Issuu

ISSN 2206-2572 (Online)

Issue 2

Edition

March 2021 The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is published by The Salvation Army, Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society.

Volume 6

Issue 1

2016

September 2016 The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 1

storical Symposium

Call for Papers The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online) The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is a multi-national journal that fosters a dialogue on all aspects of the history and development of The Salvation Army. Articles are encouraged to be glocal, that is, both local and global in consideration. All articles in this journal have undergone editorial screening and peer review by at least two reviewers. The aim of the journal is to publish timely, useful, informative, original and honest historical research which will be of value to both a general audience and those interested in Salvation Army history. The journal is published by Cross and Crown Publications and seeks to promote the interest of Salvation Army history by increasing the knowledge and understanding of the Army’s formation and development. The journal publishes research papers and historical papers in any areas relating to the history and development of The Salvation Army, including, but not limited to: Aged Care, Biographies of individual Salvationists and employees, Buildings and Architecture, The Booth family, Brass Banding, Corps history, Education of Salvationists, Education organised by Salvationists, Emergency relief and management, Fashion of uniform - design and meaning, Gender and Cultural Diversity, Genealogical studies, Health work and ministry, Holiness Movement, Human Rights, Hymnology, Internationalism, Leadership styles, Methodist and Salvationist theological development, Orders and Regulations and policy development, Religion Studies, Literature Studies, Signs and Symbols meaning, Social justice and The Salvation Army, Social Work, Social Welfare, Social Impact, Urban ministry, Unemployed and Vulnerable people, Welfare State, Young Peoples’ Ministry.

Papers presented at Salvation Army heritage meetings will be welcome. Where possible, primary sources should be used and presumptive statements avoided. Images and graphics will be accepted if the contributor or The Salvation Army holds the copyright and they are visually clear for reproduction. All articles contributed must be original, the contributor's own work and referenced throughout. Articles previously published in either Army or non-Army publications will be considered on a case-by-case basis. Interested contributors are highly encouraged to submit their manuscripts/papers to the executive editor via e-mail at AJSAHistory@gmail.com. Please indicate the name of the journal (The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History) in the cover letter or simply put ‘Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History’ in the subject box if submitting by e-mail. AJSAH is inviting papers for Vol. 6, Iss. 2. The online publication date is September 2021. Submission deadline: 30 June 2021. For any additional information, please contact the executive editor at AJSAHistory@gmail.com

Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel Executive Editor - The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History

© The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History 2021 Cross & Crown Publications Cross & Crown Publications PO Box 998 Mt Gravatt Qld 4122 Australia web address: https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/historicalsociety/ ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online) The views expressed in this journal are not necessarily those of The Salvation Army, the AJSAH, executive editor or members of the editorial team. Every effort has been made to obtain and publish reliable information. The journal however, accepts no responsibility for incorrect information or advertising content.

Cover: The Salvation Army tricolour ribbon on a black background. An historical crest of The Salvation Army. The picture is taken from the cartoon strip “Mad Munn” from The war cry (Melbourne, 24 May 1952), 2. It shows Adjutant Harry Munn visiting the sick in Belfast, from these visits Munn received smallpox and was promoted to Glory. See paper by Richard Munn. Executive Team Executive Editor Mr Garth R. Hentzschel Associate Editor Dr David Malcolm Bennett Associate Editor Major Kingsley Sampson Peer Review and Editorial Team Dr. Glenn Horridge; Professor R. G. Moyles; Major David Woodbury Guest French reviewer Pauline Dunbar

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History was formed in 2016 and is prepared by a group of historians as well as others who are interested in researching, writing and displaying Salvation Army history. Contributors are Salvationists and non-Salvationists from Australia, New Zealand and other countries. It is published by Cross & Crown Publications and peer reviewers represent Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom.

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VOLUME 6 ISSUE 1 2021 Editorial Note As we publish this issue the world is still impacted by COVID19, with a number of different strains now presenting themselves. These outbreaks have negatively impacted the area of Salvation Army history research with some archives closed or visiting restricted. We again pause to think of the people who have been adversely affected by the virus and those who continue to work to keep us all safe. Despite setbacks, exciting work has continued in Army history with the publication of several books relating to Army history, historical meetings moving online, and continued writing of papers. As with other issues of the journal, the papers are presented in two sections: the first focusing on areas of Salvation Army history in New Zealand, and; the second section is a collection of papers from a variety of countries. Between the two sections is housed information to assist researchers and others interested in aspects of Salvation Army history. This issue will be the first in the history of AJSAH to publish a bilingual paper. We hope this will continue. As The Salvation Army is an international movement and ministers in many languages we feel it is important to include such representations. To commence the collection of papers with a New Zealand focus, Major Kingsley Sampson concludes his investigation into The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship (SASF) in New Zealand. With the use of primary sources, he outlines the treks and conferences organised by the group, as well as the reestablishment and ultimate demise of the fellowship. In the second paper, Margaret Thompson and Sampson outline the history of the New Zealand youth magazine organised by the SASF. With an analysis of its contents and investigation of other sources, the paper shows how the publication engaged with the social and religious context of the time. The third paper with a focus on New Zealand is by Lt.-Col. William (Bill) Allott. Allott, by uncovering biographical information on the Brownlie sisters gives deeper insight into the early social work of The Salvation Army in that country. Raewyn Hendy presents the final paper in this first section. Using a feminist ideology, Hendy investigates primary and secondary sources to outline the motivation for women to go to the mission field. Opportunities they received and difficulties experienced are compared with women officers who remained in their home territory. Several specific women Army officers who served overseas are highlighted throughout Hendy’s paper.

Like earlier issues of the AJSAH, the middle section of the journal houses information that will be of interest to researchers or readers of Salvation Army history. Firstly, we are introduced to two Salvation Army historians and their writings: Major Kingsley Sampson, an author who has contributed to Salvation Army history literature through his writing, researching, and editing abilities, and Professor Emeritus R. David Rightmire, an academic who has contributed to Salvation Army history and theological studies. Secondly, there are several advertisements for resources, books, and events, all relating to Salvation Army history. We hope these will assist you in your understanding and research. Please note that the journal receives no finances from these advertisements. Thirdly, four book reviews are presented, one on The Salvation Army at the movies by Kingsley Sampson; two by Garth R. Hentzschel, Under two flags and Preaching a disturbing gospel; and Major David Woodbury’s review of Catherine Booth – From timidity to boldness. Finally, for this section, Hayley Jean Reeves outlines how Salvation Army family history led her to write a screenplay, Legacy that has now won international awards. To commence the final section of papers, Garth R. Hentzschel gives an historical biography on an Australian Salvationist artist, George Holloway and has uncovered some of Holloway’s works. In the second paper, Colonel Richard Munn writes about the evangelical endeavours of his notable great-grandfather Adjutant Harry Munn. The impact of Harry Munn’s ministry on his own time and on contempory lives is also discussed. The final paper in this section appears in both English and its original language, French. Marc Muller examines the attitudes of, and the work carried out by French Salvationists during World War One. As in other issues, there are several requests for assistance with research into specific areas of Army history. We give thanks to the support of Professor R. G. Moyles for the assistance he has given the journal. Also please let us know if there are any subjects you are researching or other comments via a letter to the editor. I would like to thank the authors of each paper, the translators, the people who wrote letters to the journal and the peer review and editorial group who work hard to ensure accuracy and clarity in all the papers published. We know you will enjoy this issue. Stay safe in the strange COVID-19 times. Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel

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The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History Title/Author

CONTENTS Volume 6 Issue 1 2021 Page

Editorial note Garth R. Hentzschel

Contents

Contributors

‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationist students’: The story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part two: From holiday treks to attempted reactivation Kingsley Sampson 6 “A semi-official organ of survey and enquiry, question and answer”: The history of New Zealand’s Battlepoint magazine, 1963 – 1988 Margaret Thompson & Kingsley Sampson 21 Dedicated to rescue. The Brownlie sisters of Dunedin, New Zealand William (Bill) Allott 39 New Zealand Salvation Army women officers who served overseas, 1907 – 1960 Raewyn Hendy 50

Title/Author

Page

Book review, Using history to inform future practice Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel 89 Book review, Catherine Booth – From timidity to boldness Reviewed by David Woodbury 92 Salvation Army history news: Turning the pages of history for the silver screen Hayley Jean Reeves

A Salvationist artist: George Holloway Garth R Hentzschel

‘Mad Munn’ – Arising again. A great-grandson recalls the theatrical evangelist Richard Munn 121 The First World War: The catalyst for the activities of the French Salvation Army Marc Muller, Translator Bramwell Williams 136

Meet the author Kingsley Sampson

La première Guerre Mondiale : Catalyseur de l’action de l’ Armée du Salut en France Marc Muller 148

Meet the author R. David Rightmire

Request for information to assist with research 160

Advertisements of resources, books, and events 74 Book review, The Salvation Army at the movies Reviewed by Kingsley Sampson 84 Book review, Under two flags Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel

A note of gratitude from the executive team of The Australasian journal of Salvation Army History 161 Reviews, comments, feedback and letters to the editor on the AJSAH Volume 5, Issue 2 162

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Contributors - Vol. 6 Iss. 1 Lt. Colonel William (Bill) Allott is a retired Salvation Army officer living in Christchurch, New Zealand. He trained as a school teacher at Ardmore Teachers College, Auckland and graduated from Victoria University, Wellington. With his wife, Heather, he has been involved in Salvation Army service in Nigeria, the United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand in a variety of roles which have included teacher training, youth leadership, officer training and church leadership. For three years he edited The war cry in New Zealand and was for five years Editor-in-Chief of Salvation Army publications in Australia. In retirement he has edited the Dallington community news for the local Residents’ Association and has been a budgeter for the Army in Christchurch. He has also researched Salvation Army history and this can be accessed on https://billallott.blogspot.co.nz. Raewyn Hendy is a retired librarian from Napier, New Zealand. She grew up in a Salvation Army family. In 2018 she gained an M.A. degree through Massey University, New Zealand. The thesis component of this degree was entitled, “‘Lasses, Live Up to Your Privileges, and Stand Up for Your Rights!’: Gender equality in The Salvation Army in New Zealand, 1883-1960.” This is her first article for The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History. Garth R. Hentzschel is currently conducting research for a PhD in history. He has been a lecturer and held leadership roles in the areas of Social Sciences, Education and Humanities in a private tertiary education provider. He has degrees in education, leadership and counselling (BEd, BAdminLead, MEd [SGC]). Hentzschel is the director of Cross & Crown Publications, president of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chapter and series editor of They took up their cross. He has published works and presented papers on school chaplaincy, education, and Salvation Army history. Publications include; With a smile and a cuppa (2007), The bag hut tabernacle (2012), contributions to the magazine, Others, the Bulletin of The Methodist Historical Society of Ireland and AJSAH. Marc Muller (French version) est historien de formation, diplômé de l’université de Paris 1 PanthéonSorbonne. Il est également administrateur de l’École de Formation des Officiers de l’Armée du salut (EFO), établissement d’enseignement supérieur privé reconnu par l’académie de Paris. Au sein de cette école francophone, il dispense les cours d’histoire de l’Armée du salut et oriente les recherches documentaires des étudiants. Salutiste, il est sergent-major du poste de Paris. Marc Muller (English version) is an historian by training and a graduate of the University of Paris 1 PanthéonSorbonne. He supervises specific work on the history of The Salvation Army at The Salvation Army Officer Training School (Ecole de Formation des Officiers de l’Armée du salut [EFO]), a private higher education establishment recognised by the Paris Academy. At this French-speaking school, he

teaches courses in the history of the Salvation Army and helps the students in their research. He is a Salvationist and sergeant-major of the central Paris corps. Colonel Richard Munn was born in London, spent his childhood in the Congo and in 1987 was commissioned as a Salvation Army officer in the USA East. He with his wife Janet have served as corps officers, divisional leaders, USA East territorial cabinet, and principals of the International College for Officers, London, UK. Recently Munn served as Chief Secretary, Australia East and Secretary for Theology and Christian Ethics, USA East. He and Janet currently serve as directors of the International Social Justice Commission, New York City. Munn has a Doctor of Ministry Degree from Gordon Conwell Theological Seminary. His thesis assessed the egalitarian leadership model of The Salvation Army. Professor Emeritus R. David Rightmire earned a B.A. in history from Bloomfield College in 1975, a M.Div. with emphasis on historical theology from Asbury Theological Seminary in 1979, and a Ph.D. in Theological Studies from Marquette University in 1987. He began teaching at Asbury University in 1985 and taught there until his retirement in June 2020, after which Professor Emeritus standing was conferred. In addition to having served as faculty advisor for The Salvation Army Student Fellowship at Asbury over the years, he and his wife, Dawn, serve as local officers at the Lexington Corps. Dr. Rightmire has lectured at a number of international Army venues, including officers’ councils, training colleges, Brengle Institutes, Bible Conferences, and the International College for Officers. He has also served as an adjunct professor of church history at Asbury Theological Seminary and taught at Booth University College in Winnipeg, Canada. Major Kingsley Sampson is a retired Salvation Army officer living in Christchurch, New Zealand. As well as Salvation Army history, his retirement interests include travel, gardening, reading, cycling in summer and researching the history of his forebears. He has qualifications in history, theology and education. Apart from two corps appointments in New Zealand in the 1980s, most of his officer service was in education and education administration roles in New Zealand and Zambia. This included sixteen years on the staff of Booth College of Mission, Upper Hutt. Sampson was a writer and sub-editor of the Hallelujah Magazine and currently a contributor and Associate Editor for The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history. Sampson recently was editor and writer for Under two flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War (2019). Margaret Thompson has been a soldier at Wellington City Corps, New Zealand since 1978 along with her late husband Dr. G. Brian Thompson. She holds a B.A. degree from Victoria University of Wellington, majoring in sociology. Margaret was a subscriber and contributor to Battlepoint magazine during the greater part of its existence and with the support and help from Brian, was editor from September 1984 until September 1987.

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Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship trek members assemble at Hodderville, New Zealand before beginning the January 1962 trek1 1

The war cry, (New Zealand, 27 January 1962), 5.

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‘TO MEET A NEED IN THE LIFE OF SALVATIONIST STUDENTS’: THE STORY OF THE SALVATION ARMY STUDENTS’ FELLOWSHIP IN NEW ZEALAND PART TWO: FROM HOLIDAY TREKS TO ATTEMPTED REACTIVATION Kingsley Sampson Introduction The first part of this story was published in the previous issue of the Australasian journal of Salvation Army history.2 It covered the activities of Salvation Army Student Fellowship (SASF) branches in New Zealand from the mid-1950s to the late 1960s. This second and final paper tells the remainder of the story of the SASF in New Zealand. Holiday treks 1962 – 1964 Several outreach holiday treks were undertaken by the SASF during the 1960s. These had an evangelistic emphasis and focused on presenting programmes for children and adults in motor camps over the Christmas-New Year holiday period.3 Support was also given in the Sunday meetings at nearby Salvation Army corps. New Year Holiday Trek – 1962 The first SASF trek took place from 2 – 7 January 1962 at Rotorua and Tauranga under the leadership of Major John C. Waite. The war cry of 27 January 1962 published a full report on the trek and the following information draws on that report.4 Apart from Waite, participants were Adrienne Brown (Otahuhu Corps), Laurence Hay (Christchurch City Corps), Robert Imlach (Eden Corps), Pamela Jones (Hamilton Corps), June Kent (Linwood Corps), Doug Laskey (Hamilton Corps), Margaret Major (Linwood Corps), Elizabeth Reid (Oxford Corps) Margaret Richardson (Christchurch City Corps), Tom Smith (Hamilton Corps) and Carolyn Suter (Christchurch City Corps). The team assembled at Hodderville near Putaruru on Tuesday 2 January where they saw something of the boys’ home and the farm and agricultural school.5 They also decided that a halfhour each day would be set aside for prayer in addition to following The way, a daily bible study

Reference citation of this paper; Kingsley Sampson, “‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationists Students’: The story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part two: From holiday treks to attempted reactivation”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 6 – 20. 2 Kingsley Sampson, “‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationists Students’: The story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part one: From the mid-1950s to the late 1960s”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, (September 2020), 129 – 149. 3 Motor camps are similar to holiday locations called caravan parks in Australia or trailer parks in the USA. Motor camps in the 1960s throughout New Zealand provided a holiday site for people with tents and caravans plus they often had small cabins to rent, some with kitchen and bathroom, others just with beds and access to communal facilities. 4 The war cry, (New Zealand, 27 January 1962), 5, 10. The war cry report did not give dates for the trek’s activities so these have been deduced from a letter from Major John C. Waite to participants dated 29 November 1961 in which he outlined the proposed programme for the trek. 5 Hodderville was a Salvation Army boys’ home and training farm in the southern Waikato (in the North Island).

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guide. The students then proceeded to Rotorua where Captain David Millar and Lieutenant Tex Riley were the officers. A combination of council restrictions on open-air activity and heavy rain meant the planned outreach programme on Wednesday 3 January had to be changed. The team sang Christian songs on the waterfront green space, accompanied by Tex Riley on his guitar. This attracted people who sat listening in their cars. This was followed by a launch trip to Mokoia Island on Thursday 4th where a hall was hired for a programme and social evening. Meetings were held at Rainbow Springs and Holden’s Bay motor camps on Friday 5 January where the team noted that a programme which interested the children also interested adults. Over 60 people from the Holden’s Bay camp accepted an invitation to a campfire sing-along and barbecue at Te Amorangi Anglican Camp where the team was staying for the night. Many who came had never attended a Salvation Army event before. On Saturday 6 January, the team travelled to Tauranga where they held meetings at several motor camps. Six of the SASF students also formed a brass ensemble. A full day of activities was held on Sunday 7 January. Kneedrill at 7am was followed by a motor camp meeting at 10am. Six students conducted the holiness meeting at Greerton with the remainder conducting the holiness meeting at Tauranga Citadel on the theme ‘Space Age Religion’. There was one seeker. On Sunday afternoon a study group was held on the sands at Mount Manganui and a meeting at a motor camp. Extra seating was brought into the citadel for the final activity of the trek, a salvation meeting which addressed the theme of religious complacency and indifference under the title of ‘I’m all right, Jack’. The trek ended on a high note when ten people responded to the Mercy Seat invitation, eight of whom were newcomers to the Army.

SASF students in a Sunday afternoon study group at Mt Maunganui6

Student responses to the trek included these statements: ‘The trek has certainly been a very challenging start to the New Year. There were many new experiences that I wouldn't have missed for anything.’ ‘I thoroughly enjoyed the trek and can honestly say it was most worthwhile not for ourselves but to the Glory of God. I shall never forget our Sunday’s meetings at Tauranga.’ ‘I am very grateful that I had the opportunity of going on the trek because I learnt a great deal and really enjoyed myself.’ 6

The war cry, (New Zealand, 27 January 1962), 5.

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A review was conducted after the trek and recommendations recorded for the guidance of any future treks that might be planned. Topics covered in this report included leadership, personnel, financing of a trek, programme, literature, personal counselling training as well as lists of suggestions from Waite and Laskey. Waite also sent his own report to Commissioner A. J. Gilliard. In this, Waite highlighted a number of weaknesses in the organisation of the trek. He noted that the Hodderville Farm was unprepared for their arrival, that no arrangements had been made at Rotorua for motor camp meetings and that the ban on open-air activity in Rotorua took them by surprise, all these despite letters being sent ahead asking for such assistance. Waite also pointed out that despite these set-backs, the team rallied and as the days progressed, they clicked together as a unit, were much more practised and assured and consequently their ministry overall was very effective.7

Cover of January 1962 SASF Trek Report8

Christmas-New Year Holiday Trek – 1962 – 1963 Another trek was held from 28 December 1962 to 2 January 1963, this time to Waimate and Temuka during the annual Christmas-New Year holiday period. A planning sheet prepared by Alan Cook (leader) set out the arrangements for the trek and invited applications from SASF students.9 Students were expected to pay for their own keep, travel by either bus or train and they could take bicycles for local travel. They were to take sleeping bags and lilos and would sleep in Salvation Army halls, boys in the band room and girls in the primary. Hall kitchens would be used for meals and Elizabeth Reid would order supplies and arrange menus. A common fund would pay for film fire, printed material and publicity in local papers and on billboards. A basic programme for the trek would be: morning – domestic duties, item preparation, bible study; afternoon – children’s hour, stories, games, recreation; evening – film shows, barbecues, community singing, coffee shops, drama, hymn singing, gospel meetings. They would have books for sale, children’s texts to give away, a sing-along song sheet with sacred, secular and popular songs 7

Letter, John C. Waite to A. J. Gilliard, (19 February 1962), New Zealand Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, Upper Hutt. 8 Cyril Bradwell Papers, SA Heritage Centre & Archives, File SA Archives, File A2008.036.115. 9 Alan Cook, SASF 1962-3 Trek “planning sheet”, n.d., SA Heritage Centre & Archives.

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and choruses, flannelgraph stories and puppet plays. Equipment would include 16mm movie and 35mm slide projectors, a loudspeaker and a puppet booth. The overall aim was to “work for Christ first and foremost” and to this end, uniform would not be worn in the belief that “people [were] often suspicious of denominational projects”. The team would meet weekly on Monday nights at Christchurch Citadel for preparation and any sightseeing would wait until the end of the trek. Alan was to be assisted by a committee comprised of Margaret Major, Laurence Hay and Carolyn Suter. Major John Waite, Divisional Young People’s Secretary for Canterbury-Westland was officer adviser in the lead-up to the trek. On the actual trek, the members of the committee were joined by Elizabeth Reid, Digby Gudsell, Margaret Richardson, Anne Skilton, Graeme McMurdo and Peter Home. The war cry of 26 January 1963 published a full-page report on the trek which showed that what finally happened differed somewhat from what had been proposed in Alan Cook’s initial “planning sheet”.10 Originally the team had planned to visit Waimate from 27 December to 1 January and Temuka from 2 – 4 January but these dates differed slightly in reality. The team arrived by car at Waimate around midnight on Friday 28 December and Saturday 29 was spent preparing for trek activities including rehearsing songs and writing a puppet play. On Sunday 30 January, the team attended the corps prayer meeting, conducted a morning open-air service in the motor camp at Victoria Park and the morning and evening meetings at the corps. At 8.30pm on Sunday evening, the team presented a programme in Victoria Park using the open-air stage and seating already erected for Waimate’s holiday carnival. The team showed films interspersed with community singing, vocal items, a testimony, a bible reading and an appeal. An audience of several hundred attended, having been advised of the event by announcements during the Saturday evening carnival programme and through personal contact on Sunday afternoon. The team’s next engagement was at 10:00pm on New Year’s Eve (Monday 31) in the Waimate Corps hall, after the completion of an athletics meeting in the park. The team served coffee, ran a book stall, showed two Billy Graham films and conducted a watchnight service. The team returned to the motor camp on Tuesday morning (1 January) where they presented a programme for the children and interested adults. After this, the team travelled to Temuka where they stayed overnight at The Salvation Army’s Temuka Boy’s Home. They presented a programme of songs and puppets in front of the Temuka Motor Camp’s kitchen on the Tuesday evening but not having a movie projector, they were unable to show films. The team returned to Christchurch on Wednesday 2 January, feeling that though there were things that could be improved another time, the trek had been “a time of usefulness, blessing, fun and fellowship.”11 In reflecting on the trek, one member said, “I wasn’t too keen on it … at first, but I was thrilled with the experience. I’ll certainly go next time.” A review after the trek gave a detailed report on the trip together with suggestions for another time.12

The war cry, (New Zealand, 26 January 1963), 5. The war cry, (New Zealand, 26 January 1963), 5. 12 Anon, “Reflections on the 1962-3 Trek”, Typescript, n.d., SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 11

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Easter 1963 The Christchurch SASF conducted an Easter trek to the top of the South Island under Captain Brian McStay's leadership.13 Besides Brian, the trek participants were Bob Best, Glynda Howells, Howard McDonald, Elizabeth Reid, Laurence Hay, Lorna Johnson, Margaret Major, Graeme McMurdo and Harold Hill.

Visitors’ book of the Ross family signed by some participants in the 1963 Easter Trek14

The team left Christchurch at 7:00am on Good Friday, 12 April 1963 and drove to Motueka via Blenheim where they conducted a Good Friday meeting at night. After a rehearsal at Motueka on Saturday morning 13 April, they drove to Kaiteriteri Beach where they presented a programme with songs, testimony and puppets in the afternoon and a film in the evening. On Sunday 14 April, the team conducted an open-air and holiness meeting at Motueka. This was followed by a beach meeting at Tahunanui and a youth tea at Nelson. In the evening, the team divided into two groups and conducted open-air and salvation meetings at Richmond and Nelson. They combined again at 8.45pm to show a film at Tahunanui before retiring to billets for the night. The group returned to Christchurch on Easter Monday 15 April and concluded the weekend with a social evening at the Phillipstown School. Of this trek, Brian McStay wrote, “A SASF team went on a trek to Kaiteriteri Beach. [They] presented a puppet show for the camp children, showed a ‘Fact and Faith’ film using a roll-up screen atop a car and generally had Christian fun. They conducted meetings at the Nelson Corps on the Sunday; Brian led and Harold Hill spoke.” McStay remembered that Hill was highly entertaining.15 Christmas-New Year Holiday Trek – 1963 – 1964 Another holiday trek was held from Saturday 28 December 1963 to Monday 5 January 1964.16 This was a joint effort by five students from Wellington and nine from Christchurch and involved repeat visits to Waimate and Temuka. The team consisted of David Daley, Anne Frew, Pam Jones, Henry Raethel and Brian Thompson from Wellington with Beverley Graham, Digby Gudsell, Rosemary Gudsell, Laurence Hay, Robin Hill, Margaret Major, Elaine McDonald, Howard McDonald and Elizabeth Reid from Christchurch.17 The group of fourteen was “under the guidance and spiritual counsel” of Laurence Hay.18 A Trek – Easter on Campaign 1963, Christchurch SASF Branch, n.d.; The war cry, (New Zealand, 11 May 1963), 8. Courtesy of the Ross family. 15 Letter, Brian McStay to Kingsley Sampson, (1 January 2020). 16 Dates have been deduced from trek reports and calendars of the time. 17 Laurence Hay, “The Trek”, Battlepoint, Vol. 1, No. 3, (March 1964), 11, SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 18 The war cry, (New Zealand, 14 March 1964), 5. 13 14

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On the first full day of the trek, Sunday 29 December, the team conducted the meetings at Waimate Corps. This was followed by four days of outreach among the children and adults at the Victoria Park Motor Camp. The team had some very accomplished musicians and timbrellists and a portable puppet show.

SASF timbrellists play for motor camp audiences19

After Waimate, the team moved on to Temuka where they held a similar series of meetings at the Temuka Motor Camp and led the meetings at Temuka Corps on Sunday 4 January 1964. The war cry reported that the trek was “a great success”20 but in a Battlepoint reflection, Laurence Hay was more thoughtful.21 While agreeing that the trek “was in many ways the most successful so far”, he offered the view that “in other ways [it] was disquietingly pedestrian”. He wondered if the team had been lacking in initiative given that their aim had been “to explore the lunatic fringe of evangelism, to be avant-garde”. Laurence mused that being “almost respectable” and reasonable may have prevented them from achieving any “great breakthroughs”. In concluding his reflection, Laurence felt that despite the above, the greatest value of the trek was that it allowed the team members to discover that the true essence of evangelism relied on ongoing person-to-person friendship as against simply conducting public evangelistic activities.

Children watch puppet theatre at SASF motor camp outreach22 19

The war cry, (New Zealand, 14 March 1964), 5. The war cry, (New Zealand, 14 March 1964), 5. 21 Laurence Hay, “The Trek” Battlepoint, Vol. 1, No. 3, (March 1964), 11. 22 The war cry, (New Zealand, 14 March 1964), 12. 20

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Three team members of SASF Trek taken at Temuka, 1963 – 1964 Brian Thompson, Anne Frew, Pam Jones23

Reactivating the SASF 1971 – 1972 By the late 1960s, regular SASF activities had largely ceased but a new territorial commander, Lt. Commissioner Harry Williams attempted to reactivate the SASF in 1971 – 1972. In his letter to all officers announcing his decision, Williams stated that he had appointed Captain Brian McStay BA, men’s side officer and later chief training officer at the training college as vice-president and CSM Cyril Bradwell MA, BCom, ACA as SASF Advisor. Along with his announcement, Williams circulated a new constitution which quickly created controversy and as will be shown below, was discussed fully at the 1972 national conference. Williams also thought that SASF might be a formal religious group on tertiary campuses. McStay saw his role as encompassing several tasks: (a) to support the establishment of branches in main centres in New Zealand, (b) to organise a national SASF conference, (c) to initiate vacation beach missions and a trek to Fiji. He thought that a SASF run in a New Zealand way would follow previous lines with informal get-togethers from time to time, visiting speakers, treks and capping celebrations. There was to be one difference though; this time graduates were to be excluded except where they were appointed as branch advisors. This change was not well received given that previously the SASF in New Zealand had consisted of students, graduates and even other interested people. Later, Ken Dawson, Christchurch SASF branch secretary wrote to McStay to ask, “Do those who framed the constitution realise how restrictive and exclusive it is?”24 In his defence, Williams had earlier responded to this criticism by saying that he thought that “a predominating influence of graduates, sort of permanent members” had contributed to the SASF being seen as an elite and this he wanted to avoid.25 In an undated SASF ‘ideas’ sheet but thought to date from the latter part of 1971, McStay recorded that “Wellington, Palmerston North, Dunedin and Christchurch have all had meetings” and that “Hamilton and Auckland have been in contact.” However, from records available it could be thought that McStay was putting a very positive spin on embryonic SASF activities throughout the country.

Courtesy of Brian Thompson collection. Letter, Ken Dawson to Brian McStay, (17 April 1972), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 25 Letter, Harry Williams to Robyn Jackson, (10 August 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 24

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While one or two meetings may have been held in the named centres, it would seem that the continuation of SASF activities was more problematic. Writing from Palmerston North in September 1971, Robyn Jackson expressed concern that an exploratory meeting with McStay in August had been taken to mean that an active SASF branch had been established.26 Captain Rodney Knight, Southern Division DYO reported that judging by a seminar held in 1969, “there was little support [in Dunedin] for anything more extensive than the occasional get-together [and that] all our students are very actively involved in corps programmes.”27 Further, Les Boswill of Hamilton queried the wisdom of trying to set up another religious group on campus given that it could become something in opposition to existing student-oriented Christian groups.28 Reactivating the branches For Wellington students and graduates, the reactivation of the SASF was signalled by Lt. Colonel Wesley Simpson, Wellington Divisional Commander who invited a named group of 27 students and officers to a fellowship dinner at the Wellington People’s Palace to be held on Monday 5 July 1971. The dinner would be followed by an informal meeting where the reactivation of the SASF would be discussed, office bearers chosen and the territorial commander, Lt. Commissioner Harry Williams would speak.29 The aims of the fellowship were the same as those stated in the 1966 The war cry advertisement printed in part one of this study. It is not known how many attended the event. The reactivated Wellington branch continued under Captain Brian McStay’s leadership with Raewyn Padman (later Grigg) as local SASF secretary. One event of this reactivated group was when Professor Lloyd Geering spoke at Max Cresswell’s invitation at a Post-Examination House Party on Friday 10 December 1971.30 Brian McStay wrote that Geering spoke for about 40 minutes or so debating with himself from history, theology and science as to Jesus rising from the dead, something which he himself denied. In the ensuing discussion, McStay challenged Geering on his multidisciplinary approach, suggesting it would be more feasible to settle the debate in only one of the disciplines, namely history. Brian also challenged Geering on selectively and subjectively choosing those historic sections which bolstered his view and ignoring others due to a prior judgement about the miraculous. Geering stated he was not guilty of what Brian had alleged. Lloyd Shearman and other Salvationist students from Palmerston North also attended this gathering which was held at Cresswell’s house. Lloyd particularly remembered Cresswell’s very generous comments when thanking Geering for his talk but said Cresswell finished by saying “I have to confess that I couldn’t make head nor tail of it.” After this, the evening concluded with Scottish dancing.31 Thinking about this years later, McStay felt that some of the students present could see the fallacy of Geering’s views.32 In a follow-up letter to Geering, McStay noted that there had been

Letter, Robyn Jackson to Brian McStay, (20 September 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. Letter, Rodney Knight to Brian McStay, (29 June 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 28 Letter, Les Boswill to Brian McStay, (8 September 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 29 Letter, Wesley Simpson to Wellington Students, (14 June 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 30 Professor Sir Lloyd Geering (1918- ) is a New Zealand theologian and religious studies scholar. His views about the resurrection and other orthodox Christian beliefs while he was principal of Knox Theological Hall in Dunedin led to him being charged with “doctrinal error” and “disturbing the peace of the [Presbyterian] church” in 1967. Acquitted by the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of Aotearoa New Zealand, he later was Foundation Professor of Religious Studies at Victoria University of Wellington (1971 – 1984). He was knighted in 2009. Lloyd Geering, (Wikipedia, 26 July 2020), https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lloyd_Geering accessed 30 July 2020. 31 Telephone interview, Lloyd Shearman with Kingsley Sampson, (22 May 2020). 32 Letter, McStay to Sampson, (1 January 2020). 27

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“several late-night sessions when we have debated with varying degrees of heat some of the ideas you put forward.”33 Reactivation of SASF activity in the Southern Division was begun by Captain Rodney Knight, Divisional Youth Secretary in September 1971. Fourteen potential members from Dunedin to Invercargill were identified and an inaugural meeting was held on Saturday 11 September 1971 at Balclutha, a mid-way point in the division.34 As well as a general discussion about the SASF, this meeting considered that a Southern Division SASF branch might consider such activities as running camps for Salvation Army and underprivileged children, open-air ministry in Queenstown and a seminar for Salvationist secondary school pupils.35 The next year, Professor Vernon Wright, Professor of Rheumatology at the University of Leeds, England spoke at a meeting at Dunedin Fortress on 24 February 1972 organised by the Dunedin Branch of the SASF. Wright’s topic was entitled “The Relevance of Christ in a Scientific Age.”36 This was followed by a combined SASF/Salvation Army Nurses’ Fellowship evening on 9 March 1972 at which the territorial commander, Commissioner Harry Williams spoke.37 These meetings were organised by Rodney Knight’s successor, Captain Rex Wong Too and at the time of writing, no further records of SASF activity in Dunedin or the Southern Division have been found. In Christchurch, 11 people attended an inaugural meeting hosted by incoming divisional youth secretary, Captain Rodney Knight. This meeting was held on 2 March 1972 and was followed by a committee meeting on 16 March.38 No further records have been sighted and it is thought that this attempt faded out soon afterwards. Also apart from the exploratory meeting in August 1971, it seems that no further meetings were held in Palmerston North. National SASF Conference, February 197239 A key event of the reactivated SASF was a national conference held from 18 – 21 February 1972. This was a new departure for the SASF in New Zealand. There had been an attempt to organise a national SASF conference a decade earlier in 1961 or 1962 but it did not eventuate.40 Instead some of the Wellington SASF seminars in the 1960s had the appearance of national seminars (or conferences) when students from other centres came for the weekend. Upwards of thirty officers, graduates and students attended the 1972 conference at which a constitution was to be ratified and other matters discussed. Most resided at Wallis House, Military Road, Lower Hutt for the weekend; a few were non-resident. Meals were prepared and served by the Wallis House staff but delegates were required to help with the dishes. Max Cresswell hosted the initial session on Friday night on the topic of “Why a Students’ Fellowship?” Points discussed covered the need to clarify the definition of a student, the value of a SASF to the Army in New Zealand and whether keen non-student Salvationists should be included. Saturday’s programme included talks by Williams on the spiritual implications of drug addiction, 33

Letter, McStay to Lloyd Geering, (20 December 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. Brian McStay, SASF Papers, SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 35 Terrence Aitken, “Inaugural Southern Division SASF Meeting Minutes, 11 September 1971”, SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 36 Professor Wright also spoke to Auckland SASF members on 17 February 1972 at Newton SA Citadel. 37 McStay, SASF Papers. 38 McStay, SASF Papers. 39 For a more detailed account of this conference, see Kingsley Sampson, “Report on the Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship Conference, 1972”, Battlepoint, Vol.9, No.4, (June 1972), 13 – 15. 40 The war cry, (New Zealand, 13 May 1961), 6. 34

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Brigadier Lavinia Benson (The war cry editor) on “Education and Africa” and Captain Wesley Rabbitts (TYS) on territorial youth ideas. There was also discussion on the proposed Fiji trek, the role of Battlepoint and a business session at which the draft SASF constitution was debated at length. Sunday morning began with a discussion on what activities a SASF might be involved in, after which the conference concluded with a time of worship led by Captain Brian McStay and a final meal. Not on the official programme but undertaken nevertheless was a very lengthy walk around the adjacent golf course late on Friday night, this being a SASF tradition for Wallis House events. According to the official conference minutes, the weekend event involved fun, fellowship and some excellent discussion. Arising from the discussions during the weekend, the following points were made regarding the revitalisation of SASF and the proposed constitution: • The SASF has proved of great value to many Salvationist youth as a place to freely discuss faith and ethics; • The proposed constitution could be seen as recognising an intellectual elite among Salvationists, an outcome which most delegates rejected; • There should be no academic barrier to membership of any fellowship within the Army; and • A revived fellowship would be welcomed but not exclusively for students. In light of these points, the conference endorsed the creation of a Salvation Army Renewal Fellowship open to more than just students, realising that this proposal would require the endorsement of the territorial commander. After the conference As it turned out, the territorial commander did not endorse the conference’s proposal and the alternative idea of a Salvation Army Renewal Fellowship lapsed. Instead, Williams tried another tack. He believed that the conference was not a true reflection of student opinion and directed Captain Brian McStay to hold a referendum of all Salvation Army students in New Zealand. It is not known how many referenda were distributed but responses were received from 28 students and 13 graduates, giving a total of 41 people. The table below summarises the options and their responses. Option

Students

Graduates

1. Continue with a SASF with membership open to all undertaking tertiary study

2. Have ad hoc meetings of SA students from time to time as required

3. Have no specific provision at all for SA tertiary students

4. Have a free forum of discussion with an open membership

Totals

These responses confirmed the territorial commander in his opinion that the February conference had not been representative of the views of active Salvationist tertiary students. For him, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 16

the reactivated SASF as constituted would continue with any future constitutional amendments being handled by procedures as set out in the constitution. In light of this, in an undated SASF circular but thought to be around July 1972, Brian McStay urged students to be active in the SASF and restated the aims of the SASF, namely it was to be a body which would provide fellowship for Salvationists undertaking tertiary study, be a source of strength during their study years and a means of self-expression within the framework of The Salvation Army. He saw the task as “clearly one for students themselves to see to, if [the] SASF is to function at all in the future.”41 In the long term, nothing came of this challenge despite McStay’s claim that there were active groups in Dunedin, Christchurch and Hamilton and some interest in Auckland. The initiative was also hindered by other developments. For much of 1972, McStay was heavily occupied with his regular training college responsibilities plus the additional workload involved in preparation for the August Fiji Trek. Then Commissioner Harry Williams was transferred to the Australia Eastern Territory in late 1972 and McStay, together with his wife Beverly and their children went to start The Salvation Army in Fiji in February 1973. After the departure of these two key leaders, no other Salvation Army leader took up the SASF cause and this, coupled with the less than enthusiastic response to the constitution and faltering local branch activity, meant the impetus was gone. Remnants of SASF activity continued with the 1972 Fiji Trek and the ongoing publication of Battlepoint but apart from these, the 1972 conference effectively marked the end of the SASF in New Zealand. In reflecting on this outcome, Harold Hill recalled that when Commissioner Gilliard was asked about a constitution, he advised against it because he believed it would kill the SASF which is certainly what happened in 1972.42 Reflection In his 1970 Salvation Army Year Book article, Caughey Gauntlett stated that “the original aim of the [Students’] Fellowship was two-fold: to unite Salvationists students at universities and colleges in Christian fellowship and service within The Salvation Army, and to undertake evangelistic work in such centres of learning.”43 In practice, this varied somewhat in New Zealand. The SASF certainly helped bring New Zealand Salvationists students together for fellowship and service as well as fun but no attempt was made to establish a competitive Christian evangelistic group in universities and colleges, one which would fragment Christian witness in such institutions. Rather one of its main values, to quote Gauntlett again was as a forum “to freely express personal views and opinions frankly and forthrightly in an Army setting.”44 As such it helped to create “a freer atmosphere for candid and critical comment” in the Army and often served as an outlet for youthful frustration and impatience with perceived outdated emphases and thinking in Salvation Army life.45 This was not always appreciated by other Salvationists who saw the SASF as being critical of Salvation Army policies and theology. Ken Geard felt that while there was encouragement from Salvation Army leaders, there was also “a wariness of articulate young students who engaged in nonBrian McStay, SASF circular letter, Brian McStay’s SASF Papers, SA Heritage Centre & Archives. Letter presumed to have been written around July 1972; this assessment being based on other content in the letter including information about the forthcoming Fiji Trek. 42 Email, Harold Hill to Kingsley Sampson, (23 December 2019). 43 Caughey Gauntlett, “Whither now?”, Salvation Army Year Book 1970, reprinted in Battlepoint, Vol.8, No.1, (September 1970), 6. 44 Gauntlet, “Whither now?”, 5. 45 Gauntlet, “Whither now?”, 5. 41

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traditional thinking.”46 The 1960s were a time of theological ferment and Salvationist students were grappling with many ideas that challenged what they may have previously heard or believed. One example of institutional wariness was exemplified in an incident recalled by Brian Pauling who remembered the visit to Auckland Congress Hall of an officer from the UK.47 The officer presented a “long but well-crafted sermon” clearly influenced by “the secular theology of Harvey Cox and Bishop John Robinson.” For Brian and other SASF members, “it was riveting stuff” not previously heard from an Army platform and a hastily organised after-church gathering continued the conversation with the visiting lieutenant, the discussion going late into the night. Enquiries to the UK after the event revealed that the visiting officer had actually been removed from officership for his “unacceptable” ideas and the organisers of the SASF after-church meeting were summoned to divisional headquarters and chastised for arranging a “non-approved” gathering using Congress Hall facilities. Pauling felt that this reaction triggered a somewhat uncomfortable relationship between the local SASF and divisional headquarters that had a negative impact on future relations between SASF event organisers and DHQ. This “uncomfortable relationship” can also be seen in other correspondence on file at the Salvation Army Archives. In 1964, Captain Tom Cross, Central-North Division DYS stated that he was opposed to a SASF group being formed in Palmerston North if it functioned “in just the same way as it has in other centres.”48 Unfortunately, there is no clue as what exactly he was taking exception to. Later in 1971, when the reactivation was being attempted, the Southern Division DYO wrote that his divisional commander “has little tolerance for the unacceptable behaviour of some SA students.”49 As I had been a student in Dunedin for several years prior to 1971, I have no idea what was being referred to nor does this track with the DYO’s previously recorded comment that “all our students are very actively involved in corps programmes.”50 About the same time, another DYO wrote that there was a reaction in Palmerston North “against the setting up of the SASF from a few who remember what trouble there was in Christchurch and Wellington a few years back.”51 But again, there is no clue in the correspondence that explains what the “trouble” was being referred to. Some Salvationists regarded the SASF as an exclusive group and an oft-heard complaint was that if students had their own fellowship, why wasn’t there one for Salvation Army tradespeople. Cyril Bradwell noted in his autobiography that while the SASF was criticised in some quarters as elitist and divisive, it “served a positive purpose in providing a forum and a platform for a number of thinking young Salvationists who rightly felt that they had something fresh and worthwhile to contribute to the Army in a rapidly changing world.”52 The SASF Auckland Branch also discussed this matter in 1963 and minuted the following resolution: The SASF (Northern Division) does not divide SA young people into two opposing sides. The SASF exists that it might provide a means whereby young Salvationist students and nurses can come together to discuss problems peculiar to the student mind and enjoy the company of likeminded young people.53

Email, Ken Geard to Kingsley Sampson, (20 May 2020). Brian Pauling, SASF Memoir, (26 July 2020). 48 Letter, Tom Cross to Ernest Elliot, (16 June 1964), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 49 Letter, Rodney Knight to Brian McStay, (29 June 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 50 Letter. Knight to McStay, (29 June 1971). 51 Letter, Harold Harford to Brian McStay, (10 August 1971), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 52 Cyril Bradwell. Touched with splendour: A 20th century pilgrimage, (Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications, 2003), 145 – 146. 53 Northern Division SASF Minutes, (22 February 1963), SA Heritage Centre & Archives. 47

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The magazine Battlepoint as a SASF publication also attracted criticism. Brian McStay noted that Battlepoint was seen “a splinter in the hindquarters of Headquarters” and Harold Hill remembers that during Brigadier Ernest Elliot’s term as TYPS, Ken Iremonger of Wellington City was asked to start up and edit a rival publication for more loyal young Salvationists. One issue may have been printed. Hill also thinks that Commissioner Charles Davidson may have wanted to suppress Battlepoint during his time as territorial commander (1965 – 1968). The SASF was never numerically strong in New Zealand. With members scattered over four or five centres, it seems to have had a national membership of around 100 – 110 people at any one time during the late-1950s and the 1960s. Further, it wasn’t just confined to students undertaking tertiary level study. It also attracted graduates and others interested in a forum for discussion and fellowship. In a 1972 Battlepoint article reviewing SASF membership following the abortive attempt to reactivate the SASF, Brian Thompson pointed out that from 1955 to 1972, “the largest proportion of Salvationists attending Fellowship meetings have not (his emphasis) been ‘students doing tertiary level study’”.54 To support this assertion, he presented a table analysing active membership at selected events. This table showed that the 1956 SASF Annual Meeting in Wellington attracted seven tertiary students, six tertiary graduates and three others, the 1965 Wallis House SASF Seminar attracted eight students, 13 graduates and six others while a 1967 SASF Seminar in Auckland had 13 students, five graduates and two others. All up, the total attendance at the six events from 1955 to 1968 mentioned in his analysis ranged from 16 to 28, an average of 21.5 and with graduates and others outnumbering students on a ratio of 3:2. The reasons for the demise of the SASF in New Zealand are not easy to determine but the following are suggested. Firstly, the SASF’s decline may have simply resulted from the natural progression of life as the students of the sixties completed their tertiary studies and became involved in work, careers, marriage, family and community. They were in their mid to late twenties and often had different interests or perspectives from what they had had as students ten years earlier when they were in their late teens or early twenties. By the 1970s they were graduates, some were doing postgraduate studies while others were employed in professions such as education or medicine. Some had gone overseas, some had become Salvation Army officers while others had severed their links with the Army. Secondly, the lack of suitable patrons or mentors may have been a factor in the demise of the SASF in New Zealand. It is significant that in their heyday, both the Christchurch and Wellington branches had significant patrons. In Wellington, Commissioner A. J. Gilliard (Territorial Commander, 1960 – 1964) and Colonel Dr A. Bramwell Cook (Chief Secretary, 1954 – 1963) were very supportive. The support of Gilliard was invaluable and he endeared himself to a generation of SASF members, so much so that when he was promoted to Glory, several tributes to his understanding leadership were published in Battlepoint.55 Yet even his support was not without controversy. Cyril Bradwell recorded that when the commissioner and his wife spent a whole weekend with students at Spencerville in 1962, it was not appreciated by some officers and soldiers who had tended to look down on the SASF as a “snob outfit”.56 Major John C. Waite provided strong support for a reactivated Wellington SASF after his transfer there from Christchurch in 1963 and he was followed successively by Captain Harold

Brian Thompson, “The New Zealand fellowship only for ‘Educational Drop-Ins’?” Battlepoint, Vol. 10, No. 1, (September 1972), 5. 55 Battlepoint, Vol. 11, No. 2, (September 1973). 56 Bradwell, “Some notes”, n.p. 54

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Harford57 and Brigadier David Scott. Strong support was also given by such graduates as Max Cresswell and Brian Thompson and by Corps Sergeant-Major Richard Sharp of Wellington South. In Christchurch, as well as Cyril Bradwell, there was Major John C. Waite (1959 – 1962) and Captain Brian McStay (1963 – 1967). About the demise of the Christchurch branch, Bradwell recorded that he was extremely busy in 1967 and couldn't devote much time to the Christchurch group. This coupled with a sympathetic but new DYS grappling with a new appointment meant that the Christchurch group was virtually in recess for the year. Then Bradwell moved to Wellington in 1968 and the group faded until the abortive attempt to reactivate in 1971 – 1972. Harold Hill suggested a further reason as to why the SASF died out in New Zealand. As more young people were doing tertiary study of some kind by the 1970s, Salvation Army students weren’t considered such rarities, needing to be conserved and protected against the potentially corrosive influences of higher education.58 In other words, Salvationist tertiary study and students became more common and less threatening and perhaps this also contributed to the failure to reactivate the SASF in the early 1970s. Salvationist students were no longer such a small cohort and the expanding opportunities for tertiary education meant they could no longer be labelled as an “elite”. It could also be suggested that the SASF met a need for Salvation Army students in the 1960s when more liberal theological views and “God is dead” were becoming more widely known and that this need may not have been the same in the 1970s and later. On this point Ken Geard has commented: The value to me of the SASF was that it was a place to meet with people who had gone or were going through the process of sorting out their beliefs in a time of considerable ferment in the community overall and in religion. We were exposed all the time to views that did not fit with Salvation Army beliefs and somehow had to make some sense of the substantial conflicts.59

For David Daley, the SASF in Christchurch served two principal functions. One was the “supporting and nurturing [of] members during a period when questions of faith and theology were increasingly under serious critical debate.” The other was that the SASF offered the companionship of other Salvation Army students with social connection and shared experiences [as he was] a student from the North Island with no family or social network in Christchurch.60 Whatever the reasons, by the late 1960s, the SASF was largely inoperative in New Zealand. Its best days seem to have been 1959 to 1966 – 1967 and it appears to have served a distinct purpose for Salvationist students of that era, particularly in Auckland, Wellington, and Christchurch. While this had faded by the early 1970s, the memory of the SASF was retained by some through the pioneering trek to Fiji in 1972 and Battlepoint magazine which continued to be published until 1988. It is also significant that two informal SASF reunions in 2019 and 2020 showed that friendships made or reinforced through the SASF remained strong more than fifty years later.

