Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History Volume 4 issue 2

ISSN 2206-2572 (Online)

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is published by The Salvation Army, Australia Eastern Territory Historical Society.

2016

Issue 2

Volume 4

Edition

September 2016

Issue 2

September 2019

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 1

storical Symposium

Call for Papers The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online) The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is a multi-national journal that fosters a dialogue on all aspects of the history and development of The Salvation Army. Articles are encouraged to be glocal, that is, both local and global in consideration. All articles in this journal have undergone editorial screening and peer review by at least two reviewers. The aim of the journal is to publish timely, useful, informative, original and honest historical research which will be of value to both a general audience and those interested in Salvation Army history.

The journal is published by Cross and Crown Publications and seeks to increase the knowledge and promote the interest of Salvation Army history and understanding of its development.

The journal publishes research papers and historical papers in any areas relating to the history and development of The Salvation Army, including, but not limited to: Aged Care, Biographies of individual Salvationists and employees, Buildings and Architecture, The Booth family, Brass Banding, Corps history, Education of Salvationists, Education organised by Salvationists, Emergency relief and management, Fashion of uniform - design and meaning, Gender and Cultural Diversity, Genealogical studies, Health work and ministry, Holiness Movement, Human Rights, Hymnology, Internationalism, Leadership styles, Methodist and Salvationist theological development, Orders and Regulations and policy development, Religion Studies, Literature Studies, Signs and Symbols meaning, Social justice and The Salvation Army, Social Work, Social Welfare, Social Impact, Urban ministry, Unemployed and Vulnerable people, Welfare State, Young Peoples’ Ministry.

Papers presented at Salvation Army heritage meetings will be welcome. Where possible, primary sources should be used and presumptive statements avoided. Images and graphics will be accepted if the contributor or The Salvation Army holds the copyright and they are visually clear for reproduction. All articles contributed must be original, the contributor's own work and referenced throughout. Articles previously published in either Army or non-Army publications will be considered on a case-by-case basis.

Interested contributors are highly encouraged to submit their manuscripts/papers to the executive editor via e-mail at AJSAHistory@gmail.com. Please indicate the name of the journal (The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History) in the cover letter or simply put ‘Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History’ in the subject box if submitting by e-mail.

AJSAH is inviting papers for Vol. 5, Iss. 1. The online publication date is March 2020.

Submission deadline: 30 December 2019.

For any additional information, please contact the executive editor at AJSAHistory@gmail.com

Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel Executive Editor - The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History

© The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History 2019 Cross & Crown Publications Cross & Crown Publications PO Box 998 Mt Gravatt Qld 4122 Australia web address: https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/historicalsociety/ ISSN: 2206-2572 (Online)

Cover: The Salvation Army tricolour ribbon on a black background. A white crest of The Salvation Army. The picture is a line drawing of the stone laying ceremony of the Brisbane City Temple. The picture is from The war cry Brisbane edition, Wednesday 11 February 1891, page one.

Executive Editor Mr Garth R. Hentzschel Peer Review and Editorial Team Dr. David Malcolm Bennett Major Donna Bryan Mr Lindsay Cox Major Kingsley Sampson Major David Woodbury

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History was first published in 2016 and is prepared by a group of volunteers made up from members of Salvation Army historical groups in Australia and New Zealand as well as others who are interested in researching, writing and displaying Salvation Army history. It is produced by Cross & Crown Publications for Salvation Army history groups in Australia, New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 2

THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY VOLUME 4 ISSUE 2 2019 Editorial Note.

Welcome to the eighth edition (Volume 4, Issue 2) of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History (AJSAH).

This issue again introduces new authors, while also welcoming returning contributors. We again present articles from authors representing a number of countries; Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United Kingdom.

The topics under investigation cover a varied array, from entry into Salvation Army officer training to songs, both sacred and secular.

I would again like to thank the peer review and editorial group who have replied with comments and corrections in very short periods of time. During this time, some have been writing their own books, or travelling and exploring international historical sites. We hope such travels will enrich future papers.

This issue is again divided into three sections. The two sections of four papers are separated by notices of resources available to historians and other people interested in Salvation Army history.

To commence the first four papers, Major Dr. Harold Hill uses historic documents to investigate the change of theological influences on Salvationists’ call to Salvation Army officership. The time frame for his investigation is between 1967 and 2007. The sources used are Salvation Army candidate application forms. These have the focus on the then New Zealand, Fiji, and Tonga Territory.

In the second paper, Garth R. Hentzschel, joins with his supervisors, Professor Daniel Reynaud and Dr. Wendy Jackson to investigate the current literature of The Salvation Army’s commencement in Brisbane, Queensland, Australia. The Army’s own literature is used throughout the paper. The paper also includes a discussion on the gaps in the traditional narrative.

Professor Daniel Reynaud, presents a paper from findings uncovered in his new book, Anzac spirituality.

This paper, the third in this section, used personal diaries and public records to investigate the spiritual experiences of two Salvationists who served in the AIF, in the context of ‘the war to end all wars’.

The final paper in this section, by Professor R. Gordon Moyles, investigates a way of measuring the popularity of the early Salvation Army, imitation. Moyles introduces a number of organisations and individuals who copied elements of Salvationism, or the Army’s methodology, to attract a following or gain financially.

As with previous issues of the AJSAH, the middle section houses information that will be of interest to researchers or readers of Salvation Army history and development.

Firstly, Garth R. Hentzschel continues the list and description of Salvation Army books published in English since 1988.

Secondly, three books related to the Army are reviewed; one on a building used by The Salvation Army, one on a small biography about the Founder, William Booth and one on the spirituality of the Anzacs which has connections with Salvationists.

Thirdly, there are a number of resources and books announced. These include websites and ebooks, historical research on WWI, biographies and a novel. Please note that the journal receives no funding for this information. There is also an advertisement about the journal, challenging readers to spread the word. There are still many people interested in Salvation Army history who have not yet heard about this amazing publication!

Fourthly, notification and registration information of the 2020 Salvation Army History Symposium is included.

We hope that many of our interstate and international readers can join us in person for a weekend of discussion on all things related to Salvation Army history. The keynote speaker will be Dr. Ian Townsend, journalist and writer of three award winning historical novels.

To commence the second section of papers, Garth R. Hentzschel outlines the phases of Salvation Army identity presented in popular music throughout history. This paper was presented at the ‘Salvation Army Scholars and Friends session’ of The Annual Meeting of the American Academy of Religion, Denver, USA. The next paper by Gordon Taylor, continues his historical discussion on William Booth’s speech, “While women weep”. Here Taylor discusses the possibility of Booth using this presentation in the Guildhall.

Ruth Macdonald outlines, in her paper, the conservation and digitising program currently underway at The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London.

The final paper, by Major Robert (Bob) Broadbere discusses The Salvation Army’s use of Olney hymns, outlining the biography of the writers and their relationship to each other. Broadbere also tracks the use of these hymns in The song book of The Salvation Army.

Next year, 2020 marks the fifth year of publication for the AJSAH and it will be celebrated in a number of ways, including the Symposium dinner and letters to the journal.

Please find a way to get involved!

I would like to thank the authors of each paper, the people who write letters to the journal, and the peer review and editorial group who work hard to ensure accuracy and clarity in all the papers published. We know you will enjoy this issue. Blessings, Garth R. Hentzschel

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 3

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History CONTENTS

Vol. 4 Iss. 2

Title/Author

Page

Editorial note Garth R. Hentzschel

3

Contents

4

Contributors

5

What language shall I borrow? A review of Candidates’ application forms in the New Zealand Territory, 1967 – 2007 with reference to the language used to describe Candidates’ spiritual experience Harold Hill 6 A Salvation Army commencement narrative: An investigation of literature focused on the Army in Queensland Garth R. Hentzschel, Daniel Reynaud and Wendy Jackson 15 In two armies: The experiences of two Salvationists in the first AIF 1914 – 1918 Daniel Reynaud

27

“It’s so popular, we must try it, too”. Early imitations of The Salvation Army R. Gordon Moyles 41 A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English 1980 – present. Surnames of book authors T to V Garth R. Hentzschel 49 Book review, The life of a building, ‘The Lodge’ - Stanmore Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel

Title/Author

Page

Book review, Another biography of William Booth Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel 62 Book review, They still speak, Even though they are dead Reviewed by Kevin Hentzschel 65 Resources

67

Advertisement for AJSAH

75

Information for The Salvation Army History Symposium 76 Pop music and mapping a Salvationist identity in the public arena Garth R. Hentzschel 80 While women weep: An update Gordon Taylor

96

Preserving and digitising Christian Mission papers at the International Heritage Centre Ruth Macdonald 99 Olney hymns and Salvation Army music Robert (Bob) Broadbere

105

Request for information to assist with research

116

Review, comments, feedback and letters to the editor on the AJSAH on Volume 4, Issue 1

117

60

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 4

Contributors - Vol. 4 Iss. 2 Major Robert (Bob) Broadbere is a retired Salvation Army Officer living in the Sydney. He and his wife, Christine, have a ministry mentoring the students from the Hurstville Chinese Corps. In retirement his initial interest focused on his Henry Lawson collection. Broadbere’s unpublished works include: Exploring Henry Lawson; and The halabulah man – the story of a Cockney Salvationist who founded the Aboriginal mission in Warburton (WA). His most recent investigation has been What the papers say – a history of closed corps in NSW researching old newspapers. Broadbere retired in 2003 after 43 years’ service with The Salvation Army.

Garth R. Hentzschel is currently studying for a PhD in history. He has been a lecturer, and held leadership roles in the areas of Social Sciences, Education and Humanities in a private tertiary education provider. He has degrees in education, leadership and counselling (BEd, BAdminLead, MEd [SGC]). Hentzschel is the director of Cross & Crown Publications, president of The Salvation Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chapter and series editor of They took up their cross. He has published works and presented papers on school chaplaincy, education and Salvation Army history. Publications include; With a smile and a cuppa (2007), The bag hut tabernacle (2012), contributions to the history magazine, Hallelujah!, the Bulletin of The Methodist Historical Society of Ireland and AJSAH.

Major Kevin Hentzschel is a retired Salvation Army officer who served in corps, emergency services, chaplaincy, and public relations at divisional and territorial level. He has a Bachelor of Administrative Leadership and recipient of the Golden Key International Honour Society for academic performance. Prior to officership Hentzschel was in the RAAF and a dental technician.

Major Dr. Harold Hill is a retired Salvation Army officer who served in Zimbabwe and New Zealand in educational, pastoral and administrative appointments. He has published The Twelve Steps Workshop (written jointly with Ferrell Irvine, 2001, 2011), Leadership in the Salvation Army: A case study in clericalisation (2007) and Saved to Save and Saved to Serve: perspectives on Salvation Army history (2017). He edited Te Ope Whakaora: A collection of documents on the Salvation Army and Maori 1884-2007 (2007) and edited Norman Murdoch’s Christian Warfare in Rhodesia-Zimbabwe: The Salvation Army and African liberation 1891-1991 for publication (2015). Harold has also contributed chapters to a number of other books, most recently to Under Two Flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army's response to the First World War, edited by Kingsley Sampson (2019).

Dr. Wendy Jackson is a graduate of the University of Auckland (BHB, MBChB, Dip Paed) and Andrews

University, Michigan (MDiv, PhD). She is currently employed as a lecturer in theology and Christian history in the Seminary at Avondale College of Higher Education where she also holds the role of undergraduate course convener. Her primary research interests include ecclesiology, discipleship and nineteenth-century Christian history.

Ruth Macdonald has worked at The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre since 2013, becoming Archivist and Deputy Director in 2017. She is a qualified archivist and also hold an undergraduate degree in French and Spanish and a masters degree in Cultural Memory.

Before joining the Heritage Centre staff Macdonald worked in the archives of the Royal Commission on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland. Her research interests include The Salvation Army’s emigration schemes and women’s rescue work.

Macdonald has presented papers on these topics at the Social History Society Conference (2015) and the Memory, Identity and Trust conference (2018). She will also be presenting at the British Association of Victorian Studies conference in August 2019 and the Centre for the History of Retailing and Distribution conference in September 2019. Macdonald represents the Heritage Centre on the committee of the Religious Archives Group.

Professor R. Gordon Moyles, PhD, FRSC, is a Professor Emeritus at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Alberta, Canada. He taught in the Department of English and was, for some years, Associate Dean of Arts. His specialties were Bibliography and Methods of Research, Canadian Literature and Children's Literature.

Moyles has written more than twenty books, but in his retirement, has concentrated solely on the history of The Salvation Army. Moyles’ two most recent publications are Across an ocean and a continent. The Salvation Army as a Canadian immigration agency 1904 – 1932 and Conversations with William Booth: A series of imagined interviews. He is an active member of The Salvation Army and lives in retirement in Edmonton.

Professor Daniel Reynaud lectures in History at Avondale College of Higher Education in Cooranbong, NSW. He is the author of a number of books and articles on Australia’s war cinema and on the Anzacs and religion. These books include the biography of Chaplain William ‘Fighting Mac’ McKenzie, The man the ANZACS revered.

Gordon Taylor worked on social policy and research for the Greater London Council (1965 – 1986), then wrote the Companion to the song book of The Salvation Army for the 1986 edition, and joined the staff of the International Heritage Centre at its inception in 1988, working there successively as Senior Researcher, Archivist and Associate Director until his retirement in 2011. Taylor has completed a two-volume work; William Booth: The man and his mission, and William Booth: The General and his Army, published this year by The Salvation Army International Headquarters: Salvation Books.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 5

The Salvation Army, William Booth Memorial Training College, Aro Street, Wellington, New Zealand, 1912 – 19831

The Salvation Army, Booth College of Mission, William Booth Grove, Upper Hut, New Zealand, 1983 – present2 1

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Heritage Centre and Archives - Te Rua Mahara o Te Ope Whakaora, New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory.

