Cry however. They would have to read between the lines to sense any incongruity between the Editor’s reporting that scientists believed the sea to be 150 million years old, and General Bramwell Booth’s criticism of an Anglican divine who had expressed doubts about the literal interpretation of the creation story. 45 A related doctrinal tension of the war in these years was the reaction against liberal theology in certain Evangelical circles on the ground that the pioneers and leading exponents of modern biblical criticism were German, and that their views should be discounted on those grounds. Even the English Church Times, hardly a voice for Fundamentalism, believed that “In the field of theology no less than in the cities and villages of invaded countries the German method of “frightfulness” [what the Americans now call “shock and awe”] has spread havoc” and referred to “the malign influence of German destructive teachers.” 46 Not only did The Salvation Army not endorse any such view but there were no signs that anyone was even aware of it. Most such academic questions were not of interest and it would be inconsistent with War Cry policy to publish such a xenophobic suggestion.

One aspect of Fundamentalism from which The Salvation Army did escape, in New Zealand as elsewhere in the world, was what in Evangelical circles has been called “the Great Reversal”. 47 Nineteenth century evangelicals had a lively interest in a contemporary expression of the Kingdom of God. Converts of Booth’s mentor, Finney, were expected to sign up for either the anti-slavery or the women’s suffrage campaigns when they gave their lives to Christ.48 However, many post-World War One evangelicals turned their backs on social activism, partly because of its adoption by those they saw as theological liberals and “modernists”. Instead, they became more “other-worldly”, under the influence of fundamentalist pre-millennial and dispensational teaching; what was the point of “saving” a world about to be destroyed? It took to the end of the twentieth century before many evangelicals began to take seriously the “already” as well as the “not yet” of the Kingdom.

The Army, however, remained involved in social action throughout, thanks to William Booth’s strong commitment to saving the body as well as the soul, and the fact that the Movement was already so deeply invested – institutionally, financially and ideologically, not to mention by reputation – in social work.

In New Zealand the most marked development in the 1920’s was the expansion in children’s work, and the initial impetus for this was concern for the children of deceased servicemen. By the end of the decade nearly 600 needy children were being accommodated at any one time. In 1920 the Government set up a department of immigration and The Salvation Army was invited to assist, sponsoring many immigrant families in the 1920’s. With the opening of the Hodderville Home and Training Farm at Putaruru, it was able to bring out over eight hundred young men over a period of 45

The War Cry, (New Zealand, 6 November, 1920), 7.; The War Cry, (New Zealand, 20 November, 1920), 4. Some American officers regarded the impeccably orthodox Commissioner A.G. Cunningham (editor of The Officer 19031916, Bramwell Booth’s collaborator in the writing of the 1922 Handbook of Doctrine, editor of The Staff Review, General Carpenter’s Chief of the Staff 1939-43 and in retirement the Army’s first representative on the Central Committee of the World Council of Churches) as responsible for instigating “an enduring liberal bias” at IHQ (Private letter from Commissioner Norman S. Marshall, dated 13 January, 1990, International Heritage Centre collection.). A helpful discussion of this question is found in John Coutts, The Salvationists (London, UK: Mowbrays, 1977), 7-17.

46 The Church Times, (London, UK, 3 September, 1915), reprinted in The Church Times, (London, UK, 4 September 2015), 10.

47 See David O. Moberg, The Great Reversal: Evangelism Versus Social Concern (Philadelphia, PA: Lippincott, 1972).

48 Stated by Tony Campolo in podcast on 10 February 2009: Adventures in Missing the Point. http://www.halfwaytoheaven.org.uk/?cat=40.

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six years, provide them with a basic farm training course of several months, and then assist them to find work on farms.

The Boys' Home near Putaruru, named "Hodderville" after Commissioner Hodder 49

Among other new ventures was the setting up of an Enquiry and Missing Friends Department. In a typical year, 1926, 202 cases were handled by this department, in 99 of which the missing friends or relatives were found. The inter-war years also saw the beginnings of the Army’s homes for old people; Auckland and Wellington in 1925, and Christchurch, Wellington and Upper Hutt in 1935. From the end of the first post-war decade, the depression years of 1929 - 35 strained the Army’s resources.

Backed up by the corps officers throughout the country, Women Samaritan Officers who had been appointed to the main cites after World War One, organised mobile soup kitchens, food depots, rest centres for mothers, and shelters for unemployed men and itinerant workers. In one year, 1932-33, 1,744,632 free meals and 421,579 free beds were supplied to needy people.50 No “Great Reversal” for the Salvation Army then; its social work became for the public the chief justification for its existence.

49

Salvation Army Archives, New Zealand.

Cyril R. Bradwell, Fight the Good Fight: The Story of The Salvation Army in New Zealand 1883-1983 (Wellington, NZ: Reed, 1982), 96-7.

50

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Salvation Army Mobile Soup Kitchen, 193151

In sum, then, as far as the theme of this paper is concerned, although the war affected many Salvationists on a personal level, it probably did not change their “Salvationism” or their understanding of their faith significantly. The war doubtless hastened the far-reaching social and cultural changes, including the rise of secularism, which were going on anyway and which affected Salvationists as they did other Christians. Although the rise of fundamentalism loosely coincided with the war years, and fundamentalism is often a response to unsettled times, there is insufficient evidence to suggest that these factors contributed to any more than a minor shift in the beliefs – or the activities – of New Zealand Salvationists. The effects of the First World War stopped short of their doctrines.

51

Salvation Army Archives, New Zealand.

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