The war cry, (New Zealand, 15 January 1966), 9. Email, Hill to Sampson, (23 December 2019). 59 Email, Geard to Sampson, (20 May 2020). 60 Email, Davis Daley to Kingsley Sampson, (19 May 2020). 58

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“A SEMI-OFFICIAL ORGAN OF SURVEY AND ENQUIRY, QUESTION AND ANSWER”:1 THE HISTORY OF NEW ZEALAND’S BATTLEPOINT MAGAZINE, 1963 – 1988 Margaret Thompson and Kingsley Sampson Dedication This article is dedicated to the memory of Major Dr Harold Hill, 12 June 1942 – 3 August 2020. Hill was the first editor of Battlepoint magazine, a board member in later years and strong advocate for the magazine. He was an encourager and mentor to many and the one who suggested its history be written.

Battlepoint logo, designed by Gavin Hewitt, and used on the cover for issues from 1983

Introduction If one was to ask any member of The Salvation Army in New Zealand under the age of 50, it would be interesting to discover how many would have any knowledge or opinion of Battlepoint magazine. Yet for 25 years Battlepoint served as a vehicle for New Zealand Salvationists and others to express their ideas and opinions on matters relating to Salvation Army thought and practice as well as theological and political topics relevant to the Army – and all without censorship from territorial headquarters. Battlepoint was initially established as a forum for the Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship (SASF) in New Zealand but later functioned under its own editorial board after the demise of the SASF in New Zealand in the early 1970s. It was published three or four times a year from 1963 to 1988. Challenges common to all editors and business managers throughout its history were in obtaining sufficient articles to publish in a quarterly journal and securing enough regular subscriptions to cover costs. That it persisted for 25 years and outlasted other similar Salvationist magazines is testimony to the vision of its ten editors and the tenacity of its supporters.

Reference citation of this paper; Margaret Thompson & Kingsley Sampson, “‘A semi-official organ of survey and enquiry, question and answer’: The history of New Zealand’s Battlepoint magazine, 1963 – 1988”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 21 – 38. 1 Alfred Gilliard, “From the Commissioner,” Battlepoint, 1, 1, (New Zealand, September 1963), 3.

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Cover of first issue of Battlepoint, September 1963, designed by Clive Luscombe

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In the Beginning The Christchurch SASF branch launched Battlepoint in September 1963 as a free forum for open discussion by Salvationists, the suggestion for such a magazine having come from Tom Aitken.2 Initially Harold Hill and Howard McDonald were joint editors, but soon Hill became the sole editor and McDonald became the business manager. The first few issues were typed by Beverley Graham, secretary to Captain Brian McStay, Divisional Youth Secretary. The issues were printed on a Gestetner at the Canterbury-Westland divisional headquarters in Christchurch. In preparation for the first issue, a publicity circular was sent to all known members of the SASF in New Zealand outlining the purpose and hopes of the magazine and soliciting support. It read: The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship Dear fellow-member, It is proposed to publish a quarterly magazine for the SASF. This magazine will seek to draw together members of the fellowship, stimulating their thought and enhancing their understanding of the faith. It is hoped therefore to provide a forum for student opinion, a gazette of student activity and a challenge to student witness. We pray that by these means the venture may become a part of the process by which the Holy Spirit is renewing the life of the church and of the Salvation Army in these days. The magazine will be published by the Christchurch branch of the SASF, by leave, and with the assistance of Divisional and Territorial Headquarters. The editors invite members to contribute copy of all kinds … articles, poems, reviews, reports and correspondence, within the framework of the aims outlined above.3

The first edition was a simple cyclostyled magazine on quarto size paper.4 It had 26 pages stapled together along the left-hand edge with a cover design by Clive Luscombe, a professional artist and Salvationist. In an introduction, New Zealand’s Territorial Commander, Commissioner Alfred Gilliard wrote words of encouragement and admonition: I welcome this ‘semi-official’ organ of survey and enquiry, question and answer concerning our religious faith and its manifold expressions. Knowing the Students’ Fellowships of New Zealand, I am certain you will always be sincere, even though at times you must appear impatient and full of judgement. You will not be merely clever, or disdainful, even although the status quo may appear disreputable. You will seek with humility, comment with trained minds and thus add to the Light which we all need … Make fun of us if you will, from time to time. We have our own private fund of humour. But when the chuckles are over, quicken the step for us, as we turn to the tasks and conquests which doubtless you see ahead more clearly than we do ourselves.5

Brian Thompson, “The Salvation Army Student’s Fellowship in New Zealand,” Battlepoint, 9, 2, (NZ, December 1971), 6. 3 Battlepoint Circular prepared by Harold Hill around July 1963 and located in Battlepoint editorial papers held by Margaret Thompson. 4 Quarto was an imperial paper size measuring approximately 8 – 9 inches by 11 – 12 inches (230mm by 280mm). It was superseded in the 1970s in New Zealand by metric paper sizes such as A4. 5 Alfred Gilliard, “From the Commissioner,” Battlepoint, 1, 1, (NZ, September 1963), 3. 2

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Commissioner Alfred Gilliard, NZ Territorial Commander, 1960-1964, strong supporter of the SASF and Battlepoint6

In his editorial headed “Apologia”, Hill wrote that “[a]ny organisation, if it wishes to remain vital and effective, must be able to look at itself objectively and constantly reassess its place in the world.” He hoped that Battlepoint would “[expose] us to new ideas and force us to define and redefine our position.”7 Three articles followed in the first issue: “The Salvation Army today” by Tom Aitken who wondered if the Army of the 1960s knew what it was fighting, given that the problems of William Booth’s day were not so obvious in New Zealand;8 “An Army of committees” by Margaret Major who claimed that the “Salvation Army [was] a unique military spectacle - one of committees eventually becoming decentralised, although an international body” and urged the Army not to “rest content with uninformed dogma and a meagre theology.” Major added that to retain our integrity, the Army needed to work out its own salvation and follow its mission to “rescue the perishing, to advertise the gospel and make it intelligible to those we know.”9 In her article “Salvation Army music today” Margaret Richardson looked into the purpose of Salvation Army music; “what it is, what it should be, and if the ‘is’ coincides with the ‘should be’, and if it doesn’t, suggests some ways in which it could.”10 The first issue also contained a review by Cyril Bradwell of Bishop John Robinson’s Honest to God (a very controversial book at that time), two poems, a report of the Christchurch SASF Seminar held at Spencerville in July 1963 as well as reports from other SASF branches and a letter from wellknown and respected bandmaster at Auckland Congress Hall and Professor of Music at Auckland University, Thomas Rive, in which he questioned the need for separate groups such as the SASF. The back page listed the regional SASF secretaries and included a subscription form advising the annual subscription as four issues for six shillings. The optimism, energy and hopefulness of those responsible for the first issue was reflected in paragraphs announcing the magazine in The war cry and the Christchurch Press.

Image courtesy of The Salvation Army Archives, Upper Hutt. Harold Hill, “Apologia”, Battlepoint, 1, 1, (NZ, September 1963), 4. 8 Tom Aitken, “The Salvation Army today”, Battlepoint, 1, 1, (NZ, September 1963), 5 – 7. 9 Margaret Major, “An Army of committees”, Battlepoint, 1, 1, (NZ, September 1963), 8 – 9. 10 Margaret Richardson, “Salvation Army music today”, Battlepoint, 1, 1, (NZ, September 1963), 10 – 15. 7

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The war cry announcement about Battlepoint11

The second issue of Battlepoint was published in December 1963. It contained an article by Richard Hurren, “The Quiet Revolution” about the Army’s apparent irrelevance to many people.12 This article came from the British SASF quarterly magazine and was the first of many reprinted articles over Battlepoint’s existence. Other articles included one by Brian Thompson looking at the introduction of the two-year officer training programme in the UK and that planned for New Zealand from 1965;13 an article by Max Cresswell giving his impressions of studying in the UK and of his time with the British Territory SASF,14 and a reply from Malcolm Geard addressing concerns raised by Margaret Richardson in her “Salvation Army music” article in the first issue.15 As well, Tom Aitken reviewed Paul Tillich’s book The shaking of the foundations and someone listed as “R. R.” reviewed The letter of James by Father James. As time went by, Battlepoint improved and changed in appearance. The third issue, in March 1964, was now of folded foolscap size, stapled down the centre and with smaller size font. Contributors began to reply to articles and letters printed in previous issues such as Commissioner Gilliard’s letter praising comments made in the second issue editorial written by Captain Brian McStay. There was also a response from Bandmaster Thomas Rive in the December 1965 issue on the topic of Salvation Army music covered in earlier issues. But despite this, the editor regularly pleaded for more articles - and subscriptions. Original and reprinted items as well as advertisements appeared throughout the early issues of Battlepoint. Original cartoons from both Harold Hill and Clive Luscombe appeared from time to time. Reprinted images and articles came from Punch, the British satirical journal and Impact, the Australian SASF magazine. Advertisements also began appearing with the Red Shield Bookroom and The soldier’s armoury being advertised. The University Bookshop (mainly the Otago branch), the Presbyterian Bookshop, and Whitcombe and Tombs (at that time a large bookshop with branches throughout the country) also advertised from time to time, as did some businesses owned by Salvationists. “Battlepoint”, The war cry, (New Zealand, 2 November 1963), 10. Richard Hurren, “The quiet revolution”, Battlepoint, 1, 2, (NZ, December 1963), 4 – 8. 13 Brian Thompson, Battlepoint, 1, 2, (NZ, December 1963), 9 – 12. 14 Max Cresswell, Battlepoint, 1, 2, (NZ, December 1963), 13 – 16. 15 Malcolm Geard, Battlepoint, 1, 2, (NZ, December 1963), 17 – 19. 11 12

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An example of Harold Hill's artistic humour in Battlepoint16

As well as topics of specific Salvation Army interest, the ecumenical movement and ‘The Geering Controversy’ were two major topics that received good coverage in the 1960s. The Ecumenical Movement The strong ecumenical movement in New Zealand during the 1960s was reflected in a number of articles. Max Cresswell wrote in the March 1964 issue about a Faith and Order Conference held at Massey University in February 1964 at which Christians from a number of denominations including the Catholic Church attended, while the September 1964 issue included a report on an interdenominational conference for 17 – 30 year olds held at Pohangina Youth Centre in the Manawatu area, New Zealand. The June 1965 issue contained a number of articles on ecumenism; “The Salvation Army and its relation to the churches” by General Frederick Coutts, a reprint from Vanguard the Army’s youth magazine from the UK, “A time for unity” by Gabrielle McCarthy, “The council and unity” by the Very Rev B. J. Grantley, “The Ecumenical Movement - A bibliography” by the Rev Dr Ian Breward, and a report by B. J. O. on a week-end reading party at Wallis House in Lower Hutt, arranged and led by Rev John Murray together with Rev Father Matthias O.F.M, Chaplain to Catholic students. The March 1966 issue announced the “Fourth Ecumenical Youth Conference” in bold print on the cover and inside were reports on this conference from Iris Ford and Harold Shepherd. An article in the March 1967 issue by Tom Aitken, “Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage” gave an historical account of 16

Battlepoint, 4, 4, (NZ, June 1967), front cover.

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this bishop’s attitude towards authority, government and unity in the Church in Rome of his time. Although Cyprian’s notion of unity failed, Tom believed it raised questions for today’s Christians to consider. In March 1968, Max Cresswell wrote “Thoughts on church union” after five New Zealand churches (not including The Salvation Army) had taken part in a service of commitment to a united church. In line with this theme, the front cover of the June 1965 issue had a cartoon from Clive Luscombe. The cartoon showed two people pouring tea to a line of three others, two of whom appear to be in SA uniform. In the caption, the tea pourer says to his assistant, “They [the Salvationists] agreed [to church union and communion] on the condition we used tea!”

Clive Luscombe cartoon in the “Ecumenical issue” of Battlepoint17

This topic continued to be aired in the 1970s with an article in December 1976 questioning the value of ecumenism18 and Colin Moore’s “Co-operating Sallies”. Moore wrote of his experience living in a rural area where he and his family as Salvationists worshipped in the local union parish which included the Presbyterian and Methodist churches. He argued for Salvationists to worship in the area they lived rather than try to be associated with a corps some distance away.19 There was more on this topic in the 1980s with articles, letters, a readers’ survey and an editorial discussing the merits or otherwise of the National Council of Churches (NCC)20 and the Salvation Army’s decision to withdraw from the World Council of Churches (WCC).21 These included in the March 1984 Battlepoint the Reverend Peter Glensor writing “The National Council of Churches: An inside view” from the viewpoint of his full-time work within the NCC and with additional comment on the WCC,22 and Doug Laskey’s article “Priests and prophets - Have we counted the cost?” about 17

Battlepoint, 2, 4, (NZ, June 1965), front cover. John Kitto, “Reformation or deformation,” Battlepoint, 14, 2, (NZ, December 1976), 11 – 12. 19 Colin Moore, “Co-operating Sallies”, Battlepoint, 18, 2, (NZ, December 1979), 11 – 12. 20 The National Council of Churches in New Zealand (NCC) was an ecumenical organisation that brought together a number of New Zealand’s Christian churches in dialogue and practical cooperation from 1941 – 1988. The Salvation Army in New Zealand was a founder member. The NCC was succeeded by the Conference of Churches in Aotearoa New Zealand (CCANZ) which dissolved in 2005. Source: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Council_of_Churches_in_New_Zealand accessed 11 September 2020. 21 The Salvation Army was a member of the World Council of Churches (WCC) from 1948 to 1983. Due to ongoing disquiet over some WCC policies relating to Southern Africa, the Army withdrew from full membership in 1981 and adopted advisor status instead, the same as that given to the Roman Catholic Church and other similar world bodies. Source: John Merritt (ed), “World Council of Churches”, Historical dictionary of The Salvation Army, (Lanham, USA: Scarecrow Press, 2006), 648 – 651. 22 Peter Glensor, “The National Council of Churches: An inside view”, Battlepoint, 23, 3, (NZ, March 1984), 6 – 7. 18

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The Salvation Army’s membership in and contribution to these two organisations.23 The Geering Controversy In 1966, Lloyd Geering, Professor of Old Testament Studies and Principal of the Presbyterian theological hall at Knox College in Dunedin, New Zealand, wrote an article for the Presbyterian newspaper The outlook in which he questioned the physical resurrection of Jesus.24 This and subsequent publications and lectures by Geering led to a heresy trial in November 1967 at the Presbyterian General Assembly at which Geering was acquitted.25 The December 1966 issue of Battlepoint included several articles concerning the theological matters raised by Geering. These included “Professor Geering and the empty tomb” by Robert Howell, “Some background to Professor Geering’s article on the resurrection” by E. E. Robinson and “Observations on New Testament interpretation” by B. L. Bugden. Also included was, “Was the grave empty?” by Dr R. J. Thompson, Professor at the NZ Baptist Theological College.26 Later the March 1969 issue contained two book reviews by Max Cresswell, one on R. J. Nicholson’s Empty tomb or empty faith: The Geering debate and the other on Professor E. M. Blaiklock’s A layman’s answer: An examination of the new theology. Both books had been written in response to matters raised by Geering. In his reviews, Cresswell regarded Nicholson’s book more favourably than Blaiklock’s. Somehow Blaiklock became aware of the reviews in which he felt maligned and wrote to the territorial commander, Commissioner Francis Evans threatening to sue the printer of Battlepoint, Max Cresswell and The Salvation Army. Fortunately the situation was saved by a disclaimer published in the second and subsequent issues of Battlepoint to the effect that the magazine was “not an official Salvation Army publication” and that the “opinions expressed [were] those of the writers only and [did] not reflect any official viewpoint or policy”.27 Battlepoint in the 1970s As well as regular articles about Salvation Army youth work, officer training, worship in Army meetings, Army music, the election of the General and decision making in the Army, major topics featured in Battlepoint in the 1970s included articles about the ‘Fred Brown Affair’, women’s liberation, the Army’s work in Africa and Pentecostalism, the Charismatic Renewal and the Jesus Movement. The Fred Brown Affair The so-called “Fred Brown Affair” began with the Army’s regulations for Salvation Army officers writing material for publication and went on to raise the matter of censorship within The Salvation Army and the lack of suitable administrative procedures within the Army for people to express dissatisfaction. The matter involved the treatment by IHQ of Major Fred Brown, corps officer at Regent Hall Corps, London following the publication of his book Secular evangelism by SCM Press in September 1969. Because Brown did not submit his material for IHQ approval prior to publication, Doug Laskey, “Priests and prophets - Have we counted the cost?” Battlepoint, 23, 3, (NZ, March 1984), 8 – 10. Lloyd Geering, “The resurrection of Jesus”, The outlook, (New Zealand, April 1966). 25 “Lloyd Geering”, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lloyd_Geering accessed 11 September 2020. 26 This article was re-print from a booklet published by Spurgeon Press. No other publication details are known. 27 Letter, Frances Evans to Editor, Battlepoint, 6, 4, (NZ, June 1969), 2. 23 24

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he was severely censured and eventually resigned his officership. Both The guardian and The telegraph were highly critical of the Army but in spite of 361 Salvationists and a number of officers protesting with some officers eventually resigning, IHQ remained intransigent. Battlepoint printed a number of articles relating to this matter. In September 1970, the situation was outlined in an article by Gordon Batten of Regent Hall Corps, London, entitled “Censorship in the Salvation Army” plus a letter in the same issue signed by seven Regent Hall members. The letter gave a detailed account of Brown’s work and achievements during his appointment at Regent Hall and expressed the belief of the signatories that Salvationists were being prevented from hearing about and openly discussing important issues of vital concern to them.28 The December 1970 Battlepoint began with a full report on the situation from Harold Hill, now a cadet in London at the International Training College.29 It also included two book reviews of Secular evangelism, an advertisement for the book and two letters to the editor, one critical of the letter from the seven members of Regent Hall Corps believing it to be a one-sided account, and the other letter expressing support for these same people.30 The March 1971 issue contained a letter from Graham Reeves, editor of the UK SASF Magazine. Reeves praised Battlepoint’s coverage of the matter and informed readers that Major Bernard Mobbs had taken a year’s leave of absence to consider his position. Retired Senior-Major Allister Smith from South Africa, a frequent contributor to Battlepoint had an article in the same issue also with the title “Censorship in the Salvation Army.” While he believed those critical of the Army’s handling of this matter to be wrong, he did express some sympathy with the protestors over the question of censorship. This matter raised important issues for several correspondents and letters on the ‘affair’ continued to be published in later issues. Women’s Liberation Captain Barbara Bolton’s article “Women’s lib. and the Salvation Army” in March 197431 was the forerunner for a number of articles appearing in the June 1975 issue with 1975 being International Women’s Year. These included “Women in the Salvation Army” by Margaret Hay,32 an interview with Mrs General Janet Wiseman where a number of questions relating to women’s position in the Army were raised33 and Barbara Bolton’s article “Coming out - Ready or not” which considered women’s role and position in the Army.34 Rae Major wrote of the emptiness of women with no status in her poem, “A mess of pottage”35 and her husband John Major had an article entitled “Discrimination by shape.”36 Margaret Thompson addressed the issue of headquarters officer-wives without appointment in “Neglected resources,”37 Carol Bone wrote on “The rights of women”38 and Margaret Nicholson reviewed Flora Larsson’s book, My best men are women.39 Allied to women’s liberation was the issue of gender roles and husband-wife relationships. Battlepoint, 8, 1, (NZ, September 1970), 11 – 15. Harold Hill, Battlepoint, 8, 2, (NZ, December 1970), 1 – 6. 30 Battlepoint, 8, 2, (NZ, December 1970), 11 – 14. 31 Barbara Bolton “Women’s lib. and the Salvation Army”, Battlepoint, 11, 3, (NZ, March 1974), 2 – 6. 32 Margaret Hay, “Women in the Salvation Army”, Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), 2 – 3. 33 Janet Wiseman, Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), 4 – 5. 34 Barbara Bolton, “Coming out - Ready or not”, Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), 6 – 8. 35 Rae Major, “A mess of pottage”, Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), 6. 36 John Major, “Discrimination by shape”, Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), 9 – 10. 37 Margaret Thompson, “Neglected resources”, Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), 11 – 12. 38 Carol Bone, “The rights of women”, Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), 13 – 14. 39 Battlepoint, 12, 4, (NZ, June 1975), inside back cover. 28 29

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These were featured in March 1977 in both the editorial and an article (anonymous) promoting the notion that the husband had authority over his wife and family who must submit to him. The writer particularly emphasised the wife’s role to be submissive to her husband.40 This article brought forth a number of letters in reply on the place of women and an article by Cliff Duder who drew on his experiences as a church pastor. He recounted the problems he witnessed in which couples endeavoured to live in a relationship where the husband was the authority figure and the wife his submissive inferior. He regarded this type of relationship as quite dangerous.41 The Army in Africa Several articles in the 1970s focussed on aspects of Salvation Army ministry in Africa. In September 1974, former Battlepoint editor Harold Hill reported from Howard Institute in Rhodesia giving the background to government actions following guerrilla attacks in the Chiweshe Tribal Trust Land where he lived and worked.42 On another occasion, Hill responded to comments suggesting that the Army’s educational work was a waste in terms of time and money because it didn’t produce scores of young people becoming officers and leaders within the Army. He rejected such thinking as spiritual blackmail and instead believed that the reason for such ministry was to try and meet a need [that of the education of young Africans] and that God had provided people such as himself with the means and the calling to meet such a need.43 Other articles written from Africa included those by David Wells of Chikankata Secondary School, Zambia who in “W(h)ither pilgrims...?” questioned the relevance and effectiveness of the religious work of The Salvation Army in Zambia44 and Australian Ron Inglis who in March 1978 issued a plea for teachers at the same school.45 One regular contributor from Africa was Senior-Major Allister Smith. He held to a conservative understanding of Christianity and frequently responded to articles which he felt expressed a liberal view. He condemned the World Council of Churches as a failure because, in his view, it denied the fundamentals of the Christian faith and was infiltrated by communists. At one stage, he cancelled his Battlepoint subscription following the publication of an article questioning the bodily resurrection of Jesus.46 Nevertheless Smith kept writing to the magazine, so much so that an article critical of the Army’s continuing association with the WCC appeared in March 1979 after his promotion to Glory.47 Such correspondence about South Africa preceded five articles in September 1981 about the Springbok Rugby tour of New Zealand, a topic of concern for many Salvationists and something which divided many families both within and without the Church. Each writer took a slightly different approach to this topic but all were concerned that the team was from a country practising apartheid and with some commenting about The Salvation Army’s reluctance to take a stance on such a divisive political topic.48

Anonymous, “His and Hers,” Battlepoint, 14, 3, (NZ, March 1977), 8 – 10. Cliff Duder, “His and hers in question”, Battlepoint, 15, 1, (NZ, September 1977), 9 – 13. 42 Harold Hill, “Report from Howard Institute”, Battlepoint, 12, 1, (NZ, September 1974), 12 – 15. 43 Harold Hill, “Application-form – Christians, and others”, Battlepoint, 16, 4, (NZ, June 1978), 3 – 4. 44 David Wells, “W(h)ither Pilgrims…?” Battlepoint, 13, 1, (NZ, September 1975), 7 – 13. 45 Ron Inglis, “Great opportunity for Salvationist teachers”, Battlepoint, 16, 3, (NZ, March 1978), 12 – 13. 46 Battlepoint, 14, 4, (NZ, June 1977), 12 – 13. 47 Allister Smith, “The shame and scandal of the World Council of Churches”, Battlepoint, 17, 3, (NZ, March 1979), 5 – 6. 48 Battlepoint, 20, 3, (NZ, September 1981), 1, 30 – 35. 40 41

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Battlepoint in the 1980s In some of the earliest issues of Battlepoint topics such as Salvation Army music, children’s and youth work and evangelism were discussed at length and this continued during the 1980s. Other ‘in-house’ topics included the New Zealand Salvation Army’s celebration of its first centenary, the charismatic movement and spiritual gifts, the treatment of officers who resigned from ‘the work’ and the changing role of missionaries. Cultural and societal issues included poverty and affluence, the future of employment, the care of the young, single mothers and their babies, IVF treatment, racism, Salvationist involvement in politics and the New Zealand Salvation Army’s opposition to the New Zealand government’s intention to ratify the United Nation’s Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Major topics covered included Salvation Army social work, homosexual law reform and the peace and anti-nuclear movements. Social work and evangelism The September 1980 issue of Battlepoint focussed on the Army’s commitment to social work and evangelism. In “Soup, soap and salvation”, Cyril Bradwell looked at the history of the Army’s social work over the previous century. In “Social work....and evangelism”, Patricia Hocking considered the different approaches to social work by Christian and non-Christian social workers. In “The Kaitaia work scheme”, Colleen Marshall gave an account of the Army’s job creation schemes for the 400 unemployed in that small town of 4-5000 people. In “Understanding the alcoholic”, Jamie Ford wrote of his concern about the shortage of workers within his field of alcoholism.49 In a later issue, Commissioner Bram Cook wrote of his continuing work as a medical doctor on retirement and mentioned the many retired officers who continued to offer their time and skills in Army institutions or other charitable organisations.50 Battlepoint also reported on Captain Joan Hutson’s comprehensive submission to the New Zealand Government asking that “an adult personal guardian … be the birthright of every child”. Hutson’s concern came from her work in Salvation Army children’s homes and led to this eventually becoming law in New Zealand.51 The Homosexual Law Reform52 If ever Battlepoint had wanted to find a topic that would arouse much controversy, this was it! When Labour politician Fran Wilde presented her bill to parliament for debate in 1985, it became a very hot topic within society generally. Many churches began formulating their own attitudes towards the subject and raising this with their congregations. The territorial leaders in New Zealand began disseminating views against the bill which inevitably divided Salvationists in New Zealand in a way that was quite a new and uncomfortable situation for many. Some Salvationists expressed their unhappiness at the territory not providing information to help them understand all the issues surrounding the topic. They felt this left them unable to make a decision on the topic and whether or not to sign the petition that the Army was circulating. Battlepoint therefore tried to collate as much material as possible from both Salvationists and non-Salvationists, Battlepoint, 19, 2, (NZ, September 1980), 19 – 20. A. Bramwell Cook, “Retirement”, Battlepoint, 21, 1, (NZ, March 1982), 21 – 22. 51 Joan Hutson, “The Salvation Army asks for sweeping law reform”, Battlepoint, 21, 3, (NZ, November 1982), 15 – 17. 52 For more on this topic, see Ian Hutson, “The Salvation Army and the 1985 Homosexual Reform Bill in New Zealand”, Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 3, 1, (March 2018), 104 – 122. 49 50

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supporters and those against the bill. Some readers provided material for consideration and Battlepoint endeavoured to remain objective by covering a range of views along with information in its June 1985 issue.53 As time went by, it became quite evident that Battlepoint’s readership was divided and many readers interpreted Battlepoint as sympathetic towards the homosexual community. This created some difficulties with the typist refusing to type what was perceived to be sympathetic material. This impasse was resolved when someone else took over that role and Battlepoint continued publication. The next few issues published responses on this topic with one young officer writing for further information on the subject which was replied to in the same issue. He also thanked Battlepoint for inviting someone from the Gay Rights Centre to write on the topic and thereby give another perspective. The Peace Movement and Anti-Nuclear sentiments During the mid-1970s and through the 1980s the peace movement was covered in a few articles. There was a report in Battlepoint of Wellington Citadel Corps acknowledging International Peace Sunday on 5 August 1984.54 A Battlepoint subscriber wrote a review of Jurgen Moltman’s book The experiment hope after a request to reprint a review on the book in The officer was declined.55 Further material on peace was included in a later issue of Battlepoint along with some excerpts from material published by both the Methodist and Presbyterian churches. It was hoped that more readers would share their thoughts on these topics as the anti-nuclear topic along with the peace movement were of great concern among the New Zealand general populace. Unfortunately, this did not generate much material from contributors. However, Battlepoint received a response from Bruce Barnitt, the editor of The Christian Pacifist Society Bulletin who had been invited to write an article.56 The Salvation Army in New Zealand reaches its first centenary Battlepoint reflected this milestone with a book review by Peter Lineham, a university lecturer and writer on church history of Cyril Bradwell’s Fight the good fight written for the centenary of the Army in New Zealand;57 an article from Brian Thompson discussing whether Salvationists had become more middle-class over these 100 years,58 and a light-hearted quiz, “The alternative centenary competition.”59 The editor also reported on his interview with General Jarl Wahlström in New Zealand for the congress meetings,60 and Major Graeme Smith, congress organiser referred to the centenary in his article “Let’s celebrate.”61 Editors and business managers Battlepoint had ten editors and thirteen business managers in its 25 years of operation. Harold Hill Battlepoint, 24, 4, (NZ, June 1985), 12 – 24. Battlepoint, 24, 1, (NZ, September 1984), 13 – 14. 55 Battlepoint, 24, 1, (NZ, September 1984), 18 – 19. 56 Brian Barnitt, “A testimony”, Battlepoint, 24, 3, (NZ, March 1985), 10 – 13. 57 Battlepoint, 22, 3, (NZ, April 1983), 10 – 14. 58 Battlepoint, 22, 3, (NZ, April 1983), 15 – 19. 59 “The alternative centenary competition”, Battlepoint, 22, 3, (NZ, April 1983), 8. 60 Battlepoint, 23, 1, (NZ, September 1983), 5. 61 Graeme Smith, “Let’s celebrate”, Battlepoint, 23, 1, (NZ, September 1983), 3 – 4. 53 54

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and Howard McDonald completed their terms in September 1966 and were replaced by Roger Cresswell as editor and Wendy Albiston (later Cresswell) as business manager. They were followed by Colin Moore and Helen Thatcher (later Moore) from the March 1969 issue. This pattern whereby a married couple acted as editor and business manager continued for some years. Editors were generally free to decide on topics to be covered but in September 1983 the board also discussed topics they felt worthy of attention for discussion in Battlepoint. Some concern was expressed by at least one subscriber who, on reading the minutes of this board meeting wrote asking whether the board was now making decisions concerning Battlepoint’s content, thereby limiting its role as an open forum. The editor’s note assured readers that this did not mean the board was interfering in anyway at all but came about from a comment raised by the editor at that meeting. 62 Nevertheless, in order to attract greater attention and interest in Battlepoint, it was decided to highlight the main topic within each issue on the front cover. This began with the June 1985 issue with Stewardship and the Homosexual Law Reform being highlighted. Battlepoint goes it alone While Battlepoint began as a SASF magazine with the aim of providing “a forum for student opinion, a gazette of student activity and a challenge to student witness”,63 by the late 1960s, a decline in SASF activities followed by the eventual demise of the SASF in New Zealand led to the formation of an editorial advisory board. The board’s main task was to advise the editor on editorial policy and appoint a new editor when the current one resigned. The first formal meeting of the editorial advisory board occurred on Saturday 30 November 1971. Present were Colin Moore (chairperson and out-going editor), Brian Thompson (Secretary), Roger Cresswell, Helen Moore (outgoing business manager), Rob Jackson (incoming editor) and Kay Jackson (incoming busines manager). Apologies were received from Captain Brian McStay (SASF vice-president), Terence Aitken and Ross Gittens. With a changing membership over the years, the editorial board continued until Battlepoint ceased. Among decisions made at this first meeting was that the board should meet three times a year (April, August, November being suggested), that a quorum should be four members and that there be co-operation with Impact, an Australian SASF magazine.64 The business of producing a quarterly magazine From its inception, Battlepoint frequently experienced financial difficulties due in part to some late subscription payments, an inability to increase subscriber numbers much past 300 and ever-increasing costs of production and postage. The lack of money and pleas for subscriptions to be paid was a constant theme throughout Battlepoint’s existence. This concern was first revealed in the second issue where the price was still one shilling and sixpence per copy with six shillings being the annual price for four copies, requiring almost 100 subscribers to cover costs. It cost seven pounds to produce each number making it close to thirty pounds per year. One hundred and fifty copies had been posted out but only 36 people had paid a subscription. Subscriptions were increased as the years went by to cover increases in printing and postage. Battlepoint, 23, 2, (NZ, December 1983), 14 – 15. Battlepoint circular prepared by Harold Hill around July 1963 and located in Battlepoint Editorial Papers held by Margaret Thompson. 64 Battlepoint Editorial Advisory Board minutes, 30 November 1971. 62 63

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The annual subscription was NZ$1.50 by 1971, NZ$2.00 in 1972, NZ$3,00 in 1978, NZ$5.00 by 1983, NZ$7.00 soon after and NZ$8.00 in 1985. There was an extra charge for overseas subscriptions. There were 200 subscribers in 1965, 280 in 1971, 247 in 1978, 297 in 1979, 314 in 1983, nearly 300 in 1985 the subscribers however dropped to 197 in 1986. From June 1966, Battlepoint was typeset and printed by the Pahiatua Printing Company, it being felt that a high standard of printing was “appropriate to the readership of Battlepoint”.65 But the magazine’s straightened financial situation was apparent with only three issues published in 1980, the first being in June rather than March. From then on, although the A4 folded paper size remained, it was no longer typeset nor printed on glossy paper. Deficits recorded included $288 by January 1979, $180 in 1982, $741 in 1983 and $176 in 1984. Measures undertaken to deal with these included donations from sympathetic long-term supporters (1985), the suggestion of gift subscriptions and a proposal that an Associateship of Battlepoint be offered for $NZ20 per annum. This would entitle the reader to receive all board minutes and any other board news as well as all issues of Battlepoint.66 Neville and Margaret Johnson even advanced some of their own money, subsequently reimbursed to cover deficits during their tenure.67 Supporters and detractors In its early years, Battlepoint had the encouragement and blessing of several senior officers even if they questioned some of the content in relatively mild or congenial terms. One name that particularly stands out as a strong supporter and encourager of both the SASF and Battlepoint was Commissioner Alfred Gilliard. On learning of his death Margaret Hay and Brian Thompson wrote tributes and a portrait by artist Clive Luscombe accompanied these in the December 1973 issue.68 Colonel (later LtCommissioner) Bram Cook was a very supportive chief secretary in New Zealand when Battlepoint began and he remained a loyal supporter and contributor throughout his lifetime.

Clive Luscombe’s portrait of Commissioner Alfred Gilliard69 65

Battlepoint Editorial Advisory Board minutes, 30 November 1971. Battlepoint Editorial Advisory Board minutes, 13 November 1982. 67 Battlepoint Editorial Advisory Board minutes, 24 September 1983. 68 Battlepoint, 11, 2, (NZ, December 1973), 2 – 4. 69 Battlepoint, 2, 2, (NZ, December 1964), inside front cover.; reprinted in Battlepoint, 11, 2, (NZ, December 1973), inside front cover. 66

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Several Salvation Army missionary officers found Battlepoint useful for giving accounts of their experiences working in other countries. An example of this was the account recorded in September 1964 issue from Lieut. Colonel Philip Rive. He had spent 35 years teaching in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) and during an interview by someone from Battlepoint, presumably Harold Hill the editor at the time, he made a call for qualified people in a number of fields to offer their services in areas of need such as medicine and secondary school teaching.70 Brigadier Jean Gould wrote concerning the need for literature programmes in India and neighbouring countries and suggesting how interested SASF members could help.71 Battlepoint was also appreciated by many for the full account it was able to record of the “Fred Brown Affair” as some British readers had been unable to learn of this in their home territory. Other officers who showed their support for Battlepoint included Brigadier Christina Henderson (secretary for education), Lt. Colonel Ernest Elliot (territorial youth secretary) and Major Joyce Cathcart (Sydney training college). The magazine also published interviews with General Frederick Coutts who was a keen reader and subscriber72 and General Eric Wickberg.73 When Coutts was promoted to Glory, his widow sent a thank you letter and a generous donation in response to a sympathy card sent by Battlepoint’s editor. Battlepoint constantly reminded readers that its aim was “to provide a forum for the discussion of matters of mutual interest to Salvationists and other Christians.” Different editors did to some extent give the magazine something of their own personal touch, especially in the editorials and in the people they approached for articles on specific topics or when there was insufficient unsolicited material available for publication. However from 1970, they were always accountable to the board. It is the opinion of Thompson that most of the expressed antipathy towards Battlepoint occurred largely once the SASF folded and Battlepoint and its board, along with its editor and business manager were essentially left ‘high and dry’. Many of those who criticised Battlepoint had difficulty in accepting its independence and freedom to write articles not submitted to the hierarchy for evaluation and censorship. The idea that soldiers could speak out without THQ approval was anathema to some. An example occurred in March 1971 when the editor, Colin Moore wrote a fictional account about a proposed officer training institute.74 While written in a satirical manner, he actually presented some very worthwhile suggestions for an actual training facility and programme. Major Joyce Cathcart of Sydney commented positively on Moore’s article and outlined some weaknesses in the current training programme as well as attempts being made to update it.75 On the other hand, Captain Brian McStay of the New Zealand training college was not so conciliatory; in fact he was quite scathing.76 Interestingly some of the ideas put forward by Moore in 1971 were quite prophetic as they described in some measure what eventually developed at the Sydney Salvation Army college for officer training in the 1980s and the New Zealand college in the late 1990s.

Battlepoint, 2, 1, (NZ, September 1964), 7 – 8. Jean Gould, “Literature programme in India and neighbouring countries”, Battlepoint, 3, 3, (NZ, March 1966), 17 – 20. 72 Battlepoint, 6, 4, (NZ, June 1969), 11 – 15. 73 Battlepoint, 9, 4, (NZ, June 1972), 7 – 11. 74 Battlepoint, 8, 3, (NZ, March 1971), 2 – 4. 75 Battlepoint, 8, 4, (NZ, June 1971), 6 – 7. 76 Battlepoint, 8, 4, (NZ, June 1971), 5 – 6. 70 71

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Challenges in final years By mid-1986, Battlepoint was facing some serious challenges and a special meeting of the editorial advisory board was held on 17 July 1986 to consider the subscriber position. An approach by the editor on behalf of the board to Commissioner Wesley Harris77 drew the response that if the magazine met “a perceived need among Salvationists, it would revive and live on; otherwise it would die.” Further he stated that he would offer no support and that “the paper which had desired freedom must stand or fall on that freedom.”78 Later in 1988, the new chief secretary, Colonel Arthur Thompson, who had known of Battlepoint in the 1960s when on missionary service in Rhodesia, commented that “the repression of criticism of Army administration or methods has lifted” and wondered “whether there is a need or a market for Battlepoint as there once was.”79 In an effort to boost circulation, a new flier was prepared and despite the territorial commander’s misgivings, many officers and divisional commanders continued to be positive and helpful to Battlepoint and were happy to forward the names of local officers who might be potential subscribers.