2 Photograph courtesy of Garth R. Hentzschel’s private collection.

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WHAT LANGUAGE SHALL I BORROW?3 A REVIEW OF CANDIDATES’ APPLICATION FORMS IN THE NEW ZEALAND TERRITORY, 1967 – 2007 WITH REFERENCE TO THE LANGUAGE USED TO DESCRIBE CANDIDATES’ SPIRITUAL EXPERIENCE Harold Hill Fashions in religious language change over the years as fresh insights and new expressions embody renewal in one era, only to become in their turn the outworn clichés and stultified doctrines of the next. The Salvation Army’s rise in the second half of the nineteenth century coincided with a revival of Wesleyan teaching about the Christian life. In wrestling with the problem of how, having had sins forgiven, the Christian might not only avoid falling into sin again, but rather go on growing in grace and Christ-likeness, John Wesley had come to posit a second experience of grace after conversion. In default of dependence on good works and self-discipline alone, Wesley proposed that as well as being “justified” by faith, we could go on to be “sanctified” by faith, in the same way as we were saved.

Salvationists were urged to seek such an experience, and were expected to be able to testify to it.

By the early twentieth century, some earnest seekers for the evidence of the Holy Spirit’s activity in their lives began looking for more outward and obvious manifestations, and especially that of glossolalia, the “tongues” or untaught languages described in New Testament times. The emphasis came to lie on the power to exercise spiritual gifts rather than, if not in addition to, the maintenance of purity of life. Sometimes this Pentecostal experience was seen as a third blessing, beyond sanctification, but more generally as superseding that earlier Wesleyan way of describing God’s dealing with his people. Pentecostalism, and later the charismatic movement, adopted and adapted some of the language of holiness as well as producing its own vocabulary as time went on.

Some years ago, when discussing my research into the relationship between the Salvation Army and the Pentecostal and charismatic renewal movements, Major Kingsley Sampson referred me to the application papers of Candidates applying for training as Salvation Army officers. He recalled that when he had been working in the Youth Department and processing these papers in the 1980s he had been struck by the number of people then testifying to what might be described as a “charismatic” approach to Christian experience rather than a traditional Salvation Army “holiness” experience. He remembered as even more revealing the self-portraits penned by Candidates as part of their Candidates’ lessons, which he was responsible for marking in the late 1970s and early 1980s. He had felt at the time that this change could have some influence on the future of Salvation Army culture and theology in New Zealand.

With the kind permission of the then Secretary for Personnel, I went through all available Candidates papers from a forty-one-year period and attempted to classify them along the lines suggested, initially as “traditional” or “charismatic”, setting them out in a table (see Table 1). The self-portraits were no longer available (having been returned to the Candidates at the time) but Candidates’ application papers still provided a useful insight into the thinking of Salvationists in

Reference citation of this paper; Harold Hill, “What language shall I borrow? A review of Candidates’ application forms in the New Zealand Territory, 1967 – 2007 with reference to the language used to describe Candidates’ spiritual experience”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 6 – 14.

3 “What language shall I borrow, to thank Thee, dearest friend,” from the hymn, “O sacred head, now wounded,” attributed to Arnulf of Leuven (c. 1200–1250), translated by Paul Gerhardt and James W. Alexander.

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general in that they represented the views of people who were active in the organisation and committed to it but who were not yet acculturated into professional ministry as officers.

On the matter of permission, the names of the individual records were not noted in this research and as the records are the property of The Salvation Army, permission was given for the use of the records by the then Secretary of Personnel. Retrospectively, a deeper analysis could have been completed with interviews, but this would have required lengthy ethical approval. In addition to this, it is realised that not all persons would now be available and the advent of time and changes in the use of language may distort the historical snapshot. All records remain in the hands of The Salvation Army and no record of individual names was kept. I would however like to acknowledge the Candidates of the time between 1967 – 2007.

The 476 applications reviewed and analysed, taken from the period 1967 – 2007, were accessed through the Personnel Section records and the Archives then at the Salvation Army Headquarters in Wellington. Because some files were missing, incomplete or unavailable at the time, they are not a complete account – there were actually just under 600 cadets trained in New Zealand during those forty-one years. However, the over-all picture that emerges is probably representative of the whole.

For the most part, this review did not include people who entered officership by way of appointment as Envoys or Auxiliary Captains, as their initial application forms did not request a spiritual selfanalysis of this description. Some, however, were included where their papers did provide such information. I did not include in the survey overseas (chiefly cadets from Asian Territories) cadets spending time at the New Zealand Training College, nor Fijian or Tongan candidates except where they were trained in New Zealand rather than in Fiji.

Nearly 40% of these officers had resigned their commissions over the years up to the time of my research. However, analysis of the papers showed that there was no correlation between views expressed as Candidates and later resignation. Although some did in fact leave The Salvation Army in order to join charismatic or Pentecostal faith communities, those were not necessarily people who had come into officership with that perspective.

Two problems beset such an attempt to analyse or classify the views expressed by the Candidates.

The first is a matter of language – the same words could be used to denote a variety of experiences. The Salvation Army employed a wealth of expressions for the Wesleyan “Holiness” experience, as mediated through the teaching of Phoebe Palmer, the Booths, Samuel Logan Brengle, and others: the second blessing, the blessing of the clean heart, holiness, sanctification, purity of heart, the baptism of the Holy Ghost, amongst other terms. The Army’s traditional language, pre-dating the Pentecostal movement by some decades, employed expressions like “baptised in or with the Holy Ghost” but with content differing theologically from that which came to be assumed by the later Pentecostals and charismatics. In fact, the expression, the Baptism of the Holy Ghost, or Holy Spirit, almost disappeared from Salvation Army publications for some years after the rise of Pentecostalism, as did the adjective “pentecostal”. A similar distancing of itself from the newer movement could be seen in the decision of the Nazarene Pentecostal Church in the United States to drop the term “Pentecostal” from its name around 1920.

At times, assumptions based on knowledge of individuals concerned in order to assign candidates’ statements to one or other category was used. I will have made some mistakes in this.

The truth is that there are not only square pegs and round holes but an infinity of shapes to accommodate, and some would find any such attempt a futile exercise. The Candidate who wrote,

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For many years I struggled on from one rededication to another. I earnestly sought after the victorious Christian life but I didn’t know I needed the ‘second blessing’ of baptism in the Holy Ghost. After years of needless struggling I received this outpouring and infilling of God’s Holy Spirit.

would probably have seen his testimony as entirely consistent with traditional Salvationist theology, while the same person would have been regarded by many as an advocate of charismatic experience.

(Obviously, in order to make such an observation, I knew the identity of this individual at the time of preparing this analysis although more than a decade later I cannot remember who it was!)

Also on the use of language, the broad designation “traditional Salvation Army Holiness teaching” ignores the fact that this changed significantly over the years and that the way it manifested by the 1960s was often a somewhat ossified, formulaic presentation, compared with the spontaneity of early Salvationism. Neither was the language of the later charismatic movement entirely static; it evolved and diversified over the years as new leaders and trends emerged. (Perhaps the increasing rate of such doctrinal and linguistic change in the later 20th century could be compared with the way in cohorts of western populations have been labelled as Boomers, Gen-X, Gen-Y, Millennials, etc., the intervals appearing to diminish with the years.)

The second problem is that it was difficult to compare like with like because the wording of the candidate application forms changed from time to time over the years. For much of the period there were two sources of information. (a) The “Initial Application Form” included a range of short-answer questions on the candidate’s spiritual life, including “Have you received the Blessing of the Clean Heart? . . . If not, are you seeking it? . . . ” From 1974 this became “Do you enjoy the blessing of Holiness?” etc. (b) Another form was headed “The Candidate’s Personal Experience”. Some earlier forms simply requested the candidate to “give a brief account of your life and experience, both before and after your conversion.”

Most in use in the 1960s, however, began with a series of leading questions to which narrative answers were required. Up to the mid-1970s this included: “(a) How and when you were saved; also a brief record of your personal history up to this time. (b) Whether you enjoy the Blessing of the Clean Heart; if so, when and how you obtained it; if not, whether you are earnestly seeking it.”

From the later 1970s, this became (a) “How you became a Christian, (b) your experience of the Holy Spirit’s infilling…” etc. This language could be more accommodating of a charismatic or Pentecostal interpretation.

In the mid-1990s the wording was revised again, yet more broadly: “Please attach an account of your spiritual journey (800-1000 words). Please include an account of your conversion, spiritual growth, holiness experience, call to serve as an officer, discipling of others.” In the 1990s the evaluation forms filled in by a candidate’s “backers” or referees also included a question as to whether the Candidate “enjoys the blessing of sanctification.”

Despite the difficulties created by changes in language and of the questions asked of Candidates as outlined above, a change of approach may be discerned in the Candidates’ testimonies. Analysis supported the impression of a broad shift away from the Candidates professing an understanding of and a claim to enjoying “holiness” as the Salvation Army traditionally formulated spiritual experience, and, in some cases, towards a more charismatic expression. This could be explained partly by a progressive attenuation of the traditional teaching of holiness in Salvation Army meetings. The categories employed by Booth and Brengle were no longer common currency towards the end of the period. The changes in the leading questions meant that these conclusions could not be substantiated with any certainty, although the content of peoples’ accounts of their personal experience did still The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 9

point in that direction. Despite that, six Candidates, applying in 1973, 1976, 1978, 1981, 1985, and 1989 respectively, said that reading Brengle’s books had helped them to claim the blessing of Holiness. There would naturally be a time-lag of a number of years before changes in teaching filtered through to Candidates’ papers.

For a number of years from the early 1980s, Candidates were required to sign and return a form saying that, “I am accepted with the understanding that I subscribe to the Salvation Army’s nonsacramental position as referred to in The Salvation Army Handbook of Doctrine.” The reason for this was that some Salvationists, usually of a charismatic persuasion, tended to be open to or in favour of the Army’s re-adoption of water baptism and, to a lesser extent, of the Lord’s Supper. A number of Candidates referred to their having been water-baptised in connection with their baptism with or infilling by the Holy Spirit, and in some cases their corps officers had performed the rite. This occasioned some tension with the Army’s leadership at the time.

In order to establish some shape and discern trends in the papers, I have classified the applications into five main categories, and cite examples of each (see Table 1 for the numbers in each of these categories). The first two are as follows: 1. Those in line with the Army’s traditional holiness teaching, which posited a crisis experience subsequent to conversion. In many cases, the Candidates had been brought up as Salvationists and had typically made their first commitment as children in Sunday School, around the age of 7 or 8. These tended to make a new commitment in later teen-age or early twenties and often identified that experience as the second blessing, or blessing of holiness.

Others, converted in teens or twenties, came to another point of commitment later on. This was often described as “letting God have complete control of my life”, or some similar expression. Traditionalists made up 66.8% of the total but Table 1 shows that these were concentrated in the earlier years. For example, one Candidate wrote, About a year after my conversion I became worried at my inability to keep those things which I had promised to God and so I sought the blessing of the Clean Heart. This for me has been a great struggle but I believe at this moment that I have the blessing and I am growing daily in this experience.

Approximately a tenth of applicants subscribing to the Army’s traditional teaching on this matter nevertheless acknowledged that they personally had not received this blessing but were still seeking it, so I have bracketed these in a separate column of the table. They are still included in the first category however. The proportion of at least nominal believers in the second blessing who had nevertheless so far failed to obtain it may have been representative of an even larger proportion of Salvationists who admired the doctrine from afar but felt diffident of claiming that it worked for them in practice.

2. Those claiming a Pentecostal or charismatic experience. Sometimes this was explicitly and clearly stated; at other times it was inferred from other evidence in the papers. These comprised 11.7% of the total; none in the first decade, and peaking in the eighties and nineties. For example, one wrote, Every born-again Christian, and there aren’t any other types, I believe enjoys the Blessing of the Clean Heart. However, not every Christian enjoys the Baptism of the Holy Spirit and shares in His gifts.

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Another wrote: At a healing meeting, God baptised me with his Holy Spirit and at the same time I received the gift of tongues.

Having said that, a glance at Table 1 shows that these two categories together number just 374; they comprised 78.5% of the Candidates. Another 102 Candidates made up the other 21.4% of those surveyed. I have broken them down into a further three categories although these were subsets of a single broad approach. These 102 people testified to neither traditional nor the charismatic experience of holiness. They had their own story to tell, and not in anyone else’s words. By the final decade, they formed the majority group.

Some students of The Salvation Army’s theological history have suggested that the Army’s holiness teaching has gradually accommodated to a “Reformed” view, with greater emphasis on the gradual process of sanctification, rather than on the “Wesleyan” conception of a series of crises in spiritual life. This perceived change is sometimes attributed to the influence of General Frederick Coutts, presumably through his writing and because of his final editing of the 1969 Handbook of Doctrine. However, Coutts did not set out to redirect the stream of Salvation Army teaching into any channel other than the received Wesleyan one. He was, though, concerned that the traditional modes of expression were becoming less accessible to contemporary Salvationists and no longer carried conviction. He therefore sought to translate the doctrine into terms more readily grasped and practised by mid-twentieth century Salvationists. Above all, he sought to focus attention on the example of Jesus rather than on what was going on in the interior struggles of believers, or any attempt to make them fit some procrustean bed of doctrine. It would be inappropriate to try to pin all this on Coutts or his influence, given that probably only a minority of the Candidates had even read his work. However, those other 102 Candidates, my 3rd, 4th and 5th categories below, taken together, might also be indicative of that pragmatic trend in teaching and experience having become more general as time went on. So: 3. An increasing number of Candidates made no reference at all to the question of whether their life experience conformed to this or that doctrinal summary. In the earlier papers, some left the short-answer questions blank. In the later papers, requiring a narrative of personal experience without categories being provided, an increasing number simply told their story, showing no particular awareness of either “traditional” or “charismatic” teaching or of the language associated with those views. This could have indicated the absence of these teachings from the preaching to which they had been exposed, so that candidates did not describe their experience in the traditional formulaic terms, though it could also have followed simply from the absence of leading questions in the papers set.