Battlepoint publicity pamphlet, 1986

When a new editor was needed in 1988, the board eventually appointed an officer, Major Mervn Layt. This however was not acceptable to Commissioner Harris who forbade it. Harris wrote to the chief secretary Colonel Ken Bridge about this, noting that “Battlepoint has over the years prided itself on its independent stance and successive territorial commanders have accepted this even when at times their administrations have been criticised.” He also believed that “under the editorship of an officer, who in one sense is an official of the Salvation Army, [Battlepoint’s] independence could be 77

Letter, Margaret Thompson to Wesley Harris, (5 October 1986). Letter, Wesley Harris to all NZ Officers, (27 October 1986). 79 Letter, Arthur Thompson to Margaret Thompson, (15 November 1988). 78

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affected and /or the officer editor be put in an invidious position.” 80 This belief that Battlepoint had prided itself on its independent stance seems somewhat misguided given that many efforts had been made since the SASF folded to have a continuing relationship with THQ plus the fact that from its foundation, Battlepoint was accepted by many senior officers on the grounds of it being “semi-official.” Battlepoint’s demise The final edition of Battlepoint was published in December 1988 in the belief that a young Salvationist had accepted the position of editor and the son of Major Layt would act as business manager.81 However this did not eventuate, apparently due to unforeseen difficulties the potential editor had in fitting this in with the completion of his university qualifications. Both before and after this edition, board chairperson Corps Sergent-Major Cyril Bradwell sent out several letters to subscribers informing them of Battlepoint’s difficulties. Finally in a May 1990 letter addressed to all subscribers, Bradwell advised them of the board’s decision to cease publication.82 He stated that “[a]s there was no resolution of the editorial difficulties the Board regretfully had no alternative but to confirm the resolutions outlined [previously] and make a final decision to cease publication of Battlepoint. Accordingly the Board had agreed that the financial records of Battlepoint will be audited and any monies left in hand will be donated to the Officer Training College Memorial Book Plan. The books, correspondence and records of Battlepoint will be entrusted to the care of The Salvation Army Historical Trust in New Zealand.”83 And so it was that after 25 years Battlepoint ceased publication. Conclusion Battlepoint was a valued vehicle, seen by some as a safety valve for releasing frustration as well as a vehicle for expressing concerns about various aspects of Army administration, worship style and evangelism. It provided information on positions available on the mission field, doctrinal teaching and kept readers informed of movements within the wider church body, and on cultural and societal issues. To some degree Battlepoint echoed the events and thoughts that arose throughout the years it was published and thus provides an historic insight into issues and concerns both of Salvationists and the Christian church generally throughout its lifetime. Battlepoint had many readers overseas. It welcomed Australian readers in June 196884 and those from the USA in June 1970.85 A report in the September 1970 issue noted that the magazine was being distributed throughout New Zealand, Australia, UK, USA, Canada, Western Samoa, Norfolk Island, South America, Nigeria, Rhodesia, Zambia, India and Papua New Guinea.86 It always had difficulty in gathering enough contributor material to print every three months. This meant that Battlepoint frequently needed to fall back on reprinting articles from other publications in order to provide thoughtful reading and encourage reader response. Expanding the

Letter, Wesley Harris to Ken Bridge, (19 August 1988). Battlepoint, 98, (December 1988). 82 Letter, Cyril Bradwell to Battlepoint subscribers, (May 1990). 83 Letter, Cyril Bradwell to Battlepoint subscribers, (May 1990). 84 Battlepoint, 5, 4, (NZ, June 1968), 2. 85 Battlepoint, 7, 4, (NZ, June 1970), inside back cover. 86 Battlepoint, 8, 1, (NZ, September 1970), 9. 81

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number of written contributions from New Zealand writers was an ongoing concern but those who did contribute over the lifetime of the magazine largely revealed much maturity, depth of thought, and a wide reading range. Battlepoint always had its detractors especially once it no longer represented the SASF and from 1970, with an editorial advisory board that could make decisions without oversight from THQ. Since Battlepoint folded, nothing else had taken its place and the voice of Salvationists, students or otherwise is not often heard. Even attempts from the 1960s to increase some democracy within the Army such as with corps councils and advisory boards seem to have faltered over time. Over the last 40 or 50 years many changes have occurred within the administration and many earlier practices as laid out in the various Orders and Regulations have been relaxed or have disappeared. Even though there are different challenges, it appears that there is now little opportunity for the voice of the membership to be heard or appreciated. Democracy is a fragile thing needing constant nurturing and vigilance. It would be a great pity if the voice of the rank and file was lost completely.

SALVATION ARMY HISTORY SNAPSHOT

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DEDICATED TO RESCUE THE BROWNLIE SISTERS OF DUNEDIN, NEW ZEALAND William (Bill) Allott The Salvation Army is known for its social services but the origin of this aspect of its ministry is not always clear. This is not surprising as those involved gave little priority to the recording of their actions for posterity. Nor did they want to focus on the plight of those they were helping. In the 29 issues of the New Zealand War cry in 1883, the first year of the Army’s operations in New Zealand, there is only one mention of social action. This was in a report by G. A. P. (George A. Pollard), the National Commander of New Zealand, in the third War cry under the heading, “How we march along – two rescued women”. Pollard commented: One religious authority stated that our meetings had a most demoralising effect, and repeated the statement of the Bishop of Oxford that gross immorality resulted therefrom (which statement, by the way, the said Bishop was unable to prove when requested to do so, acknowledging that he spoke from rumours that had been circulated to that effect), and on the very day that these statements were published in Dunedin we were arranging for Christian homes for two out of three God had used us to rescue from the streets of this fair city, and who, the police inform us were among the worst of that class in the town.1

The traditional beginning of Salvation Army social work in New Zealand was recorded in a thesis entitled An outline history of The Salvation Army in New Zealand, submitted by Cyril Bradwell for the degree of Master of Arts with Honours in History at Canterbury University in 1950. He stated: The beginnings of the Army’s Rescue Work for fallen women in New Zealand provide a noble example of how urgent needs were met by quick and decisive action. Some early women converts in the Wellington City Corps. Mrs. Rudman and Mrs. Hawker, were moved to do something by the sight of prostitutes on the streets of Wellington. They opened their own homes to some of these women as well as to unmarried mothers-to-be whom they met in the poorer districts. Similar self-sacrificing work was begun in Dunedin by two sisters named Brownlie,2 who had been attracted to the Salvation Army by the striking personality of a remarkably gifted woman, Captain Nellie Barnard.3 The sisters Brownlie at their own expense rented and furnished a house in Howe Street, Dunedin, as a home for converted prostitutes. As soon as funds were available and suitable accommodation could be obtained, Army Headquarters relieved these voluntary workers of the responsibility.4

The following article focuses on the role of the Brownlie sisters who were dedicated to the rescue of women in Dunedin. In newspapers and Army publications, the Brownlies are rarely referred to by their Christian names. They are commonly Miss Brownlie or the Misses Brownlie. The older sister, Helen Scott

Reference citation of this paper; William (Bill) Allott, “‘Dedicated to rescue. The Brownlie sisters of Dunedin, New Zealand”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 39 – 49. 1 “How we march along – two rescued women,” War cry, (New Zealand, 30 June 1883), 1. 2 This early Dunedin history may have come from an R. T. Hughson manuscript. His father was one of the first Army soldiers in Dunedin. 3 See later discussion on Captain Barnard’s officership at Dunedin Corps. 4 The thesis was updated, expanded and later published as Cyril R. Bradwell, Fight the good fight. The story of The Salvation Army in New Zealand, 1883 – 1983, (Wellington, NZ: A.H. & A.W. Reed, 1982), 50. Similar information appeared in John C[harles] Waite, Dear Mr Booth, Some early chapters of the history of The Salvation Army in New Zealand, (Wellington, NZ: The Salvation Army Territorial Headquarters, n.d.), 62.

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“Miss Brownlie,” possibly Helen Scott Brownlie5

Bradwell, Fight the good fight, facing page 69.

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Brownlie, was born on 26 April 1838 at Blantyre, Lanark, Scotland while Barbara Douglas Brownlie was born there on 31 January 1841. In 1861, their father was listed as a warehouse worker.6 Helen’s arrival in New Zealand has still to be ascertained, but Miss B. D. Brownlie was a passenger on the new 962 ton Christian M’Ausland, that arrived in Port Chalmers, Dunedin, on 18 January 1870 from Glasgow.7 She was about to turn 29 years of age. In 1872, a Dunedin importing and warehousing company, Sargood, Son and Ewen advertised for a hat trimmer. People interested were asked to apply to Miss [Barbara] Brownlie.8 The following year a Miss [Helen] Brownlie, “[l]ate at Herbert Haynes & Co.”, indicated that she had commenced a millinery business in the Galbraith Buildings at [9] Princes Street,9 on the left side from the Octagon.10

An early example of an advertisement for Brownlie’s shop11

The Evening star of 18 August 1876 contained a notice which indicated Barbara Brownlie had been admitted into partnership with her sister and that they would trade as H. and B. Brownlie, Milliners and Baby Linen Importers. It also noted that for the previous two-and-a-half years Barbara had been at “Home” where she had established agencies in London and Glasgow. One of these agencies had staff members visiting Paris once a month during the millinery season, so ladies in Dunedin could depend on the regular supply of the choicest styles.12 Subsequent H. and B. Brownlie advertisements appeared in various newspapers and promoted the latest fashions, millinery, including mourning millinery, baby linen, underclothing, corsets, boys suits and patterns for ladies’ and children’s dresses.

1861 Scottish Census. “Shipping”, Otago daily times, (NZ, 19 January 1870), 2. 8 See for example “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 6 September 1872), 3.; “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 5 August 1873), 1,3. 9 “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 25 February 1873), 4. 10 1885 – 1886 Wise’s NZ Post Directory. 11 “Advertising”, Tuapeka times, (NZ, 10 April 1873), 4. 12 “Notice of partnership”, Evening star, (NZ, 18 August 1876), 2. 7

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An example of a series of advertisement for H. and B. Brownlie13

Considering their Scottish origins, the Brownlie sisters were probably Presbyterians. So what caused them to throw in their lot with The Salvation Army? Bradwell suggested that they were attracted “by the striking personality of a remarkably gifted woman, Captain Nellie Barnard”. It’s difficult to date when this could have happened as Barnard was not a cadet at Lyttelton until July 1885.14 However, she was listed among those present at the Army’s first meeting in Dunedin,15 so it was probably as a Dunedin soldier that she influenced the Brownlie sisters. In July 1885, a Miss Brownlie was a speaker at a monthly Gospel Temperance meeting,16 which showed some allegiances to The Salvation Army’s stand against alcohol. Then in September of the same year, one of the sisters spoke at the monthly meeting of the North East Valley Blue Ribbon Association in the Presbyterian Church.17 The Blue Ribbon Army/Movement was a gospel temperance movement commenced by Mr Richard T. Booth (no relation to William Booth). One report of the meeting stated Miss Brownlie focused on, .. the apathy existing among all temperance people in reference to the licensing elections. The speaker gave an interesting account of the work done by ladies in Dunedin in reclaiming men and women from drunkenness. Votes of thanks were passed to speakers. Several persons signed the pledge.18 “Wanted known”, Otago Witness, (NZ, 12 May 1883), 28. War cry, (NZ, 11 July 1885). According to a gazetted announcement in the War cry, Captain Nellie Barnard was not appointed to Dunedin until about October 1888. Corps reports bearing her name would suggest she was there until the month before her marriage to Allan Fisher on 6 May 1889. 15 Bradwell, Fight the good fight, 9. 16 “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 17 July 1885), 3. 17 Evening star, (NZ, 19 September 1885), 2. 18 Evening star, (NZ, 19 September 1885), 2. 13 14

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At another Gospel Temperance Meeting in October, one of the Miss Brownlies gave an address, where it was stated, Miss Brownlie, … pointed out the need that existed for women’s work amongst the lapsed masses of the population, and referred to some dissipated characters who had been sought to be reclaimed. Some of these cases proved hopeful, and others only showed the terrible character of the drink curse. She also referred to the necessity for a proper representation of the principles of total abstinence in the civic and political councils of the nation.19

That same month there was an indication that the Brownlie sisters were supporting the activities of The Salvation Army. This came in a notice in the Otago daily times that tickets could be obtained from the Misses Brownlie’s shop at 9 Princes Street, Dunedin, for the “Monster Tea” at the Garrison Hall during the visit of Marshall [Ballington] Booth.20

Advertisement showing Miss Brownlie’s assistance for The Salvation Army21

Women’s refuge in Dunedin A Female Refuge which could receive 18 women had been opened in Dunedin by a group of philanthropic local women in 1873. It was for destitute women who were pregnant and single. It did not however provide childbirth facilities.22 A report of the 1875 Annual General Meeting of the subscribers to the Dunedin Female Refuge indicated that about 100 females and males were present at the meeting in the Wesleyan Hall. The meeting was chaired by Judge Chapman and Bishop Nevil and showed Christian intent as the meeting opened with prayer and eight clergymen were present. During the meeting, officers were re-elected, and eight women joined the working committee and twenty others to a general committee. The matron was a Mrs Snowden.23 Officers and committee members were named but there was no mention of the Brownlie sisters. In the middle of 1885, the newly formed Women’s Christian Temperance Union purchased the Star and Garter Hotel in Dunedin and renamed it Leavitt House. There was some doubt as to how they would use this facility and a George Broadbent, who at one stage was acting treasurer of the Dunedin Salvation Army Corps, wrote a letter to the Evening star. He felt a great injustice had been done when the Managing Board of Leavitt House passed a resolution that no unfortunate woman was to be received in the Home who happened to come through The Salvation Army.24 This brought a response from the president of the Dunedin branch of the Women’s Christian Temperance Union, Catherine Fulton. She wrote,

Otago daily times, (NZ, 12 October 1885), 2. “Advertising”, Otago daily times, (NZ, 3 October 1885), 1. 21 “Advertising”, Otago daily times, (NZ, 3 October 1885), 1. 22 Alison Clarke, Born to a changing world. Childbirth in nineteenth-century New Zealand, (Wellington, NZ: Bridget Williams Books Limited, 2015), 79. This refuge predated the Army’s Rescue Home by 13 years. 23 Otago Daily Times, (NZ, 20 October 1875), 2. 24 George Broadbent, “Home for fallen women”, Evening star, (NZ, 19 October 1885), 2. 20

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Leavitt House was never intended for a refuge, an admirably- conducted institute of that kind having already been in existence for many years. ... We therefore decline to receive inmates suitable for the Refuge,25

and by implication the kind of people that the Army was influencing. The house was used to provide accommodation for women along with temperance-related programmes for children.26 In a subsequent letter George Broadbent responded that as “Leavitt House was never intended to be made a home for the fallen. … we may step in, and, with the help of the public, do it in thorough Salvation Army style”.27 A letter written by Adjutant Graham of the Dunedin Corps to the Editor of the Evening star noted that Salvationists had provided accommodation in their own homes for female converts and that it was the Army’s intention to open a Rescue Home. A female Rescue Home had been opened by the Army in Christchurch in November 1885; Graham believed his corps could do similar as he wrote, … in Dunedin we have had to deal with women who were anxious to leave the life of sin and shame into which they had fallen. In many instances, when such have come to our notice, our soldiers have opened their homes, and cheerfully shared their food and house accommodation with those they sought to save.... For some time... those seeking deliverance from their life of shame have been increasing... [We] will therefore commence a “rescue home” as soon as possible…28

Miss Brownlie and The Salvation Army Rescue Home, Dunedin A significant report about the commencement of The Salvation Army Dunedin Rescue Home appeared in the War cry early in 1886. The report, written by Helen Scott Brownlie, stated, Rescue Home, Dunedin. We opened our Home for the poor fallen ones on Thursday, 14th January. It was with thankful hearts to the giver of all good things that we entered the large and commodious house in Howe Street. Mrs Graham, our Superintendent, with Captain Clark and her assistants, welcomed us with smiling, happy faces. We were all glad in the Lord, so glad and gratified for the shelter provided for the perishing. It was very pleasing to us Army people to have so many people from other churches rejoicing with us. H. S. Brownlie For Superintendent Graham.29

A few days before the War cry report, another appeared in the Otago witness. The local paper provided details concerning the Army’s home. It was a building in Howe Street, known as Leith House, which was formerly used as a servants’ home. It was secured for 12 months at a rental of £75 per annum. The house contained 14 bedrooms and needed furnishing.30 There’s no indication that this Home had been rented and furnished by the Brownlies or that it already functioned as a rescue home, as suggested in the Bradwell thesis. It is difficult to work out the Brownlies’ relationship with this Rescue Home in Dunedin as neither of them were mentioned as being on the staff at its opening. However the report in the Otago witness stated, “[a] rescue home is also to be started in Wellington, and Miss Brownlie has given her services as superintendent of the home, and will shortly leave for

Catherine Fulton, “Leavitt House”, Evening star, (NZ, 21 October 1885), 2. See for example, “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 16 November 1885), 3.; “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 20 November 1885), 3.; Otago daily times, (NZ, 19 November 1885), 1. 27 George Broadbent, “Leavitt House”, Evening star, (NZ, 23 October 1885), 4. 28 Graham, “A Rescue Home”, Evening star, (NZ, 19 December 1885), 1. 29 H. S. Brownlie, “Rescue Home”, War cry, (NZ, 30 January 1886), 2. 30 “Local and general,” Otago witness, (NZ, 9 January 1886), 9. 25 26

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the purpose of undertaking the duties in connection with it.”31 Wellington’s Evening post was clear and gives additional support to the idea that Miss Brownlie was to relocate to Wellington, it stated; “a Female Rescue Home is to be opened in Wellington shortly, Miss Brownlie taking the superintendency.”32 If Brownlie had not had some experience at the Dunedin Rescue Home, would it have been likely that she would become superintendent of the Rescue Home in Wellington, especially that she was not an officer of The Salvation Army? Brownlie’s move to Wellington seemed to be secure and permanent as it appeared stock was being sold in anticipation for the move to Wellington. An advertisement in the Evening star announced the reduction of stock prior to “Miss Brownlie leaving for Wallington”.33

Clearance of stock announcement for Miss Brownlie to move to Wellington34 In February 1886, a War cry report of a night meeting with “inmates” of the Dunedin Rescue Home noted that “Sister Brownlie finished up with a few very solemn words on a sure and certain reaping of that which we sow”.35 The reference to this Miss Brownlie as “Sister”, along with the “us Army people” in the above H. S. Brownlie War cry report, would seem to confirm the soldiership of one or both of the Brownlie sisters. There is also a photo of a “Miss Brownlie” possibly in Army uniform facing page 69 in Cyril Bradwell’s Fight the good fight; reproduced in this article on page 40. There is every likelihood that this was Helen Scott Brownlie. A month later, it was noted that Miss Brownlie was “of the Rescue Home, Dunedin.”36 In fact, a report referred to “Miss Brownlie” as “the sole manager of the Home for Fallen Women” in Dunedin.37 She was then described as a trustee of the Home.38 This is confusing as it’s unlikely that Miss Brownlie was a trustee of The Salvation Army Rescue Home as that wasn’t the nature of its governance. It is also doubtful that The Salvation Army would officially call its Rescue Home a Home for Fallen Women, though journalists, and some Salvation Army officers, in their public utterances, carelessly used the expression.39 In the same month, March 1886, when the Army celebrated its third anniversary, Adjutant Graham was assisted in an anniversary meeting by Miss Brownlie of the Rescue Home, Dunedin.40

“Local and general,” Otago witness, (NZ, 9 January 1886), 9. Evening post, (NZ, 11 January 1886), 2. 33 “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 15 January 1886), 3. 34 “Advertising”, Evening star, (NZ, 15 January 1886), 3. 35 War cry, (NZ, 27 February 1886), 2. 36 Western star, (NZ, 20 March 1886), 2. 37 Evening star, (NZ, 15 March 1886), 2. 38 New Zealand times, (NZ, 18 March 1886), 2.; New Zealand mail, (NZ, 19 March 1886), 14.; North Otago times, (NZ, 19 March 1886), 4. 39 Although William Booth later used the title, “The Rescue Homes for Fallen Women” it was also written as “Rescue Homes (Fallen women)”, William Booth, In darkest England and the way out, (London, UK: The Salvation Army, 1890). 40 Western star, (NZ, 20 March 1886), 2. 31 32

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Back in January 1886, it had been announced that Miss Brownlie had offered her services as superintendent of a rescue home planned in Wellington.41 In April notices started appearing to the effect that the Brownlie millinery business was for sale. They stated in part, Misses Brownlie beg to announce that they are altogether retiring from business … The business has been established for thirteen years, and during even these last few years of commercial depression [our business] has been conducted with profit.42

Helen and Barbara Brownlie failed to sell their shop and the following notice appeared in the Evening star, in September 1886, “In consequence of Miss Brownlie retiring from the active management of the business, it will in future be under the personal direction of Miss B. D. Brownlie.”43 In April 1886, during Easter, Miss Brownlie spoke at a meeting about the Rescue Home44 and also in this month, a Dunedin Corps War cry report recorded that, Miss [Helen] Brownlie farewelled on Sunday night to a very crowded mass of saints and sinners... She spoke of rescue in Dunedin and the success that had been won through continual prayer and the help of the Saviour.45 Miss Brownlie and The Salvation Army Rescue Home, Wellington A female Rescue Home was opened by The Salvation Army in Marjoribanks Street, Wellington on 24 April 1886.46 Helen Brownlie was then almost 48 years of age. In June, she indicated that she proposed to be home every Monday from 2 till 5 o’clock for the purpose of seeing friends of rescue work at the Rescue Home in Wellington.47 An April War cry had reported that there were 20 women and two children resident in this Home.48 In August, Miss Brownlie was acknowledged as Matron of The Salvation Army Rescue Home in Wellington,49 but in later 1886 newspapers she was described as the Superintendent. Her name does not appear in the local papers after 1886.

The “at home” announcement for Miss Brownlie in support of the Rescue Home50

Western star, (NZ, 20 March 1886), 2. “Public notices”, Evening star, (NZ, 6 April 1886), 3. 43 “Public notices”, Evening star, (NZ, 27 September 1886), 4. 44 Wairarapa daily times, (NZ, 26 April 1886), 2. 45 War cry, (NZ, 24 April 1886), 2. 46 NZ Heritage Centre and Archives records. 47 “Advertisement”, Evening post, (NZ, 1 June 1886), 2. 48 War cry, (NZ, 17 April 1886). 49 New Zealand times, (NZ, 12 August 1886), 4. Both Brownlie sisters were listed as Dunedin residents in NZ City and Area Directories for 1886. In the publication for 1887 – 1888, neither of them is listed as residing in Wellington during these years. 50 “Advertisement”, Evening post, (NZ, 1 June 1886), 2. 42

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During her time in Wellington, Miss Helen Brownlie travelled to secure funds51 and addressed Army meetings in such places as Blenheim and Nelson. A report in a local newspaper on her address in Nelson is quite revealing. The report stated, At the meeting of The Salvation Army last night, Miss Brownlie, the Superintendent of the Wellington Rescue Home, gave an address specially on rescue work. The speaker, who is somewhat advanced in years, has a very kindly face, and speaks with a strong Scotch accent. She handled her subject in a delicate manner, and those who went expecting revelations and the holding up of shocking examples must have been disappointed, for the address was chiefly on that charity that faileth not, the irresistible power of love, the importance of cultivating humility such was exhibited by the Friend of Sinners; the importance of right home training (a mother’s work she ranked next to the Saviour’s); and in denouncing the drinking habits of society, which so largely contributed to increased vice in every community.52

After rescue work From January 1887, advertisements for the millinery business again showed the name as “H. and B. Brownlie”; it appeared the two sisters were again working with each other.53 At the end of 1887 a meeting of the Dunedin Hospital Trustees received a letter from a member of the non-Salvation Army Female Refuge Committee urging the need “for some speedy settlement of a home for receiving lying-in patients of all classes”. She indicated that a letter had been received, …from Miss Brownlie (the present tenant of the house in Hanover Street, known as Leith House, and occupied by The Salvation Army as a Rescue House) to the effect that she could promise to give up the house on or about the 1st of January 1888; and as all who know the house think it would be suitable for a ‘maternity’.”54

Once again, it is not clear which Miss Brownlie sent the above letter. Barbara was still running their Dunedin milliners’ shop, but it is possible that Helen had returned from Wellington. This letter seems to imply that the Brownlies were paying the rent for a Rescue Home run by The Salvation Army. Leith House had been rented by the Army for one year from January 1886. Did the Brownlies then meet the rent for a further year? Whatever the situation of the Brownlies and the property, in July 1888, Leith House, Howe Street was advertised to be let by Mrs Muir of View Street which shows a termination of relationship between the house and The Salvation Army.55 In 1890 the Brownlies were still connected with The Salvation Army, as in court it was heard that a “Mrs Brownlie”, most probably Miss Brownlie “of the Salvation Army” was to take care of a young woman rather than the girl be committed to “the Industrial School”.56 From this date no information could be found to link the Brownlie sisters with The Salvation Army; however they were still very active in Christian social causes. A Miss Brownlie was elected a member of a committee of supporters of the Prohibition movement at a meeting in the YWCA, Dunedin in 1891.57

“Local and general news”, Marlborough express, (NZ, 1 October 1886), 2. “A noble work”, The Colonist, (NZ,7 October 1886), 3. 53 See for example, “Miss Brownlie”, Evening star, (NZ, 28 January 1887), 4. 54 “Hospital trustees”, Evening star, (NZ, 22 December 1887), 4. The Hanover Street location would appear to be incorrect as the site of the original Rescue Home was Leith House in Howe Street. 55 “Late Advertisements”, Otago daily times, (NZ, 20 July 1888), 3. 56 “City Police Court”, Otago daily times, (NZ, 30 May 1890), 3. 57 Evening star, (NZ, 24 June 1891), 2. 51 52

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The signature of B. Douglas Brownlie headed page 101 of the 1893 petition to extend the franchise to women in New Zealand. It was hoped that women electors would favour prohibition and apply pressure on the liquor industry. The Misses Brownlie were living in Dunedin in the mid-90s at York Place between Albert Street and the corner of Arthur and Rattray Streets.58 Albert Street is not identified in the current Dunedin City map. Also, the sisters, with Mrs Captain Cook of The Salvation Army, were appointed by the Women’s Franchise League to certify enrolments of women on the rolls. The League’s aim was to extend the vote to women. It can be seen from the list below that their business still operated from Princes Street.59

Note the names of Helen and Barbara Brownlie and Mrs Captain Cook60

1892 – 1893 NZ City and Area Directories.; 1896 Electoral Roll. “Women’s Franchise League”, Evening star, (NZ, 23 September 1893), 3. 60 “Women’s Franchise League”, Evening star, (NZ, 23 September 1893), 3. 58 59

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In 1894, Peter Dick objected to the name of Barbara Brownlie appearing on the burgess list as owner of a section in Bell Ward – the objection was disallowed, no notice having been given.61 In August 1894, a Miss Hopkinson announced that she had taken on Miss Brownlie’s business.62 Helen Scott Brownlie and Barbara Douglas Brownlie were both listed on the 1896 Dunedin Electoral Roll. They do not appear subsequently. There was a Helen Rose Brownlie who played tennis and is also listed in Dunedin Electoral Rolls at the turn of the century. She should not be confused with Helen Scott Brownlie. At some point the Brownlie sisters returned to Scotland. They had been born at Blantyre, southwest of Glasgow and Barbara Douglas Brownlie died on 14 June 1919 at Rothesay, on the Isle of Bute, to the east of Glasgow. Her address was 16 Montague Street. Her sister, Helen Scott Brownlie, was her executrix.63 Helen was then also living at Rothesay. Helen Scott Brownlie was residing at 75 King Street, East Helensburgh, Scotland, when she died on 3 March 1920. Confirmation was granted at Dumbarton on 14 June to her next-of-kin, John Douglas Brownlie, a Glasgow dental surgeon.64 This would seem to be the Helen Brownlie that had lived in Dunedin as Douglas was both the middle name of her next-of-kin and her sister. A basic question remains. Did the Brownlie sisters take female converts and needy women into their own home or did they just rent accommodation for them? Also, did the Brownlie sisters continue their association with The Salvation Army during their latter years in New Zealand and Scotland? In a lecture to cadets of London’s International Training College in the 1970s, Lt.-Colonel Bernard Watson asserted that poverty-stricken people were rarely “joiners” as they seldom belonged to any group, association or church. He suggested that the early Army was dependent on the conversion of artisans and menial workers for it to become established. Additional to such converts there were also some recruits like the Brownlies, who were committed Christians and people of substance. They welcomed and were convinced by the Army’s temperance stance, its salvation emphasis and its commitment to the effective, practical care of the needy.

Salvation Army History Snapshot

Evening star, (NZ, 26 February 1894), 3. Evening star, (NZ, 18 August 1894), 3. 63 1919 Scottish Probate Register. 64 1920 Scottish Probate Register. 62

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An image of a Salvation Army missionary officer1

“The Army missionary officer”, The war cry, (Wellington, 3 September 1932), 1.

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NEW ZEALAND SALVATION ARMY WOMEN OFFICERS WHO SERVED OVERSEAS, 1907 – 1960 Raewyn Hendy The Mission Field demands various classes of workers – each using different instrumentalities. Preachers, translators, teachers, native pastors, printers, catechists and handicraftsmen – all are needed. But beside these are another class, not one whit less important, namely Female Missionaries.2

Missionary service dramatically expanded the sphere of action available to Christian women. Protestant evangelical women were a significant part of the missionary enterprise as not only did they contribute large amounts towards fundraising for missionary work but by the 1890s the number of female missionaries serving overseas was almost equal to the number of men.3 Over the period from 1900 to 1960 the nature of missionary work changed a great deal, moving from an emphasis on a knowledgeable and superior foreign missionary to missionaries who were prepared to work with indigenous peoples and adopt a much greater degree of cross-race collegiality.4 This article will not attempt a postcolonial critique of missionary endeavours of the period but solely focus on the roles and responsibilities given to New Zealand women Salvation Army officers who served overseas compared to those who remained at home in New Zealand.5 Although missionary work often gave women opportunities not available to them in their home countries, much missionary work did not always challenge established ideas about gender roles, with many women missionaries primarily working in traditionally female roles such as nursing. Importantly women missionaries were seen as having a special role in ministering to, and in the evangelising of, other women. In 1917 Mrs Lieutenant-Colonel Minnie Carpenter of The Salvation Army noted;

Reference citation of this paper; Raewyn Hendy, “New Zealand Salvation Army women officers who served overseas, 1907 – 1960”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 50 – 60. 2 E.R. Pitman, Lady missionaries in many lands, (London: Pickering & Inglis, 1929), 5. 3 Susan Thorne, “Missionary-Imperial Feminism” in Mary Taylor Huber and Nancy C. Lutkehaus eds., Gendered missions: Women and men in missionary discourse and practices, (Ann Arbor, USA: The University of Michigan Press, 1999), 41.; Peter Williams, “‘The missing link’: The recruitment of women missionaries in some evangelical English missionary societies in the Nineteenth Century” in Fiona Bowie, Deborah Kirkwood and Shirley Ardener eds., Women and missions: Past and present: Anthropological and historical perceptions, (Providence, USA: Berg, 1993), 43.; Pitman, Lady missionaries, 8 – 9. 4 Ruth Compton Brouwer, Modern women modernizing men: The changing missions of three professional women in Asia and Africa, 1902-69, (Vancouver, Canada: UBC Press, 2002), 11 – 33. 5 It is important to note as Mary Taylor Huber and Nancy C. Lutkehaus wrote in Gendered missions that “Religious causes enabled many women to go overseas, and women missionaries helped provide many subject women with access to education and opportunities they would not have otherwise enjoyed. Yet neither of these liberating enlightening moves was without deep shadows both for the women missionaries and the indigenous people they lived among.” Mary Taylor Huber and Nancy C. Lutkehaus eds., Gendered missions: Women and men in missionary discourse and practices, (Ann Arbor, USA: The University of Michigan Press, 1999), 7 – 8. See also Thorne, “Missionary-Imperial Feminism”, 39 – 65. Rhonda Semple’s chapter “Professionalising their faith: Women, religion and the cultures of mission and empire”, in Sue Morgan and Jacqueline DeVries eds., Women, gender and religious cultures in Britain, 1800-1940, (London, UK: Routledge, 2010) , 117 – 137, had a discussion on missionary women and the imperial project and Tony Ballantyne’s “Religion, difference and the limits of British imperial history”, Victorian Studies, 427 – 455 looked at six recent books on the subject of the relationship between missionary activity and Empire. Elizabeth Prevost’s article “Assessing women, gender and empire in Britain’s Nineteenth Century Protestant Missionary Movement”, History compass, 7, 3, (2009), 765 – 799 also outlined current research in this area.

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The only safe way of taking the West to the Chinese woman is to take it through Christ. Christian women, with hearts full of great love and patience, must take the Gospel to the Chinese women in their homes and teach them how to live.6

This is also noted in an article in The Sydney morning herald describing the work of a New Zealand woman missionary officer. Speaking of the missionary work, Major Battersby said the native methods were very crude, yet they resented help from a white male doctor. However, they did not object so strongly to a white woman, and a great deal of work has been done by women in this direction.7

An article in The war cry in 1945 noted that around twenty-five New Zealand officers were working on the mission field and this number seems to have been relatively constant from 19201960.8 For this study I selected twenty-three Salvation Army women officers who served overseas from 1907 to 1960 and examined their career paths. Sixteen were unmarried when they served overseas and seven were married. The Salvation Army missionary narrative in New Zealand before 1960 is dominated by two male medical missionaries, Dr Bramwell Cook9 and Dr Kingsley Mortimer,10 with their activities featuring extensively in The war cry and in other Salvation Army publications, but these men were joined by other male officers and also large numbers of female officers who played prominent roles in the work of The Salvation Army in India, other parts of Asia and Africa. The roles undertaken by New Zealand women officers overseas While somewhat less visible and less frequently reported on than their male contemporaries, the activities of the women who served overseas are reported in The war cry and it is apparent that they often undertook significant positions of responsibility on the mission field. Most of them undertook roles in nursing and teaching but some also did administrative and corps work. Significantly many of these women Salvation Army officers who served overseas were given roles and responsibilities on the mission field that they would not have been given at home in New Zealand. Examples of women officers who achieve significant responsibilities overseas include Evangeline (Eva) Radcliffe who was appointed a divisional commander in Ceylon (Sri Lanka) in 1939.11 In Japan Annie Smyth12 dealt with Japanese and Western businessmen, soliciting funds for the work of The Salvation Army in Japan, organising safe houses for foreign seamen and escorting large parties of men from British and American warships around Tokyo.13 Agnes Morgan14 took Minnie Lindsay Carpenter, “The awakening of China: The women of the flowery land”, The war cry, (Wellington, 22 December 1917), 14. 7 “Medical work: Salvation Army field in Africa: Interesting visitor”, The Sydney morning herald, (Sydney, 16 March 1936), 4. 8 “Scanning the mission field: Why New Zealanders should be thrilled with pride to share in the annual self-denial effort”, The war cry, (Wellington, 15 September 1945), 5. 9 Dr Bramwell Cook retired with the rank of Lieut.-Commissioner. 10 Dr Kingsley Mortimer resigned from Salvation Army officership and went on to become Associate Professor of Anatomy, Auckland University Medical School, 1969-1975. 11 It would be another 15 years before a woman officer was appointed to be a divisional commander in New Zealand, with the appointment of Edna Grice, in 1954. Eva Radcliffe retired with the rank of Major. 12 Annie Smyth retired with the rank of Brigadier. 13 Barbara Sampson, Women of spirit: Life-Stories of New Zealand Salvation Army women from the last 100 years, (Wellington, New Zealand: The Salvation Army, 1993), 42 – 43.; Cyril R. Bradwell, Fight the good fight: The story of The Salvation Army in New Zealand 1883-1983, (Wellington, New Zealand: Reed, 1982), 161, 108 – 109. 14 Agnes Morgan retired with the rank of Major. 6

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charge of the Peking Central Corps in China in 1947.15 Jean Gould was appointed Literary Officer for Burma, Ceylon, India and Pakistan in 1960.16 This appointment involved the development of educational and literary programmes in many languages.17 In the field of education, Ivy Cresswell served in East Africa as a teacher with 70 schools under her direction.18 Lavinia Benson19 also worked in Salvation Army educational institutions in Africa from 1945 onwards, and by 1964 was responsible for 164 schools, 800 teachers and 32,000 pupils.20 In nursing, one of New Zealand’s earliest Salvation Army missionaries was Alice Law,21 who in 1907 served as the first matron of The Salvation Army hospital at Anand, India.22 Many New Zealand women officers who went on to hold significant positions in the organisation internationally in the years after 1960 gained their experience in overseas postings.23 Like many married women officers in The Salvation Army in New Zealand, officer wives who served overseas faced the dilemma of trying to combine some kind of public ministry with their family and domestic duties, or devoting their time solely to domestic and family life, thus enabling their husbands to focus on their professional responsibilities. Mrs Eva Argyle24 and Mrs Dorothy Cook,25 both of whose husbands served at the Emery Hospital in India, clearly show these two perspectives. An article in The war cry in 1941 noted that Mrs Eva Argyle was “handicapped somewhat for public work on account of her two little daughters [but she] takes the opportunity to visit the sick and sorrowing…whilst the Major is at home at midday”.26 In the obituary of Mrs Dorothy Cook it was recorded that when she was asked what her ministry was would reply, “To be beside my husband, Bram, to make possible his life’s work”.27

The cover of a Salvation Army biography of Frederick Booth-Tucker written by Jean Gould28 15

Bradwell, Fight the good fight, 162. Jean Gould retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. 17 Bradwell, Fight the good fight, 165. 18 “Street appeal”, Evening post, (Wellington, 11 October 1945), 8. Ivy Cresswell retired with the rank of Brigadier. 19 Lavinia Benson retired with the rank of Brigadier. 20 “New editor appointed”, The war cry, (Wellington, 27 February 1971), 2. 21 Alice Law (later Carter) retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. 22 Bradwell, Fight the good fight, 161. 23 For example, Vera Williamson went on to become chief secretary for the South East Indian Territory in 1977, and Moira Wright would become the first New Zealand woman officer to command a Salvation Army territory when she was appointed to command Singapore/Malaysia in 1987. 24 Eva Argyle retired with the rank of Brigadier. 25 Dorothy Cook retired with the rank of Lieut.-Commissioner. 26 “N.Z. missionary officers write of their doings and their happiness in their work”, The war cry, (Wellington, 12 April 1941), 10. 27 “A courageous and gracious woman who heeded God’s call”, The war cry, (Wellington, 30 May 1992), 7. 28 Image courtesy of Garth R. Hentzschel. 16

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Motivation for service on the mission field Evangelism Evangelism was the primary motivation of Salvation Army officers who served on the mission field. Ensign Nellie O. Newton, when serving in China in 1918 wrote, “[o]h the privileges of being here and striving to win these dear souls for God!”.29 Annie Smyth would greet people in the street in Japanese with the question “[a]re you saved?”30 Throughout the period under discussion, the salvation of souls remained the primary motivation, but over time as well as preaching the need for conversion, The Salvation Army along with many other missionary organisations, began to focus on a more indirect form of evangelism through the provision of education facilities and health services for local people. The priorities of The Salvation Army are clearly shown in this comment by Ivy Williams, who when serving as a nurse and Women’s Social Secretary in South Africa, described the William Eadie Hospital, as “a hospital with clinic [which] provides for so many who stand in need of the gospel message, as well as medical care”.31 As evangelism became less politically and culturally acceptable in many of the host nations, The Salvation Army turned to providing social services with a less obvious evangelistic motive. A calling from God to overseas service Virtually all women missionaries felt they had been called to the work. Unlike appointments in New Zealand, Salvation Army officers were able to decide whether or not they would accept an appointment to the mission field. Often at quite a young age many women missionaries note that they experienced a sense that God required them to serve as missionaries, sometimes writing that even the specific country had been made known to them. For example, Vera Williamson32 wrote in her memoir, “[s]ure that God must have a plan for my life, in childish simplicity I knelt at a box in my room and asked him to tell me what it was. I got up knowing I should go to India”.33 Bessie Forsyth,34 who spent twenty-six years in Ceylon, felt called to missionary service at age ten and Moira Wright35 felt a “clear call from God to go to China” also at a young age.36 Maud Carmichael (nee Sowton)37 noted that “[o]ne night she was especially led to pray for China and the conviction came to her that she ought to volunteer for service there herself” and Dorothy Elphick38 recorded that “the destination came as a clear unmistakable call to service in Papua New Guinea, one day as [I] stood at the kitchen sink”.39 In a frank interview on her missionary service, Jean Gould noted “I came for the Lord’s sake!” and wrote that she had never felt a flair for missionary work, nor had she wanted to see the world, but she had received a cable from International Nellie O. Newton, “New Zealander’s Christmas in China”, The war cry, (Wellington, 6 April 1918), 6. Sampson, Women of spirit, 44. 31 “New Zealand officer supervises hospitals”, The war cry, (Wellington, 14 January 1967), 7. 32 Vera Williamson retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. 33 Vera Williamson, The inside story, (self-published manuscript, 2003), 10. 34 Bessie Forsyth retired with the rank of Major. 35 Moira Wright retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. 36 “Servants of God…Enter thy Master’s joy”, The war cry, (Wellington, 4 February 1984), 9.; “Doors were opened”, The war cry, (Wellington, 1 February 1958), 9. 37 Maud Carmichael (later Sowton) retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. 38 Dorothy Elphick retired with the rank of Major. 39 “Chinese soldiers were puzzled”, The war cry, (Wellington, 8 February 1930), 9.; Sampson, Women of spirit, 177. 29 30

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Headquarters asking if she would be willing to go, and because she had been asked and felt called by God, she went.40 Some women officers went after being made aware of a particular need. For example, in 1917, The war cry noted that the General had cabled the commissioner to ask for four women officers, to be part of a party “for the pioneer work of The Salvation Army amongst the four hundred millions of Chinese” and “The Commissioner has agreed to accept…Adjutant Newton…Captain Andrews…Captain Wilkinson…and Captain Smith”.41 After World War Two KiaOra Tyler42 volunteered to go to Indonesia after hearing that long serving missionaries there needed a rest.43

Captain Moira Wright when matron of The Salvation Army’s Home in Kuching, Sarawak, Malaysia44

Opportunities for travel and adventure Many women officers found missionary service provided them with opportunities for travel and adventure, which as New Zealand women of limited means, they would be unlikely to have. For example, in the course of her missionary career, Agatha Battersby45 lived in Japan, Korea, Southern Rhodesia, South Africa and Kenya. Memoirs written by these women, their letters to friends and family in New Zealand, and articles they sent home to be published in The war cry are full of accounts of their travels and adventures. There was also the challenge of learning new languages, new physical challenges and adjusting to different cultures. The autobiographical accounts written by these women are full of stories of their adventures living as independent women in a foreign country. The experiences available to them were far greater than they would have had if they had remained as officers in New Zealand. Many of them identified with the culture in which they had chosen to serve. Annie Smyth on being asked by The war cry editor how she felt about returning to New Zealand in 1939, commented that, she felt “as though my roots have been plucked out of my adopted soil!” and went on to explain that having lived half a lifetime in Japan, living and speaking as the people lived