4. Some, possibly in reaction against a perception that people were supposed to be able to identify definite points of “crisis” in their spiritual journey, testified to an experience of gradual deepening of commitment and faith. For example, one wrote, My conversion and call to the Lord’s work occurred over a long period of time… and there is no incident that I could cite as particularly significant, but I firmly believe that it is the work of the Holy Spirit.

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Another wrote: I do have the Blessing of Holiness, although I don’t recall any specific happening.

5. Finally, some, perhaps coming from the same place as the “gradualists” but wanting to analyse or question the question being asked, took issue with the necessity for two stages or levels of experience (let alone three…). These appeared only from 1967 to 1986. For example, one wrote, All Christians enjoy having the Clean Heart, or should if they don’t… I obtained my Clean Heart when I became saved, and to stay this way must continually ask God for forgiveness and for the renewing of the Holy Spirit within my life.

For the record, I found that my own equivocating response to the question, “Have you received the blessing of the clean heart?” had been, “It depends on what you mean.” The interviewing panel expressed doubts about my doctrinal soundness and a copy of an article I had written on holiness in Battlepoint quarterly was filed with my application papers, presumably as evidence of this deficiency.

Given that I was also thought to be unsound on the Doctrine of the Trinity, my acceptance for training appears to have been a work of grace in itself.

I also recorded in the survey: (a) Those who mentioned previous membership or the influence of members of other churches or groups as significant for them. Most of these were charismatic, although interestingly both of the two former Assembly of God pastors applying to be trained as Salvation Army officers in these decades identified with the classic Salvation Army formulation. (b) Those, charismatic to at least some degree, who mentioned Aggressive Christianity Conference involvement, either as the occasion of their second blessing, or charismatic experience, or as the reason for their application for training as officers. Aggressive Christianity Conventions (ACC) were “renewal” teaching seminar events held in New Zealand between 1985 and 1996, and similar to later “Roots” Conferences in some other territories. The name was taken from the title of a book by Catherine Booth. Originating as a combined Family Camp arranged by two Corps, and later opened up to all applicants, these were eventually incorporated into the official Salvation Army Calendar under Territorial Headquarters auspices. At the peak of the movement some five of these events were held in a year, one in each Division. Amongst other things, they are credited with having contributed to the substantial alteration of the style of Salvation Army meeting generally encountered in New Zealand. They also provided a means whereby Salvationists of charismatic persuasion were able to continue identifying with the Salvation Army and not feel they had to leave and join other bodies. (c) Those who identified their call to officership as the next big thing after their conversion; it was perhaps seen to be the equivalent of the second blessing or an alternative expression of it. The factor in common was the “full surrender” to God’s will. I have not recorded them as a separate category as these Candidates could be found anywhere amongst categories 1 to 5. For example, one wrote, Made commitment for officership, which was for me an infilling of the Holy Spirit, at Youth Councils.

A number of candidates described how inadequate teaching of holiness and controversy over Pentecostal views had led to their struggling to clarify just what they believed: The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 12

It took me five years to grasp the meaning of Holiness as taught by the Salvation Army.

It wasn’t until January 1973 that the truth of Holiness became a complete reality. Up until then the complete doctrine of full sanctification had eluded me, partly the result I feel of confusion over differing interpretations, especially that of the Pentecostal movement.

This analysis seems to confirm Kingsley Sampson’s original observation that the language which New Zealand candidates for officer-training (and by extension, Salvationists in general) used to describe their spiritual journey underwent a change in the latter part of the 20th century. This appears to have come about as a result of, firstly, the gradual decline in the traditional teaching and awareness of the Salvation Army’s holiness doctrine and experience; secondly, of the influence of the charismatic renewal movement in the wider church; and thirdly perhaps, the way in which Salvationists increasingly resisted attempts to have their spirituality confined to anyone else’s boxes.

In some cases they may have taken their cue from contemporary Salvationist writers and teachers (including but not limited to Coutts) who perceived, shared, and influenced the spiritual hopes and expectations of ordinary Salvationists.

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Table 1 – Candidates papers from 1967 to 2007 categorised with the terms used for the experience of holiness over time.

Decade

1967-1976

Number in sample (number who later resigned)

128 (54)

1 Classic Salvation Army experience of Holiness claimed

(Believing in classic theory of holiness but “still seeking” the actual experience)

2 Charismatic type experience identified

120

(18)

0

3 No reference made to either traditional or charismatic experience 2

4 Gradual experience of holiness or ambiguous account

3

5 Discuss meaning, or deny validity of two stages of blessing

3

Holiness identified with the call to officership

5

Mention of ACC involvement

0

1977-1986

138 (76)

107

(10)

12

6

10

3

5

1

1987-1996

119 (47)

77

(4)

25

10

7

0

5

10

1997-2007

91 (12)

14

(0)

19

48

10

0

1

4

476

318

56

66

30 Categories 3, 4&5 combined = 102

6

16

15

Totals

(32) Categories 1 & 2, combined = 374

Other Church influence acknowledge d4

1 AOG 1 AOG 1 Ecumenical 1 FGCBMI 3 YWAM 1 Subritzky 1 Presbyterian 4 AOG 1 Anglican 2 FGCBMI 2 Pentecostal 3 Baptist 2 Pentecostal 7 AOG 3 Elim 1 Lifeways 1 Vineyard 1 Presbyterian 1 Subritzky 1 LITSS 38

Other church influences acknowledged: AOG, Assemblies of God; FGCBMI, Full Gospel Christian Businessmen’s International; YWAM, Youth with a Mission; Subritzky, Bill Subritzky, an Evangelical and charismatic Anglican preacher; LITSS, Life in the Spirit Seminars.

4

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A SALVATION ARMY COMMENCEMENT NARRATIVE: AN INVESTIGATION OF LITERATURE FOCUSED ON THE ARMY IN QUEENSLAND Garth R. Hentzschel, Daniel Reynaud and Wendy Jackson Introduction Much of the existing literature surrounding the broader Salvation Army Australian commencement narrative is Adelaide centric. While the Army adheres to June 1885 as the ‘official’ date for its beginning in Queensland, there are hints of earlier work; authors even stated that some earlier attempts were official. This paper will investigate the existing literature focused on The Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative. The paper will begin by discussing the current wider narrative and then give a chronological discussion of the available literature focused on Queensland.

Entwined with the latter discussion, will be an investigation of the possible sources used. This investigation found that the existing narrative is not always clear, holds conflicting accounts, and is full of assumptions that are unsupported by sources. To conclude, the paper will discuss the weaknesses and gaps of the current Queensland commencement narrative. The literature was collected across three Salvation Army heritage centres1 for the confirmation process of the Doctor of Philosophy program within Avondale College, New South Wales, Australia.

The Salvation Army commencement narrative on the Australian continent Lowell Tarling and Hubert Scotney stated, for Australia, 1880 was a “year of multiple births”,2 as expressions of Army ministry appeared in Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide and Brisbane. Yet, the vast majority of historical narratives of The Salvation Army commencement in Australia, almost always begin with Adelaide, South Australia.3 The traditional commencement narrative chronicles, in brief, that early in 1880 a revivalist, Matthew Burnett conducted a six-week campaign in Adelaide. Two Salvationist immigrants from England, Edward Saunders and John Gore, met after one of Burnett’s meetings. This connection led them to write to General William Booth, in May of that year, to request an officer be sent. By August, Gore and Saunders had rented the Labour League Hall and on Sunday 5 September 1880 held an open-air meeting commencing the Army in South Australia.4 Captain Thomas and Mrs. Adelaide Sutherland arrived in Adelaide on 17 February 1881. Both the September and February dates are used Reference citation of this paper; Garth R. Hentzschel, Daniel Reynaud and Wendy Jackson, “A Salvation Army commencement narrative: An investigation of literature focused on the Army in Queensland”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 15 – 26.

1 The search for literature took place at The Salvation Army Heritage Centre, Sydney (with assistance of Envoy Dr. George Hazell OF and Robyn Edge); The Salvation Army Heritage Centre, Melbourne (with the assistance of Lindsay Cox and Major Donna Bryan); and The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London (with assistance of Steven Spencer).

2 Lowell Tarling, Thank God for the Salvos: The Salvation Army in Australia, 1880 – 1980, (Artarmon, Australia: Harper & Row, 1980), 16.; Hubert Scotney, “The year of multiple births”, The officer, (UK: Vol. 30, No. 3, March 1979), 101 – 104.

3 See for example Barbara Bolton, Booth’s drum – The Salvation Army in Australia 1880 – 1980, (Australia: Hodder and Stoughton, 1980).; Robert Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, Volume two, 1878 – 1886, (London, UK: Thomas nelson and Sons, 1950), 2:243 – 245.

4 Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, 2:243 – 245.

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OUR QUEENSLAND EXPEDITION

STAFF-OFFICER EDWARDS. ADJUTANT WRIGHT. CAPTAIN BOWERMAN. MRS. WRIGHT THE GROUP OF OFFICERS WHO ARRIVED IN BRISBANE IN JUNE 18855

5

“Our Queensland expedition”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 4 July 1885), 1.

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as dates on which Australian Salvationist and international literature claim to be the commencement of the movement in Australia.6 On 10 August 1882, Booth conducted the marriage of, and appointed with the rank of Major, James Barker and Alice Sutton to Australia, “to represent headquarters in the whole of the Colonies of the Southern Sea.”7 From this, the traditional commencement narrative claimed, there was a seamless expansion from South Australia to other colonies throughout Australasia.8 Such a narrative ignores a number of important developmental factors of the movement and the context in which it was situated. Firstly, as expressed by Helen Cox and Jennifer Hein, there was no country called Australia at the time of the commencement of the Army. Therefore, this narrative fails to understand the complexities of the relationships between the colonies and their citizens.9 Secondly, this narrative fails to address human weaknesses that led to schisms and disagreements.10 Thirdly, it must be noted that Robert Sandall, in the official history of The Salvation Army, failed to discuss the commencement of the Army in Western Australia and Tasmania. In a similar criticism, Hein lamented that, after the narrative of Gore, Saunders and Sutherland in Adelaide, Army histories have, to a point, neglected South Australia with the focus shifting to Melbourne and Sydney.11 Therefore the narrative is narrow in focus and ignores the complexities of the movement’s growth, development and sustainability across the continent. Fourthly, it eliminates other commencement narratives, or as Tarling and Scotney described, the other “births”.12 It is this fourth point that the paper will investigate, and while it is acknowledged that other centres were listed, for brevity and connection with ongoing research the focus here will be on Queensland.

The current Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative The official international history of The Salvation Army indicated that there were attempts to commence The Salvation Army in Queensland prior to 1885. Sandall wrote: Attempts to establish corps in Queensland, official and unofficial, failed until Adjutant and Mrs. Edward Wright, Staff-Officer Reuben Edwards and Captain Bowerman began meetings in Brisbane in June 1885 in the Academy of Music. An iron hall in Charlotte Street bearing the name “The Salvation Army,” a relic of previous attempts to start operations in Brisbane, was used for week-night meetings…13

6

It is acknowledged that the date is now a contentious issue, some have stated the September 1880 date due to one of Gore and Saunders open-air meetings, others stated February 1881 with the arrival of an officer, yet others stated August 1882 with the arrival of Barker to set up headquarters. It is not the intention of this paper to discuss this complex matter.

7 Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, 2:247.

8 Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, 2:243 – 253.

9 Helen Cox, Defining the war: Salvation Army social-welfare participation in Australia 1881 – 1902, (Melbourne, Australia: Unpublished dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, The University of Melbourne, December 2011).; Jennifer Hein, ‘Abominable yahoos’: Exploring the historical memory of the beginning of the Salvation Army in South Australia, (Adelaide, Australia: Unpublished dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, Flinders University, 2014).

10 See Hein, ‘Abominable yahoos’.; Jennifer Hein, “A crisis of leadership: John Alexander Dowie and the Salvation Army”, Journal of the Historical Society of South Australia, (Adelaide, Australia: No. 39, 2011), 65 – 77.; Garth R. Hentzschel, “Hidden turmoil of Army’s early days”, Pipeline, (Sydney, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, Vol. 17, Iss. 10, October 2013), 26 – 28.

11 Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, 2:243 – 253.; Hein, ‘Abominable yahoos’.

12 Tarling, Thank God for the Salvos.; Scotney, “The Year of Multiple Births”.

13 Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, 2:249.

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Sandall gave only a very brief account of the birth of the movement in Queensland, that there were attempts and that these attempts had left a “relic”, “[a]n iron hall in Charlotte Street”. Who these people were and when the attempts were made was not discussed. In addition to this, Sandall did not define what was meant by “official and unofficial”, nor has this been defined in other sources.14 Sandall was however not the first to write about the commencement narrative of Queensland and most certainly would have borrowed from the earlier writing.

The first identified article in the chronology of The Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative, prior to June 1885, appeared with the newly published periodical, The musician. Earlier works either listed nothing of Queensland,15 or only the work of the Army in Queensland from June 1885.16 The following investigation will focus on documents that list some Army activity in Queensland prior to the June 1885 date. As will be seen, most literature related to the Queensland commencement narrative outlined similar ideas to Sandall’s. Also, because, like Sandall, all except two publications do not reference sources, this paper has attempted to reveal this information.

Chronology of The Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative In what would appear to be the preparative work for his later book, Salvation Chariot,17 Percival Dale published a series of articles in 1947 in the Army newspaper, The musician. The series was titled “Echoes from yesterday” and each was about the history of the Army in a specific location. Of interest to this investigation was his first article which focused on the Queensland commencement narrative.18 14

Salvation Army international publications such as All the world and The year book of The Salvation Army used different dates to denote ‘official’ commencements within the one country. In reviewing literature, it was found that there was no singular rule of the ‘official’ commencement, it could have been the first; indoor meeting, open-air meeting, soldier arriving, visit by a Salvationist, officer appointed, officer arrival, flag hoisted, arrival of a senior officer, approved by IHQ, etc. Murdoch claimed that in his investigations, “only when it was successful did the Army count this as the beginning”. Norman Murdoch, “Professor Norman Murdoch addresses Historical Society.” Under the tricolour, (Sydney, No. 26, November, 2005), 8.

15 See for example, Authority of the General, Outlines of Salvation Army history, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1927), 40 - 41.; F. De L. Booth-Tucker, The life of Catherine Booth mother of The Salvation Army, 3 volumes, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1893), 2:207.; Catherine Bramwell-Booth, Bramwell Booth, (London, UK: Rich & Cowan, 1933), 174.; Frederick Booth-Tucker, William Booth, The general of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: The Salvation Army, 1898), 58.; Charles T. Bateman, Everybody’s life of General Booth, (London, UK: Marshall Brothers, n.d.), 48 – 49.; Minnie Carpenter, Commissioner Henry Howard, (London, UK: Salvationists Publishing & Supplies, 1926), 34 – 52.

16 See for example, Anon, “Landmarks in history, Rapid review of The Salvation Army in Australia”, The war cry, (Melbourne, 10 November 1934), 3.; Anon, “‘Army’ commissioner here for 70 th year”, The telegraph, (Brisbane, 3 April 1955), 13.; Anon, A brief history of The Salvation Army in Australia, (Sydney: The Salvation Army Eastern Australia Territory News and information service, 1980).; Simone Worthing, “Army celebrates 125 years in Queensland”, Pipeline, (Sydney, January 2011), 13. A song by Major Tom Hubbard outlined the commencement in Adelaide and then each colony. For Queensland the verse assumed that there had never been earlier commencements as it stated; In July of ’85, Brisbane streets became alive With the sounds and fury of Salvation war.

As, with Adjutant Ted Wright In command, they took to flight Into places it had never been before.

T. Hubbard, “With the conquering Son of God”, (Sydney, c1980).

17 Percival Dale, Salvation chariot, (East Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Press, 1952).

18 Percival Dale, “Hectic opening days in Queensland”, in the series “Echoes from yesterday”, The musician, (Melbourne, Vol. 1, No. 1, September 1947), 16.

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The article outlined three attempts to commence the Army in Queensland and also, in his mind, the only successful attempt in June 1885. The three attempts were by McNaught in 1880; Cairns in 1882 and Harry in 1883. Each of these, he claimed without support, was unsuccessful. As no sources were cited, an investigation revealed the sources used.

In Dale’s article, a July 1885 report from The Brisbane courier was used for the introduction, and was also partially copied in a large textbox at its centre.19 The textbox quotation did not use the report’s original title, “A Salvation ‘free-and-easy’”; Dale created his own, “In Nebuchadnezzar’s Furnace”.20 Dale’s title would later be used in other publications, wrongly inferring that it was the original ‘pet name’ for the building used by Salvationists in the earlier attempts.21 This investigation of the literature found the remaining sources were from Army publications.

Information sourced from issues of The war cry included; the June 1885 commencement;22 the McNaught letter to Booth in 1880;23 and the commencement of 1883, led by the Harry family.24 The only information not from The war cry was about Cairns’ commencement in 1882, which came from the forerunner to the Army’s year book, published in 1883.25 Yet, Dale did change some information from these sources. For example, in one of The war cry reports, Edward wrote, “five Salvationists” attempted to commence the Army and later, “no fewer than four different batches had in turn endeavoured to establish Army work, and failed in the attempt.”26 Dale only stated three attempts, possibly because these were the only ones found in other Army publications.

The problems with most of the sources used by Dale are that they were written well after the events, focused on activities from June 1885 onwards, or written by people who were nowhere near Queensland before June 1885.

The official international history of The Salvation Army, already quoted, was published in 1950. Due to its brevity, little more information can be extracted, only that it would appear that Sandall borrowed from Dale’s work.27 Dale went on to publish, in 1952, a history of The Salvation Army in Australia. In relation to Queensland, the main body of the book included; “In June, 1885, after Soldiers had tried unsuccessfully to open fire at Brisbane, a party of four Officers was despatched from Melbourne to “A Salvation ‘free-and-easy’”, The Brisbane courier, (Queensland, Monday 13 July 1885), 5.

Dale, “Hectic opening days in Queensland”, 16. Dale later placed this in his book as a direct quotation, “hotter than Nebuchadnezzar’s furnace”. Dale, Salvation Chariot, 24 – 25.

21 See for example Clifford Hilton, “Through Three Generations: Historical high-lights and little known facts”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 10 July 1965), 6.; Ken Sanz, “Nebuchadnezzar’s Furnace – And the beginnings of The Salvation Army in Queensland,” read by Captain Bruce Buckmaster at the meeting of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland at Newstead House, 23 June, 1977, Journal of the Royal Historical Society of Queensland, (Brisbane: Vol. 10, Iss. 2, 1977), 105 – 113.

22 The literature investigation found this information in two different articles by Ruben Edwards. In addition, information Edwards used was found in an earlier article in The Brisbane courier, which shows he used this information for some of his memories. As Trueman showed, it is not unusual for eyewitness accounts to be problematic. Ruben Edwards, “The opening of Queensland”, The war cry, (Melbourne, 9 July 1910), 7, 11.; Ruben Edwards, “Brisbane I. The premier corps of Queensland”, The victory, (Melbourne, 2 August 1915), 306 – 308.; “A Salvation ‘free-andeasy’”, The Brisbane courier, (Queensland, Monday 13 July 1885), 5.; Margaret MacMillan, The uses and abuses of history, (London, UK: Profile Books, 2009), 44 – 49.; Carl R. Trueman, Histories and fallacies. Problems faced in the writing of history, (Wheaton, USA: Crossway, 2010), 34 – 39.

23 This investigation found this information in The war cry. A. K. McNaught, “Australia. Another appeal”, The war cry, (London, Saturday 4 December 1880), 3.

24 This investigation found the information in “Queensland Army pioneers”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 27 June 1936), 15.

25 William Booth, The salvation war, 1883, (London, UK: Salvation Army Book Depot, 1884), 83.; This investigation has also found the information in “Brisbane”, The war cry, (Adelaide, 6 April 1883), 2.

26 Edwards, “The Opening of Queensland”, 7; Edwards, “Brisbane I. The premier corps of Queensland”, 306.

27 Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, 2:249.

19 20

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commence work in Queensland.”28 In the appendix, Dale unpacked the Queensland commencement narrative; SOLDIERS’ EFFORTS TO OPEN FIRE IN QUEENSLAND. - In 1880, A. K. McNaught, of Brisbane, wrote the Founder, seeking recognition and support. Two years later “an excellent Sheffield Soldier,” migrating to Queensland, was given Officer status. Captain Sutherland visited him in November 1882, and they rented the Temperance Hall for a period. Seeing no prospect of obtaining support for his wife and family, he sought employment at Ipswich, holding meetings in his own time. Reports signed “Captain and Lieutenant Cairns” appeared in the Melbourne War Cry, 1883.

In 1883, Salvationists from Torquay – Brother and Sister Harry – arrived in Queensland.

Wearing S’s and Army shields, they took their stand boldly as they moved to various centres, following employment, and were subject to persecution before ultimately settling as Soldiers at Toowong.29

There is no additional information in this appendix than that in Dale’s earlier articles, therefore the sources must have been as used previously. Although these “Soldiers” were named, they were quarantined to the appendix, and not further investigated.30 The archives revealed an interesting change in Dale’s work. There is a series of papers which appear to be a draft of Dale’s 1947 article, with some editorial differences and a major change. In these documents it stated, “[i]n 1881 Brother and Sister Harry, Salvationists from Torquay, arrived.”31 As his published work stated 1883, this could mean there was either a typographic error in the two published works, or he had some questions over the claims in The war cry that the Harry couple arrived in 1881.32 Although Dale’s two published works stated the Harry family arrived in 1883, the archive document stated 1881; the archive document appears to have been used for the next round of articles as they all used the earlier date.

Although Dale changed some facts from the original sources without explanation, his work has been the foundation from which the Queensland commencement narrative has rested. Out of all the literature identified that was linked to this narrative, Dale’s works were the most in-depth.

The next series of articles to cover the Queensland commencement narrative appeared in 33 1955. The first of these listed the Harry family arriving in 1881, as in Dale’s manuscript, and also stated that Cairns’ commencement occurred in 1882, as in Dale’s published works.34 The two short paragraphs on work prior to June 1885 gave no additional information. Therefore, the sources used for this series was that of Dale’s works. The publication showed no investigation of primary sources.

Despite the information outlined by Dale, narratives were being published that were different from his work, and which appeared to be without research. On Sunday 4 September 1960 a “meeting of thanksgiving for eighty years of Salvation Army service in the Commonwealth” was held at the Brisbane City Temple. In the notes that were shared with the congregation, the Queensland commencement narrative was reduced to;

28

Dale, Salvation Chariot, 24.

Dale, Salvation Chariot, 149 – 150.

30 Dale, Salvation chariot, 149 – 150.; Dale, “Hectic opening days in Queensland”, 16.

31 Letter from Percival Dale to Brisbane DHQ, Dale, “Hectic opening days in Queensland. Guerrilla Warfare – Fierce and unscrupulous”, (Brisbane, typed notes 22 February 1955).

32 See “Queensland Army pioneers”, The war cry, (Melbourne, Saturday 27 June 1936), 15.

33 Anon, “How the Army came to Brisbane, Hall as hot as a furnace”, The war cry, (Melbourne, 27 August 1955), 2.; Anon, “How the Army came to Brisbane 2 – The musicians blossom out”, The war cry, (Melbourne, 3 September 1955), 2.

34 Anon, “How the Army came to Brisbane”, 2.

29

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The Army had a hot reception in Brisbane in 1885 in a tin shed shimmering in the tropical heat.

This was the second attempt on the Northern State…35

This commentary failed to list those who attempted the first commencement and when. Neither did it include speculation of the other attempts outlined by Dale. Although the “tin shed” was listed, its location was not, nor were the names of the earlier pioneers given.

In 1965, The war cry printed a small article by Clifford Hilton about the Queensland commencement narrative. Hilton included most of the letter found in the London issue of The war cry of 1880,36 then wrote, The General could not spare officers from England, and in other colonies of Australia officers recruited from the ranks were quickly absorbed in local pioneering. Therefore there was a delay of almost five years before an official party arrived to ‘open fire’ in Brisbane.37

Although Dale stated that Cairns was a Captain, as did Hilton, Hilton must not have believed that Cairns was ‘official’ as there were five years between the McNaught attempt in 1880 and the Wright commencement in 1885, but fewer years between the McNaught and Cairns and then the Wright commencements. Hilton then went further and explained that, “the local enthusiasts tried to keep their banners flying, and although they had a measure of initial success, the work was not established”.

How he knew of the “initial success” and subsequent failure was not discussed. Hilton listed Captain Cairns, a hall in Sandgate, and from The Brisbane directory 1883 – 1884 a Salvation Army hall in Charlotte Street, but did not explain their links to the different attempts. The reference to The Brisbane directory was the first citing of a primary source in this body of literature. Hilton also quoted that this hall was “reputed to be ‘hotter than Nebuchadnezzar’s furnace’”,38 which was a direct link to Dale’s work.39 Just under a decade from Hilton’s work, appeared a more critical discussion by Leslie Rusher, again printed in The war cry. Rusher listed only two attempts to commence the Army in Queensland prior to June 1885, presumably the ones by McNaught and Cairns, yet neither name was used. These commencements received deep criticism. Rusher wrote; Instead of “opening fire” in Queensland in 1883 as was planned, the Army “misfired” twice, with the result that the Army itself was casualty number one. The public also received injuries which took time to heal.40

This statement appears to claim that both commencements were attempted in 1883, which is very different than other authors. Rusher claimed that a pre-existing mission was unsuccessful, so the leaders decided to grow their mission by using the name ‘Salvation Army’. Presumably this was in reference to the McNaught effort. Rusher wrote, they “thought they could do better as Salvationists” but he claimed their effort “was a disaster.” Rusher stated, the officers sent “were not pioneer material”, it is assumed that this reference is about Cairns. Therefore an officer, Captain Sutherland from Sydney was sent to Brisbane to train them, but this still was of no assistance as Cairns, “gave up and the fighting petered out”. All these statements were without reference and out of line with the other authors reviewed. Rusher also claimed that Sutherland came to Brisbane in December 1883, Anon, The program outline for “Meetings of thanksgiving”, (Brisbane, Sunday 4 September 1960), 2.

McNaught, “Australia. Another appeal”, 3.