Jean Gould papers held at the New Zealand Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, Upper Hutt. “Concerning China”, The war cry, (Wellington, 27 January 1917), 5.; Bradwell, Fight the good fight, 162. 42 Kia-Ora Tyler retired with the rank of Brigadier. 43 Kia-Ora Tyler, “A good Samaritan”, The war cry, (Wellington, 23 April 1966), 5. 44 “One in our aim”, The officer, 20, 3 (March 1969), 183-184, 184. 45 Agatha Battersby (later Thurley) retired with the rank of Brigadier. 41

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and spoke and learning to love them, it was a difficult matter to break away.46 Sampson wrote that Smyth “studied the Bible in Japanese and was an avid reader of Japanese literature. She absorbed the culture, adapting herself to Japanese life and thought, identifying fully with the people”.47 Professional development The great majority of women officers who served on the mission field had professional skills, primarily in nursing and teaching, and service overseas offered increased professional opportunities and challenges. Jean Gould, who had trained as a kindergarten teacher in New Zealand, noted in her memoir that as literary officer her main duty had been To encourage Indian officers to write creative work of substance and quality in their own languages [and that she had] no formal training…[and] was inadequately prepared. Humanly speaking as I said, “I was without degrees and training that might have been thought essential for such a varied programme of work as came my way in those unforgettable 23 years [emphasis as in original].48

Opportunities for nurse-officers in New Zealand were largely limited to maternity hospitals, but overseas missionary hospitals provided a wider range of services and therefore more professional opportunities. Vera Williamson for example found this when appointed to serve in India, she wrote that With only basic qualifications and limited nursing I fully expected, when appointed to the hospital [Catherine Booth Hospital, Nagercoil, South India] to work as a staff nurse. Within a few months I found myself Superintendent of Nurses and sole tutor to a lower grade School of Nursing.49

The Salvation Army in New Zealand offered no opportunities for those with teaching qualifications to work as teachers in a school environment but there were significant opportunities, particularly in Africa, at Salvation Army educational institutions. This is shown for example in the cases of Ivy Cresswell and Lavinia Benson, whose significant roles have previously been mentioned. Prestige and respect Missionary service gave women officers a sense that they were respected, both within The Salvation Army and in their communities back in New Zealand. Service overseas gave them recognition and prestige, with accounts of their activities published in The war cry and occasionally in secular newspapers, and they were in demand as speakers when on furlough back in New Zealand. Many women who served overseas were older, unmarried, more experienced officers. For Salvation Army women officers there was a limited pool of potential marriage partners in New Zealand and service overseas may have been seen as offering a more interesting and fulfilling life than that of a single officer in New Zealand. Some however looked on missionary service as their life’s calling and chose the single life in order to achieve it. Annie Smyth, for example, turned down a marriage proposal

“Brigadier Annie Smyth returns”, The war cry, (Wellington, 7 October 1939), 4. Annie Smyth returned reluctantly to New Zealand following the outbreak of World War Two having intended to retire in Japan. She was subsequently appointed to the Wairoa Corps and along with her sister was brutally murdered there in 1942. 47 Sampson, Women of spirit, 44. 48 Gould papers. 49 Williamson, The inside story, 33 – 34. 46

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because she was determined to serve as a missionary in Japan.50 In her notebook, Jean Gould made some notes for a talk which was to be entitled “Single, yet undismayed!”51 Vera Williamson wrote that “when I answered God’s call to missionary service, I accepted the single life as my lot”.52 Problems associated with overseas service Service on the mission field was often arduous, exhausting, stressful and damaging to the health of those that undertook it, with high levels of stress associated with adjusting to a different physical environment and culture, coping with rapid changes, dealing with the local population, relationships with colleagues, criticism from home, maintenance of family life for those with children and maintaining family and friendship connections with those at home.53 These problems are clear to see in the writings of the women officers who served on the mission field. Vera Williamson highlighted the problem of cultural adjustment in her memoirs. She wrote The zealous young missionary is consumed with a desire to DO THINGS. She beats her fists against a brick wall of indifference, and her fists get calloused. Perhaps calloused knees would have accomplished more. Or maybe the wall isn’t a wall of indifference at all, only a wall of different thinking. Perhaps it could be taken down brick by brick with patient hands [emphasis as in original].54

There were difficulties in maintaining family and marital relationships on the mission field, with husbands often absent and children having to be sent away to school. For example, an article on Major and Mrs Argyle noted that “Mrs Argyle is preparing to take Eunice away to school [and that] this is one of the major sacrifices made by Missionary Comrades”.55 An article on Mrs Askew noted that “The Adjutant’s distant work will take him from home six months of the year”.56 Several of the missionary officers whose careers I have looked at suffered physical health problems as a result of their time overseas. Male officers, for example, Ivan Argyle, also suffered ongoing health issues but my research shows that it was overwhelmingly female officers who suffered health issues as a likely result of their service overseas. Some examples include, Dorothy Cook who suffered ongoing health issues after overseas missionary service, Kia-Ora Tyler who was forced because of ill-health to return from overseas, and Mina Fordyce’s service in Malaysia was also cut short because of health issues.57 The Salvation Army recognised that service on the mission field involved a greater likelihood of health issues and allowed officers who had served more than twenty years in the tropics to retire five years earlier. Jean Gould wrote in her memoirs that she had been a corps officer in a particularly difficult corps in New Zealand where there had been a sign above the Mercy Seat which read “Endure hardness as a good soldier of Christ” noting that she took this memory with her to the mission field.58 An officer friend had also given her a word of Scripture, “I 50

Sampson, Women of spirit, 42. Gould papers. 52 Williamson, The inside story, 65. 53 Bowie, Kirkwood and Ardener, Women and missions, 8. 54 Williamson, The inside story, 32. 55 “N.Z. missionary officers”, The war cry, (Wellington, 12 April 1941), 10. 56 “Personal pars”, The war cry, (Wellington, 11 November 1940), 8. 57 ‘Argyle’, “Caught in the spotlight”, The war cry, (Wellington, 21 July 1945), 10.; H. Bramwell Cook, White Gujaratis, Bramwell and Dorothy Cook, (Christchurch, New Zealand: H. Bramwell Cook, 2007), 194.; Tyler, “A good Samaritan”, The war cry, (Wellington, 23 April 1966), 5.; Mina Fordyce, “Doors were opened”, The war cry, (Wellington, 1 February 1958), 9. 58 Gould papers. 51

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will be to you a little sanctuary among the heathen” and she remarked that for her the sanctuary was a mosquito net and the heathen were the mosquitos and other flying insects.59 Service on the mission field did not mean that officers were immune to personality conflicts with other officers or to problems with the leadership of The Salvation Army as is illustrated by Jean Gould’s comments when she described her reaction to being given a difficult task by a field secretary in India, noting that,“[a]t times like this I could see the T.C. [Territorial Commander] frowning at me, daring me to burst into tears. So I didn’t”.60 The difficulties of life on the mission field are encapsulated in a letter from Dr A. Bramwell Cook at Emery Hospital in India to Vera Williamson, in which he welcomed her to India and wrote I have been saddened to see many beautiful nurses come out full of hope and ambition who, in a short time have become disappointed, soured or heart-broken by the hardness of the road or misunderstandings of various sorts. May I ask you not to lose your experience? ... Be determined to let nothing dim your call…61

There is some evidence to suggest that The Salvation Army was unsure what to do with women officers when they returned from missionary service. This is perhaps exemplified by Ivy Cresswell’s career after she returned from missionary service in Africa. During her time in Africa, as well as serving as a teacher, she had for many years been editor of the East African edition of The war cry, a position that necessitated fluency in several languages. 62 Following her return to New Zealand she was appointed to the position of editor of The young soldier, the children’s section of The war cry, where under the pen name of Cousin Tui she responded to letters from young Salvationists. She held this position for 24 years. The career card of the male officer who held the position of editor of The war cry for some of those 24 years indicates that his previous career had been as a grocer’s assistant. Appointments for returning male officers seem to have been less of a problem as they continued to progress in their careers following missionary service. This progression is illustrated by the careers of Dr A. Bramwell Cook following his return from India, went on to become chief secretary for New Zealand and then territorial commander for Australia Eastern Territory, and Tom McKenzie63 who after his return from service in Africa held various appointments before becoming divisional commander of the Southern and then the Canterbury/Westland divisions. Characteristics of women officers who served overseas The women officers who undertook service on the mission field were often second-generation Salvationists or women who were better educated, often with tertiary or professional qualifications. Annie Smyth had won a scholarship to Wellington Girls’ College in 1899 and graduated with a B.A. from Victoria College of the University of New Zealand.64 Gwenyth Norman,65 Ivy Cresswell, Lavinia Benson and Laura Dutton66 were also university graduates. Mavis Mortimer had a medical

Gould papers. Gould papers. 61 Vera Williamson papers held at the New Zealand Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, Upper Hutt. 62 At this time, the East Africa Territory was comprised of Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika (now Tanzania). 63 Tom McKenzie retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. 64 Sampson, Women of spirit, 41 – 42.; Beryl Hughes and Shelia Ahern, Redbrick and bluestockings: Women at Victoria, 1889-1993, (Wellington: Victoria University Press, 1993), 21. 65 Gwenyth Norman retired with the rank of Brigadier. 66 Laura Dutton retired with the rank of Brigadier. 60

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degree and Lillian Abel,67 Alice Law and Vera Williamson were all qualified nurses. The Salvation Army in New Zealand was not always happy to lose high calibre officers to overseas territories. Laura Dutton had her application for overseas service declined on the grounds that she was needed in New Zealand. Laura, however, took the opportunity of speaking with Mrs General Carpenter when she was visiting New Zealand in 1946, and within a few months she was on her way to Africa. 68 Male officers with tertiary or professional qualifications could progress through the ranks and use their abilities in New Zealand as staff officers or administrators or in other senior roles as well as take up opportunities on the mission field. For women officers with tertiary or professional qualifications the opportunities open to them were more limited and service overseas presented an attractive option which enabled them to fulfil both their professional and evangelical ambitions. The language used to describe women who served overseas is very revealing. In obituaries and other War cry articles on women who served in New Zealand there is often an emphasis on their caring, nurturing and sacrificial service. For example, Ellen Smith was described as “highly respected for her devoted service [and] the desire to serve was evident to the end”69 and Merle Kennerly “lived for others” and undertook “selfless service.”70 Women officers who served overseas are described differently and there is a definite sense that they were highly regarded by the organisation. Robson has suggested that, … women who succeed in the Church are often described as extraordinary women which implies that they are unusual, not the ordinary run of women…not normative…the exception to the rule [emphasis as in original].71

The language used to describe women missionary officers supports Robson’s suggestion and shows that The Salvation Army regarded these women as exceptional and different from the norm. Articles and obituaries highlight their abilities and intelligence. Some examples are included in the Table below. Name of women officer who served overseas

Description(s) given about the women officer

Evangeline Radcliffe

“a heroine” “gave impression of austerity”72

Jean Gould

“an individualist with a fine mind, a strong will and resolute principles”73

Lavinia Benson

“a capable administrator and a great mind” “she abhorred woolly thinking” “expressed her convictions fearlessly and pungently” “a force to be reckoned with” “tenacity of purpose and professional and spiritual integrity”74

Lillian Abel retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. Sampson, Women of spirit, 162. 69 The war cry, (Wellington, 19 September 1970), 2. Ellen Smith retired with the rank of Brigadier. 70 The war cry, (Wellington, 3 October 1970). Merle Kennerly retired with the rank of Major. 71 Jill Robson, “Ministry or profession: Clergy double-talk” in Monica Furlong ed., Mirror to the Church: Reflections on sexism, (London: SPCK, 1988), 117. 72 The war cry, (Wellington, 17 June 1972), 12. 73 The war cry, (Wellington, 9 March 1991), 10. 74 The war cry, (Wellington, 2 December 1972), 11.; The war cry, (Wellington, 13 January 1973), 16. 68

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Name of women officer who served overseas

Description(s) given about the women officer

Ivy Cresswell

“a person of knowledge and steadfastness” 75

Agatha Battersby

“a formidable but dedicated lady of remarkable versatility”76

Moira Wright

“skilled administrator and collaborator” “set high standards for herself and could be fierce”77

“she had a mind of her own” “a faith of action” 79 Table One: Examples of language used to describe women officers who served overseas

Arrina Bridge (nee Packer)78

Conclusion On the mission field during this period there appears to be a greater sense of gender equality, with not only complementary roles for women, but also egalitarian roles, due to the unique professional skills that many women officers could offer. Both genders had unique skills which they could contribute. All officers, regardless of gender, were dependent on each other. There was a pressing need to get the job done, and great spiritual and physical needs to attend to. There is evidence to suggest that married women officers on the mission field sometimes struggled to find a role for themselves.80 The mission field allowed pragmatic decision making, possibly less adherence to regulations, and a chance for women officers to gain experience, which enabled them to take up leadership positions. Service on the mission field was clearly based on merit and ability with a person’s skill set more important than their gender. Women officers were able to achieve positions of responsibility, prestige, and power on the mission field which their male colleagues were able to achieve by service in New Zealand. Service overseas enabled many women officers to achieve greater levels of seniority, as well as increased opportunities and status, compared to that achieved by their female colleagues who remained in New Zealand.

The war cry, (Wellington, 19 January 1974), 14. Cyril R. Bradwell, Touched with splendour, (Wellington, New Zealand: Flag Publications, 2003), 124. 77 The war cry, (Wellington, 21 April 2012), 18. 78 Arrina Bridge retired with the rank of Lieut.-Colonel. 79 The war cry, (Wellington, 11 June 1977), 10. 80 See for example, Cook, White Gujaratis, 117 – 118. 76

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MEET THE AUTHOR Publications about The Salvation Army and by Salvationists are often referenced, cited, critiqued and evaluated without the reviewer knowing anything about the author. In an attempt to introduce the authors of Salvation Army works to their readership The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history will, from time to time, ask authors to contribute to this section of the journal, “Meet the Author”. This paper introduces readers to a New Zealand Salvation Army officer, educator, author and historian, who has written a number of items on Salvation Army history.

Kingsley Sampson1 I was born in Christchurch, New Zealand in 1944 and was one year old on VE Day. My parents were Salvationists. My mother was an officer maternity nurse who left the work to marry my father. Molly had been born to a single mother in a Salvation Army maternity home and that was where her connection with The Salvation Army began. My father was a returned serviceman who had been a medic in the Middle East as part of the 2nd NZ Expeditionary Force (2NZEF). His parents were Salvationists and he had been an officer for a few years before the war. My parents attended the Linwood Corps in Christchurch and I still have the Bible that was given to me by family friends on the occasion of my dedication in June 1944. My parent’s marriage did not last and when I was eleven, my mother remarried. During my childhood, we lived in Christchurch, Dunedin and Invercargill. I went to primary schools in Dunedin, Invercargill and rural Southland and secondary school (Southland Boys’ High) in Invercargill. My secondary schooling was facilitated by my step-father Bill McGowan’s willingness to pay my boarding school fees so I could take an academic course in the city. Initially this was for three years but was then extended for a further year. This was after Lance Blaikie, my high school careers’ master, made a private appeal to my parents to allow me a fourth year at high school so I could study for university entrance. In my mid-teens I responded, albeit reluctantly at first, to a call to officership given as was the custom in those days in the afternoon meeting of the annual youth councils. It was not something I wanted to do but it has proved to be a very fulfilling vocation. In preparation for officer training and also the prospect of missionary service, I felt led to undertake teacher training which I did at Dunedin Teachers’ College (1962 – 63). At the same time, I began part-time university studies as teacher training at that time in New Zealand was only a two-year certificate course and not a degree course. My desire to go as far as I could with my studies was influenced by the words of our then chief secretary Colonel (later Commissioner) Dr Bram Cook. He advised prospective candidates to prepare themselves for officership in the best way they could and then present themselves to the Army for service. Over the next few years (1964 – 1970) I completed a BA majoring in history and then a MA also in history at the University of Otago. I did this by teaching for a couple of years, saving my money and then going back to university for a year’s study, then returning to teaching for a couple of years before returning to university and so on. It was during this time that Barbara and I married in 1968. In all, I taught for a total of six years in primary, intermediate (middle) and secondary schools before Barbara and I with one child, our son Michael entered the officer training college in Wellington Reference citation of this paper; Kingsley Sampson, “Meet the author”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 61 – 67. 1

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Photograph of Major Kingsley Sampson2

Photograph courtesy of Philip Sampson.

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as members of the ‘Followers of Christ’ session. I also began studying for a diploma of education with Massey University in 1971 and completed this in 1976. During my schooling, university and early teaching years, I was associated with Invercargill, Dunedin South, Dunedin North and Gore Corps. I completed higher grade corps cadets and for several years, sang in the songsters and played in the band (cornet and baritone). I played guitar in corps pop/rhythm/beat groups in the 1960s at Dunedin South (The Heralds) and Invercargill (His Ambassadors) and was a YPSM for a total of four years at Dunedin North and Gore. For this role, further training with Child Evangelism Fellowship helped me apply what I had learned in teacher training to Sunday school work in a corps. We had one year in training college (1973) and were then appointed as cadet-lieutenants to Island Bay, a small suburban corps in Wellington for one year (1974). Our daughter Joanne was born during this year. We were commissioned in January 1975 and appointed to Chikankata Secondary School in Zambia for what we thought would be a lifetime of missionary service. I taught history, civics and English among other things at the school and for two-three years, had responsibility for the corps attached to the school. I also participated in an initiative called Chikankata Bible School. These were short Bible courses run in the school holidays for corps leaders and local officers. They were an attempt to give some Bible teaching to Zambian Salvationists who, due to the scarcity of officers had been placed in positions of responsibility but with little or no bible and leadership training. Coming to grips with a new environment and culture was daunting. At times, even though I was 30 years old, I felt like a baby who knew nothing, especially when various customs were the complete opposite of what I was familiar with in New Zealand. Today we would call this culture shock and it highlighted to me the need for cultural orientation and language learning before missionaries take up an appointment in a country not of their birth. Fortunately Lieutenant David Wells, a staff member at Chikankata had realised this lack and had prepared some helpful orientation material for new arrivals. While we were at Chikankata, the term of service for missionary officers in southern Africa was reduced from five to four years but we served less than three and a half years – from February 1975 to June 1978. Our early return to New Zealand was precipitated by two things: Barbara needed repeat surgery for melanoma and our daughter needed heart surgery. We hoped we could return to Chikankata and overseas service after the surgeries and a period of recuperation but that proved impossible. Instead we settled back into life in New Zealand where we have remained ever since, apart from some short overseas trips. We still look back with gratitude to our Zambia days and the colleagues we worked with have remained life-long friends. We remain especially grateful for the medical care given by the Chikankata hospital doctors, Captains Paul du Plessis and Graham Calvert. Back in New Zealand, I served on territorial headquarters (THQ) from late 1978 until the end of 1983. My first appointment was as an assistant in the youth and candidates’ department (1978 – 1981) and then as secretary for education (1982 – 1983). During these years I had responsibility for candidates’ lesson and post-commissioning studies, refresher courses for officers and other assigned duties. These years at THQ helped me come to grips with Salvation Army administration procedures, something which proved valuable in subsequent appointments. Barbara had no official appointment during this time and concentrated on her health and our children. She also began writing.3 We attended

For more, see Barbara Sampson, “Meet the author. Words”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, (September, 2020), 69 – 72. 3

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Island Bay Corps again, this time as officer soldiers. I eventually took up the role of corps sergeantmajor. In 1984 we were appointed to New Lynn Corps in west Auckland. The corps had begun in the neighbouring suburb of Avondale in 1928 and after a period of growth in the 1960s and 1970s, had relocated to New Lynn in 1976. The corps had a full roster of musical and YP sections and a large home league. I found it a very challenging appointment, especially trying to manage the various competing groups in the corps and hold them to an agreed purpose and direction. I also discovered how much of a corps officer’s time is taken up with administration. Among initiatives during our time were the employment of an office secretary and a corps youth worker plus the introduction of a computer for corps administration. These were right at the beginning of such developments, things which are now standard and taken for granted. During these years the increasing complexity of corps finance and secretarial tasks convinced me that the time would come when these would no longer be done on a voluntary basis by a corps treasurer and a corps secretary. I had been captivated by the concept of church growth since my days in Zambia. New Lynn had already planted a new corps further west at Massey (now Westgate) in 1982 and I wondered where else the Army might be planted in west Auckland. We did some initial planning for this in our final year (1988) and after we were transferred, two new corps were planted, one at Henderson (called Waitakere Central Corps, aka the Faith Factory) in 1991 and one at Glen Eden in 1993. Waitakere continues strongly but Glen Eden closed in 2020. Our next appointment was Sydenham Corps in Christchurch. This was another corps with strong musical and other sections but facing leadership challenges due to a number of children of the regiment becoming nominal rather than active Salvationists. This meant that there were fewer younger, energetic Salvationists to replace older soldiers in leadership positions, some of whom had held their roles for many years. After two years at Sydenham (1989-1990), we were appointed to the officer training college in Upper Hutt. This ‘new’ college in a campus style had been opened in 1983 as the territory’s centenary project. My role as education officer brought together all the pre-college training I had done and all I had experienced in the first 16 years of my officership. I remained at the college until I retired, serving first as education officer (1991-2001) and then as academic registrar and education consultant (20022007). I also completed a Bachelor of Divinity from Melbourne College of Divinity during these years. As well as the administration involved in the education officer’s role such as timetabling, teaching resources, library oversight and assessment of cadets, I had a full teaching load in a variety of subjects. In addition, for six years, I taught in an in-service officer training course in preaching introduced to New Zealand by Major Barry Pobjie and Captain Peter Farthing. I also taught two preaching courses for the Singapore and Malaysia Command in 1994 and 1995 and along with Barbara did teaching on holiness and preaching in the Southern Africa Territory in 1997. Being back in Africa made it possible for us to return to Zambia for a week. It was a delight to visit former places and to see how The Salvation Army in Zambia was progressing since our departure nearly 20 years earlier. The New Zealand officer training college went through a number of developmental phases during my time on staff. The creation of the New Zealand Qualifications Authority (NZQA) by the government in 1989 meant we had to have both the college and our courses officially accredited if we were to continue training overseas cadets. The later development of the Tertiary Education Commission (TEC) also impacted on the college. As a private training establishment (PTE), we had The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 64

regular audits of our programmes and for some years, cadets who qualified were paid a student allowance by the government. In 1999, the college entered into an agreement with the Bible College of New Zealand (BCNZ; now Laidlaw College). This enabled us to align our college courses with those taught by BCNZ and for cadets to receive credit towards BCNZ diplomas and degrees. My hope was that college studies would give cadets up to half of a BCNZ qualification and that once commissioned, officers would continue and complete undergraduate degrees such as the Bachelor of Theology or the Bachelor of Ministry. At the end of 2002, the college was renamed Booth College of Mission and was comprised of three schools: the School for Officer Training, the School for Bible and Mission (SBM) and the Centre for Leadership Development (CLD). The SBM offered bible, theology and ministry courses for people who did not have officership in mind. In practice, these students joined in the courses taken by cadets. The CLD grew out of the territorial education department which was relocated to the college and offered a variety of in-service courses for officers and employees. The growth in the college programme and government requirements was such that by 2002, the role of education officer was too much for one person. The role was subdivided and as academic registrar and education consultant, I took responsibility for educational administrative, compliance and accrediting tasks and remained, along with some teaching in this role until mid-2007. I then undertook some light duties until I retired at the start of 2008 and settled in Christchurch. During my years on the college staff, I was also involved with the Christian Theological and Ministries Education Society, a grouping of Christian PTEs offering theological and ministry education and with the Ecumenical Institute of Distance Theological Studies, a venture by five churches offering distance theological education throughout New Zealand. I served as a board member and on occasions as chair of both organisations. The college also had links with the Wellington Theological Consortium, a regional theological group and the New Zealand Association of Theological Schools.4

Cover of Many voices in mission, Kingsley Sampson contributed an article to this book For more, see Kingsley Sampson, “A new training era” in Many voices in mission: 25 years of The Salvation Army in New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga 1983 – 2008, (Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications, 2008), 77 – 79. 4

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I had always been interested in history from my high school days and had read Salvation Army history over the years. As well, the territory’s pre-eminent historian, Rtd CSM Cyril Bradwell was both a friend of my parents in their youth and an inspiration to me through his research and scholarship. But it was not until I retired that I was able to focus more on this topic. While I wrote a lot during my officership, it was more likely to be things like sermons, teaching notes, discussion papers, lesson plans and what seemed like endless and complex audit and compliance reports. At first, I joined the team working on the Hallelujah! project for which I wrote the occasional article and helped with sub-editing.5 It was through this project that I was able to meet other Salvation Army historians from Australia. Then I was involved in establishing the Christchurch Salvation Army History Group which has met quarterly over the past seven years. As well as invited speakers and talks on topics of interest by members, we have held three field trips. The first was to Salvation Army sites of historical interest in central Christchurch, the second was to a local cemetery to visit Salvation Army graves of interest and the third was a day’s bus trip covering towns adjacent to Christchurch where corps and outposts once operated. For each of these, a booklet giving brief details was produced. Finally I have been a member of the editorial team producing the Australasian journal of Salvation Army history (AJSAH) and have written the occasional article for this publication.

Some covers of Hallelujah magazine. Kingsley Sampson contributed articles to issues and helped with sub-editing

A big project in the last four to five years has been working along with others on Under two flags, a book about the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War.6 I contributed several chapters and edited the book. As part of the research for this book, I was able to visit sites of interest to New Zealand Salvationists on the Western Front in 2017 and 2019 with Ron Inglis of Campsie Corps, Sydney, Australia. With Inglis’ help, we were able to visit the grave of nearly every New Zealand Salvationist killed on the Western Front and to leave a small memorial plaque. Photographs taken on these trips were included in an unpublished 400-page companion to Under two flags entitled For God, King and Country: A supplement to under two flags containing pictorial and Hallelujah! was a joint effort between three Salvation Army territories – Australia Eastern, Australian Southern and New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga. A total of twelve full-colour booklets were published between 2007 and 2010, each with a theme featuring some aspect of Salvation Army history and current ministry. 6 Kingsley Sampson (ed), Under two flags: The New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War, (Wellington, NZ: Flag Publications, 2019). 5

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additional information for NZ First World War soldiers with Salvation Army connections. 7 The text for this supplement was largely the work of Major Dr Harold Hill.

Cover of Under two flags, Kingsley Sampson was contributing editor of the book

With the completion of Under two flags, my recent research has been focused on producing a 60 anniversary history of the Hornby Community Ministries of The Salvation Army here in Christchurch and researching the story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. The SASF story is being published in AJSAH8 and I hope the Hornby story will eventually become a small book. After that I have family research that needs to be completed and written up and maybe a Second World War sequel to Under two flags. I do not see myself as an author as such. Compared to other Salvation Army historians, my output has not been great. Rather I see myself as someone with an interest in Salvation Army history who enjoys research and then writing up my discoveries, some of which I hope might be of use to future historians. What I have done since retiring has been for both personal interest and with the aim of safeguarding the Army’s story. My hope is that I have played a small part in keeping that story alive for future generations. th

Harold Hill & Kingsley Sampson, For God, King and Country: A supplement to under two flags, (Unpublished manuscript, 2019). 8 Kingsley Sampson, “‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationists Students’: The story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part one: From the mid-1950s to the late 1960s”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 5, 2, (September 2020), 129 – 149.; Kingsley Sampson, “‘To meet a need in the life of Salvationists Students’: The story of The Salvation Army Students’ Fellowship in New Zealand. Part two: From holiday treks to attempted reactivation”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, (March 2021), 6 – 20.

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Image of Professor Emeritus R. David Rightmire1 1

Photograph courtesy of the author.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 68

MEET THE AUTHOR Publications about The Salvation Army and by Salvationists are often referenced, cited, critiqued and evaluated without the reviewer knowing anything about the author. In an attempt to introduce the authors of Salvation Army works to their readership The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history will, from time to time, ask authors to contribute to this section of the journal, “Meet the Author”. This paper introduces an internationally recognised Salvation Army historian and theologian.

R. David Rightmire2 As a fifth-generation Salvationist, my research and writing interests over the years have included Salvation Army history and theology. This began in earnest when pursuing doctoral studies in Theological Studies at Marquette University, writing my Ph.D. on the Army’s sacramental theology in relation to its holiness commitments. This was a topic of great interest to me as well as to my academic interlocutors at a Jesuit university! Early in my teaching career at Asbury University, I was invited by Dr. Don Dayton to revise my dissertation and publish the same as part of the Studies in Evangelicalism series with Scarecrow Press in 1990, with the revised title Sacraments and the Salvation Army: Pneumatological foundations.

Cover of Rightmire’s Sacraments and the Salvation Army

My research and writing took a turn toward the history of missions in subsequent years, as I examined the early history of the Army’s work in Japan. Having grown up in the Land of the Rising Sun, where my parents served as Salvation Army officers for many years, this project was an opportunity to combine my interest in Japanese church history and an investigation into the life and influence of Commissioner Yamamuro, whose cultural adaptation of the Wesleyan-holiness message helped the Army make a significant impact on Japanese society in the early 20th century. This research resulted in the publication of Salvationist Samurai: Gunpei Yamamuro and the rise of the Salvation Army in Japan as part of the Pietist and Wesleyan Studies series by Scarecrow Press in 1997.

Reference citation of this paper; R. David Rightmire, “Meet the author”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 68 – 73. 2

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 69

Cover of Rightmire’s

Salvationist Samurai My interest in holiness theology, as it relates to both the Wesleyan revival and the 19th century holiness movement, led me to pursue a study of the life and thought of the early Army’s leading holiness teacher, Commissioner Brengle. After a period of in-depth research and writing on this ‘sanctified saint,’ my work, Sanctified Sanity: The Life and Teaching of Samuel Logan Brengle (Crest, 2003) appeared. Several years later I was able to revise this book and expand it by two chapters, resulting in a 2nd edition, published by the Francis Asbury Society in 2013.

Three different covers of Rightmire’s Sanctified Sanity (Left) Crest, 2003; (Centre) Crest, 2009; (Right) Francis Asbury Society, 2013

Given the increased interest among Salvationists to better understand the Army’s sacramental position in recent years, I decided to write a revision of my earlier work (1990), since almost thirty years had passed since conducting my original research. The result was a greatly expanded study, including interaction with a broader range of Army literature and analysis of the movement’s sacramental self-perception from its inception to time of publication. This work was published by Crest Publications in 2016 and is entitled: The sacramental journey of The Salvation Army: A study of holiness foundations.

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Cover of Rightmire’s The sacramental journey of The Salvation Army

Through the years, in addition to writing the Army-related books mentioned above, I have also written articles and book reviews for scholarly journals related to Salvation Army history and theology. A listing of these follows: Books by Rightmire Sacraments and The Salvation Army: Pneumatological foundations, Studies in Evangelicalism, no. 10, (Metuchen, USA: Scarecrow Press, 1990). Salvationist Samurai: Gunpei Yamamuro and the rise of the The Salvation Army in Japan, Pietist and Wesleyan Studies, no. 8, (Lanham, USA: Scarecrow Press, 1997). Sanctified sanity: The life and teaching of Samuel Logan Brengle, (USA: Crest Publications, 2003); Revised and expanded edition, (Alexandria, USA: Francis Asbury Society, 2013). The sacramental journey of The Salvation Army: A study of holiness foundations, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Publications, 2016). Scholarly articles and chapters in books by Rightmire “Samuel Brengle and the development of Salvation Army pneumatology”, Wesleyan theological journal 27: 1 and 2, (Spring-Fall 1992), 104 – 131. “Samuel Logan Brengle and the development of pneumatology in the Salvation Army”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 1, 1, (Fall 1998), 29 – 48. “Brengle on evangelism and the holy life”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 6, 1, (November 2003), 5 – 34. “Cultural adaptation of Wesleyan-Holiness mission in Japan: A case study of Yamamuro Gunpei and the Salvation Army”, Japanese religions 29, 1-2, (January 2004), 65 – 83.

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“Brengle and the future of the Salvation Army: Organizational assessment and conditions for success”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 7, 2, (May 2005), 61 – 75.

Cover of Word and deed, Volume 1, Number 1

“Holiness and the ethical dimensions of Brengle’s eschatology”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 10, 1, (November 2007), 23 – 38. “Holiness in relation to salvation: Pneumatological dimensions of Wesleyan soteriology”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 11, 2, (May 2009), 19 – 32. “Holiness and Wesley’s ‘way of salvation’”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 13, 1, (November 2010), 39 – 53. “Subordination of ecclesiology and sacramental theology to pneumatology in the nineteenth-century Holiness Movement”, Wesleyan theological journal 47, 2, (Fall 2012), 27 – 35. “Holiness and the Salvation Army: Nineteenth century holiness movement roots”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 15, 1, (November 2012), 53 – 69. “Holiness as ‘Christian perfection’: Further thoughts on entire sanctification”, Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 16, 1, (November 2013), 5 – 22. “Transitions in Salvation Army holiness theology: A historical assessment”, 73 – 88, In Denis Metrustery (ed.), Saved, sanctified, and serving: Perspectives on Salvation Army theology and practice, (London, UK: Paternoster Press, 2016). Encyclopedia articles by Rightmire “Jacobus Arminius”, “Franciscus Gomarus”, and “William Booth”, Biographical dictionary of Christian theologians, (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2000). “Salvation Army”, Dictionary of Asian Christianity, (Grand Rapids, USA: Eerdmans, 2001). The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 72

“Samuel Brengle”, and “Gunpei Yamamuro”, Historical dictionary of the holiness movement, (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2001). “Salvation Army worship”, The new Westminster dictionary of liturgy and worship, (Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2002). “Sacraments”, and “Yamamuro, Gunpei”, Historical dictionary of the Salvation Army, (Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press, 2006); Revised and updated in 2nd Edition, (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2017). Book reviews by Rightmire Glenn K. Horridge, The Salvation Army: Origins and early days 1865 – 1900, in Fides et Historia 28, 3, (Fall 1996), 121 – 123. Norman H. Murdoch, Origins of the Salvation Army, in Wesleyan theological journal 32, 2, (Fall 1997), 219 – 220. Glenn K. Horridge, The Salvation Army: Origins and early days 1865 – 1900, in Wesleyan theological journal, 35, 2, (Fall 2000), 254. Diane Winston, Red hot and righteous: The urban religion of the Salvation Army, in Wesleyan theological journal 36, 2, (Fall 2001), 267 – 69. Roger J. Green, The life and ministry of William Booth: Founder of The Salvation Army, in Wesleyan theological journal 41, 2, (Fall 2006), 258 – 261. Andrew Eason and Roger Green (editors), Boundless salvation: The shorter writings of William Booth, in Wesleyan theological journal 48, 1, (Spring 2013), 173 – 175. David Taylor, Like a mighty army? The Salvation Army, The church and the churches, in Wesleyan theological journal 51, 1, (Spring 2016), 247 – 250. Harold Hill, Saved to save and saved to serve: Perspectives on Salvation Army history, in Wesleyan theological journal 54, 1, (Spring 2019), 170 – 173. David Taylor, Like a mighty army? The Salvation Army, The church and the churches, in Word and deed: A journal of Salvation Army theology and ministry 21, 2, (June 2019), 65 – 68.

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֍ NEW BOOK ֍

THIRTEEN ASTONISHING YEARS that shaped The Salvation Army 1878 – 1890 By General John Larsson (R) When in 1878 William Booth adopted the name The Salvation Army for the movement he had created, an 'irresistible spiritual offensive swept over cities, towns and villages in every direction and set the whole country ablaze'. It was an ecclesiastical big bang of spectacular proportions and its effects soon spread to the far corners of the globe. The next thirteen years, which climaxed with the introduction of large-scale social work in 1890, proved astonishing by any measure. In a series of fascinating vignettes, the author tells the story of those years and introduces key personalities through whom the Lord worked. Larsson comments: 'Virtually all that the Army presently is was forged in those first few years, and just as all Christians draw inspiration from the story of the Early Church in the Book of Acts, so the Salvationists of today can in addition be inspired by the amazing story of the Early Army.' Purchase online Book from SP&S @ https://www.sps-shop.com/thirteen-astonishing-years--john-larsson-20771-p.asp Kindle book: Amazon @ https://www.amazon.com/Thirteen-AstonishingYears-Shaped-Salvationebook/dp/B082YF4878/ref=sr_1_1?keywords=Thirteen+Astonishing+Years+ -+John+Larsson&qid=1582871977&sr=8-1 The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 74

Cuppa Tea, Digger? Salvos Serving in World War Two Released to commemorate the 75th anniversary of the end of WWII. A quality, hard-cover book of approximately A4 size, based on archival interviews with men and women of the Red Shield War Services, and those who were its beneficiaries, and contains more than 200 photographs. This fascinating tribute has been compiled by Lindsay Cox, Manager of The Salvation Army Museum, with a foreword by General the Honourable Sir Peter Cosgrove AK CVO MC (Retd).

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 75

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 76

WWW.SUSSEX-ACADEMIC.COM

The Mob and The Mayor Persecution of the Salvation Army at the Victorian seaside STEPHEN HUGGINS The Salvation Army is well known for its work with the poor and disadvantaged. There is, however, much more to the story of the Salvation Army than their highly commendable good works. They have been so closely identified with a programme of social action that their wider history has been marginalized. This history includes a period of astonishing levels of opposition and religious persecution which the Army faced in its early years. Many Salvationists were badly injured in violent street riots against them while at the same time facing imprisonment as the force of the law was brought to bear on their evangelism. Among all those places in Britain where the Salvation Army was persecuted, that in the southcoast town of Eastbourne during the 1880s and 1890s stands out as worthy of attention. The Sussex seaside resort played a hugely important part in the wider anti-Salvation Army narrative as it was in Eastbourne that opposition was among the most violent and protracted. Significantly and surprisingly, the vehemence and savagery was supported by the local Council and Mayor. The narrative of The Mob and The Mayor is chronological and entirely evidence based. It includes: Eyewitness accounts; newspaper reports; Parliamentary papers; Eastbourne Council & Watch Committee Meetings Minutes; and Salvation Army documents. Britain was at times at war with itself as the country came to terms with urban poverty resulting from the Industrial Revolution. The persecution of the Salvation Army at the Victorian seaside sheds a wider light on the struggles to promote social betterment for all. ABOUT THE AUTHOR PAPERBACK ISBN 978-1-78976-084-2

Stephen Huggins has a keen interest in Victorian Studies. He is the author of two previous books – A Gentleman in Khaki Ordered South: The Boer War Diary of Corporal George Stokes and With Her Father’s Love: The Diary of a Victorian Rector’s Daughter.

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The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 77

The first volume of a new biography on

Catherine Booth by David Malcolm Bennett Author of more than 20 books including two biographies on William Booth, transcriptions of the Booths’ writings, and a review of Catherine’s work on female ministry Catherine Booth: From Timidity to Boldness 1829- 1865 tells the story of Catherine Booth’s dramatic early life, and how a timid young woman rose from a home damaged by alcohol to become a dynamic and popular preacher, campaigner for the rights of women and, with her husband, founder of The Salvation Army. It makes significant and revealing use of the letters that the Booths wrote to each other, the letters she wrote to her parents, and her diary and reminiscences. The book allows Catherine to speak for herself and what she says is frequently dynamic and, at different times, insightful, deeply spiritual, and, occasionally, controversial. Purchase online from Morning Star Publishing morningstarpublishing.net.au Koorong www.koorong.com Amazon www.amazon.com

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 78

Come and join us

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The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 79

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 80

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The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 81

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Run by Salvationists, for Salvationists, Adherents and Friends. The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 82

Now we have your attention let someone else know about …

Top image from The field officer, (January 1908).

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 83

BOOK REVIEW THE SALVATION ARMY AT THE MOVIES Reviewed by Kingsley Sampson Rob Kinnon-Brettle. The Salvation Army at the Movies, (Manchester, UK: Kinnon Publishing, 2020), 180 pp., ISBN. 978 1 8382228 0 2.1

Cover of The Salvation Army at the movies

The story of The Salvation Army’s Limelight Department in Australia at the turn of the twentieth century has been well told over the years, especially given the fact that the Limelight Brigade is regarded world-wide as a pioneer in the motion picture industry. What has not been so well told is the way in which The Salvation Army has appeared in motion pictures over the last 120 years. This lack has now been put right in Rob Kinnon-Brettle’s newly-published book The Salvation Army at the movies. The book provided a catalogue of over 500 movie and television films in which The Salvation Army appeared or was mentioned, either as in a documentary featuring some aspect of the Army’s work or by providing the story line or characters in a fictional movie or by way of a brief cameo or even a fleeting reference. The criteria for inclusion are not spelled out but film, television and video productions are featured. The first two-thirds of the book lists films with a Salvation Army mention produced between 1897 and 2017. These are listed by years and grouped into decades. Of note is that there are only five or six years since 1900 where no film was produced that had some mention of The Salvation Army. In this catalogue, each film is named and then followed by a generally short synopsis. The final third of the book contained an alphabetical list of films, a list of actors who have donned Salvation Army uniform or some variant, names of Salvationists or Salvation Army bands who have appeared in films and a topical index. In reading through this book, the following things will catch the reader’s attention: 1. The fact that so many movies with a Salvation Army theme or character or reference have been produced over the last 120+ years. Reference citation of this review: Kingsley Sampson, “Book review, The Salvation Army at the movies”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 84 – 85. 1 At the time of publication of the AJSAH, the book was available from Kinnon Publishing via email: kinnon_publishing@yahoo.com

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2. How the early Salvation Army in particular provided such a rich vein of stories about sin and redemption for commercial movie producers. They got the Army’s ethos right, even if simply used for dramatic effect or commercial appeal. 3. The prolific production of documentaries by The Salvation Army in Sweden in the 1920s and 1930s. 4. The production of several films produced about the Army’s work in India. 5. The changing role of the Army as portrayed in movies – from searching for the downand-out to pointing people to a better way of life to raging against the demon drink to Christmas carolling. In some respects this parallels the changing public face of the Army over the years. It is hard to cover everything in a book of this nature and there will be gaps. The author recognised this and, in his foreword, invites people to supply him with details of films which may have been overlooked. These could be a full-length movie, a scene featuring the Army or something as simple as a Salvation Army band playing carols in a background soundtrack. For a start, two New Zealand television films “A Place to Go” (1974) and “Missing” (1975), and a late 1970s film about the Army’s Chikankata mission station in Zambia could be added. People with an eye for detail will notice things that escaped the proof-readers. For example, wreakage for wreckage (pages 42 and 133) and seen for scene (page 34) but such errors do not spoil the value of the book. As this book was essentially a cataloguing of movies in which the Salvation Army is mentioned, there is further scope for someone to undertake an analytical study of the way in which the Salvation Army has been portrayed in movies, the themes that have been featured and the changing emphases over the decades. This book would provide a very valuable resource for such a study. Overall, I was impressed with the book and by all the research which has gone into assembling this extensive coverage of the topic. I commend this publication to all who have an interest both in the way the Army has used films itself and in the way in which others have portrayed it.

Image from the DVD cover of Guys and dolls, one of the movies listed in The Salvation Army at the movies

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BOOK REVIEW UNDER TWO FLAGS Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel Kingsley Sampson, (ed.) with Harold Hill, Phil Lascelles, and Garry Mellsop, Under two flags. The New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War, (Wellington, New Zealand: Flag Publications, The Salvation Army, New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory, & The Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, 2018), 388 pp., ISBN. 978 0 473 45725 9.1

Cover of Under two flags

The collective approach and depth of research could see Under two flags become a template for future publications of regional Salvation Army history. The book was a collection of chapters, each written by different authors who investigated a topic connecting The Salvation Army in New Zealand with the context of World War One. The chapters were generally ordered to lead the reader from the march to war, through the Army’s ministry to the troops and the home front, concluding with the war’s lasting impact on The Salvation Army. The authors are well known for their work in Salvation Army or war history. The contributors included: Major Dr. Harold Hill, author of several history books on The Salvation Army and contributor to Salvation Army theological and historical journals; Major Garry Mellsop, former Territorial Archivist at the New Zealand Heritage Centre & Archives and currently serving on the management committee for the Centre; Phill Lascelles, an award-winning professional historian who worked with Auckland War Memorial Museum, Pou Maunahara Memorial Discovery Centre, and the Australian War Memorial, and; Major Kingsley Sampson, with qualifications in teaching and history as well as publishing experience in Salvation Army history. Part one of Under two flags set the scene for the international conflict, introduced Salvationists who were to take part in the war, and investigated the early battles of World War One. The first chapters in this part not only noted the Salvationists who enlisted but also gave some evaluation of sources from which information was derived. There was a clear discussion on the difficulties Reference citation of this review: Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book review, Under two flags”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 86 – 88. 1 At the time of publication of the AJSAH, the book was available from Salvationist Resources New Zealand at https://shop.sarmy.net.nz/product?openform&pid=SBUS-BAKVBE.

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Salvationists faced in the process of attesting faith in the signing up process. Statistical and other information was outlined including the age, marital status, occupation, and town of origin of Salvationists who enlisted. The chapter, “Salvation Army Officers in the Ranks”, investigated Salvation Army officers who resigned their commissions with The Salvation Army to enlist in the military. From the statistical and introductory chapters, the first part then moved to the training and first battles of the conflict. The “Opening Salvos of the War” followed the enlisted Salvationists into training in New Zealand, their first engagement in Samoa, training in Egypt, and the first days at Gallipoli. From the battle at Gallipoli, “The Western Front” introduced Salvationists’ personal experience in now notorious European battlefields including the Somme, Ypres and the Hindenburg Line. The research to identify enlisted Salvationists is of great importance to family and organisational history. The number and detail of service personnel is testament to the hours of investigation needed to extrapolate the information from various sources. Part two of the book included chapters on the work The Salvation Army conducted during the international conflict. First readers were introduced to Salvation Army ‘Red Shield Huts’, institutes, soldier’s clubs and other practical support given to the military. A great strength of the book is that it did not neglect The Salvation Army’s ministry to the ‘Home Front’. The chapter, “Fallen Soldiers’ Orphans Have Preference” outlined how Salvation Army leadership aimed to support the children of fallen soldiers and discussed six different homes. Of note are the chapters on Salvation Army sections including the Home League and Salvation Army Brass Bands. The book outlined the Home Leagues’ work with comforts for troops while the discussion on Brass Bands showed how Salvationist bandsmen engaged with the military when they enlisted. Although the New Zealand Territory did not supply ambulances on their own account, the story was told about how New Zealanders raised funds for Salvation Army ambulances and the work carried on by this unit. Other fundraising activities of The Salvation Army were given a separate chapter; including the ‘Red Jersey Appeal’, ‘Harvest Festival’ and ‘Self-Denial’, which showed the increased levels of trust the general public and military personnel had for the work of The Salvation Army. The chapter, “Comrades in Arms” investigated how The Salvation Army through its publication, The war cry, represented Germany. The chapter did not include information on the other Central Powers, this could have been because The Salvation Army was not operating in the Austria-Hungarian Empire, Bulgaria or the Ottoman Empire and therefore were not discussed in the publication. Chapter 13, “The Salvation Army and the 1918 Influenza Epidemic” and a section in chapter seven, “Post-War Support” seem somewhat out of place. Chapter 13 investigated Salvation Army properties that were opened as Emergency Hospitals, as well as Salvationists who succumbed to the epidemic. Not strictly part of World War One, the epidemic is often included as an epilogue to the war or forgotten all together, although the war most likely attributed to the dramatic impact of the influenza. It is of importance that such a chapter was included, however it may have been better positioned in ‘Part four’ of the book that dealt with the aftermath and impact of the war. Similarly, the section in chapter seven, while linked to other parts of the chapter, could easily have been relocated to Part four. Part three covered The Salvation Army chaplains who served with the military forces. The part commenced with an introductory chapter followed by chapters on Alfred Greene, Edward Garner, Charles Walls, John Bladin, Walter Winton, and Samuel Green. Again, these chapters showed a depth of research. These chapters also followed the changing roles and ministries of the individuals after the war. The final section of Under two flags, Part four looked at the aftermath and impact of the war. However, some of these elements also appeared in earlier chapters of the book, for example although The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 87

this section carried information on Salvation Army brass bands, this topic was also included earlier. There were also snippets of information throughout the entire book that covered the lives of Salvationists who served in the military and survived the war. Despite information on the aftermath of the war appearing throughout the book, the chapter in this final section clearly outlined the impact the war had on The Salvation Army in New Zealand, some elements the author showed continued to impact the Army to contemporary times. Discerning readers may identify there was a change in text style throughout the book. Part one used bold text to highlight names of Salvationists, this style was later removed without reason. As much research was carried out to identify each individual, the practice of listing the names in bold type was justifiable in its use and could have been continued throughout. Under two flags also included historical photographs, drawings, letters and maps to support the text. These inclusions added to the pleasing layout of the book. There were several appendices that included information on enlisted Salvationists, information about the authors, Salvation Army officer ranks, a glossary of terms, and maps of New Zealand and theatres of war where New Zealanders served in World War One. The inclusion of many of the appendix assisted the reader to develop background and contextual understanding. A number of chapters had earlier been introduced to the public through The war cry, The officer or put through a peer review process by submission to The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, The volunteers: The journal of the New Zealand military history society as well as book chapters. Each chapter was also extensively referenced with endnotes. There was a full and complete bibliography with a list of resources including books and websites. The book is also indexed for easy access to information. Under two flags would be of great value to anyone interested in Salvation Army defence services, military history, New Zealand social history or the impact of war on religious groups. It is professionally researched and written and is a welcome addition to the growing study of Salvation Army history.

One of the images used in Under two flags

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BOOK REVIEW USING HISTORY TO INFORM FUTURE PRACTICE Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel Julie A. Slous, Preaching a disturbing gospel (Toronto, Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda, 2012), 184 pp. ISBN 978 0 88857 500 51

Cover of Julie A. Slous’ book, Preaching a disturbing gospel

How can history inform best practice in contempory society or help the individual to improve their skills? Should such a question even be asked? There is some enjoyment in history for history’s sake, but there is increasing pressure for history to be relevant to organisational and societal needs by changing the future behaviour of citizens. I recently went to a conference where staff from the Museum of New Zealand Te Papa Tongarewa spoke on their evaluation of the museum’s displays. They stressed that displays should not only be evaluated on their educational or informative level, but now on its ability to transform the viewer or to change their actions on events linked to the display. Preaching a disturbing gospel is within this mindset. The author researched history to help inform those who ‘preach’ in Salvation Army meetings and to do so in line with best practice. Julie A. Slous investigated the messages (sermons) of Catherine and William Booth to identify the structure and the elements of the published talks. From these messages, Slous developed guidelines for best practice and used these to evaluate modern sermons preached by Salvation Army officers. To test the guidelines, Slous used them to structure several sermons, which were included in the book. Such examples showed that Slous’ theory had a practical application even when used in the contemporary context. Slous’ methodology was inquiry based. The formation of questions drove the research forward. The methodological strength was that it did not use worldviews or ideologies external or opposed to The Salvation Army. The research identified several distinct elements of Salvation Army messages during the early Army. The elements were: a “philosophy of aggression”, confronting sin and doing Reference citation of this paper: Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book review, Using history to inform future practice”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 89 – 91. 1 At the time of publication of the AJSAH, the book was available online or instore at The Salvation Army Trade North, Canada and Bermuda https://store.salvationarmy.ca/shop/preaching-a-disturbing-gospel/ and amazon https://www.amazon.com.au/Preaching-Disturbing-Gospel-Julie-Slous/dp/0888575009

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God’s will; “avoidance of Churchliness”, not using the terms of sermon or preaching; avoiding the “formal, liturgical or academic”; “fuelled by missional focus” which captured attention; a push for conversion of the individual and to have them think about eternal matters; “a unique ecumenical calling”, preaching in theatres, prisons and open-air; a focus on the poor; and a “deep burden for people”.2 Slous’ findings came from the investigation of the primary sources rather than using other theories or worldviews to evaluate and criticise Army methods. Preaching a disturbing gospel therefore avoided the unhelpful extreme criticism that attempts to reform The Salvation Army based on theories or models that have no links, and sometime are counterintuitive to the movement’s methods and ministry. Slous also clearly identified the context of the Booths and the world of their hearers. She was also able to articulate the current cultural worldview, Postmodernism. However, unlike many authors Slous did not just state “but these are different times”; she clearly outlined the areas of similarities and the differences while giving meaning to this comparison. The new theoretical framework developed by Slous was applied to a representation of contemporary sermons preached within The Salvation Army. The framework found all current sermons void of some elements which made Salvation Army messages distinct. It was found the more recent the officer was trained, the more elements were missing. Although a reason for this was not given, it could be due to other models and theories of ministry not supportive of Army practices influencing Salvation Army training facilities. This is an area that could lead to further study. Using the new framework developed from the research, four sample messages were included. Slous blended the historical elements with the understanding of Postmodernism to show how the past can inform the present and lead to a better future. There were constant reminders in Preaching a disturbing gospel that the mission of the Booths was to the poor, the missing element of Christian ministry in the Victorian era. Slous argued that although the poor are still important, the current missing elements of Christianity is much wider as all socioeconomic groups show high levels of nonattendance at church and are being influenced by worldviews other than Christianity. For this reason, Slous argued that some changes may be needed to the framework when developing messages to those not in the lower classes. However, there is some misconception here; Catherine especially often spoke to the West End population, a very different social class than that of the East End. Slous did point out that Catherine preached at the Midnight Movement for ‘fallen women’, however most of Catherine’s published messages were from the West End.3 Therefore when a message of the Booths is to be analysed, the context of where it was used should be deeply understood. There were also missing specific links between the body of the text and the appendices. For example, Appendix B, “First-time Seekers in The Salvation Army” was not listed or analysed in the main text. Linking these statistics to the text could have given a stronger argument to the discussions in the study and added to reasons why the use of the historical theoretical framework should be introduced in message development in The Salvation Army. Also, it would have been interesting to see how Salvation Army resources such as Outlines of addresses4 would stand when compared to Slous’ theoretical framework for Salvation Army homiletics.

Julie A. Slous, Preaching a disturbing gospel (Toronto, Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda, 2012), Slous, Preaching a Disturbing Gospel, 27-42. 3 See for example the discussion in Slous, Preaching a disturbing gospel, 15. 4 Outlines of addresses for the use of officers of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: The Salvation Army Book Department, 1914).; Outlines of addresses for the use of Salvation Army officers, Volume II, (London, UK: Salvationist

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The book is unique in the field of Salvation Army homiletics in that it used as its central worldview Army messages rather than non-Army sources. Non-Army sources were only used to support or extend discussion of the structure of messages and to analyse cultural and historical context. Preaching a disturbing gospel should become a leading work in what is hoped will be both a specific Salvation Army subset of homiletics and also a way to frame historical inquiry to inform best practice for Salvationists. The book somewhat mirrored Slous’ own life’s marriage between the theory and practice of homiletics. Not only had she received a PhD and instructed Salvationists in the area of homiletics, but for 15 years she held corps appointments and in addition to this was a presenter at Salvation Army conferences. In the era of officers plagiarising sermons from the internet, copying methods from churches with different foci, and the Army declining in power and converts in many territories, Preaching a disturbing gospel is timely research. It should be a text of required reading in all officer training and for anyone who will talk on the platform of Salvation Army halls. In the area of preaching, the readership should not stop here. If The Salvation Army and its officers are serious about accountability and transparency then every Salvationists should be armed with such a book to question and evaluate the homiletics displayed. Historians interested in the preaching of Catherine and William Booth as well as the history and development of elements of Army revivalism would also find the commencing chapters of the book beneficial. The book is also a clear example of the new approach to history, not only to entertain or inform, but to transform, to search for best practice and develop skills for present and future enhancement.

SALVATION ARMY HISTORY SNAPSHOT

“He has pardoned the sins of a poor old washerwoman like me!”

“Glory be to God, I’m saved inside and outside too!”

“I gave my heart to God last night, and begs you to pray for me!”5

Publishing and Supplies, 1940).; Outlines of addresses for the use of The Salvation Army officers, Volume III, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1957). 5 “Three Army sermons”, The war cry, (London, 18 March 1899), 12.

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BOOK REVIEW CATHERINE BOOTH – FROM TIMIDLY TO BOLDNESS Reviewed by David Woodbury David Malcolm Bennett, Catherine Booth: From timidity to boldness 1829 – 1865, (Sydney, Australia: Morning Star Publishing, 2020), 308 pp. ISBN 978 0 64753 072 61

Cover of David Malcolm Bennett’s book, Catherine Booth

The problem with writing about William and Catherine Booth is the simple fact that much has already been written, and a great deal of information is currently available, some factual, some legendary and some folklore. The latest offering on the life and influence of Catherine Booth comes from a writer who has devoted much of his life to researching and writing on the Booths and the early Salvation Army. It is the first of a two-volume biography which explores the life of Catherine Booth, a highly complex yet remarkable woman. While much of the narrative is known through the works of other writers, Bennett breaks new ground, particularly in researching Catherine’s family of origin, the Mumfords. There are some strong emerging themes; such as the methods the Booths began to employ in reaching the lost; street parades before the service, the altar call. Notable, also is Catherine’s conviction on female ministry and the development of the Booth’s team ministry. Bennett notes the use of the term; the prosecution of our mission, in one of Catherine’s letters. He goes on to write: “Though Catherine was not yet preaching she was still sharing in the efforts … To win men and women to the Kingdom of God”.2 By 1861, William and Catherine Booth were in shared ministry with Catherine commenting: “I am just in my element in the work. I only regret that I did not commence years ago”.3 She was to comment later: “I am wonderfully delivered from all fear after I get my mouth open”. It may well be Reference citation of this paper: David Woodbury, “Book review, Catherine Booth – From timidity to boldness”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 92 – 93. 1 At the time of publication of the AJSAH, the book was available online or instore at the following locations; the publisher https://morningstarpublishing.net.au/product/catherine-booth-2/; Koorong https://www.koorong.com/product/catherine-booth-from-timidity-to-boldness-1829-1865_9780647530726 2 David Malcolm Bennett, Catherine Booth: From timidity to boldness 1829 – 1865, (Sydney, Australia: Morning Star Publishing, 2020), 139. 3 Bennett, Catherine Booth, 200.

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this realisation of a team ministry impacted the Army in its insistence that married candidates for officership must both receive the call to full-time ministry. Bennett also explores Catherine’s venture into one to one ministry, no doubt a great leap of faith for one so timid and frail. It seems to coincide with her first public preaching at Gateshead. On her way to hear another preacher she “chanced to look up at the thick rows of small windows … where numbers of women were sitting, peering through at the passers-by, or listlessly gossiping with each other”.4 Overcoming her timid nature, Catherine engaged them in conversation and a notable home ministry followed. In this book Catherine comes across as a warts and all real person, complete with idiosyncrasies. Timid? Well perhaps by nature, but fearless and focused, often obsessed with her own health and death, judgmental, tactless and outspoken, yet compassionate, Catherine Mumford was a highly complex and multifaceted personality who was to emerge as perhaps one of the most outstanding women in Victorian England. It may well be that her early death deprived her of the recognition she so rightly deserved. It is a story that once again proves that God will use those who are totally committed to Him. A must read for those interested in the birth and development of The Salvation Army.

Bennett, Catherine Booth, 174.

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Winning certificate from the Los Angeles Film Awards for Legacy by Hayley Jean Reeves

Images of Commissioners Charles and May Duncan (left and right) the main characters of Legacy and screenwriter, Hayley Jean Reeves (centre)1

Images courtesy of the author.

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SALVATION ARMY HISTORY NEWS TURNING THE PAGES OF HISTORY FOR THE SILVER SCREEN Hayley Jean Reeves I became interested in my family’s connection with The Salvation Army. This interest became a hobby and I began to research my great grandparents, Commissioners Charles and May Duncan. I followed their appointments throughout Australia, South America and the United Kingdom. After collecting information from the public domain, then exhausting this avenue, I contacted Salvation Army historians. Museum directors from The Salvation Army collections in Melbourne, Sydney (Australia), London (United Kingdom), Wellington (New Zealand) and placed in South America were all consulted to collect information on the Duncan family. The material collected gave a deep insight into the life and ministry of the Duncan family. I produced a book for the family that contained the story of my great grandparents and this impacted me so much, I wrote a screenplay. The screenplay is titled Legacy. Legacy has received special mention in several international competitions and in October 2019, the screenplay was announced as one of the finalists in the Los Angeles Film Awards, USA. Legacy went on to win “Best First Time Screenwriter (Feature)”. “There is always a narrative that leads to a specific occurrence. Strategic historical threads of people and events influence outcomes to a greater or lesser degree and eventually link together to create a patchwork which bring forth the occurrence.”2

I have experienced this in its true sense and in reverse, that is narratives have led to a specific occurrence, and specific occurrences that have led to the narrative. This narrative was the stories I stumbled upon about my great grandparents, Commissioners Charles and May Duncan, which led to the occurrence being the screenplay, Legacy. These stories told of their service, people they influenced, and their profound effect on hundreds of thousands of lives worldwide. Conversely, the occurrences were the synchronicities during the process of research and writing the screenplay which led to the narrative, Legacy. The synchronicities refer to “accidently” stumbling upon valuable material at the very time that I needed it. When Garth Hentzschel first asked me if I would write a paper for this journal on my methodology of how I turned the history of my great grandparents into a screenplay, I was stumped. I could not pinpoint it at all. It just happened. After much reflection, I realised it wasn’t just one thing. It was the multitude of synchronicities that occurred, contributing to the project. I was just the vector which allowed it to be materialised. An example of this was one scene in Legacy set in the 1940s of a wedding that my great grandfather was officiating. As he was such a renowned speaker, I had great hesitation in writing his dialogue throughout the screenplay but especially for this particular scene. Furthermore, my Reference citation of this paper: Hayley Jean Reeves, “Salvation Army history news: Turning the pages of history for the silver screen”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 94 – 96. 2 Garth R. Hentzschel, “The development of The Australian journal Of Salvation Army history”, Booth’s Drum, The newsletter of the SA Historical and Philatelic Association – Recording, researching and preserving Salvation Army heritage worldwide newsletter 19, (Winter 2018).

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enormous reluctance in writing the scene was compounded by my unfamiliarity with Salvation Army wedding procedures. I mentioned this to a cousin of mine and it “just so happens” that days before she had remembered that she was in possession of Commissioner Charles Duncan’s actual ceremonies book with his hand written notes in the back which he referred to when conducting weddings. She sent photos of this to me and, as such, I commenced writing the scene with ease. Another synchronicity was that a different cousin was friends with Hentzschel who obviously is the editor of this journal and has a vast knowledge of Salvation Army history. Any questions I had, I would put to Hentzschel and he would always have the answers. So many other synchronicities occurred. When I commenced researching into Commissioners Charles and May Duncan’s involvement in The Salvation Army and the history of the movement as a whole, it wasn’t even on my radar to write a screenplay let alone envisage that it would go on to receive accolades or that I present it to film producers for their consideration for production. However, that is exactly what has happened and, to date is still happening. It’s all due to specific occurrences that collectively enabled the narrative, the project to be born and mature. Legacy had and continues to have a life of its own. Watch this space.

The LAFA trophy won by Hayley Jean Reeves3

Image courtesy of the author.

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A SALVATIONIST ARTIST GEORGE HOLLOWAY Garth R. Hentzschel As an infant, I attended the Dee Why Corps of The Salvation Army on the northern beaches of Sydney, New South Wales. I remember standing on the platform during Primary demonstrations1 and looking at the front wall to see a mural towering above me. The cloud formation depicted a cross, which appeared to have arisen above a creek bed. The creek was typical of any that one would see throughout Australia. The main words were in the three-dimensional form which seemed to lift off the surface of the wall; “Jesus Christ, the same yesterday, today and forever.” The words, the image and the name of the artist, George Holloway, have always remained in my mind; but who was Holloway?

A painting by George Holloway in The Salvation Army Dee Why Citadel2

While much of The Salvation Army’s culture transplants itself into any country in which it ministers, there are some unique elements across regions. In many Army halls throughout Australia that were in use during the mid-twentieth century, there was painted on the wall above the platform a verse of scripture on a background of different scenes. Two of the major artists who painted these texts where Salvationists Frank Shaw and Frederick George Holloway. While much has been written on Salvationists who contributed their gifts to God through the Army in the areas of preaching, social work, and the performing arts, especially music; little has been investigated to uncover the lives and ministry of painters and other visual artists. Yet such gifts are also important to God and The Salvation Army. Reference citation of this paper; Garth R. Hentzschel, “‘A Salvationist artist: George Holloway”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 97 – 120. 1 Primary was a Sunday School for young children and each year at the Young Peoples’ Anniversary would hold a Sunday afternoon demonstration, or songs and activities to show parents what had been done over the previous year. Awards in the shape of books were also presented to children who had attended. 2 Photograph courtesy Captain Marrianne Schryver.

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Cadet George Holloway3

Cadet George Holloway’s image from Dedicating and commission services of the “Blazer” session of cadets, (Sydney, The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 1931). 3

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In a letter written to soldiers of The Salvation Army, General William Booth wrote, Suppose a man is by nature an artist. He can sketch: he can make pictures full of life and naturalness and beauty. What is he to do with it? Neglect it? By no means. Draw and engrave and paint in order to make a fame or a fortune? Certainly not. Well, what is he to do? Consecrate his gift. This is an age of pictures. Men have not only been amused but taught by them in all ages of the world. … Let us have them for the Kingdom of God. Put the blessedness of Salvation, the cursedness of sin, the glory of Heaven and the dreadfulness of Hell in living forms and shapes before men. Let us have “Salvation Graphics” in every land to equal or excel anything that the world can produce…4

Creating ‘Salvation Graphics’ was what Shaw and Holloway attempted to do. The life and ministry of Shaw is being investigated, as his ministry has not previously been recorded.5 Similarly, Holloway has largely been neglected by historians and only listed in relation to his Red Shield War Service.6 As with many Salvationists, Holloway’s personal life and ministry has been difficult to trace, apart from his time as an officer. The information that has come to light reveals that Holloway used his artistic talents to “Put the blessedness of Salvation, the cursedness of sin, the glory of Heaven and the dreadfulness of Hell in living forms and shapes before men”.7 Holloway also used his talents to bring people’s attention and finances to The Salvation Army. Early life After much effort to locate personal information, it is believed that Frederick George Holloway was born to Eliza (Lillian) Hephzibah (nee Thorn)(1874 – 1918) and Frederick William Holloway (1873 – 1953) at Christchurch, England on 28 November 1908.8 Searches online failed to show anything on the early life of Holloway. A difficulty was that there were several people identified in newspapers with the name of “George Holloway” and “Frederick George Holloway”. These names linked to topics ranging from school examination results, divorce proceedings, and carrying a gun without a licence; none of these could be found to relate to the person under investigation. Although contemporary Salvation Army publications list Holloway as “Frederick”,9 newspapers and The war cry of the time, and people who remembered him would more often use “George”.10 William Booth, “The General’s letter”, The war cry, (London, Saturday 21 March 1885), 1. Garth R. Hentzschel and Glenda Hentzschel, working title, “The mark of quality on every job:” The life and work of a Salvationist artist, Frank Herbert Shaw. 6 Cox and Hull listed “Frederick Holloway” in a list of Red Shield War Services Representatives during World War Two, however nothing else was included in their publications on Holloway. Some information on Holloway was also included in Under the tricolour, although the item by Callaghan held a few minor errors. Lindsay Cox, Cuppa tea, Digger? Salvos serving in World War Two, (Victoria, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army, 2020), 221.; Walter Hull, Salvos with the forces, Red Shield Services during World War Two, (Hawthorn, Australia: The Salvation Army, 1995), 294. There were also illustrations by Holloway in Under the tricolour, “Sketches from an autograph book”, Under the tricolour, 37, (April-June 2009), 7 – 9.; Don Callaghan, “A recent arrival at the museum”, Under the tricolour, 80, (September 2020), 7 – 8. 7 Booth, “The General’s letter”, 1. 8 Information received with assistance from Major Kingsley Sampson and ancestry.com.au. Queensland births, deaths and marriages note the mother as Lillian Thorne and farther William Henry Frederick. https://www.familyhistory.bdm.qld.gov.au/ accessed 19 February 2021. 9 Sometimes Holloway’s first name, Frederick was used, see for example “Official gazette”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 21 June 1941), 4.; Walter Hull, Salvos with the forces. Red Shield Services during World War 2, (Mount Albert, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 1995), 294. However more often he was known as George Holloway. 10 See for example. “Salvation Army”, The Armidale express and New England general advertiser, (NSW, Friday 26 May 1933), 8.; “Final Easter news reports”, The musician, (Australia, 28 May 1966), 80. 4 5

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A story from the Shaw family stated that Holloway arrived in Australia with his brother Bill and did his apprenticeship with Salvationist sign writer, Frank Shaw. It has not been established when this took place, or if his time with Shaw attracted Holloway to The Salvation Army.11 It has however been found that his brother, William Henry Holloway, born in 1912 did come to Australia and passed away in Toowoomba, Queensland on 29 January 1963.12 Training as a Salvation Army officer George Holloway entered The Salvation Army’s Training Garrison, Sydney, in the 1930 “Blazer” session.13 The war cry and the commissioning booklet noted that Holloway went to training from the Manly Corps,14 situated in a beach-side suburb of northern Sydney. The first record of Holloway’s practical training was with other cadets at the Goulburn Corps for “the Easter Campaign”. Goulburn is a regional city about 90 km from Canberra. Here Holloway participated in indoor meetings, visitation, music festivals, and open-air meetings. These meetings were the first indication of Holloway’s artistic skills as he created a “black-board sketch” at both indoor and out-door meetings.15 Other reports on Holloway’s training had him at inner Sydney corps, including Rockdale and Sydney Congress Hall, where he participated in several meetings. While this paper will focus on Holloway’s visual arts, it needs to be stated that he also had other artistic gifts, for example, at Congress Hall Holloway sang “a solo of his own composition”. It appears that the words and music have been lost to history and this was the only time he composed a song.16 His artwork was also described at this time as “the chief attraction” which consisted of “a black-board lesson by the Cadet, who illustrated his talk on the Pearl of Greatest Prize with rapidly changing pictures.”17 Holloway was intelligent, as at commissioning it was announced that he received some of the highest marks in the examinations. His training had shown the importance of consecrating his artistic gifts to the service of God. It was obvious to him, as observed by another officer, “if we wish our contemporaries to heed the message let us remember that they need to see as well as hear if their attention is to be captured.”18 Early Salvation Army officership Holloway was commissioned with the rank of Probationary Lieutenant and appointed to Haberfield Corps as assistant officer.19 The corps was situated in the inner West of Sydney. His arrival and talents were soon reported in The war cry, The attendances at meetings, both indoor and out are on the upgrade at Haberfield, and there is a spirit of unity amongst our small but loyal band of Soldiers. The Friday open-air meeting is a blessing and the Lieutenant’s blackboard sketches attract an interested audience.20 11

Interview between Major Fred Shaw and Major Glenda and Kevin Hentzschel, (Monday 17 February 2020). Ancestry.com.au. 13 “The ‘Blazer’ session takes the field”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 24 January 1931), 9. 14 “The field”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 6 July 1935), 12.; Dedicating and commission services of the “Blazer” session of cadets, (Sydney, The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 1931). 15 “Goulburn’s Easter battles”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 10 May 1930), 10. 16 Holloway would later return to the corps to run the testimony section of a meeting, to read from the scriptures, and to give a talk. “Congress Hall”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 3 November 1930), 4.; “Congress Hall”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 15 November 1930), 4.; “Congress Hall”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 13 December 1930), 4.; “Congress Hall”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 24 January 1931), 13. 17 “Rockdale”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 18 October 1930), 4. 18 D.E.G., “Louder than words”, The officer, 31, 5, (May 1980), 228-229, 229. 19 “The ‘Blazer’ session takes the field”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 24 January 1931), 9. 20 “Haberfield”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 4 April 1931), 13. 12

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While at Haberfield, Holloway used his sketches to assist at other Sydney suburban corps, such as Newtown and Paddington Corps.21 Sadly many of Holloway’s drawings no longer exist, however while at Haberfield he recorded many of his duties as a lieutenant or “Leff” in the autograph book of his captain. These drawings included domestic chores, after school meetings, and musical practices. They also showed Holloway could play a brass instrument, a mouthorgan, a concertina, and a fiddle.

Images drawn by George Holloway to show the life of an assistant corps officer22 “Newtown”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 25 April 1931), 12.; “Paddington”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 19 September 1931), 12. 22 Autograph book of Captain Edward Merrick, housed in The Salvation Army Australia Museum, Sydney, cited in “Sketches from an autograph book”, 7 – 9.; Callaghan, “A recent arrival at the museum”, 7 – 8. 21

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From Haberfield Corps, Holloway was appointed to the finance department of Sydney Central Division’s headquarters.23 During this appointment he was a ‘special’24 at corps throughout Sydney and to its north. At each corps he used his “lightning sketches” to show “Bible Truths”. Some of the Sydney corps visited by Holloway where he used his artistic skills included Balmain, Bexley, Campsie, Daceyville, Hornsby, Liverpool, Mortdale, North Sydney, Paddington, Petersham, Rockdale, Rozelle, Ryde, Sydney Congress Hall, Waterloo, Waverly and Willoughby. Sadly, many of these corps no longer exist. Holloway’s artistic skills were used for corps cadet rallies, a Daffodil Fair, evangelical and revival campaigns, harvest festivals, holiness meetings, indoor meetings, openairs, programmes, self-denial fund raising efforts, spiritual campaigns, and young peoples’ meetings. At most of these meetings Holloway saw people, young and old come to the mercy seat to receive Christ as their Saviour. He also assisted at churches such as the Methodist church at North Croydon.25

Advertisement showing Holloway preaching at Sydney Congress Hall in connection with a Harvest Festival in March 193226

Upon the promotion to captain, most officers removed their yellow Lieutenant braiding to replace it with a red braid, but not Holloway.27 Being the artist he was, Holloway painted his trimmings on his uniform. The war cry reported, Of a decided artistic turn is the young Officer who was seen at his desk at Territorial Headquarters, with paint and brush changing the colour of the braid on his tunic. Only a skilful hand would essay such a delicate task, but Captain George Holloway, promoted to the rank, was making a good job of it. The Captain is known all over Sydney for his Bible object lessons with paint and brush.28

“Official gazette”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 30 January 1932), 8.; “Mainly about people”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 30 January 1932), 8. 24 A term used for visiting speakers at Salvation Army meetings. Such meetings were usually advertised and used to motivate local Salvationists or to encourage new people to attend Salvation Army meetings. 25 See for example, “Congress hall”, The war cry, (Sydney, 13 February 1932), 12.; “Religious announcements”, The St George call, (Kogarah, Friday 4 March 1932), 2.; “Other services”, The Sydney morning herald, (NSW, Saturday 5 March 1932), 5.; “Paddington (NSW)”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 12 March 1932), 13.; “Corps-cadets take the field”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 19 March 1932), 13.; “Coming events”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 2 April 1932), 13.; “Congress hall”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 16 April 1932), 14.; “Waterloo”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 16 April 1932), 14.; “Congress hall”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 21 May 1932), 12.; “Coming events”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 28 May 1932), 13.; “Coming events”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 4 June 1932), 13.; “Coming events”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 11 June 1932), 13.; “Coming events”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 18 June 1932), 13.; “Crusade progress”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 25 June 1932), 8.; “Campsie”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 2 July 1932), 12.; “Revival crusaders”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 30 July 1932), 9.; “Waverly”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 6 August 1932), 12.; “Coming events”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 6 August 1932), 13.; “Daffodil fair”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 3 September 1932), 13.; “Hornsby”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 22 October 1932), 16.; “Willoughby tent campaign”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 10 December 1932), 13.; “North Croydon Institute”, The Methodist, (Sydney, Saturday 3 September 1932), 11. 26 “Other services”, The Sydney morning herald, (NSW, Saturday 5 March 1932), 5. 27 “Official gazette”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 28 January 1933), 8. 28 The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 21 January 1933), 10. 23

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Although a change of appointment could not be located, it appeared that Holloway had been appointed to Territorial Headquarters (THQ), Sydney. Soon after Holloway became a captain, he was involved in a failed rescue attempt. The Manly ferry left its jetty at 9:15pm and when it was between the Sydney Heads a man went overboard. A lifeboat was launched, but when the man was found and taken back to the ferry, he was unconscious. The passengers of the ferry attempted to revive the man. The daily telegraph continued its report and stated, One of those who worked tirelessly to try and restore animation was Captain Holloway of the Salvation Army. He did not know at the time that the man had frequently occupied a room at the Army Hostel, and that in his pocket was a will leaving all he possessed to the Salvation Army.

Sadly, the man was not able to be revived and was pronounced dead.29 While he was stationed at THQ, Holloway continued to support corps around Sydney including Botany Corps30 and Balmain Corps. At Balmain he assisted in a children’s campaign where his “‘lightening sketch’ attracted old and young.”31 From THQ, Holloway was sent to be the assistant officer at Armidale Corps, located about halfway between Brisbane and Sydney. A farewell report gave positive comments of his artistic skills, Captain George Holloway, of Territorial Headquarters, has been appointed to Armidale Corps to Assist. The smaller Corps around Sydney will miss the Captain, who has been a constant Special, both interesting and instructing congregations with his crayon sketches of Bible stories and parables.32

Following Armidale Corps, Holloway received a number of short-term appointments; Mayfield Corps33 and Bexley Corps,34 both inner city corps of Sydney, and then Deniliquin Corps,35 a town close to the NSW/ Victorian boarder. At many of these corps, Holloway was reported as having conducted his talk with artistic sketches.36 The marriage of Holloway From Deniliquin, Holloway was appointed to Nowra Corps on the south coast of NSW.37 While stationed at Nowra, on 10 April 1935, Holloway married Captain Dorothy Isobel Mary Hoffman. Hoffman had entered The Salvation Army Officer Training college from Willoughby, NSW in 1931 and was stationed at Griffith Corps at the time of their marriage.38 A local paper pointed out that

“Man drowned from ferry off the Heads”, The daily telegraph, (Sydney, Thursday 16 March 1933), 1. “Botany”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 29 April 1933), 7. 31 “Balmain”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 25 March 1933), 7. 32 “Mainly about people”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 22 April 1933), 10. 33 “Mainly about people”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 17 June 1933), 11.; “Mayfield”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 13 January 1934), 12.; “Mayfield”, Newcastle morning herald and miners’ advocate, (NSW, Saturday 10 June 1933), 3. 34 “The field”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 2 December 1933), 10. 35 “Deniliquin”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 14 April 1934), 7.; “Salvation Army”, The independent, (Deniliquin, Friday 19 January 1934), 4.; “Salvation Army”, The independent, (Deniliquin, Friday 29 June 1934), 4. 36 See for example, “Tighe’s Hill”, Newcastle morning herald and miners’ advocate, (Thursday 17 August 1933), 13.; “Shortland”, Newcastle morning herald and miners’ advocate, (Saturday 30 September 1933), 4. 37 “The field”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 9 March 1935), 12.; “Nowra”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 6 April 1935), 12.; “Personal”, The Shoalhaven telegraph, (NSW, Wednesday 23 January 1935), 2.; “Advertising”, The Nowra leader, (NSW, Friday 1 February 1935), 3. 38 “The field”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 6 July 1935), 12. 29 30

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Holloway had “made quite a number of friends during his comparatively short stay in Nowra.” While he knew that as a married couple, they would receive a new appointment, they were not told where.39 The war cry carried a report on the wedding and pointed out that the local newspaper had included the ceremony in its pages. The war cry stated, OFFICERS’ WEDDING Captain George Holloway and Captain Dorothy Hoffman Nowra Hall was filled with people for the wedding of Captain George Holloway and Captain Dorothy Hoffman. Lieutenant Hocking attended the bride, and Lieutenant Fischle supported the bridegroom. Major Taylor conducted the wedding, which the local paper, in a lengthy report, says was “in accordance with The Salvation Army regulations, and very impressive.”40 Hearty congratulations and the best of good wishes were passed on to the Captain and Mrs. Holloway at an after-gathering, where the Rev. M. Newton (for the Churches), Sergeant-Major Faulks (for the Corps), Lieutenant Hocking (for Griffith Corps), spoke. A large number of telegraphed greetings were read.41

From the time of their wedding to February 1936, the couple were stationed at Rozelle Corps, then another inner-city Sydney corps.42 They then were appointed to Sandgate Corps, Queensland (Qld), a northern coastal suburb of Brisbane, where they soon engaged in all aspects of the corps.43 Queensland corps work Information from this time again showed Holloway’s artistic ability and his use of his artwork in meetings. At the Easter service, “[a] sketch will be given by Captain Holloway of Sandgate, picturing the scene of Calvary, while the West End songsters will sing ‘The Old Rugged Cross.’”44 During the State Congress he did a lightning sketch, “In Memory of the Founder”, William Booth.45 For Christmas, Brisbane Salvationists held a musical festival and “[t]he closing special feature was a Christmas sketch by Captain Holloway, who portrayed the story of the Wise Men and the Star”.46 On 7 October 1937, Holloway commenced his appointment at Boonah Corps, Qld, a rural town about 80 km south-west of Brisbane.47 At the welcoming ‘social’, the corps folks played games, participated in competitions and “[a] feature was a series of blackboard sketches by Capt. Holloway.”48 Being a rural area, many activities of The Salvation Army were reported in the regional newspaper, allowing more actions of Holloway to be identified. The Boonah Corps’ Young Peoples’ “Personal”, The Nowra leader, (NSW, Friday 5 April 1935), 4.; “Local and general”, The Shoalhaven news and South Coast district advertiser, (NSW, Saturday 6 April 1935), 2. 40 While much of this quotation appeared in two local newspapers, The war cry inserted the word “very”. “Salvation Army wedding”, The Shoalhaven news and South Coast districts advertiser, (NSW, Saturday 13 April 1935), 3.; “Salvation Army wedding”, The Nowra leader, (NSW, Friday 19 April 1935), 1. 41 “Officers’ wedding”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 11 May 1935), 13. 42 “The Field”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 May 1935), 12.; “Rozelle”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 11 January 1936), 12. 43 “The field”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 15 February 1936), 15.; “Sandgate”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 19 December 1936), 5.; “Contrasts between war and social spending”, The telegraph, (Brisbane, Monday 24 February 1936), 16.; “Salvation Army”, The telegraph, (Brisbane, Saturday 4 April 1936), 21.; “Anzac Day services,” The telegraph, (Brisbane, Friday 24 April 1936), 5. 44 “Salvation Army Easter services”, The telegraph, (Brisbane, Saturday 11 April 1936), 17. 45 “Salvation Army Congress”, The courier-mail, (Brisbane, Tuesday 19 May 1936), 5.; “Salvation Army Congress”, The telegraph, (Brisbane, Tuesday 19 May 1936), 20, 23. 46 “Brisbane Christmas musical festival”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 16 January 1937), 4. 47 The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 9 October 1937), 10.; “Boonah”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Thursday 11 November 1937), 12. 48 “Boonah”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Thursday 11 November 1937), 12. 39

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Anniversary in December saw Holloway use a different approach to his drawings; he did a “number of sketches of children in the audience”. The program went for nearly two hours and it was reported that “The Salvation Army Hall was inadequate for the accommodation of the large number of people who turned out”.49 The following year, 1938 at the Boonah Corps’ Harvest Festival, Holloway assisted with the decoration of the hall. The Queensland times recorded that, A large illustration of five horses abreast drawing a reaping machine in a field of wheat was a feature of the decorative effects. This was the handiwork, or, more appropriately, the artistry of Captain Holloway, who is in charge of the local Army Corps.50

Holloway also used his skills at the neighbouring corps, Kalbar where he assisted with the Harvest Festival and later the Self-Denial Appeal.51 An event in April showed the skills and gifts of both Captain and Mrs Holloway. The corps took the School of Arts hall to run a concert to raise funds. The Queensland times covered the concert and gave high praise for Holloway. In part, the newspaper stated, The concert was produced by Captain and Mrs. Holloway, both of whom had put a great amount of detailed work into the production, which was obviously enjoyed by the packed house. Several of the items were of special merit, notably those in which Captain Holloway, with pencils and paints, illustrated with rare artistry the song themes of the children. His ability as a black and white artist was well demonstrated in his sketchings of “The Soliloquy of Sally.” During a vocal duet entitled “The Church in the Wildwood” the theme was rapidly illustrated by the Captain in a manner that was in the highest degree entertaining. A descriptive item – Noah’s Ark by the children, was made realistic by animals, moulded in cardboard, gathered around a model of the ark, and characteristic representation of the busy Noah.52

As he had done in Sydney, Holloway assisted churches in the Boonah area with his artistic skills. When the new porch of the Lutheran Church at Dugandan was opened, it was revealed that Holloway had painted the sign “St. Paul’s Lutheran Church, 1889” on the front of the new addition to the church building. Twice in the year, Holloway also assisted the Methodist Church with a sketch described as a “fascinating feature”. In addition to the Lutheran and Methodist churches, he assisted the Church of Christ by presenting a sketch for their Harvest Festival.53

“Fassifern district”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Tuesday 7 December 1937), 8. “Fassifern district”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Tuesday 22 February 1938), 2. 51 “Kalbar”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Monday 7 March 1938), 8.; “Kalbar”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Friday 23 September 1938), 12. 52 “Fassifern district”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Tuesday 12 April 1938), 9. 53 “Porch dedicated”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Tuesday 26 April 1938), 6.; “Fassifern district”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Saturday 14 May 1938), 14.; “Milford”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Thursday 29 September 1938), 12.; “Fassifern district”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Friday 31 March 1939), 2.; Aub Podlich and Kirsten Podlich, Dugandan. Our people – our church. A pictorial tribute to the people of Trinity Lutheran Church on the 125 th anniversary of the dedication of our church, (Queensland: Lutheran Church of Australia, 2014), 69. 49 50

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(Left) Image of the sign painted by George Holloway on the Dugandan Lutheran Church (Right) An enlarged section of the photograph showing Holloway’s signwriting54

The war cry contempory to this time showed the powerful effect of Holloway’s drawing. The war cry reported, The man had been boxing at a local show, and had noticed a copy of The War Cry being passed to a mate of his by the Corps Officer from Kalbar. The man, who had a wound in the centre of his forehead (received in a fighting bout), was later attracted by an Open-air crowd who were watching Captain Holloway, of Boonah, sketching “Sin’s Boomerang,” which showed the boomerang as a wound in the centre of a man’s forehead – the same spot as the boxer’s scar. This so impressed the fighting man that he followed the Captain’s wife to the Quarters, just a little ahead of the Captain, and asked to be instructed in the Way of Salvation. He afterwards left for Melbourne, and the Captain is keeping in touch with him.55

William Booth hoped that ‘Salvation Graphics’ would “equal or excel anything that the world can produce”.56 Holloway’s ability to paint animals and landscapes was clearly seen in a report printed in The Queensland times. The report outlined that Boonah Corps had run an “Aussie Afternoon”, then continued, Captain G. Holloway had an illustration of a typically Australian scene extended across the back of the platform. Two giant gum trees towered to the roof. Laughing jackasses [kookaburras] were perched on its branches. Life-like paintings of two native bears [koalas] looked down on the audience from the trees, and an old man kangaroo raised his giant bulk nearby. The representations of two native bears [koalas], dressed as an old man and an old woman, carrying their swags, were in the foreground. The shadow effects were done extremely well, and the picture was appropriately named, “On the Sunset Track.”