37 Hilton, “Through three generations”, 6.

38 Hilton, “Through three generations”, 6.

39 Dale, “Hectic opening days in Queensland”, 16.

40 Leslie Rusher, “As it was in the beginning: Part 7: In Queensland”, The war cry, (Melbourne, 7 August 1972), 2.

35 36

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which is again out of line with other authors. No sources could be found to support Rusher’s dates and claims.41 The next article identified was published in 1977 by Ken Sanz. Although the paper outlined the traditional Adelaide commencement narrative, he stated “Queensland was different”.42 Sanz cited some of the contents of the letter that appeared in the London issue of The war cry, 1880,43 however as with Hilton, Sanz attributed this to a Mr. A. K. McNaught, not to a couple as others had done.

Also, like Hilton, Sanz stated that Booth could not spare officers to send to Queensland. Upon closer inspection it would appear that Sanz had not looked at the original documents, only the work of Hilton and others, as these are the works referenced. Therefore, Sanz made the same assumptions of previous authors.44 The ways in which Sanz differs from Dale’s work are he: excluded the Harry family commencement; and stated that Sutherland secured for Cairns, “a galvanised iron shed on the corner of Albert and Charlotte Street”, not the Temperance Hall. Also differing from Dale, but in line with Rusher, Sanz stated that December 1883 was the date Captain Sutherland visited Cairns.45 To commemorate the 1980 centenary of the Army’s Adelaide commencement narrative, two books were published, and like Dale, they were more thematical than chronological. The first book

by Tarling was a pictorial history of the movement, but did have four differences from Dale’s work in relation to the Queensland narrative. First, there was, like Sanz, a question of the traditional belief that the Army commenced in Adelaide and spread throughout the continent. Tarling wrote; Although Gore and Saunders are traditionally accredited with getting the Army under way in Australia, 1880 was a year of multiple births. Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane all had sympathizers with the cause.46

Second, Tarling had “Mr and Mrs A. D. McNaught” and not “A. K. McNaught” as Dale and the original letter in The war cry.47 While this may simply be a typing error, it raises questions about the accuracy of the initial recording of the initials. He also linked the letter to a couple rather than a single person.48 Third, like Dale and Rusher, Tarling acknowledged that the McNaughts had their own mission. Fourth, Tarling listed none of the other attempts to commence the Army in Brisbane outlined

by Dale.49 The second work published in 1980 was by Barbara Bolton.50 She followed the ideas outlined

by Dale but with the more negative discussion of outcomes similar to Rusher. After outlining the Adelaide commencement narrative, Bolton wrote; William Booth was also receiving reports of Salvation Army beginnings in other parts of Australia. In Brisbane, a Mr and Mrs McNaught had begun a programme of street-meetings and

Rusher, “As it was in the beginning”, 2.

Sanz, ‘Nebuchadnezzar’s Furnace”, 106. Note that Sanz took Dale’s changed title of an 1885 newspaper article to be the title for his own paper.

43 McNaught, “Australia. Another appeal”, 3.

44 For example, the existence of the hall in Sandgate, the failure of the commencements prior to 1885 and that Captain Sutherland came to Brisbane in December 1883 to assist Cairns.

45 Sanz, ‘Nebuchadnezzar’s Furnace”, 106.

46 Tarling, Thank God for the Salvos, 16. Tarling could have used some of Scotney’s work as he also used the phrase “year of multiple births” as a heading for his paper. Scotney, “The Year of Multiple Births”.

47 McNaught, “Australia. Another appeal”, 3.

48 Tarling cited the issue of The war cry that carried the letter, where others did not. Tarling, Thank God for the Salvos, 16.

49 Tarling, Thank God for the Salvos, 16.

50 Bolton, Booth’s Drum.

41 42

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marches in “the worst part of the city” and McNaught urged Booth to send officers. … But the Brisbane attempt collapsed…51

A slightly more extensive discussion on the Queensland commencement narrative was given later in Bolton’s book. It was first stressed that the Army was increasing greatly from the work in Adelaide.52 She saw the activities in Brisbane as a problem; “Brisbane presented challenges of its own…”. While it appears that Bolton relied extensively on Dale’s work, as Bolton listed the names of Mr and Mrs McNaught, Captain and Mrs Cairns and Brother and Sister Harry, her work had less information about the Queensland commencement narrative than Dale.53 Bolton listed nothing of the McNaught Mission and stated that Cairns was commissioned and sent to Brisbane by William Booth in 1881. However, Dale had 1882 and others 1883. Also, maybe as Dale was not clear about the year of the Harry commencement, Bolton did not list a year. In addition to this, Bolton emphasised that these all failed: Mr and Mrs McNaught’s “efforts soon dwindled away”; Captain and Mrs Cairns were “untrained and inexperienced, [and] found it impossible to succeed”; and Brother and Sister Harry “were unable to form a nucleus of supporters – possibly because the search for employment kept them moving from town to town.” As with Rusher, Bolton claimed these “attempts” created cynicism with the Brisbane population as “[t]he city had too many beginnings”.54 As with the other authors, Bolton gave no evidence for her claims, and the only positive thing she said about these events was, like Sandall and Dale, a building remained with the title “SALVATION ARMY” on the front. She then wrote that when the official party took this building in June 1885, they wrote the words “UNDER NEW MANAGEMENT” near the existing sign.55 This was a direct reference to Edward’s reminiscence, who did not arrive in Brisbane until June 1885.56 There has been recent research57 that mentioned the Queensland commencement narrative, but only in passing. Cox focused on The Salvation Army’s social services on the Australian continent and included some information related to Queensland. Cox wrote, In Queensland too, a group operated in accordance with the Salvation Army, but were associated with the Methodists for want of a more appropriate organisation in the Colony to attach themselves. A letter from the group to Salvation Army management, dated 4 October 1880, appealed to London to authorize the work and for an Officer to be sent to lead their evangelical mission work in Brisbane. The Queensland group offered to financially support and rally behind an Officer, if sent. However, the Adelaide group were in constant contact with London, with some of them being known Army converts … Queensland would have to wait two years before London sent a group of three Officers, led by Captain P W Cairns, to take charge of the thriving Army there.58

Cox however, does not give an argument or evidence for such a statement. Cox also was the kindest to the earlier work in Queensland as she later wrote,

Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 11 – 12.

Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 21.

53 Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 22.

54 Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 22.

55 Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 22.

56 Edwards, “The Opening of Queensland”, 7.

57 It is acknowledged that Hein listed information on Queensland, that however: had errors, such as Mizpah was an Army collective farm, which it was not; used older sources with errors to refute new peer reviewed research; and used popular historic works when academic sources were available. Hein, Jennifer, ‘Abominable yahoos’.

58 Cox, Defining the war, 54 - 65.

51 52

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Whilst Adelaide was the chosen city due to the level of existing support offered, both moral and financial, Brisbane or Melbourne could have equally provided support for the Army’s formal introduction to the colonies, due to comparable levels of existing unofficial activities in these cities.59

Yet as with Sandall, Cox did not define ‘official’ and ‘unofficial’.

Souvenir programs and artefacts As there were only hints of information relating to The Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative in the published history, the search for information was taken wider, to include artefacts.

The preliminary search of archives found the major form of public history connected to this narrative were souvenir programs. These have reinforced the collective memory of the commencement narrative, but have not always been clear.60 The first identified souvenir program was from 1935. It was full of errors.61 The program62 used a large section of a report that appeared in The Brisbane courier from July 1885.63 This was the report later used by Dale and other authors. The program also included a memoir from Edwards, who it must be remembered did not arrive in Brisbane until June 1885. In the memoir, Edwards’ only discussion on any work prior to his arrival was that the new arrivals did not know of the “previous un-official efforts both at Ipswich and Brisbane”, and that each “effort … dwindled away”. He also wrote that the hall that remained from previous “efforts” was used by the new arrivals.64 Nothing else was listed in the program about work prior to June 1885.

The remaining souvenir programs often had a similar narrative to that outlined by Dale, but again with differing dates. The 1955 souvenir program outlined the three commencements: by McNaught in 1880; by Harry in 1881; and by Cairns in 1882, with Sutherland’s visit in November 1882.65 The 1960 souvenir program copied the 1955 program word for word.66 Without explanation, the 1965 souvenir program omitted the McNaught effort, only including the latter two, that “never lasted”.67 Two souvenir programs published for the centenary of the 1885 commencement included all three commencements outlined by Dale, but gave different years. Both had McNaught commencing 59

While Cox included evidence for her statement on Melbourne, no evidence was given for her claims of Brisbane.

Cox, Defining the war, 75.

60 Ruben Edwards, “Unfurling the Army’s flag in Queensland”, in Anon, Official souvenir and programme, 9.

61 This program showed a list of “leaders of The Salvation Army in Australia”. The names before 1884, Colonel and Mrs James Barker and Marshal and Mrs Ballington Booth had next to them “Prior to our work in Queensland”. There are however two major problems with this list. First, although it listed Commissioner T. H. Howard taking leadership from 1884, he was not made leader until after Ballington Booth. Booth was leader of Australasia in April 1885 and remained in the position until sometime after the International Congress, May 1886. Therefore, Howard could not have been leader in 1884 as the list suggested. Second, as Booth married Maud Charlesworth mid-September 1886, she never set foot in Australia while Booth was in command, it is not correct that she also was listed as the leader. Booth-Tucker stated Ballington was appointed to Australia in 1884 and Howard appointed the following year, 1885. Larsson listed the dates while Booth-Tucker just stated “upon his return” from Australia. Booth-Tucker, The life of Catherine Booth, 2:336.; John Larsson, Those incredible Booths: William and Catherine Booth as parents and the life stories of their eight children, (London, UK: Salvation Book, The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 2015), 107 – 111.; Booth-Tucker, William Booth, 78.

62 “Crisp comments by ‘The Courier’, Fifty years ago”, in Anon, Official souvenir and programme, 10.

63 “A Salvation ‘free-and-easy’”, The Brisbane courier, (Queensland, Monday 13 July 1885), 5.

64 Edwards, “Unfurling the Army’s flag in Queensland”, 9.

65 Anon, Brisbane City Temple – 70th anniversary, (Brisbane: The Salvation Army, 1955), 8.

66 Anon, The Salvation Army 75th anniversary Brisbane City Temple Corps, 1885-1960, (Brisbane: The Salvation Army, 1960), 2.

67 Anon, 80th corps anniversary and centenary celebration, (Brisbane: The Salvation Army, 1965), 2.

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work in 1880. Cairns was listed as commencing in 1881 and still working in 1883 in one publication, while the other stated Cairns commenced in 1882. Harry was stated as commencing the work in 1881 in one souvenir program and 1883 in the other.68 After the publication of Queensland centenary territorial congress program in 1985, a series of letters from Major T. Hubbard was sent to Commissioner Harry Reed, correcting errors Hubbard believed existed. The first letter outlined a number of errors which included the rank of Wright, who was the leading officer of the June 1885 commencement, and the chronology of the commencement of corps. Hubbard also listed a number of ideas that are not included in any other works. He claimed that the sign on the building read “Salvation Army Barracks” not just “Salvation Army”, that there were commencements in 1880, 1883 and 1884, and that McNaught built the tin shed in 1876. In the second letter, Hubbard reiterated the points from the first letter, but included that yet another attempt to commence the work occurred in early 1885. Again, there was no references for these claims.69 Concluding remarks and gaps in the literature There are many gaps, many assumptions that need to be challenged and many unanswered questions in the literature relating to The Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative.

Dale and Hilton appeared to be the only authors who searched for information on the narrative outside Salvation Army sources, which Gordon Moyles and Hein argue has often been a failure of Army history.70 Such sources were not verified and therefore could contain biases or errors.71 To this point must be added that Hilton was the only author to include a non-Army source in existence prior to June 1885, to collaborate the information of previous authors.

It could easily be stated that the wider story has been under-explored. It is clear that authors have used information from previous works and allowed error and assumption to creep into the narrative without question. However, deeper analysis is needed to outline the specific gaps.

The first gap is the missing information on the time leading up to each attempt to commence the Army in Queensland. The narrative failed to identify the earlier pioneer’s connection to the Army, how they secured the “tin shed”, or if each attempt knew of or built upon the earlier attempts.

The second gap is that there is no discussion as to why the people listed decided to attempt to commence the Army in Queensland. There is no information on the motivating factors of each attempt, or why they chose the Army and not another Christian body.

There is also no investigation into the societal or religious context of the time, which would be the third gap. Such investigation would give a clearer insight into the timeline of events. It could have also identified wider forces on such attempts and given some information for why they succeeded for a time and then failed.

Anon, The Salvation Army Brisbane City Temple Corps centenary 1885 – 1985, (Brisbane: Brisbane City Temple, 1985), 14.; Anon, Queensland centenary territorial congress program, (Brisbane: The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 1985), 18.

69 Letter from Tom Hubbard to Harry Read, (Sydney: 27 May 1985).; Personal communication from Tom Hubbard to the editor of The war cry, (Sydney: 30 May 1985).; Personal communication from Tom Hubbard to Harry Read, (Sydney: 31 May 1985).

70 R. G. Moyles, Exploring Salvation Army history: Essays of discovery, (Edmonton, Canada: AGM Publications, 2009), 87.; R. G. Moyles, Across an ocean and a continent: The Salvation Army as a Canadian immigration agency 1904 – 1932, (Toronto, Canada: Triumph Publishing, Canada and Bermuda Territory, 2018), 148 – 149.; Hein, ‘Abominable yahoos’, 42.