The report also included that during the concert, Holloway completed a coloured picture of two kookaburras on a blackboard as the laugh of a kookaburra played on a gramophone.57 His quality of artistry was attracting attention! Photograph courtesy of “a current member of Trinity Lutheran Church at Dugandan” and Friends of Lutheran Archives, Queensland (FOLAQ). The people in the photograph requested to remain anonymous. 55 “The boxer and the boomerang”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 9 July 1938), 9. 56 Booth, “The General’s letter”, 1. 57 “Fassifern district”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Monday 4 July 1938), 2. 54

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As shown, regular Salvation Army activities staged Holloway’s talents, but so did larger Army events.58 As with the Christmas musical festival in 1936, Holloway participated in a large divisional event in 1938. During the Young People’s Demonstration in Brisbane Holloway again did his “lightning sketches [which] attracted close attention”.59 The year 1939 was another busy year for Holloway at Boonah Corps:60 he wrote a serial in The war cry called “Not a farmer but a sower of seed”;61 a son, Bernard George Holloway was born on 24 May;62 sketches and back drops were painted for Kalbar Corps’ Self-Denial, Beaudesert Corps’ Bush Fair, and Boonah Corps’ Fete.63 Holloway was also listed as playing his mouth organ in concerts.64

Advertisement for George Holloway sketching at Beaudesert65

In 1940, the family were appointed to the Fortitude Valley Corps, Qld, which was an inner-city Brisbane corps.66 This appointment placed Holloway in a good location to be used at combined Salvation Army meetings in Brisbane. First, Holloway was used for the combined Self-Denial Appeal thanksgiving meeting; here he “depicted, by sketching, the various branches of The Army’s work”.67 Second, the combined Brisbane Easter meetings had “[t]he programme … enriched by two sketches by Captain Holloway, ‘The Song of Brother Jones’ and ‘Death to Life’”. 68 Third, at the Queensland State Congress, Holloway again took part. The war cry reported, The Scripture reading, dealing with the parable of the Prodigal Son, was recited by Captain G. Holloway; then, to the playing of The Penitent’s Plea, the Captain sketched scenes’ in the prodigal’s life. The presentation was received in deep silence; the message was personal and powerful.69

Holloway drew sketches for Boonah Corps’ Self-Denial fair. “Salvation Army fair”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Friday 30 September 1938), 10. 59 “Talents of youth”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 June 1938), 7. 60 “All worked enthusiastically”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 March 1939), 12. 61 “Not a farmer but a sower of seed”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 20 May 1939), 5. 62 “Personal intelligence”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 22 July 1939), 10.; ancestry.com.au 63 “Kalbar”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Thursday 2 March 1939), 2.; “Advertising”, The Beaudesert times, (Qld, Friday 3 March 1939), 4.; “Harvest festival”, The Beaudesert times, (Qld, Friday 10 March 1939), 3.; “Boonah”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 25 November 1939), 4. 64 “Harvest festival”, The Beaudesert times, (Qld, Friday 10 March 1939), 3.; “Fassifern District”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Monday 3 July 1939), 3. 65 “Advertising”, The Beaudesert times, (Qld, Friday 3 March 1939), 4. 66 “Official gazette”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 16 September 1939), 8.; “Valley”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 20 January 1940), 4. 67 “SO. [sic] Queensland”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 4 November 1939), 6. 68 “In the Queensland capital”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 6 April 1940), 7. 69 “The standard is high”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 1 June 1940), 10. 58

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At the same Congress, Holloway produced art on the lighter side. In the youth meeting, the Fortitude Valley Corps’ young people presented acts that, … included lifelike portraits under the lightning brush of Captain George Holloway, and an overalled staff of six young women. The kindly characteristics of General Carpenter were seen, and as a farewell gesture to Lieut.-Commissioner Dalziel, he was depicted with a good measure of exactness.70

Holloway did not just appear at large events, but also assisted in other Salvation Army corps around Brisbane. He painted items for the Caboolture Corps fete, which was to raise funds for SelfDenial.71 It would have been difficult raising money at this stage as there were many similar events being held in the attempt to secure funds for Australia’s war effort. While militaries around the world were engaged in deadly campaigns, in 1941 The Salvation Army in Brisbane was running a series of “beach campaigns” to save souls. At several Queensland seaside resorts, such as Sandgate, Wynnum, and Lota, open-airs and other meetings were held. Of Holloway it was noted, “Captain Holloway, with ready brush, depicted topical events carrying a spiritual message.”72 Holloway family matters The family was appointed to Nundah Corps, Qld in February 1941, another inner-city corps, this time to the north of Brisbane City and close to their earlier appointment at Sandgate Corps. 73 This appointment caused mixed feelings for the family. Soon after their arrival at Nundah Corps The war cry reported, “Captain and Mrs. Holloway, of Nundah, have been very anxious owing to the serious illness of their children, for whom prayer is requested.”74 The children were likely Bernard and newly born (14 February 1941) Ralph Walter Frank Holloway.75 While at the corps the couple were also promoted to the rank of Adjutant.76 Although the family had had major concerns over their children, The Salvation Army was still using Holloway for large divisional events. Over Easter 1941, a series of combined meetings were planned, and it was stated that in one of these Holloway “proclaimed a powerful message in his skilful sketching of ‘The Seeking Shepherd.’”77 In June, to promote the work of The Salvation Army’s war work and [to] collect funds, a “Women’s war-work exhibition [was held] in Brisbane City Hall”. The report of the event stated, “Adjutant Holloway’s artistic efforts were especially striking. One picture showed a company of children holding a meeting in a London tube railway station.”78 As many of the paintings and drawings of Holloway were not intended to be kept, very few visual examples remain. This “war-work exhibition” was however photographed.

“Brisbane youth”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 8 June 1940), 4. “Caboolture’s S. D. fete”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 5 October 1940), 3. 72 “Beach campaigns”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 1 February 1941), 6. 73 “The field”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 22 February 1941), 4.; “Salvation Army officers’ annual changes”, The courier-mail, (Brisbane, Tuesday 7 January 1941), 6. 74 “Eastern Territory”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 8 March 1941), 7. 75 “Personal intelligence”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 19 April 1941), 7. 76 “Personal intelligence”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 10 May 1941), 7.; “Official gazette”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 21 June 1941), 4.; “Salvation Army”, The telegraph, (Brisbane, Saturday 26 April 1941), 18.; “Church notes”, The courier-mail, (Brisbane, Saturday 26 April 1941), 11. 77 “Easter musical festival”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 26 April 1941), 7. 78 “Red Shield display”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 28 June 1941), 7. 70 71

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“Queensland Red Shield activities in model Red Shield Hut at the Women’s War-Work Exhibition in the Brisbane City Hall” In the background are examples of Holloway’s work79

As shown, illness had hit the children of the family in March 1941, and again in August it was announced the family were concerned about “the ill-health of their children. The baby is in hospital, and Mrs. Holloway has to be in attendance.”80 Sadly, the baby, Ralph Walter Frank Holloway was promoted to Glory on 4 August 1941, he was not yet 6 months old.81 The family did not have long to grieve as within four months they were again on the move and had to leave the grave of their lost child behind. Final corps work In February 1942, the Holloway family were appointed to Kempsey Corps, in the mid north coast of NSW.82 More sadness came to the family while at Kempsey. Their surviving son, Bernard “was badly burned in a primus stove accident, and had treatment in hospital”. At the time it was reported he made “satisfactory progress” but evidently not enough.83 On 6 June another son was born, John Garth Holloway, yet the three-year-old Bernard was unwell and again taken to hospital; a short time later Bernard was promoted to Glory.84 Holloway was also involved in a car accident that put his car out of order just as his work was increasing with the war effort.85 Despite the series of sad events, Holloway continued to work in the corps and started to find ways to assist the growing needs of military troops in the area. “Red Shield display”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 28 June 1941), 4. The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 9 August 1941), 7. 81 Queensland, births, deaths, and marriages, https://www.familyhistory.bdm.qld.gov.au/ accessed 12 February 2021.; “Family notices”, The courier-mail, (Tuesday 5 August 1941), 10.; “Amazing acts”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 23 August 1941), 4.; “Personal intelligence”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 6 September 1941), 5.; ancestry.com.au 82 “Official gazette”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 7 February 1942), 3.; “2 Churches cancel conferences”, The courier-mail, (Brisbane, Saturday 10 January 1942), 6.; The Macleay chronicle, (Qld, Wednesday 21 January 1942), 4. 83 The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 21 March 1942), 7. 84 “Personal intelligence”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 1 August 1942), 5.; “Bernard George Holloway”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 24 July 1942), 2.; “Return thanks”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Tuesday 4 August 1942), 2. 85 “Without a car”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 24 April 1942), 2.; “Our mail bag”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 10 July 1942), 4. 79 80

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Holloway continued to use his artistic gifts. He contributed vocal and sketching items to the Corps’ Harvest Festival program and other programs run to raise funds for the corps brass band.86 A report on a concert commenced with the subtitle “Fine Entertainment in Salvation Army Hall” and outlined the artwork presented by Holloway, A remarkable feature of the entertainment was the lightning sketch water color [sic] work of Adjt. G. Holloway. Whilst Mr. H. Williams sang “When I get To The End Of The Road,” the Adjutant quickly sketched a lovely scene with a road leading into the sunset; …

Holloway accompanied two other items with his artistic skills, then, Messrs. A. Clissold and H. Williams sang “Come to the Church in the Wildwood,” their vocal duet being accompanied by Mr. Alwyn Secomb at the organ; and the artistic effect was greatly enhanced by Adjt. Holloway’s charming sketch of an old English scene with the church nestling by the woodland in the valley. As the artists were applauded a lady in the audience announced that she’d like to buy the sketch, which was sold to her for 2/-. Mr. George Tweddle promptly auctioned the next picture to Mr. Williams for 4/-, whereupon Mr. Williams sold George another for 2/-. On the next sheet of paper, Mr. Clissold made a brush sweep which the Adjutant quickly turned into a clever caricature of Mr. Geo. Tweddle handing out new boots for old, and an auction of this picture brought in over £1, all the moneys going to the Band funds. … The Adjutant finished his performance with an excellent sketch entitled “The Prodigal’s Return,” one of the best pictures of the evening.87

As the focus of the Australian war effort shifted from Europe to Asia in 1942, Australia needed to prepare itself for potential invasion. Holloway started to help the town move to a war footing. He began to organise the collection of clothing, “in case of emergency. Should there be raids on Kempsey, with consequent suffering and loss of personal effects”, they had heard about the devastation in Europe and wanted to be prepared.88 He also helped prepare the community for any first aid needs with the organising of A.R.P. (Air Raid Precautions) lectures.89 Throughout these times Holloway was clear that all people were welcome to come to him “[i]f in trouble of any kind.”90

An example of the advertisements for the Kempsey Corps91

“Salvation Army”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 6 March 1942), 4.; “Salvation Army”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Tuesday 19 May 1942), 2. 87 “Concert and play”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Wednesday 20 May 1942), 4. 88 “Clothing for bomb victims”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Wednesday 11 March 1942), 7. 89 “A. R. P. lecture”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 17 April 1942), 4. 90 See for example, “Salvation Army”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Tuesday 19 May 1942), 2. 91 See for example, “Salvation Army”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Tuesday 19 May 1942), 2. 86

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As World War Two continued, The Salvation Army decided to open more work with troops. In July 1942, Major Ralph Satchell, Assistant Commissioner for Red Shield War Services visited Kempsey to arrange for the establishment of a Red Shield Club.92 It appears the first club ran from “Lane’s shop in Clyde Street”.93 Not only did he need to secure funds, he had to find a larger building, fit it out with games, furniture, and refreshments, secure the volunteers to run it and provide entertainment and music. By August of 1942, Holloway had opened a two-story Red Shield Club for troops “at the eastern end of the traffic bridge”.94 It was stated, “Adjutant Holloway, whose artistic ability is seen to advantage at the front of the building, already has the Red Shield Club in full operation.”95 His artistic skills were also used for the military soldiers of Kempsey. As men left for war, they were given a pocket wallet with the inscription, “Above all, be a Christian soldier, and may God bless you and bring you back safe and well in every way”. These wallets were inscribed by Holloway, this showed his versatile artistic skills.96 His leadership in organising The Salvation Army’s war work saw him appointed full time into the Red Shield War Services of The Salvation Army. War service with The Salvation Army In January 1943, Adjutant G. Holloway was appointed to assist at Red Shield Headquarters in Brisbane, for The Salvation Army’s Military work.97 As much of Holloway’s work would have needed to be kept out of the media, information on his movements were therefore difficult to locate. On Tuesday 29 June 1943, Brisbane City Temple hosted an event to raise funds for The Salvation Army’s war effort, titled “Special Red Shield Night.” It was advertised as a “Programme of Music and Sketches by Major H. Woodland and Adjutant F. G. Holloway, assisted by City Temple Band.”98 In October of that year, Holloway was again on the move; he was appointed to take charge of The Salvation Army’s work in the Sellheim Camp in north Qld, near Charters Towers.99 The Ipswich newspaper, The Queensland times announced that, Word has been received from the Red Shield Headquarters …. Of the release of No. 2 Ipswich mobile civil canteen unit, to be used by Adjutant Geo. Holloway as a military unit to service troops in a northern area. Word is to hand that the Adjutant and the canteen have arrived safely at their destination. The canteen will be of great service at the Red Shield post.100

No information could be found on Holloway’s movements throughout 1944 and no notes appeared about any transfers. However, by January 1945, it appeared that Holloway had been reassigned to a Military camp near Beaudesert, Qld, a rural town about 70 km south of Brisbane. He requested volunteers to join the “Red Shield Sewing Club” in the Beaudesert area. This had been a group of volunteers who visited Military camps each week to sew for the troops.101 “Red Shield Club”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 10 July 1942), 5. “Red Shield Club”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 7 August 1942), 5. 94 “Red Shield Club”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 7 August 1942), 5. 95 “Red Shield Clubs”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 19 September 1942), 6. 96 “On service”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Friday 30 October 1942), 2. 97 “Red Shield doings”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 13 February 1943), 4.; “Town topics”, The Macleay argus, (Kempsey, Wednesday 6 January 1943), 2. 98 “Salvation Army”, The telegraph, (Brisbane, Saturday 26 June 1943), 4. 99 “Personal intelligence”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 9 October 1943), 5. 100 “Red Shield Huts”, The Queensland times, (Ipswich, Saturday 2 October 1943), 3. 101 “Red Shield Sewing Club”, The Beaudesert times, (Qld, Friday 12 January 1945), 2. 92 93

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‘Brother’ Holloway Sources on Holloway again went cold throughout the remainder of 1945; no information appears on him in The war cry or newspapers until he appeared in a report on the Parramatta Corps late in 1946. The sources from this point on also failed to give information on his wife or any children, although some personal memories state there was a daughter with him at Bankstown Corps. Also, none of the reports in The war cry gave a rank, they only listed, “Brother Holloway”, which appears to show he had left officership. There are also some conflicting information in sources about his links with The Salvation Army. There is no clear indication what employment Holloway had once he left officership; he may have returned to his earlier signwriting trade as he was soon using his painting talents as an evangelical tool in The Salvation Army and a War cry item encouraged people to use Holloway’s artistic talents.102 Holloway appeared in November 1946 at Parramatta Corps, NSW. One Sunday, “[i]n the afternoon Brother Holloway’s lightning sketches, illustrating various songs, and his narration of The Prodigal Son, with accompanying sketch, were effective.”103 At this time it appears Holloway was living at East Bankstown. This suburb was listed in an 1948 issue of The war cry, although no other information was given about him, except a picture of a poster he had illustrated.104

An example of artwork by George Holloway, 1948105

Although no longer an officer of The Salvation Army, Holloway’s zeal for souls had not wavered and the use of his talents still led people to God. Although Holloway had left officership, he had remained a soldier of The Salvation Army and was to continue to use his artistic gifts. There appeared to be several themes of meetings in which he used his sketches and painted illustrations; meetings for young people, revivals to awake and grow spiritual awareness, and fund-raising activities. “‘Not by might, nor by power’”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 3 July 1948), 8. “Eighteen at Parramatta”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 30 November 1946), 6. 104 “‘Not by might, nor by power’”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 3 July 1948), 8. 105 “‘Not by might, nor by power’”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 3 July 1948), 8. 102 103

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Young people’s meetings A few reports showed that Holloway could effectively minister to children and young people. In 1948, at the Belmore Corps’ Young People’s Annual, Holloway “sketched his illustrations of spiritual truths”.106 In 1950, he participated in the youth weekend at Bankstown Corps with his “lightning sketches”.107 In 1951, Holloway, with the support of Bandsman Bryon, led the Sunday meeting for the young people’s anniversary at Willoughby Corps. It was stated, “Brother Holloway, a talented artist, held the attention of tinies and adults by his lightning sketches with which he illustrated his lesson.”108 Revival meetings Holloway’s desire to teach people biblical truths and see them convert to Christianity remained strong. In 1949, on a Sunday afternoon at Sydney Congress Hall, “Brother George Holloway gave a spiritual message illustrated by lightning sketches.”109 Then, later in the year at Marrickville Corps, “[t]wo reconsecrations were made at Marrickville on Sunday night, when Brother Holloway gave the lesson with brush and paint.”110 In 1951, there were a few events aimed to develop spiritual awareness of Salvationists and non-Salvationists alike. Firstly, Holloway’s skills were used to introduce how Salvation Army cadets received their calling to officership, Brother S. [sic] Holloway enlivened the afternoon Meeting with his lightning sketches, illustrating how Christ entered the life of the Cadets, as each gave their testimony. Two boys sought Christ.111

Secondly, at Ashfield Corps, “Special Meetings have been conducted by Mrs. Lieut.-Colonel R. McClure, Lieut.-Colonel Robert Rignold and Brother George Holloway.”112 Thirdly, a report on Parramatta Corps stated, “Brother George Holloway, the lightning sketch artist, led a profitable Sunday night Meeting.”113 Fourthly, “artist George Holloway” joined with “well-known Pastor of the ‘Church in the Wildwood’ Session [on] 2CH [radio]” at Sydney Congress Hall in 1954.114 Even while on holidays, Holloway would attend The Salvation Army and assist in meetings. In 1953, he visited Nowra, where he had previously been the corps officer. When visiting the corps, he “gave an illustrated address”.115 At his local corps he also used his talents to teach the community about Christ. At Bankstown Corps, Holloway would often do “roadside sketch lessons” at open-air meetings.116

“Infectious Christianity”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 17 January 1948), 7. “Young people to the fore”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 5 August 1950), 7. 108 “Youth activity”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 30 June 1951), 7. 109 “Sydney Congress Hall”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 23 April 1949), 6. 110 “Training College newsletter”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 24 September 1949), 6. 111 “Illustrated testimonies”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 9 June 1951), 6. 112 “Ashfield”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 11 August 1951), 6. 113 “Three girls and a man converted”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 25 August 1951), 6. 114 “Advertising”, The Sydney morning herald, (NSW, Saturday 19 June 1954), 21. 115 “Visitors help”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 14 March 1953), 7. 116 “Busy at Bankstown”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 2 July 1955), 4. 106 107

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An example of a Bible truth lighting sketch drawn by George Holloway titled “Life’s voyage”. There is evidence that this talk was given at both Waverly Corps and North Sydney Corps in 1932117

117

Autograph book of Captain Edward Merrick, housed in The Salvation Army Australia Museum, Sydney, cited in “Sketches from an autograph book”, 7 – 9.; Callaghan, “A recent arrival at the museum”, 7 – 8.; “Waverly”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 6 August 1932), 12.; “Daffodil fair”, The war cry, (Sydney, Saturday 3 September 1932), 13.

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Fund raising activities The Salvation Army had many opportunities for people to attend events to raise finances for corps and social work. In 1952, “Brother F. G. Holloway conducted the Sunday Meetings”, for the Harvest Festival at Daceyville Corps, with the Belmore Corps band and songsters assisting. 118 In 1953, he conducted the “Harvest Sunday meetings” at Mortdale Corps and it was said of him that his “sketching brought gospel truths to life”.119 Later in the year, Holloway did a similar presentation at Manly Corps, as “Harvest Festival meetings were conducted by Brother George Holloway of Bankstown, whose illustrative paintings created great interest both at indoor and open-air meetings.”120 Holloway also painted cars. In 1953, Salvationists throughout Australia raised funds to supply a motor vehicle for Senior-Captain Gladys Callis in Indonesia. Holloway gave his time and paint free for the signwriting on the vehicle before it was shipped to Callis.121 The Salvation Army has placed a great deal of importance on the annual collection of the SelfDenial Appeal; a way of raising funds for the movement’s work. In 1956, a meeting was held at Sydney Congress Hall to celebrate the amounts of money collected by individuals and Salvation Army departments. As each total was announced, Holloway and another Salvationist artist, A. Stuart Peterson drew cartoons, Under the title, “The eyes have it,” artists A. Stuart Peterson, of Congress Hall, and George Holloway, of Bankstown, kept the crowd highly interested with their cartoons portraying the totals raised by the various departments and divisions.122

Personal life and Sydney’s northern beaches After Holloway left officership there were still times of grief. Holloway’s father, Frederick William Holloway passed away in 1953; and the remaining son, John Garth Holloway was promoted to Glory on 5 November 1955 at Hurstville (he had been born in Kempsey on 6 June 1942).123 Tracking Holloway’s movements, it appears that he lived in the Bankstown area until about 1957/1958 when his circle of travel changed to centre around Salvation Army corps in the northern beaches of Sydney. Holloway’s relocation to the northern beaches of Sydney was to some extent a homecoming, as it was from this area, he went to The Salvation Army Officer Training College in 1930. The move did not stop his ministry. Holloway joined the Dee Why Corps and participated in the brass band and other ministries. One of the first major events Holloway was involved in was a weekend to celebrate the history of the corps. The weekend “was arranged by local district historian and C.S.M., Chas McDonald, and artist, Bandsman G. Holloway.”124

118

The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 22 March 1952), 7. “Won by swearing-in”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 28 March 1953), 7. 120 “Youth progress”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 April 1953), 7. 121 “Jeep for Indonesia”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 14 February 1953), 5. 122 “Causes rejoicing in Eastern Territory”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 27 October 1956), 4. 123 NSW, birth, deaths, and marriages, https://familyhistory.bdm.nsw.gov.au/lifelink/familyhistory/search/result?22, retrieved 12 February 2021.; ancestry.com.au; https://www.ancestry.co.uk/discoveryui-content/view/1413622:60528 accessed 19 February 2021. 124 “Past and present”, The musician, (Australia, September 1957), 132. 119

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Dee Why Corps brass band showing Holloway on cornet125

In 1958, Holloway conducted campaigns throughout the former Australia Southern Territory with other Salvationists from the Sydney area. These campaigns were designed to encourage people to attend The Salvation Army. Firstly, in March, Holloway travelled to South Australia where the Adelaide Congress Hall band assisted him with a program.126 Secondly, in June, he travelled with other Salvationists to Victoria, the advertisement of their visit stated, Young People’s Sergeant-Major (Dr.) and Mrs. W. Kinder and Brother G. Holloway, all of Sydney, are to visit Melbourne for the Queen’s birthday holiday weekend. Brother Holloway, a lightning sketch artist, illustrates band and songster numbers, and the visitors will take part in festivals at Camberwell (Friday), Malvern (Saturday) and the Melbourne City Temple (Monday).127

Only the reports of Holloway’s time in Camberwell and Melbourne City Temple could be located, yet these gave positive feedback of the events.128 Later in the year, Holloway collaborated again with “the well-known radio personality, Mr. John Davis,” to “illustrate with rapid sketching” Davis’ talk. The presentation was given at The Salvation Army Petersham Corps, Sydney.129 One weekend in 1959, Holloway, again with YPSM Dr. Kingston Kinder, travelled to the south coast of NSW to conduct a meeting for the Woonona Salvation Army Corps. It was stated that while “the doctor [was] giving the address, [it] was skilfully illustrated on the sketch board by Brother Holloway.”130 To commemorate the life and work of Australian poet Henry Lawson, Holloway travelled to Grenfell to paint a mural depicting Lawson’s poem, When the Army prays for Watty. The painting was placed in the window of the grocery store owned by fellow Salvationist Bandmaster Jack Stiff.131

“21 years at a seaside corps”, The musician, (Australia, 21 July 1962), 112. “Additional effort”, The musician, (Australia, March 1958), 42. 127 “Paragraphs of interest”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 21 June 1958), 4. 128 See report of the event, “Youthful seekers”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 2 August 1958), 7.; “Extracts from a Staff Bandsman’s diary”, The musician, (Australia, August 1958), 124. 129 “Seekers a stimulus”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 4 October 1958), 7. 130 “Visit by T.Y.P.S.” The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 July 1959), 6. 131 “Impressions of an artist and a poet”, The musician, (Australia, September 1959), 143. 125 126

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A mural painted by George Holloway depicting When the Army prays for Watty. It was placed in Bandmaster Jack Stiff’s grocery store for “Henry Lawson celebrations at Grenfell”132 132

“Impressions of an artist and a poet”, The musician, (Australia, September 1959), 143.

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Holloway became very active in the Dee Why Corps. Before the opening of their new hall, the Dee Why Corps were holding salvation meetings each Sunday night at the local camping ground. One report on these activities showed the attraction that artistic forms had on children. The war cry report stated, One woman has asked for the names of her children to be put on the roll at Ryde where they live. These young people have been particularly interested by Brother G. Holloway with his sketches, Bandsman (Dr.) Kinder with the flannelgraph and Mrs. Major H. Hill with puppets.133

As with his time as a Salvation Army officer in Brisbane, Holloway was again used for large Salvation Army events. A territorial young people’s musical festival was held at Sydney Congress Hall and included items from young people representing four different divisions. At the event, “[t]he Deewhy [sic] young people presented the 23rd Psalm while Brother G. Holloway was illustrating with sketches”.134 On 14 October 1961, the Dee Why Corps opened their new citadel and young people’s hall.135 The painting of the text on the wall behind the platform was done for the opening by Holloway. It is a clear example of Holloway’s work. The Dee Why Citadel painting is also a good example of the quality of his work, as only after many years was it needed to be touched up. It was appropriate that Holloway’s friend, Mrs Beryl Kinder later enhanced the colours of the painting to return it to its original condition. At this point, the painting in the Dee Why Corps Citadel appears to be the only remaining example of Holloway’s work on the wall of a Salvation Army building still in existence. Also, as much of his work was painted for one off events, there appears to be little of his work available for viewing. While Holloway attended the Dee Why Corps, he assisted the Newcastle Corps with a float for the ‘Mattara Festival’ with great effect. The war cry report stated, “Brother George Holloway, of Dee-why [sic], supplied the luminous paint signs and the Army float secured second place in the religious entries.”136 In 1962, Holloway helped with another large Salvation Army young people’s event, the children’s meeting at a Territorial Congress. The report of the event stated, On Sunday afternoon 200 children attended a young people’s company meeting held in the basement of the Sydney Town Hall, under the direction of Major T. Higgins and Major J. McCabe with divisional youth officers assisting. Brother George Holloway assisted with lightning sketches.137

By the mid-1960s, Holloway had transferred to the Manly Corps. Manly Citadel gives another example of Holloway’s work in Salvation Army halls. In this citadel is possibly the only example of his work on a wooden framed board. It is more difficult to identify other paintings done by Holloway as there are few records of his work. The text identified by Captain Louanne Mitchel at the Manly Citadel shows a similar style to that of the Dee Why Citadel, however not directly painted on the wall, but rather on a board and in a frame.

“DeeWhy [sic]”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 19 March 1960), 7. “Annual festival”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 24 September 1960), 5. 135 “Imposing set of corps buildings dedicated and opened at Deewhy [sic]”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 28 October 1961), 4. 136 “Army float attracts attention in Newcastle procession”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 28 October 1961), 4. 137 “Night of prayer”, The war cry, (Melbourne, The Easter, 1962), 11. 133 134

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The text believed to be painted by George Holloway, Manly Corps138

There is something of a strange source in the life and ministry of Holloway. Captain Louanne Mitchel, the current Corps Officer of the Manly Corps stated that the corps history book records that on 12 April 1966, in the Manly Corps Citadel, the hall from which he left for College 36 years previously, George Holloway was re-enrolled as a senior soldier of The Salvation Army by Captain Ron Whitehouse. It was said that he and his wife attended the corps for a number of years.139 However, Holloway was clearly a soldier in Dee Why throughout the 1950s and assisted in evangelical campaigns. There could be an error in the written statement in the history book or the meaning may have been that the Holloways transferred into the corps or renewed their covenant at this time. During Easter 1966, Holloway presented his lightning sketch at the events held at Dulwich Hill Temple Corps which “attracted an overflow crowd”. The report continued, Lightning sketch artist Brother George Holloway painted scenes of the garden, the trial, the crucifixion and the resurrection, whilst appropriate music was presented by the temple band and songster brigade and individual singers. A personality attraction of the night was Bruce Menzies, of TV Channel 9, as narrator, with script written by Major Nelson Dunster.140

This was the final report located on Holloway’s artistic gifts used in meetings. As technologies changed, visual images became mass produced and easier to obtain, and fewer varieties of talks were given in meetings, Holloway disappeared from War cry reports linked to meetings. Four years later, in 1970, Holloway painted a mural and presented it to the Manly Corps. It appeared to be a painting of Jesus at the wheel of a vessel during a storm. The final statement on Holloway was that in 1972 he travelled to Toowoomba. Of interest was that Holloway’s brother William Henry Holloway had died in Toowoomba at an earlier date, so George Holloway may have gone to visit family. Additionally, Frank Shaw was listed in the report, showing that Holloway and his old mentor still had contact.141

138

Photograph courtesy of Captain Louanne Mitchel. Information supplied by Captain Louanne Mitchel. 140 “Final Easter news reports”, The musician, (Australia, 28 May 1966), 80. 141 “Shield winners”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 November 1972), 5. 139

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It appears that at some time after 1972, Frederick George Holloway moved to New Zealand and was promoted to Glory from there in 1999. Dorothy, his wife is believed to have died in 2005, although the location has not been identified.142 Sadly, there has been no tribute to Holloway located. But it is certain that his brushstrokes reached people; the people that only paint and pictures could. His tribute lies not in written text, but in the souls of those he reached with the Gospel. It is clear that Holloway was a talented artist and appeared at the time where the visual image was becoming more important to portray messages. Referring back to the quotation at the beginning of the paper, William Booth encouraged Salvationists to consecrate their artistic gifts and this was evident in the life and art of Holloway.

George Holloway aids in the unveiling of his mural at Manly Citadel, 1970143

142 143

Ancestry.com.au. “Mural at Manly”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 30 May 1970), 3.

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Photograph of Salvation Army officer, Adjutant Harry Munn; known as ‘Mad Munn’1

Photograph originally owned by Robert and Phyllida Munn. Courtesy of the author.

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‘MAD MUNN’ – ARISING AGAIN A GREAT-GRANDSON RECALLS THE THEATRICAL EVANGELIST Richard Munn Introduction Harry Munn (1864 – 1904), aka ‘Mad Munn’ was imprinted upon me from early childhood by a unique combination of revered awe and tongue-in-cheek mischief, “your great grandfather was known as ‘Mad Munn’ you know, he used to preach from a coffin.” Adding to the mystique, his notably large and framed Victorian photographic portrait hung prominently in the living room of the south east London Salvation Army home of my grandmother Dora, wife of Mad Munn’s son, Harry. He always seemed to be surveying us all as we visited, keeping a hawkeyed review of our exploits for Army mission.2 Then, with exquisite timing for this imaginative boy, the UK War cry embarked on a weekly cartoon series in the early 1960s, Alive in his coffin– retelling in picturesque and bite-size episodes the life story of Adjutant Harry Munn. Alive in his coffin ‘Mad Munn’ by A.E Horne and Albert Kenyon3

Reference citation of this paper; Richard Munn, “‘Mad Munn’ – Arising again. A great-grandson recalls the theatrical evangelist”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 121 – 135. 2 See “Photograph of Salvation Army officer, Harry Munn; known as ‘Mad Munn’”. 3 Images are from A.E Horne and Albert Kenyon, Alive in his coffin ‘Mad Munn’, in various issues of The war cry, (London, 1963). Some strips also appeared in various issues of The war cry, (Melbourne, 1952).

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The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 123

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 124

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 125

The narrative outlined in The war cry serial was originally described in the same-named booklet by Albert Kenyon.4 Kenyon’s booklet was part of the Liberty Booklet series of Salvation Army great hearts such as William and Catherine Booth, Kate Lee, and James Dowdle; first printed and produced during the 1940s.

Albert Kenyon, Alive in his coffin – Harry Munn, Liberty Booklet, (London, UK: Campfield Press, Salvationist Publishing Supplies, 1948). 4

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Cover of Liberty Booklet, Alive in his coffin5

Alive in his coffin listed with other biographies of well-known Salvationists in the Liberty Series6

Imagine that?! My very own ancestor featured in a weekly cartoon and had a biography in a collection featuring the Founder! It just added to the aura. Finally, for extra flourish and emphasis, on a dark January Sunday evening Salvation Meeting in 1970, this earnest 14-year-old was enrolled under the army tricolor by the visiting divisional commander, who promptly informed the gathered uniform-wearing Letchworth Corps, United Kingdom, that I came from “the greatest evangelist in the history of the Army.” Even I knew that had to be an exaggeration, that Booth and Railton might have greater credentials in that regard. But, it was yet another stamp of imprint.

Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, front cover. Gladys Moon, Conquistador – Eduardo Palaci, Liberty Booklet, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1946), back cover. 6

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As the years have rolled by, and thanks to the wizardry of digital filing and publication, I have been able to gather together some of the details and narrative of this evidently larger-than-life personality. In so doing I have been inspired at the flaming, flamboyant evangelistic energy, and simultaneously convicted at the overflowing heartfelt love and compassion for ‘the lost’ displayed by Harry Munn. Childhood and Conversion Harry Munn was born in 1864 in the hamlet of Hoo, Kent, in the very southeast of England.7 The religious or Christian commitment of the family of origin is undetermined, though described as “respectable non-conformist”.8 What seems apparent is that Munn had a flair for the dramatic and was gripped by the visiting actors of a touring theatre, maybe in the kind of fore-runner magical moment that prepares for future energies.9 All this converged when The Salvation Army came to town in 1885.10 Munn was saved as a young person, and we read, sensed the calling of God for officership. His theatrical temperament had found the perfect channel for full expression.11 Officership Following a short training experience in Clapton, London, Munn was released like an evangelical bird to exert his considerable imagination, dare and youthful energies for evangelism. Soon after commissioning he met fellow officer Lucy Phillips, and they were married, an event which was somewhat romantically, even imaginatively, recounted by Albert Kenyon.12 What can be recorded with some confidence is that Lucy also came from an active and pioneering Army family, with her brother W. Raglan Phillips founding The Salvation Army in Jamaica.13 Munn’s corps appointments included outer Birmingham in England,14 Govan in Scotland,15 and Belfast in Northern Ireland.16 While at Govan there were a few references to his evangelical skills. Kenyon wrote, In fourteen days 130 people had sought God at the Govan Penitent Form; and during the eleven months the Munns were there no fewer than 5,000 seekers were registered.17

What Kenyon did not write was that Munn helped to rescue Govan Corps. The official history of the Govan Corps showed that after the corps had been in operation for 18 years divisional headquaters 7

Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 1. Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 3. 9 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 2. 10 A. Payne, “New ground. Opening of Hoo”, The war cry, (London, 28 February 1885), 4. The work was designated an outpost in mid-April 1885 and later became a corps. “Hoo”, The war cry, (London, 13 June 1885), 4.; “Hoo”, The war cry, (London, 26 March 1887), 12. 11 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 2 – 3. 12 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 4. 13 Doreen Hobbs, Jewels of The Caribbean. The history of The Salvation Army in The Caribbean Territory, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1986), 2 – 7. 14 Kenyon listed this as “a Midland Village.” Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 3, 15 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 10. 16 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 12. 17 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 10. 8

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proposed to close down the corps even though James Hay, the then field secretary, attempted to resist this move. The divisional commander (DC), Major Hillery won the campaign and with the territorial commander’s permission closed the corps. At the closing meeting although The Salvation Army flag and keys to the hall were handed over to the DC, a local officer took back the flag, declared the corps not closed and marched off with the flag. Hay then pressed for another officer to be sent. During the appointment of Captain Munn in 1899 numbers continued to increase. It is recorded that early on a Sunday morning “Mad Munns” as he was known would kick a tin can about the cobbled streets and when people complained from their windows he preached the gospel to them and invited them to the meetings. Old worthies of Govan can recall him preaching at Govan Cross standing in a coffin to gain the attention of passing people. Under his leadership a great revival took place and with the advice and support of Commissioner18 [James] Hay, Munn held great revival meetings in Govan Public Hall on many occasions. Numbers were increasing and it soon became evident that a new permanent place of worship should be made available and it would appear that by the end of 1901/1902 the active local officers had begun plans to put this into effect.19

While some saw the exploits of Munn and evaluated him as “the eccentric Captain Munn”20 others such as Kenyon, gave praise for Munn’s gift. Kenyon’s summation of Munn’s evangelical style showed something of the man and his gift: His passion for uplifting and betterment of his fellow men took him into some of the vilest of vile places. Many a drink-sodden man would find himself suddenly confronted by this tall, lanky figure, with the mass of long, bushy hair and eyes, which seemed to bore into one’s soul. They would be compelled to listen whilst Munn spoke of their condition – and of the power of the Gospel which he preached. Women of the streets were melted to tears, and many of them restored to better living, as they were entreated by this strange man with the gentle voice to leave their life of sin and find Salvation.21

What also seems evident is that William Booth’s simple evangelistic maxim, ‘First, get their attention!’ took root in Munn’s heart and mind. Indeed, it became a life-guiding and indelible principle. Munn, it seems, became consumed by the idea, as Kenyon also wrote, He [Munn] would ride a white horse at a canter down the main thoroughfare until he came to the usual meeting place for the Open-Air Meeting. Then, from his elevation, he would speak to the crowd upon the certainty of the coming of the ‘pale horse and his rider’ – Death! Alternatively, riding in a carriage drawn by a pair of fine bay horses, he would improve the occasion by reminding his hearers of the uncertainty of riches and the necessity of laying up treasure in Heaven.22

Every strategy and enterprise used by Munn became subsumed by the idea of attracting attention: - He kicked cans down the street to arouse the neighboring inhabitants. 18

This rank would have been given to Hay in later years. Anon, 10 decades at Govan. Excerpt from the official history book of The Salvation Army in Govan, (UK: Salvation Army, n.d.), n.p. 20 David Armistead, The Army of Alba. A history of The Salvation Army in Scotland (1879-2004), (London, UK: The Salvation Army United Kingdom Territory with the Republic of Ireland, 2017, online at https://issuu.com/salvationarmyuk/docs/the-army-of-alba-history), 95. 21 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 6 – 7. 22 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 7. 19

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- He printed pithy posters and fliers by the hundred and distributed them like a newspaper seller, starting at 6am, catching the men on their way to work. - He marched a brass band through a pub. - He rode a white horse through the open-air preaching hellfire and brimstone. - He walked the streets conversely in rags and “top hat, gloves and cane.”23

Examples of wording on flyers used my Munn24

These strategies produced results; spectacularly! Either by curiosity or sheer gospel-anointed magnetism, people came to Christ and joined the corps by their hundreds. And yes, he did; he preached from a coffin, regularly! The coffin Preaching from a coffin became the symbolic embodiment of Munn’s evangelism. Kenyon recorded: Then came that coffin – the same coffin which Munn had used often before, with tremendous effect. During his spectacular career, this wooden pulpit had served in different towns and cities to draw larger and larger crowds, as the fame of this Apostle of judgment spread. They listened spellbound to his denunciations of sin, and to Munn’s great joy hundreds of them were converted.25

Victorian music hall annals, themselves replete with larger-than-life characters and novelty, never had it so good. Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 7 – 9. Harry Munn, “The methods of a salvation desperado”, The officer, (October 1927), 300. 25 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 15. 23 24

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The heart of compassion So far so good. We have recorded the form. What of the content. The actual gift, rather than the tinsel and packaging? I say to you, here is the gifted genius. What we have is not some kind of rechannelled theatrical performer, but rather, a transformed, ardent evangelist, one utterly consumed by the cause of the Kingdom. One with the kind of singular energy and focus that grips and drives those who accomplish much for the gospel – Francis of Assisi, Martin Luther, John Wesley and William Booth, and a host of unrecorded firebrands. Read his own words: How do I get hold of the crowds? I go down to the places where they are. I see them in their darkness and drunkenness and immorality – vast crowds of humanity rotting and dying in their sinful abominations. I hear their oaths and curses, and their filthy conversations one with another, until sometimes I almost imagine myself in Hell. I see the poverty of their homes and the tears of their families, until my heart is moved and melted with compassion, and saturated with desire to lift these poor half-damned souls out of their sin and misery – to save them from the flames of the bottomless pit; for I see and feel that they are hastening there, and that, too, right over the bleeding body of the crucified Christ. I come away and go to my room. I throw myself on my face before God and promise Him that, live or die by His help and grace, the town shall be shaken, and some at least of the worst characters of the place shall be brought to the Blood. Then, with my heart overwhelmed with the thought of the sights I have seen, and with the cries of the perishing in my ears, I wait on God for an inspiration as to what I am to do. I expect Him to suggest the best plan for me to use in getting the attention of this people. Sometimes it is to preach in my coffin, or preach in sackcloth; or go through the streets in rags, or some other extraordinary methods to make people think. Whatever it is, I settle with my Christ that I will do it. I take no notice of opposition from whatever source it may come. The fiercest opposition has generally come from half-hearted, cold-blooded professors in Salvation Army uniform, who stand by while the outcasts go to Hell rather than to do anything out of the ordinary to save them. I go on, knowing that the greater the opposition and the louder the Devil roars, the greater will be the victory. Thus I am able to prove to all opposers and the enemies of the Living Christ that out of these extraordinary measures much bigger crowds are brought together, and men and women who otherwise would never step inside an Army Hall are attracted and converted. I can only get and hold the crowds while I hold the hand of God and He holds me. The sinners must be made to feel that everything I do is simply a means to an end – the salvation of their souls; else, I am only a mountebank, a laughing-stock, a fool. They must see that I am as much in earnest over a congregation of thirty as I am over five hundred. There must be no settling down on my part. At the end of twelve months, my earnestness and my spiritual and mental force must not be abated.26

Promotion to Glory The end came suddenly, even heroically.27 Munn contracted smallpox while visiting the poor in the Belfast slums, and died on November 3, 1904, aged 40. The news of his death appeared in a number of local newspapers. One stated, SAD DEATH OF BELFAST S.A. OFFICER. The Salvation Army in Belfast has sustained a great loss by the removal through death of Adjutant Munn, of the Citadel, Dublin Road. The adjutant was a familiar figure in the south end of the city, 26 27

Munn, “The methods of a salvation desperado”, 299 – 301. Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 15.

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and was a man of wonderful energy and enthusiasm. He contracted smallpox about a fortnight ago – it is believed in his visiting duties, so that he died practically a martyr to his devotion. Every effort was made for him in the Purdysburn Hospital, where he was removed, but the attack was a virulent one, and, though only in his thirty-fifth year,28 he passed away yesterday afternoon. He was beloved by the army during his twenty years’ service, most of which was spent in Scotland. Two years ago he came to Belfast, and in that short time he gained the affections in a very marked degree of those with whom he came in contact. At the Citadel last evening touching references were made to the splendid services rendered by the deceased by Colonel Hoggard and others, and the sympathy of the congregation was evident. The funeral will take place to-morrow (Tuesday) at two o’clock, and on Sunday next a memorial service will be held in the Ulster Hall.29

The funeral was attended by hundreds.30 By remarkable coincidence, through word-of-mouth, my maternal grandfather, John Martin, recalled that as a young officer he attended a gathering led by General William Booth, where the news of the passing was announced, and referenced by the Founder himself, as the untimely passing of “the greatest evangelist.”31 Harry Munn is buried in the Protestant Balmoral cemetery in Belfast. A colleague Salvationist sent me pictures of the granite gravestone, now cracked in two, the result of vandalism from the sectarian conflicts in that city.

Adjutant Harry Munn gravestone Balmoral Cemetery, Belfast32 28

The indication that Munn was 35 is incorrect as he was born in 1864, which would have made him 40 at the time of his promotion to Glory. 29 “Sad death of Belfast S.A. officer”, The Belfast telegraph, (Monday 21 November 1904, 4. Provided by Andrew Munn. 30 Kenyon, Alive in his coffin, 1. 31 Munn family anecdote. 32 Photograph courtesy of Dorothy Gates.

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Munn left behind his wife and 6 children, one of whom was my grandfather, named after his father, Harry.

Munn family genealogy – recorded by Kevin Munn in 1983, youngest son of Harry33

Lessons Learned What can we glean from this story, one amongst the many that romantically populate the history of our Movement from this founding era? The following comes to my mind: -

That the beauty of a person sold out wholeheartedly to the gospel embodies the ‘fullness of life’ promised by Christ. That such language and metaphor is not fanciful or exaggerated. Such people may be considered apostolic. That as an officer, I too have covenanted to make the salvation of others ‘the first purpose of my life.’ Such a commitment is simultaneously daunting and inspiring. That the shrewdness of a serpent and the innocence of a dove are not mutually incompatible ideas in the cause of the gospel, indeed, as taught by Christ himself. Such ‘Mad Munn’ novelty would be admired, maybe even emulated, by a savvy professional promotional enterprise of today. That without a heart of compassion such antics would be clownish, even annoying and distracting, but saturated with pure divine love they become inspirational. Such love is not of this world – Isaiah, John the Baptist and Paul all lived for God in remarkable and eccentric ways. That a life well-lived ripples across and down the decades to still influence others for good, casting inspiration, idealism and courage beyond human capacity. Such authenticity is contagious and stands the test of time. In the case of Munn, his story has been picked up in youth magazines and Junior Soldier training.34 That to accomplish any meaningful venture in life requires total focus, passion and creativity, and that the source of these attributes can be found in abundance in the good news of the

The family genealogy and names of the children, prepared by Kevin Munn, born after the passing of Harry Munn. See for example Artwork by Daria Grysko from Canada and Bermuda Territory: Junior Soldiers’ lessons, Junior Action – Ready to Serve. Provided by Major Denise Walker, Canada.; David Kelly, “Harry ‘Mad’ Munn”, Peer Magazine, (June 2019) online https://peermag.org/articles/harry-mad-munn/. 34

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Kingdom of God. Christ Himself quoted the Shema, “Love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your mind and with all your strength.”35 To that end this writer is committed. A charge to keep I have, A God to glorify, A never dying soul to save, And fit it for the sky. To serve the present age, My calling to fulfill: Oh, may it all my powers engage To do my Master’s will!36

A cartoon of Adjutant Harry Munn preaching in his coffin. Artwork from the 2013 Canada and Bermuda Territory Junior Soldier program, Junior action – Ready to serve.37

Mark 12:30. Charles Wesley, “A charge to keep I have”, The song book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 2015), No. 946, 1st and 2nd verse. 37 Artwork by Daria Grysko from Canada and Bermuda Territory: Junior Soldiers’ lessons, Junior Action – Ready to Serve. Provided by Major Denise Walker, Canada. 36

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It is England in the early 20th century. A funeral marches down the street. You hear a brass band leading the way with a group from The Salvation Army, flanked by pallbearers carrying a coffin. An unusual sight for sure, and one that attracts the attention of the crowds as they wonder, “Who is in that casket?” Suddenly, the lid swings open! The man inside jumps to his feet, and in a voice as clear and strong as a church bell, commences to preach on the resurrection of Jesus Christ! Who in the world would fake a funeral procession just for the opportunity to leap out of a casket? You don’t get the nickname “Mad Munn” unless you earn it. And man, did Harry Munn earn it. Born in a small village called Hoo outside Rochester, England, Harry garnered a reputation for mischief at a young age. Armed with a restless spirit and a flare for the dramatic, he would attend the local theater and dream of one day becoming an actor, holding crowds in rapt attention with hypnotizing monologue. So, it is little wonder that he came enthralled with the uniformed Salvationists who spoke to each other in military lingo and played loud, brass instruments. Stirring his soul, Harry realized that God was calling him to this life. After completing his training as an officer, he was commissioned with the rank of Adjutant. Harry’s sense of the dramatic, his innate creativity and a zeal to share the love of Jesus made him a successful evangelist. Always on the lookout for what would attract the attention of a crowd, Harry was willing to try anything—even a fake funeral procession. The casket became his pulpit of choice to the gathering crowds. Appointments in The Salvation Army took him all over the United Kingdom, but there was one place Harry always returned: the mercy seat. “Mad Munn” prayed for souls as often as he preached to them, knowing that it was the Holy Spirit, not his words, that convicted the hearts of men and women. He lived out a mission to care for the poor and the lost, not content to merely speak to them from a stage. When he finally died of smallpox in 1904, he was laid to rest in the same casket that had served as his pulpit for so many years. SO WHAT? “Mad Munn” was desperate to reach people and share the love of Jesus with them. He was creative and pushed the envelope in impactful and successful ways. We always need new ways of sharing the Good News. Have you considered new ways of bringing the gospel to people that need it most? Arti

The article in Peer Magazine, for youth about Harry Munn38 38

Kelly, “Harry ‘Mad’ Munn”.

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Military hospital HB 3 bis in the premises of The Salvation Army hostel in Lyon, 71 rue Servient, in 1915. The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 136

THE FIRST WORLD WAR: THE CATALYST FOR THE ACTIVITIES OF THE FRENCH SALVATION ARMY Marc Muller, Translator Bramwell Williams Editorial note For years, access to Salvationist history from non-English speaking countries has been somewhat limited. This has hindered the understanding of the international Salvation Army ministry by those whose only language is English. The following article by Marc Muller of Paris, France, is inspired by the recent interest in the centenary of the First World War in relation to the ministry of The Salvation Army during that conflict. For the first time the Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, includes a bilingual paper, in French and English, for better understanding of this important narrative. Muller describes The Salvation Army’s response to the war in France and the effect it had on both the Army itself and its perception by the French public. He begins his article by situating the origins of the Army’s ministry in France in a period known as “La Belle Époque”, translated into English as “The Beautiful Era”, and includes observations about the social, economic, technological, political and religious forces underway in France at that time. From this introduction, Muller describes the Army's war effort in France as “a work shaped by circumstances and opportunities.” He concludes his article with some reflections on the Ministry of the Salvation Army in France in the years following the end of the war. France during “La Belle Époque” “La Belle Époque”1 denotes the decades preceding the First World War under the Third Republic.2 This period, which was marked by social, economic, technological, and political progress, also witnessed the development of The Salvation Army in France from 1881 onwards. The context surrounding this work of protestant evangelisation needs to be approached from a sociological and religious point of view but also from the point of view of international relations. The French people’s attitude to religion requires a considered examination. “Does France remain ‘Catholic France’, because those who are baptised form a huge majority? This is how the Church’s defenders eagerly reasoned, attributing the misfortunes of the time to a plot hatched by a minority made up of Freemasons, Jews, and Protestants.”3 If society remained marked by the infiltration of Christianity, the ancient dechristianisation of the countryside was speeded up thanks to a rural exodus. Meanwhile in the urban working-class world secular assimilation was developing

Reference citation of this paper; Marc Muller, translator Bramwell Williams “‘The First World War: The catalyst for the activities of the French Salvation Army”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 136 – 147. 1 This historical chrononym is the British equivalent of the end of the Victorian period and the Edwardian period, whilst the Germans would identify this as Wilhelminism. See, Dominique Kalifa, La véritable histoire de La Belle Époque, (Paris, France: Fayard, 2017). 2 The Third Republic is the liberal Republican regime, which was supported by wide patriotic consensus and in place in France from September 1870 until July 1940. 3 Jean-Marie Mayeur, Les débuts de la IIIe République (1871-1898), (Paris, France: Seuil, 1973), Croyances et cultures, 135.

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thanks to the spread of republican and anticlerical ideas.4 This gradual secularisation of French society was a consequence of this dechristianisation. The situation of the Protestant minority (580,000 members according to the 1872 census)5 was remarkable. It was grouped mainly in its historic heartlands: the Drôme, Ardèche, Gard, Lozère, Tarn, Tarn-et-Garonne, Charente and Deux-Sèvres departments, plus the following pockets: the Pays de Montbéliard (Doubs department), the Paris region (Seine department) and the Seine-Inférieure department. Other than Nîmes (Gard), Bordeaux (Gironde), Le Havre (Seine-Inférieure) and Paris, Protestant communities were situated in rural settings or small towns.6 The intellectual influence of a form of liberal Protestantism, without dogma or mystery and accessible to reason, left its mark on secular ideas and on the republican spirit. From 1899 onwards, the political work of the ‘Left Bloc’7 led to the separation of Church and State. Signed into law on the 9 December 1905, this law and its repercussions brought the clericals (supported by the Catholic Church) into conflict with the anticlericalism of the ‘Bloc’. It deeply divided French society regarding its relationship to religion and the expression of faith. The winding-up of the ‘Left Bloc’ coincided with the development of imperialism, through which colonial rivalries were emerging. Some polemicists accused the French Protestant missions of being complicit with the English at the time of the French conquest of Madagascar in 1897. Military and diplomatic tensions with the United Kingdom relating to the sharing of Africa only subsided in 1904 with the Entente Cordiale. The French Salvation Army at the start of a world war France was the first non-English-speaking country and of Latin culture to welcome The Salvation Army. In February 1881, Catherine (Katie) Booth (1858-1955), Adelaide Cox (1860-1945) and Florence Soper (1861-1957) arrived in Paris.8 “Rigged out in their strange uniforms and far from having mastered our language [French], Catherine and her companions are going to throw themselves into an adventure with invincible faith and indomitable courage.”9 The movement’s rapid growth was founded on the apostolic work of Catherine (Katie) Booth, who was swiftly nicknamed “the Marshall” (“La Maréchale”). Thus, by January 1899, three years after the departure of Catherine and her husband Arthur Sidney Clibborn (1855-1939), The Salvation Army had 43 corps (evangelisation stations) and 4 social institutions in France. The movement was mainly located in areas where there was a strong Protestant tradition.10 Nevertheless, during the first decade of the 20th century, the movement’s growth marked time and diminished. By 1910 The Salvation Army had 96 officers in France and 35 in Belgium, which was assimilated into the territory

Workers made up 30% of the population according to the 1911 census. INSEE, Données historiques de la Statistique Générale de France, 2010. 5 Out of a total of 36,102,000 inhabitants, i.e. 1.61% of the population in 1872. INSEE, Données historiques de la Statistique Générale de France, 2010. 6 Mayeur, Les débuts de la IIIe République (1871-1898), 141 7 Alliance between the political forces of the Left which was driven by a network of societies of thought which brought together Freemasonry, the League of the Rights of Man, Liberal thought, secular organisations and centres for adult education. See, Madeleine Rebérioux, La République radicale ? (1898-1914), (Paris, France: Seuil, 1975), La France du Bloc et l’ascension du Radicalisme, 42 et al. 8 See, Pierre-Yves Kirschleger, “La guerre est déclarée ! Protestant perspectives on the Salvationist invasion of 1881”, La diversité évangélique, (Cléon d’Andran : Excelsis, 2003), 53 – 77. 9 Raymond Delcourt, L’Armée du salut, (Paris, France: Presses Universitaires de France, 1988), 21. 10 For example, seventeen corps are situated within the Drôme, Ardèche and Gard departments.

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in 1902. By January 1914, the territory was made up as follows: in France, 26 corps and 6 social institutions; in Belgium, 11 corps and 2 institutions. During “La Belle Époque”, The Salvation Army’s mission of evangelisation within a secular society, its Protestant character in the midst of a Catholic culture, as well as its British origin in the context of strained geopolitical colonial relations between France and the United Kingdom made “it quite alien to the mass of French people.”11 In August 1914, the declaration of war between Germany and France (3 August) and between the United Kingdom and Germany (4 August) forced Bramwell Booth, the leader of the international Salvation Army to take a stance in consequence of the organisation’s international and Christian nature.12 It should be noted that Germany had more than 150 corps and almost 500 officers, several of whom were of British nationality.13 At the outbreak of hostilities, Booth published an editorial in The war cry, which, far from being in any way nationalistic, strove to recall the general principles of Salvationist work, even with some pacifist overtones: We are deeply concerned about the war because we believe the peoples of Germany and England in many respects have cordial relations. The working classes, who constitute the greater part of the population of both countries, notwithstanding their commercial rivalries and the minor differences which affect them, have many things in common which make for true friendship. The British do not think of the Germans, nor the Germans of the British, as they once did. They think of them as their fellow workers. Many think of them as companions in the struggle for better conditions of life and for the better and kinder treatment of the poor. Some think of them as their fellow Christians.14

Then three weeks later, he wrote again: Once more let me say that I do not look upon this war as being so much a war of peoples or of certain classes. No doubt, now that the grim slaughter and destruction has begun, large parts of the various populations will be deeply stirred and angered. But that is an after-effect. The war itself has been made by the military classes, especially in Germany and Russia. They, and the people who live by manufacturing weapons and the newspapers in their pay, have for years been promoting and fostering the horrid doctrines which we now see worked out in all their ghastly wickedness on the battlefields of Belgium and France […]. Now we must remember this when we think and speak of what is going on […]. Let us strive to lay the responsibility on the right shoulders and avoid indulging in bitterness and hatred for whole nations.15

And a few months later: In the name of the God of love, we must refuse the awful demands which are being made by the god of war to yield to the rage and hate and lust of revenge which are only too awfully manifest around us. We must, by the help of God, keep our tender sympathy with the suffering, for it is the sympathy of Christ. We must cherish and encourage in our hearts pity for the wrongdoers because it is the pity of Christ. We must let our compassion flow out towards, and our prayers ascend for, those who oppose and injure us, because that is of the very spirit and command of Jesus Christ.

Marc Muller, “L’Action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale”, Revue d’Histoire du Protestantisme, 1 (Paris, France: June 2016), 229. 12 See, Shaw Clifton, Crown of glory, crown of thorns: The Salvation Army in wartime, (London, UK: Salvation books, 2015). 13 Frederick Coutts, The history of The Salvation Army: The better fight, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1973), 22. 14 Bramwell Booth, The war cry, (London, 29 August 1914), 1. 15 Bramwell Booth, The war cry, (London, 19 September 1914), 1. 11

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And above all, we must go on loving our enemies, because to love is of God, and without love towards them it is impossible to known Him, or to please Him, or to be His.16

Through the voice of its General, The Salvation Army presented itself as the friend of all and the enemy of none.17 1914-1917, a work fashioned by circumstances and opportunities Beyond the writings of Bramwell Booth, the spirit of the time and the realities of war would lead Salvationists in the warring countries to make a patriotic choice. Just like their fellow-countrymen, French Protestants declare their conviction that national defence is an urgent necessity, especially as France, according to them, bears no responsibility with regard to the triggering of this war and is merely defending itself against an attack which is totally unjustified. This conviction is confirmed – in their eyes – as soon as hostilities began, by the violation of Belgian neutrality by the German Empire.18

Although he himself was of Swiss nationality François Fornachon (1863-1929), the leader of The Salvation Army in France and Belgium, was very much part of this patriotic fervour. In August 1914 in a mimeographed edition of En Avant, the French Salvationist weekly, he expressed the sense of “Holy Alliance” which he made The Salvation Army adhere to: In Catholic cathedrals, Protestant temples, Jewish synagogues, and The Salvation Army’s public halls, everywhere this cry is heard: Long live France! We want France to live, and she will! But how? 1. By means of those who direct her destiny; France is calling all her sons to the colours and is sending them to the border. They are all answering the call. The happy troopers hasten to join their regiments, the intrepid sailors their combat units. All will defend the motherland’s sacred heritage and will give their blood for her. They are playing their part! Long live the land of France [...]. 2. The whole Church is standing up and shouting: Long live France! All those who make up God’s Church, soldiers of Jesus Christ, living with his life, feel that alongside each soldier fighting for the integrity of French soil, there must also be a soldier of Christ fighting for his country’s moral and religious integrity.19

He concluded by recalling the gospel message and its teachings: May this ordeal, which God has allowed, lead us, along with the whole of France, to prayer, and prepare us for decisions that need to be taken! May this ordeal lead us to sincere repentance, and to the cross which wipes out past transgressions, which revives divine life within our hearts and helps us walk on the path of holiness and obedience to God’s law. With one heart and soul let us all repeat: Long live France, the France which fights for right, justice and civilization, and which is determined to fight against all her enemies both without and within, against sin, drunkenness, debauchery, unhealthy indulgence, greed, and the love of passing riches and vanities, pride, envy and evil revenge. Who today wishes to begin to make this great France alive within him? Christ is calling you!20

Bramwell Booth, The war cry, (London, 7 November 1914), 1. Clifton, Crown of glory, crown of thorns, 125. 18 André Encrevé. “Les protestants français et la Première Guerre mondiale”, Revue d’Histoire du Protestantisme, 160, (Paris: March 2014), 21. 19 François Fornachon, “Vive la France !”, En Avant, (Paris, 15 August 1914), 2 – 3. 20 Fornachon, “Vive la France !”, 3. 17

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In just a few lines François Fornachon assessed future Salvationist commitment: Our first thought goes to our comrades, officers, and soldiers [of The Salvation Army], who were called up to the flags, (to serve their country) having left their corps and their families. We are with them heart and soul, and we bring them before God in prayer. We then think about our comrades who remain in France and ask them to do everything in their power to do good around them, and do all they can to be useful in any way possible, by distributing soup and milk, or working in child care centres, etc.. May God lead every [Salvation Army] officer, because it is becoming very difficult to remain in touch with one another by means of letters and telegrams. The Salvation Army in France will do its duty to relieve all misery. Our social institutions, our meeting halls, will be open to all suffering misfortune and our comrades will give time, strength, and heart to do the best they can.21

From this point onwards French Salvationists were enlisted in a “war effort”. This enlistment would be one that involved both blood and tears. During the first days of the war, general mobilisation meant that the Salvationists of the territory were recruited indiscriminately. Amongst the seventeen officers who were called up, the following may be listed: Abric, Chavarot, Pichon, Thenet, Vincent from France; Vanderkam from Belgium; Jeanmonod, Stahl and Studer from Switzerland. The families of older officers saw their sons (Babando, Bastide, Blachier, Peyron) or their brothers (Malbec, Chevalier, for example) join the ranks of the French army. Salvationists, including officers, were included in fighting units. They were not recognised as ministers of religion nor as military chaplains. Some of them would fall on the battlefield: The corps officer at Le Chambon-sur-Lignon (Haute-Loire), Henri Vincent (1889-1916) was killed by the enemy on the 31 March 1916 during the battle of Verdun, whilst two of his comrades, Fleury Bariol (1894-1916) and Denis Issartial (1892-1916), were killed at the Somme. Their commitment would be serving the civilian population. Between August and September 1914, the German offensive drove part of the population of Belgium and the north of France before it. François Fornachon made Salvation Army premises available to the authorities and offered his help. At a local level Salvationists responded spontaneously. In Paris they gave out soup and sheltered refugees or accommodated soldiers in transit in the men’s hostel in the rue de Chabrol, which had been emptied of its occupants by mobilisation. In the provinces the wounded in the army medical corps were visited. Three social institutions were swiftly refurbished to accommodate displaced children. On the 8 September 1914, The Salvation Army hostel in Lyon (Rhône) became temporary hospital HB 3 bis with a capacity of 100 wounded.22 The hospital’s medical management was under the direction of a Protestant woman, Doctor Lisbeth Thyss-Monod (1877-1963)23 of the Red Cross, whilst officers organised its practical running. “And like priests and pastors in a war context, the Salvationists also answered spiritual questions and offered their help and support to men and families marked by separation, suffering and grief.”24 This commitment would also be undertaken by women. Most men of between 20 and 48 years of age had been called up, while at the same time the task had grown heavier. Nevertheless, the main

François Fornachon. “A nos camarades”, En avant, (Paris, 15 August 1914), 1. Armée du salut, Court exposé du travail de l’Armée du salut en France pendant la Grande Guerre, (Paris, France: Arme du salut, 1918), 8. 23 “Une femme médecin-chef d’un hôpital militaire”, L’Action féministe, 41, (Levallois: July 1915), 4. 24 Muller, “L’action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale”, 235. 21 22

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body of Salvation Army officers was already made up of women.25 So, these women would play an essential part in maintaining the work and in developing activities for the benefit of soldiers.26 At Croix, in the north, which had been occupied by the Germans, the corps officers, Jenny Blanc (18671939) and Julie Chevalier (1880-1947), who were isolated and cut off from all contact with Paris, remained at their post and devoted themselves to supporting the civilian population. In Rheims (Marne) Françoise Carrel (1861-1941) and Lucie Gaugler (1885-1936) stayed at their post under the bombing, even after the gradual evacuation of the population. They shared in the support of civilians and aid to soldiers.27 In Le Havre (Seine-Inférieure) Noémie Schleiden (1879-1958) converted her meeting hall into a reading and letter-writing room for billeted soldiers. Under the leadership of Emma Rogivue (1860-1964), a “centre” was created in Nîmes (Gard). Inspired by the canteens of the British Salvation Army, and equipped in a rudimentary manner, these military reception areas allowed for relaxation, reading newspapers and books, writing letters, and provided stationery, envelopes, and postcards. Meetings and recreational evenings were organised and, depending on circumstances, there was even a canteen. Few religious services were organised: although French Salvationists were especially attentive to all those for whom faith seemed to be an answer to their daily hell or anxieties.28 But the Salvationists were still not used to such long-term and costly action. Moreover, The Salvation Army’s traditional activity suffered because of war conditions. During autumn 1914 the front became stable and the conflict continued in the trenches. The corps in Rheims (Marne) was within firing range of the German artillery. The Salvation Army territory was cut in two by the battle line. The thirteen corps and institutions in Belgium along with the corps at Croix (Nord) found themselves in the zone occupied by the German Imperial Army and were isolated from the rest of the territory. In February 1915, François Fornachon (of Swiss nationality) travelled through the neutral territory of the Swiss Confederation to Belgium, via Germany, to visit and comfort the Salvationists subjected to the occupation. There he met up with a fellow-countryman, Gustave Isely (1879-1954), who had been tasked by Salvation Army headquarters in Bern (Switzerland) to organise support for the population, especially “in the countryside and towns which were far from the big centres, where the need for help was felt most keenly.”29 After having obtained permission to travel, Fornachon, accompanied by Isely, visited The Salvation Army corps in Belgium, bringing reassurance and subsidies to officers who had remained there. On this visit, he noted the action of Belgian Salvationists, despite their limited means, vis-à-vis the civilian populations. So, for example, the grant and supplies from the American Relief Committee enabled the distribution of free milk for infants, while each Belgian corps offered a distribution of soup and bread for adults. In France, The Salvation Army was organizing itself for sustainable and more established action. During the winter of 1914-1915, Salvation Army social centres welcomed the first discharged and disabled soldiers and sent clothes and parcels to soldiers on the front. The Ministry of War appreciated this “Old Linen League” as well as the supply, thanks to American Salvationists, of

From the early days of The Salvation Army, the ministry of an officer was undertaken by both men and women. Women had access to the same duties and responsibilities as men. An officer could only marry another officer, and so the proportion of single women officers was greater than that of single men. 26 Clifton, Crown of glory, crown of thorns, 161 – 164. 27 In January 1917 17,000 civilian inhabitants remained in the city of Rheims and only around 5,000 in April before the complete evacuation of the city. Jean-Noël Biraben “La population de Reims et son arrondissement”, Population, 4, (Paris, October 1961), 724. 28 Muller, “L’Action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale”, 236 – 237. 29 François Fornachon, “Ce que j’ai vu en Belgique”, En avant, (Paris, 24 April 1915), 1.

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around one hundred crates containing 173,410 items of medical dressing equipment.30 From 1916 onwards, the Salvationist war work multiplied its establishments, such as in Valence (Drôme), Grenoble (Isère), Marseille (Bouches-du-Rhône), and Mazamet (Tarn). Popular kitchens were opened in Paris and, every evening, a hundred “poilus”31 on leave, in transit through the Gare de l'Est, were able to spend the night in the nearby Salvation Army institution. Civilian refugees were helped by the Paris women’s hostel, in rue de la Fontaine-au-Roi. Salvationist action for the benefit of civilians and military, however, remained localized in line with its pre-war urban settlements. It was its action through the organisation of “Foyers du soldat” (“Soldiers’ Homes”) that would facilitate its unexpected growth.32 1917-1920, The “Foyers du soldat” (“Soldiers’ Homes”)33 In France, the patriotic and philanthropic impetus in support of soldiers was characterised by the creation of numerous civilian charities for military personnel. The law of 30 May 1916 relating to war charities ensured the transition towards the structuring and development of The Salvation Army’s activities. In November 1917, the state asked the Franco-American Union (F.A.U.) - Y.M.C.A. to coordinate the opening of 1,300 new homes and to federate the activities of the Soldiers’ Homes with all other war charities, such as The Salvation Army.34 The public health and teetotalist objective of the F.A.U. homes was to preserve both morale and morals, which suited Salvationist principles. Thus, from 1917 to 1923, The Salvation Army would become involved in the creation and management of Soldiers’ Homes on the front, and soldiers’ hostels at the rear. On the 5 May 1917, after ten years in command, François Fornachon was replaced by Albin Peyron (1870-1944). A Salvationist since 1884, Peyron was the first Frenchman to be promoted to the head of the territory. Father of three sons who had been called up, he could not fail to express a keen interest in the work organized by the British Salvation Army on behalf of the soldiers fighting on the European fronts. No more, likewise, than he “could not allow this foreign charity to care on its own for French soldiers fighting on the battle fronts.”35 On the 9 August 1917, Peyron presented General Philippe Pétain (1856-1951), Commander-in-Chief of the French armies, with a request for authorization to open Soldiers’ Homes on the front: I am honoured, in accordance with ministerial circular 567 / D of 31st January 1916, to ask you for authorization for The Salvation Army to set up some “Foyers du soldat” on the front. We will strictly abide by the instructions of this circular which forbids giving these homes a denominational character. We are informed that Marshal French must have written to you to let you know what services The Salvation Army had rendered on the British front. We would be happy to be able to help our soldiers as much as possible on the French front too.36

While awaiting official accreditations, Albin Peyron and his wife, Blanche, would document the work of The Salvation Army among the troops of the dominions of the British Empire in Le Havre “Ce que fait l’Armée du salut pour les blesses”, En avant, (Paris, 15 May 1915), 1. Nickname of the French infantry man, the equivalent of the English “Tommy” or Australian “Digger”. 32 Muller, “L’Action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale”, 237. 33 This chapter takes up the main points published in Muller, “L’Action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale”, 239 – 244. 34 Service Historique de la Défense (S.H.D.), 16 N 271. Account of the meeting of representatives of the war charities which took place on Tuesday 27 November 1917 at the Ministry of War. 35 Marc Forissier, Un soldat du Christ dans l’Armée du salut : Albin Peyron, (Tarbes, France: Ed. d’Albret, 1958), 152. 36 S.H.D., 16 N 267, item no.9. Authorisation request for The Salvation Army’s “Soldiers’ Homes”, 9 August 1917. 30 31

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(Seine-Inferieure). For eight days, they learnt about the functioning of an Australian Imperial Force camp, along with the Salvationist chaplain Robert Henry (1871-1959), “a tall handsome man in khaki, who possessed the gentleness of the Holy Spirit in his eyes and the manners of the perfect gentleman.”37 Peyron spent his first Christmas as The Salvation Army’s leader with the “poilus” in the operations zone. On the 25 December 1917, with the approval of the military staff, he organized a meeting in the cellars of the Krug company in Rheims (Marne). The next day he wrote: … The bombing was incessant; nature seemed to be shedding tears over the tortured city... This Christmas day the snow covered her with a fine unsullied shroud, the Christmas tree flickered under the vaults of a champagne cellar ... There were a hundred people there, mainly soldiers...38

Under the federation of the Franco-American Union and under military authority, Salvation Army “Foyers du soldat” moved into the army zone just behind the front. On the 29 December 1917, General Joseph Micheler (1861-1931), commanding the Fifth Army, assigned to The Salvation Army its first five localities in the Marne, in the region of Rheims, for the setting-up of Foyers at Ville-enSelve, Villers-aux-Nœuds, Ormes, Poilly and Germaine.39 At the beginning of 1918, the billets at Aigny, Mareuil-sur-Ay, Epernay, Avenay and Cadran (commune of Sermier) would follow. Similarly two Foyers were established in the 7th French Army zone: in 1917 in Boron (Territoire de Belfort) and in 1918 in Audincourt (Doubs). The Salvationist, Aimé Boisson (1869-1944) was appointed Regional Director of The Salvation Army’s “Foyers du soldat”. He led all the Foyers “boldly and with plenty of drive”40 and, in collaboration with the military authorities, obtained permission to remain in the Armed Forces Zone and advance at the same time as the troops. The “Foyers du soldat” became mobile: In a few hours, a large tent is set up in the corner of a field, the tables and folding benches are taken out of the van, and the “Poilus” can enjoy a cup of hot chocolate and sign the pre-printed card that would take eagerly awaited news to their families.41 This was not without risk: in June 1918, many homes had to be evacuated when faced with the German counteroffensive. Boisson gave of himself, “didn’t we see him at work, during those terrible days of June 1918, bandaging the wounded, lifting up the disabled, doing his work as a Good Samaritan and French Salvationist?”42 The use of libraries and correspondence rooms in the “Foyers du soldat” was of interest to The Salvation Army who, like the Army General Staff, saw the positive effects of reading on the troops. This resulted in the creation of libraries for conscripts, the triple purpose of which was: “to entertain, instruct and uplift.”43 Funds for the work were authorised by the military authority. General Petain reported to the Minister of War the commanding generals’ conclusions regarding the influence of reading on the troops’ morale and gave guidelines for censorship and propaganda relating to printed

Raoul Gout, Une victorieuse, Blanche Peyron, (Paris, France: Altis, 1955), 46. Armée du salut, Court exposé du travail de l’Armée du salut…, 11. 39 S.H.D., 16 N 267, Letter no.246. 5th Army, Staff, Bureau 1, no.4092/L on 29 December 1917. 40 Gilbert Abadie, Aimé Boisson, (Paris, Frace: Altis, 1955), 46. 41 Armée du salut, Court exposé du travail de l’Armée du salut…, 11. 42 Gout, Une victorieuse, Blanche Peyron, 387. 43 Ministry of War, Instruction sur l’organisation et le fonctionnement des bibliothèques de troupe : catalogue général, Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1908, 7. 38

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media.44 So, for example, the military charities office of the Ministry of War, recognizing The Salvation Army’s interest in “combating the scourge of alcoholism”, recommended to him the diffusion of “works of anti-alcoholic propaganda appearing on the list of authorised books, which it would most useful to place in ‘Foyer du soldat’ libraries.”45 Shortly before, Albin Peyron had asked the same office to place the book Broken Earthenware by Harold Begbie (1871-1929)46 in the “Foyer” libraries. This book presented the conversion testimonies of Christians from working-class backgrounds in England. But the Ministry of War responded in the negative because its rule was “to observe the most absolute religious neutrality, and only permit publications devoid of any denominational character in the “Foyers du soldat”.47 Nevertheless, personal contact between Salvationists and soldiers sparked some conversions, even though they were rare. Fernand David (1895-1938), for example, an illiterate gunner, learned to read using the Salvationist manager’s Bible in the Marseille “Foyer du soldat”. Later, he survived the torpedoing of the troop transport ship taking him to the Dardanelles. Although a religious novice, at the end of the war David became a Salvation Army officer.48 By 1918 there were about twenty “Foyers du soldat” managed by the French Salvation Army. Every day each one was attended by 300 to 400 men.

The Salvation Army’s Soldiers’ Club in Paris at 5 boulevard de Strasbourg, in 1919.

After having suffered German air strikes since January 1918, from March to August 1918 Paris and its suburbs were bombed by long-range enemy artillery. The Parisian population was alarmed by this sudden threat. Albin and Blanche Peyron (1867-1933) undertook new work on behalf of the capital’s children. Registered with the Municipal Child Protection Commission, The Salvation Army opened three homes in the provinces that would accommodate 82 evacuated children from Paris: Bron (Rhône), Chambon-sur-Lignon (Haute-Loire) and Roquecourbe (Tarn).49 44

S.H.D., 16, N 271, unnumbered item, Letter no.26.204 from the North and North-east General Headquarters, 23 August 1917. 45 Salvation Army Archives (S.A.A.), unlisted. Ministry of War, Military Charities, 4th Office, no.6594/C on 2 August 1918. 46 S.A.A., unlisted, Territorial Headquarters on 24 May 1918. 47 S.A.A., unlisted, Ministry of War, Military Charities, Bureau no.4, no.4782/C on 10 June 1918. 48 Charles Péan, A Dieu-vat, (Neuchâtel, Switzerland: Delachaux & Niestlé, 1973), 67. 49 Armée du salut, Court exposé du travail de l’Armée du salut…, 11 – 12.

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The armistice took effect on the 11 November 1918, and the Great War ended. Returning to his predecessor’s jingoistic eloquence in 1914, Albin Peyron wrote: This long nightmare is thus finished; force has yielded to right. France is liberated, Belgium, Alsace-Lorraine will be tomorrow. Glory to God in heaven, honour to our great France, to the allied peoples, peace to men of good will!50

Soldiers no longer had to fight, but they did remain mobilised. In December 1918, the twentyfourth Salvationist “Foyer” was opened in Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin) in an Alsace that had become French. Authorisation to set up a “Foyer” in the German Palatinate occupied by French forces was also granted.51 At the rear, in the garrison and transit towns for those on leave, The Salvation Army led a new action by organising more permanent hostels. In February 1919, a building was rented at 5 boulevard de Strasbourg in Paris to accommodate the “Soldier’s Club”. The ground floor hosted a canteen and a rest and correspondence room, while on the upper floors, rooms were arranged to allow soldiers on leave or liberated soldiers to stay overnight. In April 1920, in Bouy (Marne) in the Châlons military camp, a final home opened its doors. In eight months, it welcomed 65,000 soldiers.52 Once peace had returned, The Salvation Army’s war work slackened off until 1923, when its last home closed in Paris. Many French fighters had passed through the “Foyers du soldat” and “had so learned to know and appreciate these people from The Salvation Army who were so willingly made fun of in France before the war.”53 This program had satisfied hundreds of thousands of users as well as the military command. Marshal Ferdinand Foch (1851-1929), commander in chief of the Allied Forces, expressed to Albin Peyron, and to the entire Salvation Army, “his deep gratitude for what you have done for our soldiers.”54 The outstanding service rendered by Salvationists was rewarded by various honours. In 1920, Françoise Carrel and Lucie Gaugler were admitted into the first promotion of the Order of the Founder for their commitment on behalf of the population of the martyred city of Rheims (Marne). In 1921, Gustave Isely became a Knight of the Order of the Crown by decision of King Albert I of Belgium, for the services he rendered to the Kingdom during the war. In France, Albin Peyron was named a Knight in the National Order of the Legion of Honour in February 1927. His nomination file states, for services rendered, that “during the war [A. Peyron] established many instances of relief work in the army zone: homes or hostels for soldiers, mobile hostels, centres for those on leave, settlements for Parisian children during the bombardment.”55 World War One also impacted the organisational structure of The Salvation Army. The de facto separation between France and Belgium throughout the war allowed the kingdom to become a Salvation Army territory that was independent of Paris. Also, with the reintegration of Alsace into the national territory, The Salvation Army gained the five institutions created by German Salvationists before the war.56 Finally, the full impact of the war on French Salvationists is not known. For lack of statistical evidence or a dedicated memorial, the human toll paid by Salvationists is unknown. Nonetheless, on reading En avant, the names of nearly seventy mobilized Salvationists, seventeen of whom were Forissier, Un soldat du Christ dans l’Armée du salut : Albin Peyron, 153. S.A.A., unlisted. Ministry of War, Military Charities, 4th Bureau no.12082/C on 19 December 1918. 52 “Petite revue salutiste”, En avant, (Paris, 29 January 1921), 3 53 Abadie, Aimé Boisson, 46. 54 Forissier, Un soldat du Christ dans l’Armée du salut : Albin Peyron, 153. 55 Archives Nationales (A.N.), 19800035/1408/62773. File of Albin Peyron. 56 Two corps and two social centres in Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin) and Mulhouse (Haut-Rhin), one corps in Colmar (HautRhin). 50 51

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killed, may be noted throughout the conflict. For The Salvation Army, the material balance sheet seems less: although destroyed by the bombardments, the Rheims (Marne) corps was rebuilt in 1922 thanks to the gift of 32,000 francs collected by The Salvation Army’s brass band at Regent Hall in London (United Kingdom). On to new battles For many, the belligerent impetus of 1914 was turned into a struggle for the reform of society. During the 1921 general assembly of the “Foyers du soldat” of the F.A.U., Léon Robelin (1866-1938), the president of the Union des Grandes Associations Françaises, requested that “the efforts of all French people might unite to destroy this octopus which is ruining our race: alcoholism, tuberculosis and the slums.”57 Echoing Fornachon’s “Vive la France!” editorial of August 1914, The Salvation Army adopted this program, “adding to it the struggle against sin in all its forms.”58 The trauma of the First World War gave birth to a strong pacifist movement, which was a counterpoint to the “Holy Alliance” of 1914. In 1921, The Salvation Army joined this movement and, through the person of Albin Peyron, joined the universal union “To suppress this crime: war.” It was a legal, apolitical effort, founded and promoted by the lawyer and veteran Henri Demont (1877-1959) to abolish war forever. Based on the law of nations, it was completely in line with the League of Nations created in 1920. At the same time, with the burial in 1921 of an unknown French soldier from the Great War, the Arc de Triomphe in Paris became a symbol of the human sacrifice of this conflict. In collective French Salvationist memory, the memory of the war faded and was replaced by the development of social and evangelistic work in the 1920s and 1930s. Occasionally, a Salvation Army group would take part in the Unknown Soldier’s Remembrance program. Albin Peyron accompanied the Chalk Farm Salvation Army Band (United Kingdom) in September 1927 and Southsea Band (United Kingdom) in April 1929. In June 1948, the Portsmouth (United Kingdom) Band laid a wreath on the grave, followed in March 1959 by the Ipswich Band (United Kingdom). Salvation Army international leaders, such as General Kitching (November 1962) and General Wickberg (November 1973), also presided over these solemn occasions. In November 2016, as part of the commemorations of the centenary of the First World War, The Salvation Army reconnected with the ceremony of rekindling the flame of the Unknown Soldier. As a member of the Protestant Federation of France, and as part of the Protestant chaplaincy in the army, The Salvation Army’s Territorial Band accompanied this patriotic demonstration. The contacts and relationships established with state authorities and public opinion in the final years of the First World War allowed The Salvation Army to present itself as an effective partner in its philanthropic actions. This reputation favoured the creation of institutions that would mark the 1920s both in Paris59 and in the provinces.60 By choosing to ensure “works of war” for French soldiers, the organization of Anglo-Saxon origin was now recognized, integrated and adopted in society. These projects allowed The Salvation Army in France to develop its evangelical and social activity in the years to come.

Victor Seydel, “Fête militaire au foyer du soldat à Paris”, En avant, (Paris, 29 January 1921), 3. Seydel, “Fête militaire au foyer du soldat à Paris”, 3. 59 Creation of three evangelistic corps, including the Central Hall in 1921; and of three social centres: the Palais du people, in 1925; the Palais de la Femme, in 1926; and the Louise-Catherine barge, in 1930. 60 Creation of seventeen evangelistic corps; and of five social institutions: the Foyer Familial in Marseille (Bouches-duRhône), in 1920; the Bonne hôtellerie in Lille (Nord), in 1921; the Bonne hôtellerie in Metz (Moselle), in 1923; the Soleil d’automne in Tonneins (Lot-et-Garonne), in 1928; and the mission in support of convicts in French Guyana, in 1928. 57 58

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Hôpital militaire HB 3 bis dans les locaux de l’hôtellerie salutiste de Lyon au 71 rue Servient, en 1915

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LA PREMIÈRE GUERRE MONDIALE : CATALYSEUR DE L’ACTION DE L’ARMÉE DU SALUT EN FRANCE Marc Muller Note éditoriale Depuis des années, l'accès à l’histoire salutiste provenant de pays non-anglophones a été quelque peu limitée. Cela a gêné la compréhension du ministère mondial de l’Armée du salut par ceux dont la seule langue est l'anglais. L’article suivant de Marc Muller à Paris, France, s’inspire de l’intérêt, récemment observé, suscité par le centenaire de la Première Guerre Mondiale par rapport au ministère de l’Armée du salut durant le conflit. Pour une première fois dans l’Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, ce récit est publié en français et en anglais. Muller décrit la réponse de l’Armée du salut en France devant cette guerre et l’effet qu’elle a eu à la fois sur l’Armée elle-même et sur sa perception par le public français. Il commence son article en situant les origines du ministère de l'Armée en France dans une période connue sous le nom de « Belle Époque » ainsi que les forces sociales, économiques, technologiques, politiques et religieuses en cours en France à ce moment. À partir de cette introduction, Muller décrit l’effort de guerre de l’Armée en France comme « un travail façonné par les circonstances et les opportunités ». Il conclut son article par quelques réflexions sur le ministère de l’Armée du salut en France dans les années qui ont suivi la fin de la guerre. La France de la « Belle Époque » La « Belle Époque »1 identifie les décennies précédant la Première Guerre mondiale pendant la IIIe République. 2 Cette période, marquée par les progrès sociaux, économiques, technologiques et politiques, voit l’évolution de l’Armée du salut en France depuis 1881. Le contexte dans lequel s’inscrit cette œuvre d’évangélisation protestante nécessite d’être abordé tant du point de vue sociologique et religieux que de celui des relations internationales. L’attitude des Français à l’égard de la religion réclame un examen nuancé. « La France demeure-t-elle la "France catholique", "fille aînée de l’Église", parce que les baptisés sont l’immense majorité ? Ainsi raisonne volontiers les défenseurs de l’Église qui imputent les malheurs du temps au complot d’une minorité de francs-maçons, de juifs, de protestants ».3 Si la société reste marquée par l’imprégnation du christianisme, une déchristianisation ancienne des campagnes s’accélère par l’exode rural. Tandis que, dans le monde ouvrier urbain, l’acculturation laïque se développe avec les

Citation de référence de ce document ; Marc Muller, “La première Guerre Mondiale : Catalyseur de l’action de l’ Armée du Salut en France”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, 6, 1, 2021, 148 – 159. 1 Ce chrononyme rétrospectif correspond pour les Britanniques à la fin de l’époque victorienne et à l’époque édouardienne tandis que les Allemands l’identifient au wilhelminisme. Sur le sujet, lire Dominique Kalifa. La véritable histoire de la Belle Époque, (Paris, France: Fayard, 2017). 2 La Troisième République est le régime républicain et libéral, avec un large consensus patriotique, en vigueur en France de septembre 1870 à juillet 1940. 3 Jean-Marie Mayeur. Les débuts de la IIIe République (1871-1898), (Paris, France: Seuil, 1973), Croyances et cultures, 135.