71 See discussion by Nelson who showed that both the sources’ and the historians’ biases need to be identified and that modern historians need to move away from just religious sources and include secular sources to identify biases. Richard D. Nelson, The historical books: Interpreting biblical texts series, (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1998), 20.

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A number of authors claimed that the attempts succeeded for a time, however there was no discussion on the ministries conducted by these people. This is the fourth gap, the non-inclusion of activities and ministries of efforts prior to June 1885, and no discussion on what success looked like.

Such an investigation could identify if the attempts were ‘Salvation Army’ in name only, or if the worship style, beliefs and ministries were similar to those of Salvationists in other locations at the time. Bolton was the only author to state a “programme of street-meetings and marches in ‘the worst part of the city’”72 was used by the first group. However, the title, ‘Salvation Army’ and streetmeetings and marches are not enough to claim connection to the Army, as other Christian bodies such as, the Hallelujah Band, City Missions, the Blue Ribbon Army and the Primitive Methodists were also using similar programs at the time.

Then, the fifth gap is the under-explored reasons why the attempts did not succeed. Although most authors did not give a reason for the failure of the attempts, others listed reasons that included lack of financial support,73 lack of training, or the people were not pioneers.74 However, other Salvationists at this time were untrained and lacked financial support, yet became leaders and pioneers of the work in other colonies and countries. Therefore, these assumptions alone cannot explain why the attempts failed.

The sixth gap is that similar to the criticism of the wider Australian commencement narrative of The Salvation Army. As the wider narrative is Adelaide centric, so too the Queensland commencement narrative is Brisbane centric. While Dale stated Cairns went to Ipswich,75 Dale and Bolton claimed Harry travelled to different centres in Queensland,76 Hilton claimed there was a hall in Sandgate,77 and Edwards stated there was an unofficial attempt at Ipswich,78 none of the places outside of Brisbane are discussed.

The seventh gap is the claim that such failed attempts had a negative impact on The Salvation Army, but this is not explored in any depth. If this was the case, such a fact could have also impacted earlier attempts, not just the June 1885 attempt. There is no real investigation of the public’s perception of The Salvation Army in Queensland at this time. The authors of the Queensland narrative neglect to state that the Army in other places around the world was having a similar difficult time.79 Finally, a gap one step removed from the narrative is that although there are names of people who made the attempts to commence the Army in Queensland, sources, such as newspapers and directories and the building, the “tin shed”, there has been no research on The Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative. There is no discussion as to why a previous attempt to investigate this narrative has not been undertaken.

The literature connected to The Salvation Army Queensland commencement narrative is full of gaps, conflicting information and unsupported assumptions. This investigation of literature found no research into the people or events of the narrative. For these reasons, research is needed on the events and the people associated with events prior to June 1885.

Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 11 – 12.

Dale, Salvation Chariot, 149 – 150.; Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 22.

74 Rusher, “As it was in the beginning”, 2.; Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 22.

75 Dale, Salvation Chariot, 149 – 150.

76 Dale, Salvation Chariot, 149 – 150.; Bolton, Booth’s Drum, 22.

77 Hilton, “Through three generations”, 6.

78 Edwards, “Unfurling the Army’s flag in Queensland”, 9.

79 See Nigel Bovey, Blood on the flag, (London, UK: Shield Books, The Salvation Army United Kingdom Territory, 2015), “Chapter 29, 1885-86: Battles”, 309 – 315.

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IN TWO ARMIES: THE EXPERIENCES OF TWO SALVATIONISTS IN THE FIRST AIF 1914-1918 Daniel Reynaud Commissioner William McKenzie’s work as a chaplain in the Australian Imperial Force (AIF) is fairly well known in Salvationist circles, his work achieving legendary status both during and after the Great War.1 Lesser known is the contribution of his fellow Salvationist, Chaplain Benjamin Orames, who gave distinguished service for much of the war. The work of The Salvation Army in supporting the war effort in various wars, through its huts and canteens bearing the iconic Red Shield logo, has also been recognized.2 However, Salvationists not only served in the support services during World War One but also as enlisted men in the AIF itself. This article explores the experiences of two Salvationists in the ranks during the war.

Salvationists were part of a small group of men in the AIF who could claim membership in two armies. A good many officers and men from the regular army and the militia enlisted in the AIF, thus technically also belonging to two armies simultaneously. The AIF was a force raised specially for the war, and officially separate from the regular army and the militia, which by law could not be used in overseas conflicts. Officers could, for example, hold commissions in the Regulars and in the AIF, often holding different ranks in each. Nevertheless, for all practical purposes, they were members of the Australian Army, with a single, undivided loyalty. On the other hand, Salvationists, while sincere and committed to their responsibilities in the temporal sphere, had a principal loyalty to the army that claimed their spiritual allegiance, The Salvation Army.

Officially, 666 Salvationists joined the AIF, an ominous-sounding number for biblicallyminded people, fortunately tempered by the fact that such official statistics are notoriously unreliable.

One Salvationist historian noted that some men had trouble persuading often religiously-ignorant recruiting officers that such a denomination existed. Other recruiters simply wrote “C of E” for anyone who answered “yes” to being Protestant, showing a marked indifference to the nuances of Protestantism, where both some Anglo-Catholic Anglicans and many non-Anglican Protestants were upset at being labelled as “Protestant” or “Anglican” respectively.3 Methodist clergy were on record on a couple of occasions claiming that official figures severely underestimated the actual number of Methodists enlisted, while one unfortunate atheist who asked to be listed as “no religion” on his attestation papers was annoyed to find his identification tag stamped “Presbyterian”. What he apparently did not realise was that the enlisting officer had put “Presbyterian” on his form, despite his

Reference citation of this paper; Daniel Reynaud, “In two armies: The experiences of two Salvationists in the first AIF 1914-1918”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 27 – 40.

Author’s note: should any reader have access to a diary or letters of a Great War Salvationist in the AIF, I would really appreciate the opportunity to read it/them. Contact me at daniel.reynaud@avondale.edu.au 1 Daniel Reynaud, The Man the Anzacs Revered: William ‘Fighting Mac’ McKenzie, Anzac Chaplain, (Warburton, Vic: Signs Publishing, 2015).; Daniel Reynaud, “The legend of William McKenzie”, Lucas, (2:7, June 2014), 7 – 36.

2 John Bond, The Army that went with the boys: A record of Salvation Army work with the Australian Imperial Force, (Melbourne: Salvation Army National Headquarters, 1919).; F. A. McKenzie, Serving the King’s Men: How the Salvation Army is helping the nation, (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1918).; “Serving the Armed Forces,” https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/about-us/our-story/our-history/serving-the-armed-forces/, accessed 24 May 2019.; “History,” https://www.salvationarmy.org.au/rsds/history/, accessed 24 May 2019.

3 Daniel Reynaud, Anzac spirituality: The first AIF soldiers speak, (North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly, 2018), 18 – 20.; Bond, The Army that went with the boys, 151.; William Maitland Woods, letter, 21 February 1916, OM74-101-18, (John Oxley Library, State Library of Queensland).

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Illustrations from Charles Richard Pike’s “The reminiscences of a returned soldier” which appeared in The war cry, 19174

Pike reading his Bible at the Broadmeadows Camp

Australian soldiers travel by richshaw in Alxandria, Egypt

Pike ready to land at Gallipoli

Pike giving his testimony at a Salvation Army tent meeting at the Camp

Pike and two other Australian soldiers climb a pyramid, Egypt

Pike in action at Gallipoli

Troops leaving for overseas service

Australian soldiers on parade near the pyramids, Egypt

Pike and others resting from the front, making roads at Gallipoli

Charles Pike, “Reminiscences of a returned soldier”, The war cry, (Melbourne, 7 July 1917), 2.; (14 July 1917), 2.; (21 July 1917), 2.; (4 August 1917), 2.; (11 August 1917), 2.; (18 August 1917), 2.; (25 August 1917), 2.

4

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request.5 The net effect of such haphazard data recording is that there were almost certainly more than the stated number of Salvationists in the AIF. In researching the spiritual experiences of the AIF, this author has read the diaries and letters of around 1,200 men and women, in the process stumbling upon the writings of two Salvationists in the ranks, Charles Richard Pike and Leslie Morris, whose experiences as members of two armies form the core of this study.

Pike served two separate stints in the AIF, first enlisting on 23 November 1914 in the 6th Battalion 2nd reinforcements, and being repatriated to Australia in October 1915 because of his wounds. He re-enlisted on 28 March 1917, serving for another two years in the 5th Battalion before returning in July 1919. Pike was one of the Salvationists initially enlisted under another religion. The 19-year-old baker’s driver had “Methodist” written as his official religion during his first enlistment, though his account of his war service, published in The war cry over two months in 1917, show that he was a Salvationist.6 Pike was involved in the landings at Anzac Cove on 25 April 1915, and soon after, his unit was transferred to Cape Helles to support the British offensive at the 2nd Battle of Krithia, where he became one of the many casualties in the botched attack. A bullet wounded him in the right forearm and upper arm on 8 May 1915 at Cape Helles, cutting a nerve and rendering his hand useless. He was evacuated to Malta and then England, but doctors reported that the wound led to “great wasting of muscles and [he] has not been able to raise the wrist. No power in grip at all.” Surgery reattached the nerve, and he was promised some strength in his right hand after perhaps a year. With his earning capacity officially judged to have been cut by three quarters, he was repatriated to Australia and discharged as permanently unfit, and awarded a disability pension.7 Clearly his former profession of driver was no longer viable, and he trained as a Salvation Army officer, for he still retained “an aggressive fighting spirit”, being posted to Wangaratta as a cadet in May 1916.8 But he also experienced a better-than-expected recovery, for in March 1917, he reenlisted in the AIF from the township of Numurkah, north of Shepparton, requesting training as an NCO, leading to the cancellation of his pension. This time, his profession was listed as “Salvation Army Officer,” and his religion as “Salvation Army”. He was eventually assigned to the 5th Battalion, and served in France during 1918, bouncing between the rank of private and the temporary and acting rank of corporal, a not uncommon phenomena as soldiers transferred between postings.9 It was at the start of this second period of service that Pike published a serial account in The war cry, “Reminiscences of a returned soldier”, of his first term of service, commenting particularly on the tensions arising from his commitment to two separate armies, spiritual and temporal. The account begins with his induction into the training camp at Broadmeadows. That first night sharing a tent with noisy fellow recruits, he struggled for the resolution to read his Bible. “It was my usual custom at night to read a chapter from the Bible before retiring,” he noted, “but the fellows were laughing and joking among themselves, and I had a struggle in my mind whether I should read my chapter or not. At last I pulled out my Testament and commenced to read. I saw the others look at me, and I felt my face getting hot, but I read my chapter, and then prayed, after which I turned in.”10

“Our Chaplains at the Front,” The Methodist, (Australia, 17 April 1915), 13.; The spectator, (Melbourne, 23 October 1914).; Jack Sommers, Letter, 31 January 1915, MLMSS3012, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).

6 https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=8017651, accessed 13 May 2019.; Pike, “Reminiscences”, (7 July 1917), 2.

7 https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=8017651.

8 “The Salvation Army,” Shepparton news, (Victoria, 15 May 1916), 6.

9 https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=8017651.

10 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (7 July 1917), 2.

5

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Almost inevitably, this display of religiosity did not go down well with his companions, especially when he “determined not to mix with them in things that I thought were not quite above board…. I came in for a fair amount of chaff; they would try and upset me on every possible occasion, call me a ‘wowser,’ and a good many other fancy names.”11 Having found his courage, Pike took no offense nor counter-action to the ribbing, and it was not long before “they got tired of indulging in it, and soon they made me feel that they trusted and respected me. I regularly read my Bible and prayed.”12 The impact of Pike’s spiritual stand took an unexpected turn a couple of weeks into his stay, when one night “one of them asked me why I didn’t read aloud. I told him I would be delighted to do so. I then read the chapters aloud for his benefit.” Others in the tent also listened in, but some were upset at the public reading of the Bible. “Those who wanted to listen would tell the others to go outside till it was finished if they didn’t like it.” This led to what Pike described euphemistically as “lively scenes at times”. Resistance was worn down until all but one stayed for the reading each night.

This man “was particularly against Bible-reading and praying”. Pike continued his narrative to its climax. “Well, one night he came in and asked me if I had read yet. I told him I had. He then seemed so disappointed that I told him I would be pleased to read it again if he would like it. He said he would, so we had that chapter over again. He was a regular attendant at the nightly reading after that.”13 Pike’s experience was not unique; other Christians received much the same treatment of initial mockery, followed by a growing respect, though few could claim his success in turning an entire tent (probably about 8-12 men) into willing listeners of the Word. The Presbyterian Thomas Alcock was one who read his Bible publicly as a deliberate witness, finding it difficult to concentrate because of the noise, and once being punched in the face by a drunken soldier while reading a Christian newspaper. He also noted that to pray “required some moral courage in front of the other men,” but he continued his personal habits of devotion, and concluded, “the men … always respected my resolution, also the fact of saying grace before meal”. Soon after, a tent-mate wrote him a note affirming his spiritual integrity.14 A Church of Christ soldier recorded similar stress when choosing to pray in a tent full of bad language, and a similar tolerance once he made no big deal of it.15 Indeed, one official historian of the AIF noted that, “Real soldiers were tolerant…. Provided a man did his job to the best of his ability, he could express himself in the manner he pleased.”16 Nevertheless, Pike found his spiritual integrity under continuous assault. On the transport ship, even with the support of church services and religious sing-songs which gave him “a great uplift”, he found “many temptations”, but credited God’s grace for overcoming them. Part of the problem was the lack of spiritual friends, though he became good friends with a non-Christian who was a “splendid sort of chap”.17 By the time he got to Egypt he was worn down. He wrote at length on the issue: It was while I was in Egypt that I had the hardest time with the devil that I ever experienced….