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idées républicaines et anticléricales. 4 Cette laïcisation progressive de la société française est une conséquence de cette déchristianisation. La place de la minorité protestante (580 000 membres au recensement de 1872) 5 est remarquable. Elle se repart surtout dans ses bastions historiques : les départements de la Drôme, d’Ardèche, du Gard, de la Lozère, du Tarn, du Tarn-et-Garonne, de la Charente et des Deux-Sèvres, auxquels s’ajoutent des îlots : le pays de Montbéliard (département du Doubs), la région parisienne (département de la Seine) et le département de Seine-Inférieure. Hormis, Nîmes (Gard), Bordeaux (Gironde), Le Havre (Seine-Inférieure) et Paris, les communautés protestantes sont implantées en milieu rural ou dans de petites villes.6 Le rayonnement intellectuel d’un protestantisme libéral, sans dogme ni mystère, accessible à la raison, marque de son empreinte l’idée laïque et l’esprit républicain. À partir de 1899, l’œuvre politique du Bloc des gauches 7 amène à la loi de séparation des Églises et de l’État. Promulgué le 9 décembre 1905, cette loi et ses effets, opposent les cléricaux (soutenu par l’Église catholique) avec les anticléricaux du Bloc. Elle divise profondément la société française dans son rapport à la religion et à l’expression de la foi. La liquidation du Bloc des gauches coïncide avec le développement de l’impérialisme au travers duquel se profilent des concurrences coloniales. Quelques polémistes accusent les missions protestantes françaises de se montrer complices des Anglais lors de la conquête française de Madagascar en 1897. Les tensions militaires et diplomatiques concernant le partage de l’Afrique avec le Royaume-Uni ne s’apaisent qu’avec l’Entente cordiale en 1904. L’Armée du salut en France à l’entrée d’une guerre mondiale La France est le premier pays non anglophone, de culture latine, à accueillir l’Armée du salut. En février 1881, Catherine (Katie) Booth (1858-1955), Adélaïde Cox (1860-1945), et Florence Soper (1861-1957), gagnent Paris.8 « Affublées de leur étrange uniforme, possédant le mal notre langue [française], Catherine et ses compagnes vont se lancer dans l’aventure avec une foi invincible et un indomptable courage. »9 L’essor du mouvement est fondé par l’action apostolique de Catherine (Katie) Booth, rapidement surnommée « la Maréchale ». Ainsi, en janvier 1899, trois ans après le départ de Catherine et de son mari Arthur Sidney Clibborn (1855-1939), l’Armée du salut compte en France, 43 postes d’évangélisation et 4 institutions sociales. Le mouvement est essentiellement implanté dans les territoires à forte tradition protestante.10 Néanmoins, pendant la première décennie du XXe siècle, la croissance de l’œuvre marque le pas et régresse. En 1910, l’Armée du salut compte 96 officiers en France et 35 en Belgique - intégré au territoire en 1902. En janvier 1914, le territoire salutiste se

Les ouvriers forment 30 % de la population au recensement de 1911. INSEE. Données historiques de la Statistique générale de France, 2010. 5 Sur un total de 36 102 000 d’habitants, soit 1,61% de la population en 1872. INSEE. Données historiques de la Statistique générale de France, 2010. 6 Mayeur. Les débuts de la IIIe République (1871-1898), 141. 7 Alliance de forces politiques de gauche animée par un réseau de sociétés de pensées regroupant la franc-maçonnerie, la Ligue des droits de l’Homme, la Libre pensée, les organisations laïques, les universités populaires. Sur le sujet, lire Madeleine Rebérioux. La République radicale ? (1898-1914), (Paris, France : Seuil, 1975), La France du Bloc et l’ascension du Radicalisme, 42 et al. 8 Sur le sujet, lire Pierre-Yves Kirschleger. « La guerre est déclarée ! regards protestants sur l’invasion salutiste de 1881 », La diversité évangélique, (Cléon d’Andran, France : Excelsis, 2003), 53 – 77. 9 Raymond Delcourt. L’Armée du salut, (Paris, France : Presses universitaire de France, 1988), 21. 10 Par exemple, dix-sept postes d’évangélisation sont situés dans les départements de la Drôme, d’Ardèche, et du Gard.

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compose : en France, de 26 postes d’évangélisation et 6 institutions sociales ; en Belgique, de 11 postes d’évangélisation et 2 institutions. Sa mission d’évangélisation au sein d’une société laïque ; son caractère protestant au milieu d’une culture catholique ; et son origine britannique dans un contexte géopolitique colonial tendu entre la France et le Royaume-Uni, rendent « l’Armée du salut tout à fait exogène à la masse du peuple français »11 de la Belle époque. En août 1914, la déclaration de guerre de l’Allemagne à la France, (le 3 août) et celle du Royaume-Uni à l’Allemagne (le 4 août), imposent au chef mondial de l’Armée du salut Bramwell Booth (1856-1929) de prendre position en raison du caractère international et chrétien de l’œuvre.12 Ainsi, par exemple, en Allemagne, elle compte plus de 150 postes d’évangélisation et près de 500 officiers, dont plusieurs de nationalité britannique. 13 Dès l’ouverture des hostilités, il signe un éditorial, dans The war cry. Ce texte est notable car, loin de tout nationalisme, il s’efforce de rappeler les principes généraux de l’œuvre salutiste, avec même des accents pacifistes: Nous sommes profondément inquiets de cette guerre parce que nous croyons que les peuples d'Allemagne et d'Angleterre sont des peuples à bien des égards amicaux. Les classes ouvrières, qui constituent la plus grande partie de la population des deux pays, et malgré leurs rivalités commerciales et les infimes différences qui les caractérisent, ont beaucoup de choses en commun qui favorisent l’amitié authentique. Les Britanniques ne considèrent pas les Allemands, ni les Allemands les Britanniques, comme ils le faisaient auparavant. Ils pensent à eux comme des collègues de travail. Beaucoup voient en eux des collègues qui luttent pour de meilleures conditions de vie et pour un traitement plus respectueux et de meilleure qualité des pauvres. Certains les reconnaissent comme leurs frères chrétiens.14

Puis trois semaines plus tard, il écrit à nouveau : Une fois de plus j’aimerais dire que je ne regarde pas cette guerre comme étant une guerre des peuples ou de certaines classes. Sans doute, maintenant que les massacres sordides et les destructions ont commencé, de larges proportions de la population seront profondément angoissées et en colère. Mais ceci n’est que la conséquence de la situation. La guerre elle-même a été préparée par les états-majors militaires, en particulier en Allemagne et en Russie. Ces élites militaires et les personnes qui vivent de la fabrication des armes, ainsi que les journaux qui à cause de cette situation augmentent leurs ventes, ont pendant des années promu et favorisé ces doctrines horribles qui maintenant ravagent dans toute leur méchanceté les champs de bataille de Belgique et de France (...). Désormais, nous devons nous en souvenir quand nous pensons et parlons de ce qui se passe (...). Efforçons-nous de placer la responsabilité sur les bonnes épaules en évitant de nous adonner à l'amertume et à la haine pour des nations entières.15

Et quelques mois plus tard : Au nom du Dieu d’amour, nous devons refuser les exigences terribles qui sont proposées par le dieu de la guerre de nous abandonner à la rage, à la haine, à la convoitise et à la vengeance qui ne sont que trop dramatiquement manifestes autour de nous. Nous devons, avec l'aide de Dieu, garder notre compassion à l'égard de ceux qui souffrent, car c'est la compassion Christ. Nous devons Marc Muller, « L’action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale », Revue d’Histoire du Protestantisme, 1 (Paris, France : Juin 2016), 229. 12 Sur le sujet, lire : Shaw Clifton, Crown of glory, crown of thorns: The Salvation Army in wartime, (Londres, Royaume-Uni : Salvation Books, 2015). 13 Frederick Coutts, The history of The Salvation Army: The better fight, (Londres, Royaume-Uni : Hodder and Stoughton, 1973), 22. 14 Bramwell Booth, The war cry, (Londres, 29 Août 1914), 1. 15 Bramwell Booth, The war cry, (Londres, 19 Septembre 1914), 1. 11

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chérir et cultiver dans nos cœurs la pitié pour les injustes parce que c’est la pitié du Christ que nous démontrons ainsi. Nous devons laisser notre compassion se diriger vers ceux qui s’opposent à nous et nous blessent et prier pour eux, parce que c’est l'esprit et le commandement de JésusChrist. Et surtout, nous devons continuer à aimer nos ennemis, parce que l'amour est de Dieu, et sans amour à leur égard, il est impossible de le connaître, de lui plaire ou de lui appartenir.16

L’Armée du salut, par la voix de son général, se présente comme l’ami de tous, l’ennemi de personne.17 1914-1917, une œuvre de circonstance et d’opportunités Au delà des adresses de Bramwell Booth, l’esprit du temps et les réalités de la guerre vont amener les salutistes des pays belligérants à faire un choix patriotique. À l’image de leurs compatriotes, les protestants français proclament leur conviction que la défense nationale est une nécessité impérieuse, d’autant plus que la France ne porte, selon eux aucune responsabilité dans le déclenchement de cette guerre, et qu’elle ne fait que se défendre contre une attaque totalement injustifiée. Conviction confirmée - à leurs yeux - dès le début des hostilités par la violation de la neutralité de la Belgique par l’Empire allemand.18

François Fornachon (1863-1929), le chef de l’Armée du salut en France et en Belgique, s’inscrit dans cet élan patriotique bien qu’il soit de nationalité suisse. En août 1914, dans une édition ronéotypée de l’hebdomadaire salutiste En avant, il exprime le sentiment d’« Union sacrée » auquel il fait adhérer l’Armée du salut : Dans les cathédrales catholiques, dans les temples protestants, dans les synagogues des juifs et les salles populaires de l’Armée du salut, partout ce cri : vive la France ! Nous voulons qu’elle vive, la France, et elle vivra ! Par quel moyen ? 1o Par l’organe de ceux qui dirigent ses destinées ; la France appelle sous les drapeaux et envoie à la frontière tous ses fils. Ils répondent tous à l’appel. Les troupiers joyeux se hâtent de rejoindre leur régiment ; les marins intrépides leurs unités de combat. Tous vont défendre le patrimoine sacré de la patrie, vont donner leur sang pour elle. Ils sont dans leur rôle ! Vive la terre de France (…). 2o L’Église toute entière est debout et crie aussi : vive la France ! Tous ceux qui composent l’Église de Dieu, soldats de Jésus-Christ, vivant de sa vie, sentent qu’à côté du soldat qui combat pour l’intégrité du sol français, il doit y avoir le soldat du Christ qui combat pour son intégrité morale et religieuse.19

Il conclut en rappelant le message évangélique et ses préceptes : Que cette épreuve, permise par Dieu, nous fasse rentrer en nous-mêmes, avec la France toute entière, et nous dispose aux résolutions qui s’imposent ! Que cette épreuve nous mène à la repentance sincère, à la croix qui efface les transgressions passées, qui ranime la vie divine dans nos cœurs et nous aide à marcher sur le chemin de la sainteté et de l’obéissance à la loi de Dieu. Et tous d’un seul cœur et d’une même âme, redisons : vive la France qui combat pour le droit, la justice, la civilisation, et qui est décidée à lutter contre tous ses ennemis extérieurs et intérieurs, contre le péché, l’ivrognerie, la débauche, le luxe malsain, l’avarice, l’amour des richesses et des

Bramwell Booth, The war cry, (Londres, 7 Novembre 1914), 1. Clifton. Crown of glory, crown of thorns, 125. 18 André Encrevé. « Les protestants français et la Première Guerre mondiale », Revue d’Histoire du Protestantisme, 160, (Paris : Mars 2014), 21. 19 François Fornachon, « Vive la France ! », En avant, (Paris, 15 Août 1914), 2 – 3. 17

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vanités qui passent, de l’orgueil, de l’envie et de la vengeance mauvaise. Qui veut commencer aujourd’hui à faire vivre en lui cette grande France ? Le Christ vous appelle!20

En quelques lignes, François Fornachon estime la nature de l’engagement salutiste à venir. Notre première pensée va vers nos camarades, officiers et soldats [de l’Armée du salut], qui ont été appelés sous les drapeaux, ayant quitté leurs postes et leurs familles. Nous sommes avec eux de cœur et d’âme, et nous les portons devant Dieu dans la prière. Nous songeons ensuite à nos camarades restés en France pour leur demander de faire tout ce qui en leur pouvoir pour faire du bien autour d’eux, et de ne rien négliger afin de se rendre utiles de toute manière, par des distributions de soupe, de lait, ou dans les garderies d’enfant, etc. Que Dieu dirige chaque officier [de l’Armée du salut], car il devient très difficile de se tenir en contact les uns avec les autres par le moyen de lettres et de télégrammes. L’Armée du salut en France fera son devoir pour soulager toutes les misères. Nos institutions sociales, nos salles de réunions, seront ouvertes à toutes les infortunes, et nos camarades donneront temps, forces et cœur pour y faire du mieux qu’il sera en leur pouvoir.21

Dès lors les salutistes français s’engagent dans une « œuvre de guerre ». Cet engagement sera celui du sang et des larmes. Aux premiers jours de la guerre, la mobilisation générale incorpore indistinctement les salutistes du territoire. Parmi les dix-sept officiers mobilisés on peut citer : Abric, Chavarot, Pichon, Thenet, Vincent pour la France ; Vanderkam pour la Belgique ; Jeanmonod, Stahl et Studer pour la Suisse. Les familles d’officiers plus âgés voient leurs fils (Babando, Bastide, Blachier, Peyron) ou leurs frères (Malbec, Chevalier, par ex.) rejoindre les rangs de l’armée française. Les salutistes, y compris les officiers, sont intégrés dans les unités combattantes. Ils ne sont pas reconnus comme ministres du culte ni comme aumônier militaire. Certains tomberont au champ d’honneur : le poste du Chambon-sur-Lignon (Haute-Loire) verra son officier Henri Vincent (1889-1916) tué à l’ennemi le 31 mars 1916 durant la bataille de Verdun, tandis que deux de ses camarades, Fleury Bariol (1894-1916) et Denis Issartial (1892-1916), sont tués dans la Somme. Cet engagement sera auprès de la population civile. Entre août et septembre 1914, l’offensive allemande chasse devant elle une partie de la population de Belgique et du Nord de la France. François Fornachon met les locaux de l’Armée du salut à la disposition des autorités, et offre ses services. Localement, des salutistes répondent spontanément. À Paris, ils distribuent de la soupe, ils hébergent les réfugiés ou ils accueillent des militaires en transit dans l’hôtellerie pour hommes de la rue de Chabrol, vidé de ses occupants par la mobilisation. En province, on visite des blessés dans les services de santé militaires. Trois établissements sociaux sont rapidement réaménagés pour accueillir des enfants déplacés. Le 8 septembre 1914, l'hôtellerie salutiste de Lyon (Rhône) devient l’hôpital temporaire HB n° 3 bis avec une capacité de 100 blessés.22 Une femme protestante, Mme le docteur Lisbeth Thyss-Monod (1877-1963) de la Croix-Rouge assure la direction sanitaire de l’hôpital 23 tandis que les officiers organisent la direction matérielle. « À l'instar des prêtres et des pasteurs, les salutistes répondent aux questions spirituelles dans ce contexte de guerre, et apportent leur aide, leur soutien aux hommes et aux familles marqués par l’éloignement, la souffrance, et le deuil. »24

Fornachon, « Vive la France! », 3. François Fornachon. « À nos camarades », En avant, (Paris, 15 Août 1914), 1. 22 Armée du salut, Court exposé du travail de l'Armée du salut en France pendant la Grande Guerre, (Paris, France : Armée du salut, 1918), 8. 23 « Une femme médecin-chef d’un hôpital militaire », L'Action féministe, 41, (Levallois, France : Juillet 1915), 4. 24 Muller. « L’action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale », 235. 21

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Cet engagement sera féminin. La plupart des hommes de 20 à 48 ans sont mobilisés, alors que la tâche s'est alourdie. Néanmoins, le corps des officiers de l’Armée du salut est déjà majoritairement féminin.25 Ainsi, ces femmes vont prendre une part essentielle au maintien de l’œuvre et dans le développement des actions en faveur des militaires. 26 À Croix, dans le Nord occupée par les allemands, les officières du poste Jenny Blanc (1867-1939) et Julie Chevalier (1880-1947), isolées et coupées de tous contacts avec Paris, demeurent en place et se consacrent au soutien de la population civile. À Reims (Marne), Françoise Carrel (1861-1941) et Lucie Gaugler (1885-1936) restent en poste sous les bombardements même après l’évacuation progressive de la population. Jusqu’en 1917, elles participent aux secours des civils, et à l’assistance des militaires. 27 Au Havre (Seine-Inférieure), Noémie Schleiden (1879-1958) transforme sa salle de réunion en salon de lecture et de correspondance pour les soldats en cantonnement. Sous l’impulsion d’Emma Rogivue (1860-1964), un « foyer » est créé à Nîmes (Gard). Inspirés des cantines de la Salvation Army britannique, équipés de façon rudimentaire, ces lieux d’accueil pour militaires permettent la détente, la lecture de journaux et de livres, la rédaction du courrier et fournissent papier à lettres, enveloppes, cartes postales. Des réunions et des soirées récréatives sont organisées et, selon le cas, il y a même une cantine. Peu de services religieux, les salutistes français sont surtout à l'écoute de tous ceux pour qui la foi semble être une réponse à leur enfer quotidien ou à leurs angoisses.28 Mais les salutistes sont encore peu habitués à une action longue et coûteuse. De plus, l'activité traditionnelle de l'Armée du salut souffre de l'état de guerre. Le front se stabilise durant l’automne 1914 et le conflit se poursuit dans les tranchées. Le poste de Reims (Marne) est à portée de tir de l'artillerie allemande. La ligne de combat sépare le territoire salutiste en deux. Les treize postes et institutions de Belgique ainsi que le poste de Croix (Nord) se trouvent dans la zone occupée par l’armée impériale allemande et sont isolés du reste du territoire. En février 1915, François Fornachon (de nationalité suisse) passe par la neutre Confédération helvétique pour rejoindre la Belgique, via l’Allemagne, afin de visiter et de réconforter les salutistes soumis à l’occupation. Il y retrouve un compatriote, Gustave Isely (1879-1954), dépêché par le quartier général salutiste de Berne (Suisse) pour organiser les secours à la population, particulièrement « celle des campagnes et des villes éloignées des grands centres, où le besoin d’aide se fait le plus sentir. »29 Après avoir obtenu les autorisations de circuler, Fornachon, accompagné par Isely, se rendent dans les postes salutistes de Belgique apportant réconfort et subsides aux officiers restés sur place. Par cette visite, il constate l'action des salutistes belges vis à vis des populations civiles et ce malgré leurs faibles moyens. Ainsi, par exemple, la subvention et le ravitaillement du Comité de secours américain permettent la distribution gratuite de lait pour les nourrissons, tandis que chaque poste belge propose une distribution de soupe et de pain pour les adultes. En France, l'Armée du salut s’organise vers une action durable et mieux établie. Pendant l'hiver 1914-1915, les centres sociaux salutistes accueillent les premiers soldats réformés et invalides, et envoient des vêtements et des colis aux soldats sur le front. Le Ministère de la Guerre apprécie cette « Ligue du vieux linge » et la fourniture, par les salutistes américains, d'une centaine de caisses de Dans l’Armée du salut, depuis l’origine, le ministère d’officier est mixte. Les femmes ont accès aux mêmes charges et responsabilités que les hommes. Un couple d’officiers ne peut se former que par le mariage entre un officier et une officière, et la proportion d’officières célibataires est plus forte que celle des hommes. 26 Clifton. Crown of glory, crown of thorns, 161 – 164. 27 En janvier 1917, il reste 17 000 habitants civils dans la ville de Reims et plus que 5 000 en avril avant l’évacuation complète de la ville. Jean-Noël Biraben « La population de Reims et son arrondissement », Population, 4, (Paris : Octobre 1961), 724. 28 Muller, « L’action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale », 236 – 237. 29 François Fornachon, « Ce que j’ai vu en Belgique », En avant, (Paris : 24 Avril 1915), 1. 25

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173 410 matériels de pansement. 30 À partir de 1916, l’œuvre de guerre salutiste multiplie ses implantations, comme à Valence (Drôme), Grenoble (Isère), Marseille (Bouches-du-Rhône), et Mazamet (Tarn). Des cuisines populaires s'ouvrent à Paris et, chaque soir, une centaine de « poilus »31 permissionnaires, en transit par la gare de l'Est, peuvent passer la nuit dans l'institution salutiste proche. Les réfugiés civils sont aidés par l’hôtellerie pour femmes de Paris, rue de la Fontaine-au-roi. Toutefois, l’action salutiste en faveur des victimes et des militaires reste localisée en fonction de ses implantations urbaines d’avant-guerre. C’est son action à travers l’organisation des Foyers du soldat qui va lui permettre un essor inattendu.32 1917-1920, les Foyers du soldat33 En France, l’élan patriotique et philanthropique en faveur des soldats est caractérisé par la fondation de nombreuses œuvres civiles pour les militaires. La loi du 30 mai 1916 sur les œuvres de guerre assure la transition vers la structuration et le développement des actions salutistes. En novembre 1917, l’État demande à l’Union franco-américaine (U.F.A) – Y.M.C.A. de coordonner l’ouverture de 1 300 nouveaux foyers et de fédérer l’action des Foyers du soldat de toutes les autres œuvres de guerre comme, entre autres, l’Armée du salut.34 L’objectif hygiéniste et néphaliste des foyers de l’U.F.A. est de préserver le moral et la morale, ce qui convient aux principes salutistes. Ainsi, de 1917 à 1923, l’Armée du salut va s’investir dans la création et la gestion des Foyers du soldat sur le front, et d’hôtels pour soldats à l’arrière. Après dix années de commandement, François Fornachon est remplacé par Albin Peyron (18701944) le 5 mai 1917. Salutiste depuis 1884, Peyron est le premier français promu à la tête du territoire. Père de trois fils mobilisés, il ne peut manquer de manifester son très vif intérêt pour l'œuvre organisée par l’Armée du salut britannique en faveur des soldats luttant sur les fronts européens. Pas plus, d'ailleurs, qu'il ne « pouvait laisser à cette œuvre étrangère tout le soin des soldats français combattants sur les fronts des armées. »35 Le 9 août 1917, Peyron présente au général Philippe Pétain (1856-1951), commandant en chef des armées françaises, une demande pour obtenir l’autorisation d’ouvrir des foyers du soldat sur le front : J'ai l'honneur conformément à la circulaire ministérielle 567/D du 31 janvier 1916, de vous demander l'autorisation pour l'Armée du salut d'établir quelques foyers du soldat sur le front. Nous nous conformerons strictement aux instructions de cette circulaire qui défend de donner à ces foyers un caractère confessionnel. Nous sommes informés que Monsieur le maréchal French a dû vous écrire pour vous faire connaître quels services l'Armée du salut avait rendus sur le front britannique. Nous serions heureux, sur le front français, de pouvoir aussi aider nos soldats dans la mesure du possible.36

En attendant les accréditations officielles, Albin Peyron et son épouse, Blanche, vont se documenter sur le travail de l'Armée du salut parmi les troupes des dominions de l’Empire britannique au Havre (Seine-Inférieure). Durant huit jours, ils s’informent sur le fonctionnement d’un camp de « Ce que fait l’Armée du salut pour les blessés », En avant, (Paris : 15 Mai 1915), 1. Surnom du fantassin français, l’équivalent du Tommy (au Royaume-Uni) ou du Digger (en Australie). 32 Muller, « L’action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale », 237. 33 Ce chapitre reprend l’essentiel du propos publié dans : Muller, « L’action de l’Armée du salut en France durant la Première Guerre mondiale », 239 – 244. 34 Service Historique de la Défense (S.H.D.), 16 N 271. Compte rendu au sujet de la réunion des représentants des œuvres de guerre qui a eu lieu le mardi 27 novembre 1917, au ministère de la Guerre. 35 Marc Forissier. Un soldat du Christ dans l'Armée du salut : Albin Peyron. (Tarbes, France : Éd. d'Albret, 1958), 152. 36 S.H.D., 16 N 267, pièce n° 9. Demande d’autorisation pour les « Foyers du soldat » de l’Armée du salut, 9 août 1917. 30 31

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l’Australian Imperial Force, avec l’aumônier salutiste Robert Henry (1871-1959), « grand bel homme en kaki, ayant la douceur du Saint-Esprit dans les yeux et les manières du parfait gentleman. »37 Pour son premier Noël comme chef salutiste, Peyron est auprès des « poilus », dans la zone des armées. Le 25 décembre 1917, il organise, avec l'approbation de l’état-major militaire, une réunion dans les caves de la maison Krug à Reims (Marne). Le lendemain, il écrit : … Le bombardement était incessant ; la nature semblait pleurer sur la cité martyre … La neige, ce jour de Noël, la recouvrait d'un fin linceul immaculé, l'arbre s'allumait sous les voûtes d'une cave à champagne … Il y avait là bien cent personnes, surtout des soldats...38

Sous la fédération de l’Union franco-américaine et sous l’autorité militaire, les Foyers du soldat de l’Armée du salut s'installent jusque dans la zone des armées, à l'arrière du front. Le 29 décembre 1917, le général Joseph Micheler (1861-1931), commandant la Ve armée, attribue à l’Armée du salut cinq premières localités de la Marne, dans la région de Reims, pour l’installation des foyers à Villeen-Selve, Villers-aux-Nœuds, Ormes, Poilly et Germaine.39 Suivront au début de l’année 1918, les cantonnements d’Aigny, de Mareuil-sur-Ay, d’Épernay, d’Avenay et du Cadran (commune de Sermier). En parallèle, deux foyers sont établis dans la zone de la VIIe armée française : en 1917 à Boron (Territoire de Belfort) et en 1918 à Audincourt (Doubs). Le salutiste Aimé Boisson (1869-1944) est nommé directeur régional des Foyers du soldat de l’Armée du salut. Il dirige « intrépide et plein d’allant »40 l'ensemble des foyers et, en collaboration avec les autorités militaires, obtient l'autorisation de se maintenir dans la zone des armées et de progresser en même temps que les troupes. Les Foyers du soldat deviennent mobiles : En quelques heures, une vaste tente est dressée au coin d'un champ, les tables et bancs pliants sont sortis du fourgon, et le poilu peut déguster la tasse de chocolat bouillant et mettre sa signature sur la carte pré-imprimée qui apportait à sa famille les nouvelles si ardemment attendues.41

Ce n’est pas sans risque. En juin 1918, nombre de foyers doivent être évacués devant la contreoffensive allemande. Boisson donne de sa personne, « ne l'a-t-on pas vu à l'œuvre, pendant les terribles jours de juin 1918, pansant les blessés, relevant les mutilés, faisant œuvre de bon Samaritain et de salutiste français ? »42 La fréquentation des bibliothèques et des salles de correspondance des Foyers du soldat intéresse l'Armée du salut qui y voit, comme l’état-major de l’armée, les effets positifs du livre sur la troupe. Cette ambition se traduit par la création de bibliothèques à destination des conscrits dont le triple but est : « récréer, instruire, élever. 43 » Les fonds d’ouvrages sont autorisés par l’autorité militaire. Le général Pétain rapporte au ministre de la Guerre les conclusions des généraux commandant l’armée sur l’influence de la lecture sur le moral des troupes et donne les consignes de censure et de propagande relatives aux supports imprimés.44 Ainsi, le bureau des œuvres militaires

Raoul Gout, Une victorieuse, Blanche Peyron, (Paris, France : Altis, 1942), 386. Armée du salut. Court exposé du travail de l'Armée du salut…, 11. 39 S.H.D., 16 N 267, lettre n° 246. Ve armée, état-major, 1er bureau, n° 4092/L du 29 décembre 1917. 40 Gilbert Abadie, Aimé Boisson, (Paris, France : Altis, 1955), 46. 41 Armée du salut. Court exposé du travail de l'Armée du salut…, 11. 42 Gout, Une victorieuse, Blanche Peyron, 387. 43 Ministère de la Guerre, Instruction sur l’organisation et le fonctionnement des bibliothèques de troupe : catalogue général, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1908, 7. 44 S.H.D., 16 N 271, pièce non numérotée, Lettre n° 26.204 du Grand quartier général des armées du Nord et du NordEst, 23 août 1917. 38

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du ministère de la Guerre, reconnaissant l’intérêt de l’Armée du salut à « combattre le fléau de l’alcoolisme », lui recommande la diffusion « d’ouvrages de propagande antialcoolique inscrits sur la liste des livres autorisés, qu’il y aurait le plus grand intérêt à placer dans les bibliothèques des Foyers du soldat. » 45 Peu avant, Albin Peyron demande au même bureau à placer dans les bibliothèques des foyers l’ouvrage Pots cassés d’Harold Begbie (1871-1929).46 Ce livre présente les témoignages de conversion au Christ dans les milieux populaires de l’Angleterre. Aussi, la réponse du ministère de la Guerre est négative se faisant « une règle d’observer la neutralité religieuse la plus absolue, et de n’admettre dans les Foyers du soldat que les publications dépourvues de tout caractère confessionnel. » 47 Néanmoins, le contact individuel entre les salutistes et les miliaires permet les conversions, même si elles restent rares. Par exemple, Fernand David (1895-1938), artilleur illettré, apprend à lire dans la bible de la directrice salutiste du foyer du soldat à Marseille (Bouches-duRhône). Plus tard, il survit au torpillage du transport de troupes qui le mène aux Dardanelles. Néophyte, David devient officier de l’Armée du salut à la fin de la guerre.48 En 1918, on compte une vingtaine de Foyers du soldat gérés par l’Armée du salut française. Chacun accueille 3 à 400 hommes chaque jour.

Cercle du soldat de l'Armée du salut à Paris au 5 boulevard de Strasbourg, en 1919

Après avoir subi des attaques aériennes allemandes depuis janvier 1918, Paris et sa banlieue sont bombardées par l’artillerie à longue portée ennemie, de mars à août 1918. La population parisienne s’inquiète de cette menace soudaine. Albin et Blanche Peyron (1867-1933) prennent une nouvelle initiative en faveur des enfants de la capitale. Agréée par la Commission municipale de sauvegarde des enfants, l'Armée du salut ouvre en province trois maisons destinées à accueillir 82 enfants parisiens évacués : à Bron (Rhône), au Chambon-sur-Lignon (Haute-Loire) et, à Roquecourbe (Tarn).49 Archives de l’Armée du salut (A.A.S.), non côté. Ministère de la guerre, Œuvres militaires, 4e bureau, n° 6594/C du 2 août 1918. 46 A.A.S., non côté. Quartier général territorial du 24 mai 1918. 47 A.A.S., non côté. Ministère de la guerre, Œuvres militaires, 4e bureau, n° 4782/C du 10 juin 1918. 48 Charles Péan. À Dieu-vat. (Neuchâtel, Suisse : Delachaux & Niestlé, 1973), 67. 49 Armée du salut. Court exposé du travail de l'Armée du salut…, 11-12. 45

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Le 11 novembre 1918, l’armistice prend effet, la Grande Guerre s'achève. Reprenant l’élan cocardier de son prédécesseur en 1914, Albin Peyron écrit alors : C'en est donc fini de ce long cauchemar, la force a cédé devant le droit. La France est libérée, la Belgique, l'Alsace-Lorraine vont l'être demain. Gloire à Dieu dans les cieux, honneur à notre grande France, aux peuples alliés, paix aux hommes de bonne volonté !50

Désormais les soldats n'ont plus à combattre, mais ils restent mobilisés. En décembre 1918, le vingt-quatrième foyer est ouvert à Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin) dans l'Alsace devenue française. Les forces françaises donnent aussi l'autorisation d'installer un foyer dans le Palatinat allemand qu'ils occupent.51 À l’arrière, dans les villes de garnison et de transit pour les permissionnaires, l’Armée du salut mène une nouvelle action en organisant des foyers plus pérennes. En février 1919, à Paris, un immeuble est loué au 5 boulevard de Strasbourg pour y accueillir le Cercle du soldat. Le rez-de-chaussée accueille une cantine et une salle de repos et de correspondance, alors qu’aux étages, des chambres sont aménagées pour permettre l’étape de soldats permissionnaires ou libérés. En avril 1920, à Bouy (Marne) dans le camp militaire de Châlons, un ultime foyer ouvre ses portes. Il accueille 65 000 soldats en huit mois.52 La paix revenue, l'œuvre de guerre salutiste décroît jusqu'en 1923, avec la fermeture de son dernier foyer à Paris. Bien des combattants français passèrent par les Foyers du soldat et « apprirent ainsi à connaître et à apprécier ces gens de l’Armée du salut dont on riait si volontiers en France avant la guerre. »53 Ce programme a donné satisfaction aux centaines de milliers d'utilisateurs comme au commandement militaire. Le maréchal Ferdinand Foch (1851-1929), commandant en chef les forces alliées, exprime à Peyron, ainsi qu'à l'Armée du salut tout entière, « sa vive gratitude pour ce que vous avez fait pour nos soldats. »54 Les éminents services rendus par les salutistes sont récompensés par diverses distinctions. En 1920, Françoise Carrel et Lucie Gaugler sont reçues dans la première promotion de l’ordre du Fondateur pour leurs engagements auprès de la population de Reims (Marne), ville martyre. En 1921, Gustave Isely devient chevalier de l’ordre de la Couronne par décision du roi Albert 1er de Belgique, pour les services qu’il a rendus au royaume pendant la guerre. En France, Albin Peyron est nommé chevalier dans l’ordre national de la Légion d’honneur, en février 1927. Son dossier de nomination précise, au titre des services rendus, que « pendant la guerre [A. Peyron] a créé de nombreuses œuvres dans la zone des armées : foyers ou hôtels du soldat, foyers volants, œuvres des permissionnaires, colonies pour les enfants de Paris pendant le bombardement. »55 La Première Guerre mondiale a également eu un impact sur la structure organisationnelle de l’Armée du Salut. La séparation de fait entre la France et la Belgique durant toute la guerre permet au royaume de devenir un territoire salutiste indépendant de Paris. Également, avec la réintégration de l’Alsace au territoire national, l’Armée du salut gagne les cinq établissements créés par les salutistes allemands avant la guerre.56 Enfin, l’impact total de la guerre sur les salutistes français n’est pas connu. Le bilan humain payé par les salutistes n’est pas connu faute d’éléments statistiques et de mémorial dédié. Néanmoins, à la lecture de l’En avant, on relève près de soixante-dix noms de salutistes mobilisés, dont dix-sept

Forissier. Un soldat du Christ dans l'Armée du salut : Albin Peyron, 153. A.A.S., non côté. Ministère de la guerre, Œuvres militaires, 4e bureau, n° 12082/C du 19 décembre 1918. 52 « Petite revue salutiste », En avant, (Paris, 29 Janvier 1921), 3. 53 Abadie, Aimé Boisson, 46. 54 Forissier. Un soldat du Christ dans l'Armée du salut : Albin Peyron, 153. 55 Archives nationales (A.N.), 19800035/1408/62733. Dossier Peyron Albin. 56 Deux postes et deux institutions à Strasbourg (Bas-Rhin) et à Mulhouse (Haut-Rhin), un poste à Colmar (Haut-Rhin). 51

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tués. Pour l’Armée du salut, le bilan matériel semble moindre : détruit par les bombardements, le poste de Reims (Marne) est reconstruit en 1922 grâce à l’offrande de 32 000 francs recueillie par la musique salutiste de Regent Hall à Londres (Royaume-Uni). À de nouveaux combats Pour beaucoup, l’élan belliqueux de 1914 c’est transformé en combat pour la réforme de la société. Lors de l’assemblée générale de 1921 des Foyers du soldat de l’U.F.A., Léon Robelin (1866-1938), président de l’union des Grandes Associations françaises, demande que « les efforts de tous les Français s’unissent pour détruire cette pieuvre qui ruine notre race : l’alcoolisme, la tuberculose et le taudis. »57 Comme une réminiscence à l’éditorial « Vive la France ! » de Fornachon en août 1914, l’Armée du salut adopte ce programme, « y ajoutant la lutte contre le péché sous toutes ses formes. »58 Le traumatisme de la Première Guerre mondiale donne naissance à un fort courant pacifiste, contrepoint de « l’Union sacrée » de 1914. En 1921, l’Armée du salut adhère à ce mouvement et, par la personne d’Albin Peyron, rejoint l’union universelle « Pour supprimer ce crime : la guerre ». Il s’agit d’une œuvre juridique, apolitique, fondée et promue par le juriste et ancien combattant Henri Demont (1877-1959) pour abolir à tout jamais la guerre. Basée sur le droit des nations, elle s’inscrit dans la droite ligne de la Société des Nations créée en 1920. Parallèlement, avec l’inhumation d’un soldat inconnu français de la Grande guerre en 1921, l’Arc de triomphe à Paris devient un symbole du sacrifice humain de ce conflit. Tandis que, dans la mémoire collective salutiste française, le souvenir de la guerre s’estompe au profit du développement des œuvres sociales et d’évangélisation des années 1920 et 1930. Ponctuellement, un détachement salutiste s’inscrit dans le programme d’hommage au Soldat inconnu. Albin Peyron accompagne les musiques salutistes de Chalk Farm (Royaume-Uni) en septembre 1927 et de Southsea (RoyaumeUni) en avril 1929. En juin 1948, la fanfare de Portsmouth (Royaume-Uni) dépose une gerbe sur la tombe, suivi en mars 1959 par la fanfare d’Ipswich (Royaume-Uni). Les chefs internationaux salutistes président aussi à ces solennités comme le général Kitching (novembre 1962) ou le général Wickberg (novembre 1973). En novembre 2016, à l’occasion des commémorations du centenaire de la Première Guerre mondiale, l’Armée du salut renoue avec la cérémonie du ravivage de la flamme du Soldat inconnu. En qualité de membre de la Fédération Protestante de France, et dans le cadre de l’aumônerie protestante aux armées la musique territoriale de l’Armée du salut accompagne cette manifestation patriotique. Les contacts et relations noués auprès des autorités de l’État et de l’opinion publique durant la fin de la Première Guerre mondiale permettent à l’Armée du salut de se présenter comme un interlocuteur efficace dans ses actions philanthropiques. Cette réputation favorise les fondations des établissements qui marqueront les années 1920 à Paris59 comme en province.60 En faisant le choix d’assurer des « œuvres de guerre » pour les soldats français, l'organisation d'origine anglo-saxonne est désormais reconnue, intégrée et adoptée dans la société. Ces entreprises permettent à l'Armée du salut en France de développer dans les années à venir son projet évangélique et social.

Victor Seydel. « Fête militaire au foyer du soldat à Paris »,. En avant, (Paris, 29 Janvier 1921), 3. Seydel. « Fête militaire au foyer du soldat à Paris », 3. 59 Création de trois postes d’évangélisation dont la Salle centrale, en 1921 ; et de trois institutions : le Palais du peuple, en 1925 ; le Palais de la Femme, en 1926 ; la péniche Louise-Catherine, en 1930. 60 Création de dix-sept postes d’évangélisation ; et de cinq œuvres sociales : le Foyer familial à Marseille (Bouches-duRhône), en 1920 ; la Bonne hôtellerie à Lille (Nord), en 1921 ; la Bonne hôtellerie à Metz (Moselle), en 1923 ; le Soleil d’automne à Tonneins (Lot-et-Garonne), en 1928 ; la mission en faveur des bagnards en Guyane, en 1928. 58

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REQUEST FOR INFORMATION TO ASSIST WITH RESEARCH The following researchers have asked for assistance from our readers. If you know of any information or articles, have photographs, stories or artefacts, please contact them via their email address as outlined below.

Garth Hentzschel – Theses, chapter of books and journal articles. For the continuation of the ‘Bibliography of Salvation Army Literature in English 1988 – Present’, Hentzschel is requesting any information on theses, chapters of books and journal articles written about The Salvation Army. Information on such works and possible copies of these documents, please contact Hentzschel at ajsahistory@gmail.com

Rob Kinnon-Brettle – Research into Salvationists who lost their lives in World War II (as a consequence of the war). Kinnon-Brettle is looking for names, age, the date of death and any of the circumstances of promotion to Glory of Salvationists during WWII. All information can be sent to the research by email rkb1809@googlemail.com

Gordon Lewis – Information on the Fry family. Lewis is writing a book, Listen to the Band about the Fry family of Alderbury, Wiltshire who are noted as the first Salvation Army band towards the end of 1878. Stories, photographs, and memories are all needed, including of Bertram Waterman Fry who emigrated to Australia and attended Adelaide Corps. Bertram would become the father of Alfred Narroway Fry who became an “infamous” Australian hero. Please contact Lewis via email gordon_lewis@hotmail.com.

Major Kingsley Sampson – The New Zealand Salvation Army’s Response to the Second World War. The publication of Under Two Flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War invites a sequel, about WW2. At this stage, Kingsley is simply gathering information about NZ Salvationists who enlisted in the Second World War, NZ SA chaplains who served, Welfare Officers, Institutes in NZ military camps and service by both men and women in the Army, Air Force and Navy both in New Zealand and overseas. He is also interested in hearing about resources such as diaries, memorabilia, memoirs, photos or other suitable material that relatives are willing to make available for this project. Please contact Kingsley at kingsley.sampson@gmail.com

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A NOTE OF GRATITUDE FROM THE EXECUTIVE TEAM OF THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY

Robert Gordon and Ada Moyles1

The Executive Team of The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history is sad to announce the retirement of Professor R. G. Moyles from the position of peer reviewer. His communication, feedback, and close friendship in relation to the journal will be missed. Moyles has seen the need to relinquish his position due to personal reasons and hopes that younger people will take up and continue the work he has done. Since the commencement of the AJSAH, Moyles has been a great supporter of all we have tried to do. He has sent encouraging emails when he received each issue of the journal and has also supported its work with the contribution of papers. He positively contributed to the AJSAH although he continued his own busy schedule of writing and publishing several Salvation Army history books. When it became obvious that the AJSAH had readers far exceeding the first intended audience of people within the Australasian region, Moyles was happy to join the peer review team. He has not only widened the journal geographically, but also increased the knowledge of publication matters and process. Moyles has contributed greatly with comments and suggestions on many papers and we know that these papers reached a much deeper level because of his input. Moyles has assisted with the peer reviewing for well over a year, which has seen more than three large issues uploaded. He has advised on matters and also suggested ideas that are still being developed. We thank him for his many contributions and the hours of work in reading and sometimes re-reading many of the papers. There will be more papers from Moyles in the coming issues of the journal, which we know our readers will continue to enjoy. We thank Moyles for his support and work in making the journal what it is today. Enjoy your well-earned rest!

Photograph courtesy of R. G. Moyles.

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REVIEWS, COMMENTS, FEEDBACK AND LETTERS TO THE EDITOR ON THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY ~ VOLUME 5, ISSUE 2.

Kirsty Andrew, Collection and Program Support Officer, Tweed Regional Museum, Thank you very much … for sending us a copy of [Murwillumbah’s Salvation Army Emergency Hospital] article. It is fascinating reading and I’m sure it will be well received. I’ll forward it to my colleagues at the Museum. Thanks and regards.

Major Robert (Bob) Broadbere, retired Salvation Army officer, Australia; I have a … friend who likes to read SA history … he … [read the] story about ‘Murwillumbah’s Salvation Army Emergency Hospital’. He loved it so much he wanted to read the full magazine. Hence, he now has the full edition. The paper [also] made me look at this now closed Corps. The three soldiers in the article continued in the Corps and one became an Officer.

Major Howard Davies, retired Salvation Army officer, music composer, Australia; I have just spent an hour or two carefully reading Garth R. Hentzschel’s “A-tishoo! A-tishoo, we all fall down” on the 1919 flu epidemic. Most interesting and strange how history often repeats itself. Congratulations on a paper I am sure will be of interest to many readers in coming days! What a great and brave service provided by local Salvationists at that time. I am sure this article is an important chapter from SA history in this country that will be read and appreciated by many salvos today, who, like me were unaware of this story.

Tom Ellwood, Salvationist, Canada I really appreciated getting this outstanding edition. Well done! Please keep them coming.

Gordon Lewis, UK …I enjoyed reading the latest online journal which I found very interesting…

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Lt.Col Olive Lucus, Thank you …. Lots of reading! … You and your team do an excellent job. Very grateful you are preserving SA history in these days when the Movement is fast changing.

Colonel Richard Munn, Director, International Social Justice Commission, IHQ, New York, Thank you so much, Garth – an invaluable labour of love to the betterment of many, now and into the future.

Professor R. David Rightmire, Ph.D., Professor of Bible & Theology, Asbury University, Wilmore, …Thanks for your dedicated efforts in keeping this journal going. You have done a great job in preserving the history of TSA and providing an outlet for scholarship related to our movement.

Major Dorothy Smyth, Salvation Army retired officer, Australia, Thank you very much for this, your time and effort is very much appreciated.

EDITORIAL NOTE Three prior papers submitted to the AJSAH will be republished in difference formats in the coming months; one in Australia, one in New Zealand and one in the United Kingdom. We will share referencing information with you when we have the details. For letters to the editor on papers or other items, please send your email to the Executive Editor – AJSAHistory@gmail.com

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 6, Issue 1, 2021. Page 163