Perhaps I wasn’t at all times in the camp what God would have had me be, but I never let the devil conquer me to any large extent. Away from all parental influence, all the religious effect is Pike, “Reminiscences,” (7 July 1917), 2.

Pike, “Reminiscences,” (7 July 1917), 2.

13 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (7 July 1917), 2.

14 Thomas Henry Alcock, n.d., Diary 2, 5, 7-8, 19, Diary 3, 20-22, MLMSS 1609, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).

15 Percy Ellesmere Smythe, Diary, 11 May 1915, PR 01463, (Australian War Memorial Archive).

16 Arthur Graham Butler, Official History of the Australian Army Medical Services, 1914-1918 Volume III – Special problems and services, (Canberra: Australian War Memorial, 1943), 144.

17 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (21 July 1917), 2.

11 12

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a cold form of service that doesn’t nourish one’s spiritual life – and with everything dead against a man living a Christian, it took much prayer and faith to keep one on one’s spiritual feet, but I testify to the fact that although I was very much shaken at times God’s grace was sufficient for me.18

Pike experienced continuous pressure to join in with his group and drink – “be sociable for once” he was told on one occasion when reviving old friendships from his pre-conversion days. He was called a wowser for not drinking, but he just managed to stick to his guns and felt relieved to have stood up to pressure, opting for a lemonade in the face of a renewed round of mockery.19 Interestingly, he did not mention his co-religionist Chaplain, William McKenzie, in Egypt, despite the high profile of this charismatic chaplain who sought out Salvationists across all units, and who took services for the 2nd Brigade, in which Pike served.20 Having resisted, sometimes barely, various temptations, Pike reflected on holiness in a characteristically Salvationist way. Sitting atop the tallest pyramid near Cairo, which he had climbed with his brother and a friend, he pondered on what he could see. Below him was a land that resonated with biblical significance with the stories of the Israelites, and the refugee holy family, and he wondered why “the holiest place in the world, seemed to be the most devilish”. He concluded, “When I saw the power of Satan around me, it made me all the more determined to conquer him in myself”.21 Meanwhile, newly returned to Australia, in March 1916 he gave his testimony at a Harvest Festival, speaking “very assuredly of the power of God to keep from sin while at the front”,22 an assurance that seemed stronger on recollection than at the point of need.

Again, Pike’s experiences were common to Christians in the AIF. Others noted the social pressure ramped up on young men removed for the first time from the supportive Christian networks of family, church and friends, and with the threadbare support of formalized church parades on Sundays, and forced to stand alone for their beliefs and practices. “We have a good deal to stand up against,” wrote a teetotal young Baptist officer, “but everybody knows where we stand and they respect us accordingly.”23 However, many buckled under the pressure of the teasing, which could reach the level of verbal bullying, or worse. A Methodist Home Missionary in the ranks, George Henry Davies, fought a constant war against the corrupting influence of the Army, where, “Many a boy started doing and saying things since joining the army”.24 Presbyterian army doctor Wilfred Evans lamented the deleterious effect of military service on men, noting that it didn’t make them more religious, “but on the contrary makes many forget the influences under which they lived their former ideals and has in an alarming number of cases an undermining influence on their morals”.25 One very youthful lieutenant, formerly a theological seminary student, was noted to have taken up showy drinking, swearing and smoking in an unconvincing attempt to fit in.26 On the other hand, too forceful a moral stand could backfire and a couple of soldiers identified the preachy moralizing of “wowseristic Salvationists” as especially offensive as they appeared to assume the men had no moral standards at all. For all that, one of those diarists was unabashedly enthusiastic about Chaplain

Pike, “Reminiscences,” (28 July 1917), 2.

Pike, “Reminiscences,” (28 July 1917), 2.

20 Reynaud, The Man the Anzacs revered, 86.

21 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (28 July 1917), 2.

22 “Able to Keep at the Front”, The war cry, (Melbourne, 18 March 1916), 12.

23 Eric Harding Chinner, Letter, 2 April 1916, 1DRL0200, (Australian War Memorial Archives).

24 George Henry Davies, Diary, n.d. circa 1916, 2DRL0789, (Australian War Memorial Archives).

25 Wilfred Evans, Letter, 6 December 1916, 2DRL0014, (Australian War Memorial Archives).

26 Sydney Robert Traill, Diary, 4 June 1918, 2DRL0711, (Australian War Memorial Archives).

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McKenzie, praising him repeatedly despite the fact that his sermons pulled no punches on moral issues. It wasn’t morality per se that provoked opposition, but the way in which it was presented.27 Pike’s ability to resist the powerful social pressure to conform to patterns of behaviour against his religious principles was boosted by the friendship of likeminded comrades. “One thing that helped me was my chum. We were both trying to serve God, and we were a great help to each other, our salvation helped to draw us closer to each other – I believe we would have died for one another.”28 Again, the testimony of other Christians backs up Pike’s experience that a close Christian friend, or better still a small community of Christian friends, was often the difference in helping men to stand up to pressure. Frederick Eales Brown found his faith severely tested by his war experiences, but a Bible study group helped revive his spirit.29 Troopships often provided a stable social group of supportive Christian fellowship over several months. One man spent an hour a day talking on serious issues with a Salvation Army captain, while another helped form a Bible class on a ship to combat the blasphemous language of their mates and their own lax spiritual state.30 Ironically, Pike realized that while men may have mocked him, they also trusted him in preference to their drinking buddies. He was frequently given men’s money when they went on leave, with “over twenty pounds belonging to them pinned up in my trousers’ pockets”, as they felt their wealth was safe with him. He also attributed his superior military skills in target shooting to his clean lifestyle, leaving him with “a steady hand and a clear eye”.31 Another characteristically Salvationist concern was Pike’s repeated desire for the salvation of those around him. Thrilled by the hearty nationalistic cheers of Australian soldiers, he added, “I would think what a glorious thing it would be if they were all converted and with such hearty voices sang the praises of God”.32 Reflecting on the “filth and revelry” of Egypt, he prayed “that God may take me and use me and give me power to break down some of the enemy’s fortresses”. 33 Once at the front, he used the shock of death all around to “tell the boys that they will need a Friend when they cross the river, and they need Him now”.34 Pike recorded instances of religious consciousness in battle, something that is relatively rare in surviving war writings.35 Before landing he spent a wakeful night praying and thinking of home, feeling that “God was very near to me”. He submitted his future and fate to God’s will.36 Once ashore, he “knelt down and thanked God” for preserving his life on one occasion, while several near misses from snipers and shells prompted statements that “God preserved me”.37 Before the attack at Cape Helles where he was wounded he committed himself to God. He “began to feel a bit cocky” as he advanced unwounded while others dropped around him, but soon after was hit in the arm. Making his way back safely under heavy fire, he felt yet again that God had preserved him.38 Shocked by the 27

Archie Barwick, Diary, 22 July 1917, MLMSS 1493, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).; Theodore Wright, Diary, 16 September 1916, The eager soldier: An Australian journalist’s account of his life and the Great War, (West Lakes, SA: Seaview Press 2007).; Reynaud, Anzac spirituality, 199-200.; Reynaud, The man the Anzacs revered, 1-2, 83-87.

28 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (28 July 1917), 2.

29 Frederick Eales Brown, unpublished manuscript, MSS1360, (Australian War Memorial Archives).

30 Frank Jones, “Letters from the front”, Launceston examiner, (Tasmania, 15 May 1918), 7.; John Davison Wilson, Diary, 10 March 1916, MLMSS3057, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).

31 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (4 August 1917), 2.

32 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (21 July 1917), 2.

33 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (28 July 1917), 2.

34 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (18 August 1917), 2.

35 Reynaud, Anzac spirituality, 146.

36 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (11 August 1917), 2.

37 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (18 August 1917), 2.; (25 August 1917), 2.

38 Pike, “Reminiscences,” (1 September 1917), 2.

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death of his best friend from typhoid fever, Pike found the sorrow drew him closer to God, “and helped me to the resolution which I have now made”, to become a Salvation Army Officer.39 At the front, he also saw a different attitude from the men around him towards religion that would appear to justify the old clichéd aphorism that there are no atheists in foxholes. In the two weeks he spent on Gallipoli, he noticed, … that men are not ashamed to pray when they get in the firing line. I knew some men who acknowledged that they had never prayed in their lives before, but they prayed then. Afterwards, when I was in a hospital, a lady came to visit us one day, and in the course of conversation asked how many of us there were who had not prayed on the peninsula. In that ward there were sixteen boys, and they all owned up that they had at times prayed to God to preserve them.40

Others recorded similar sentiments when newly arrived at the front. An unnamed officer in Pike’s Battalion claimed that “many men” took up the practice of prayer, with a number of them being baptized and confirmed at Gallipoli.41 A Presbyterian in the 5th Battalion wrote of being shocked into prayer, “a thing neglected of late I regret to say”, after viewing the shattered remains of men after a bombardment at the Gallipoli landings in April 1915.42 Others noted an increase in Bible reading, church attendance, hymn singing and prayer when a battle loomed.43 Had Pike spent longer than two weeks at the front during his first spell of military service, he might have noticed that this upturn in religiosity did not tend to last over time. Fatalism often replaced faith, even among Godly men, as religious behavior proved no advantage in temporal survival. “A day of prayer but I’ve lost faith in the Church and its lessons”, wrote one discouraged soldier. Another reflected that, “There is no evidence that God is any nearer to the men at the front than anywhere else”, while a stretcher-bearer noted after carrying in a wounded man wearing religious medals, “alas! charms, beliefs or creed play no part in man’s preservation during war, bloody war”. Aubrey Wiltshire, a battalion commander and son of a minister, wrote bitterly in his diary after a bloody battle, “And God laughed”, while a surgeon wrote, “And contrary to what we all anticipated, the imminence of death and uncertainty of life on active service does not make men think more of religion and its consolations”.44 Even a man of such apparent rock-like faith as Chaplain William McKenzie entertained religious doubts and fatalism at his lowest points in 1917.45 It would be interesting to have Pike’s reflections on his lengthier service on the Western Front in 1917-18, and compare his conclusions with his earlier ones.

Nevertheless, Pike’s writing highlighted the areas of conflict for Salvationists in the AIF, largely shared with their evangelical brothers across denominations. They felt the pressure of social intimidation to neglect personal devotions, especially as Army life lacked the capacity to provide private space, and similarly struggled to maintain personal standards of purity in language and action under the relentless pressure of the vulgar influences in which they were immersed. Their best Pike, “Reminiscences,” (8 September 1917), 2.

Pike, “Reminiscences,” (18 August 1917), 2.

41 “Religion on Gallipoli”, Melbourne weekly times, (Victoria, 25 March 1916), 8.

42 Richard Keith Phillips, Diary, n.d. circa 25-26 April 1915, PR04143, (Australian War Memorial Archives).

43 Thomas James Richards, Diary, 24 April 1915, 2DRL0786, (Australian War Memorial Archives).; Samuel Erickson, Diary, 23 July 1916, privately held.; Francis William Rolland, Presbyterian banner, (Australia, February 1916).; ‘Religion on Gallipoli’, 8.; Samuel Jabez Richards, Diary, 20 June 1915, MLMSS2908, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).

44 John Thomas Hutton, Diary, 6 January 1916, MLMSS1138, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).; Brown, manuscript, 22 December 1916.; Richards, Diary, 3 May 1915.; Aubrey Roy Liddon Wiltshire, Diary, 20 September 1917, MLMSS3058, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).; Evans, Letter, 6 December 1916.

45 Daniel Reynaud, Carolyn Rickett, and Paul Bogacs, “Beyond telling: Narrating trauma in the wartime writings of Great War Chaplain William McKenzie” TEACH Journal of Christian Education, (Vol. 10: Iss. 1, 2016), 52.

39 40

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protection was the support of other Christians who could offer the fellowship needed. Pike’s Salvationist outlook is also reflected in his pursuit of personal holiness and in a deep concern for the salvation of others. The juxtaposition of Pike’s two army loyalties was made overt at the end of his final instalment: After I arrived home I was brought before the Medical Board, and they concluded that my arm would never be fit for active service again, so I have been discharged from the Military Army, and now I am in the other – that which has God as the Captain and Leader, The Army that is fighting a long, hard, and continuous battle against sin and the devil.

I have done my bit for my King and country, and now I am determined to do what I can for the King of kings. I have resolved to put my all into this fight – my mind, body, soul. I want to humbly offer everything I have got to Him, to be used for His service.46

It is ironic that his better-than-expected recovery led him to trade The Salvation Army for a second stint in the AIF, in which he was serving again by the time his reminiscences were published in The war cry.

The Salvation Army Wangaratta Corps Band 8 November 1916.

Corps Officer, Lieutenant Pike (back row, centre, holding the Bass)47

The second Salvationist diary encountered was that of Leslie Morris, whose war diary from July 1916 to January 1918 is in the Mitchell Library collection of the New South Wales State Library.48 His enlistment papers record his profession as “Salvation Army Officer”, signing up in Surry Hills on 6 December 1915 just shy of his thirtieth birthday. Morris was assigned to the Medical Corps, serving for some time in the 1st Australian Light Horse Field Ambulance in Palestine, holding Pike, “Reminiscences,” (8 September 1917), 2.

Photograph courtesy of The Salvation Army Heritage Centre, Melbourne.

48 Leslie Morris, Diary, MLMSS 2888, (Mitchell Library, State Library of NSW).

46 47

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the ranks of Driver and Corporal at times. It is possible that Morris requested a posting in the Medical Corps, a branch some chaplains helped Evangelicals to join who wished to serve their nation but were reluctant to take up arms.49 Somehow, in the course of his service, The Salvation Army lost touch with their officer, for Brigadier A. S. Arnott wrote to the AIF administrators requesting Morris’ address in October 1916. Morris was discharged in September 1919, but rather than returning to The Salvation Army, less than a year later he re-enlisted for service with the military forces occupying the former German New Guinea, serving at Rabaul as a medical orderly in the Medical Corps for a further two years. Curiously, this time his papers listed his religion as “C of E”.50 It is not known whether this reflects an actual shift in Morris’s religious affiliation, or was an intentional or unintentional error.

Morris’ writing is in many ways in contrast to Pike’s. While the latter produced a memoir for publication tailored for a Salvationist readership on the spiritual challenges facing a Salvationist in the Australian Army, Morris’ writing was more conventionally a diary, yet at the same time it was far more expressive and analytical than most Anzac diarists. He was a vivid writer, producing striking descriptions of scenes and events. Yet, like Pike, he did more than merely chronicle, constantly striving to bring out the bigger picture behind events with a didactic turn that could veer into the moralistic. His observations were studded with lengthy biblical references which flowed naturally from a deep knowledge of the Bible. At times, his war experiences came second to the many pages devoted to his interaction with biblical stories in whose setting he found himself. It appears that the immediacy of the biblical settings of Morris’ war experiences outweighed the war itself. Even when his surroundings were not strictly biblical, Morris’ deeply spiritual mindset was drawn to religious reflection. His social critiques, while not unusual among the rank-and-file in the AIF, were probably influenced by his down-to-earth Salvationist religious outlook.

Morris was contemptuous of military incompetence and stupidity, particularly of “our Officers in this Unit [who] are absolutely the most selfish and self-centred of any Unit”. He thought these qualities were more evident in the Medical Corps due to it being officered largely by young doctors with no military background.51 Finding his unit’s horse-drawn wagons tangled in the narrow streets in Jerusalem after his officers got lost, he wrote at length his opinion of them, using Pauline cadences drawn straight from Ephesians 3:18: Oh the depth, and breadth, and height, the width and circumference, the richness and fertility of the brains of the Army. By some strange brain-kink, some curious and fearful contortion of the mental processes, which should give brain specialists in the future a wide field for study, we always seem to be doing something wrong, something absurd, something so childishly and futilely stupid it would amaze an infant.52

A long piece of “grousing” attacked the monopoly of the best accommodation in Cairo by the “nickel plated snobocracy”, with hotels now “sacred to stars, crowns, crossed swords, etc., and other symbols of high rank (though not always high mental capacity)”, forcing a fellow soldier to observe, “Oh well, there are always the brothels”.53 Morris added:

Chaplains’ reports, 1 June 1915, 1 September 1915, Victorian independent and journal of the Congregational Churches, 117, 172.

50 https://recordsearch.naa.gov.au/SearchNRetrieve/Interface/ViewImage.aspx?B=7986965, accessed 13 May 2019.

51 Morris, Diary, 3 April 1918.

52 Morris, Diary, 23 February 1918.

53 Morris, Diary, 23 April 1918; 18 January 1918.

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The injustice of it rankles a bit. But it is always the same. Any extreme will be gone to, to secure the acme of comfort possible for Officers, and likewise, any ridiculous addleheaded regulation that help to harass and make uncomfortable the life of the soldier, quickly finds official approval and sanction. This too, in that most erroneously styled “democratic” army of Australia. Of course, we know that things like the above are the result of decisions of the English “heads”, and are disliked accordingly.54

While condemning English officers for their “ludicrous ideas of class distinction”, he had a high opinion of the ordinary English “Tommy” (unlike many of his fellow Australians), though he shared the usual Australian high regard for the Scots.55 His pen turned caustic after an order prohibited the wearing of shorts in the oppressive heat of Palestine, sarcastically observing that, … it is quite ‘propah – y’know for the lowah-ordahs’ to be deprived of any little comfort they may possess. Billjim [the generic nickname for the Australian soldier] must get his satisfaction and comfort from the indisputable fact that the war will be considerably shortened by these energetic and common-sense methods.56

Two days later he skewered the officers in witheringly satirical language: This is no less than a desperate, prolonged, and enervating struggle with the burning question of short wearing by men. The endurance, courage and resource displayed by the Authorities has been commendable in the extreme. There are whispers of several decorations as a result.57

Similarly, when officers were lavish in their use of water while the men were restricted to pitiful amounts, Morris attacked the attitude of the brass, though not without simultaneously reflecting that “there was nothing I abhorred so much as the class-cry in any shape or form”. He decried the behaviour where “Patriotism is not helped, but red raggism and deep class hatred gets a mighty legup”, recognising that any complaints from the men would be badged as either “An isolated case” or, if from a larger group, “treason and mutiny… [which] is plainly conduct prejudicial to good order and military discipline. We must make an example.”58 He also attacked the snobbery of Australian civilians who valorised the AIF in France but were patronising of those serving in the Middle East. One gravely wounded Light Horseman received a pair of socks from the Comforts Fund, accompanied by a note that read, “I hope these socks reach some brave hero in France, and not a cold footed shirker in Egypt”. While admitting the greater intensity of the fighting in France, Morris noted the bravery of the men in battle and the unique hardships endured in the arid landscapes of Sinai and Palestine.59 However, Morris was no socialist revolutionary, proving himself a sound Empire man to the end, in much the same way as Chaplain William McKenzie.60 He emphasised his faith in the British Empire and was “glad and proud” that “never even in her darkest and most unpromising hours during this war”, when other Britons were “always ready to decry what she has done”, was he doubtful of ultimate victory. When peace was declared, he admitted to “a great deep solemn pride,” claiming, “Victory is ours now, and with clean hands, and calm clear minds, and a stern justice tempered with 54

Morris, Diary, 18 January 1918.

Morris, Diary, 18 January 1918.

56 Morris, Diary, 18 April 1918.

57 Morris, Diary, 20 April 1918.

58 Morris, Diary, 13 September 1918.

59 Morris, Diary, 18 January 1918.

60 Reynaud, The man the Anzacs revered, 60.

55

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a pleasing quality of mercy, the Allies are settling affairs to the satisfaction of a long-anguished and blood-weary world”.61 He was also a patriotic though not uncritical Australian, with a sense of superiority over others, in this case the Jews, typical of his AIF colleagues. Reflecting that if Australia had existed at the time of the Exodus, “Infinite Wisdom would surely have transported His chosen people there”, he was glad He didn’t as, despite the “spineless asininity … ignorance and incompetence” of Australia’s politicians, he believed they were “preferable to an invasion of the class of ‘Chosen’ that exist here”.62 However, even his trenchant social observations take a back seat to his religious ones. The first extended piece of religious writing is unusual, for while it began with a reflection on the Egypt of the biblical Joseph’s time, leading him to wonder, “is there any spot in this land that is not rich in historic interest!”, he quickly moved to a discussion of his visit to the mosque in Ismalia. After describing the “curious” rituals required to enter the mosque and observing the worshippers bowing in prayer, he turned to evaluating the experience, observing that, “To the eye there is every appearance of real humility and true worship, but history sadly contradicts the effect produced, and a very casual acquaintance with your Arab proves the metal base. It does not seem to produce the genuine religious article.”63 But before it could descend into a diatribe against Islam, Morris broadened his palette to include the behaviour of Christians: But then, one might say, what religion taken as a whole, does turn out a really creditable article.

A great majority of these followers of Mohamet are the greatest rascals unhung, but what of that?, do not the same conditions prevail in the countries which are nominally Christian? The English, French, German, Russian, Italian, and Spanish speaking races, together with a host of others, are nominally Christian, but there are many thieves and swindlers, many extortioners and [illegible], many adulterers and murderers.

Many a smug faced business man has filled his pockets, and built his fortune on the tears and blood of sweated workers, but he may yet be a pillar and member of a so called Christian Church. So perhaps it is prudent not to judge your Hussein or Achmed too harshly, or to criticize his religious tenets from the standpoint of the Article Produced.64

As a Salvationist, Morris was perhaps better equipped to critique the lapses of Christian nations than many of his fellow Christians, as much of the work of The Salvation Army at the time was focused on correcting the failures in righteousness and morality so rampant in Western society.

Morris also recorded several more incidents of the culture of “Mohammedanism”, including a frenzied ritual from the followers of an Islamic teacher, and the procession after a wedding. The latter drew him once again into biblical reflection.

The scene reminded me of the Scripture story of the ten virgins where the Bridegroom went forth to meet the Bride, except that it had been modernised by the carrying of Acetylene lights in place of oil lamps. How little in this old, old hoary land has the march of progressive civilization in the world affected it. Still men can be seen with the rudest of ploughing instruments, and the unequal yoke spoken of in the Scripture can also be often seen, a camel and an ass yoked together. Still, in the old way, in the villages most grind their grain between an upper and nether millstones.65

61

Morris, Diary, 12 March 1918; 27 November 1918.

Morris, Diary, 12 March 1918.

63 Morris, Diary, 16 September 1916.

64 Morris, Diary, 16 September 1916.

65 Morris, Diary, 16 September 1916.

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Four months later, Morris was declaiming over his time in Egypt, a nation that had seen the extremes of glory and shame, poverty and wealth, joy and sorrow. “Egypt,” he wrote, the land the prophets cursed, and that has seen, to her cost, so many of those grim prophecies fulfilled, leaving in their wake a waste of buried cities, and barren lands a land given over to Mahommedanism and base practices, and yet is a clarion voice in the ears of all men who will hear, proclaiming the truth of Christianity, and the Scriptures. What a land it is, but it is getting monotonous.66

What most moved Morris’ pen were the frequent biblical associations of his movements in Palestine. He wrote repeatedly and at length of biblical events that occurred in places he passed through or stayed in. Around Bethlehem and Jerusalem he did some intensive though sometimes hasty religious tourism, even volunteering to attend a Catholic service as being the only means of seeing the interior of the Church of the Nativity.67 Other places evoked for him the stories of Samson and Delilah, David and Goliath, Abraham, Lot, Jacob, the two biblical Deborahs, Samuel and Elijah, the Mount of Temptation, Jericho and Herod. There is a hint that perhaps his spiritual fervour had waned of late, for his record of the valley where David faced off with Goliath carried the note, “And now I have stood, if not at the place, at least in the vicinity, and I felt all the old interest revive”.68 He could also find humour in some associations, as when he compared Jacob’s pillow of stones with his own at El Enab where “we beat Jacob all to ribbons, for we had [an] entire bed of stones”.69 Not surprisingly, it was Bethlehem and Jerusalem that had the greatest impact on him. On seeing Bethlehem for the first time from a low rocky hilltop, he wrote lyrically of: the Cradle of Christianity, the City where the Messiah was born, where, to a nation groaning under the tyranny and oppression of the Roman yoke, and waiting in its darkness and bondage for the dawning of the morning of Deliverance, He came, as a helpless Babe, for whose Mother, in her hour of travail, there was found no room in the inn, and who, perforce had to turn aside into a cave used to shelter the cattle of those who stayed at the Khan. A beautiful church, the Church of the Grotto stands over the place today.70

His mind ran through a roll-call of other notables associated with the town, including Rachel, Ruth and David. “What a host of sacred memories hover round this place,” he wrote, adding that “a host of glorious recollections come crowding upon one, as he gazes. I do not think anyone could look upon this city unmoved. He must be strangely hardened and indifferent if he could.”71 His response to the Via Dolorosa showed how deeply he was moved, walking a path “made sacred for all time by reason of the fact that along this way, bearing His Cross, the sublime Saviour of Man, Kingly even in his humiliation, trod His sorrowful way to Calvary. Of the feelings which dominate one on visiting such places as these it is hard to speak; Awe, Joy, Wonder, and a sense of deep reverence and love, all these are present, and more, but they are too deep and full for expression.”72 It did not take Salvationist convictions to appreciate the Holy Land. Many soldiers commented on the rich spiritual history of Palestine, even if they had no religious convictions of their own. One Light Horseman wrote home of some lectures by a Chaplain “on the biblical history of the country 66

Morris, Diary, 18 January 1917.

Morris, Diary, 25 February 1918.; 17 March 1918.

68 Morris, Diary, 16 February 1918.; 17 February 1918.; 25 February 1918.; 6 September 1918.

69 Morris, Diary, 7 March 1918.

70 Morris, Diary, 19 February 1918.

71 Morris, Diary, 19 February 1918.

72 Morris, Diary, 25 February 1918.

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we are now crossing…. Had I been able to write this when those lectures were given, the account would have been much more interesting.”73 Another was given a guided tour of Jerusalem by an Oxford-educated chaplain who had “the history of the Holy Land off to the letter; it was most interesting, I can assure you, and it fully bears out the old history of the Bible. When a fellow sees all these places it makes him think very seriously.”74 Yet Morris’ response to Palestine was in a league of its own in regards to biblical connections, and the diary reflects both a profound knowledge and a devout belief.

Morris could wax lyrical in describing nature, and an extended description of a wild storm segued into a spiritual analogy of unusual force. “A fierce unrest, tumultuous spirits ride in the gale,” he wrote, “shrieking their way through the hills to that bare and desolate region where surely on such a night as this, the Spirits of all the Great Army of lost Souls might congregate and hold riotous carnival together, the region of the Dead Sea.” He continued: Devils that stir men to deeds of oppression and violence, fiends that sow in men’s hearts, the lust of pride and power that leads to war and bloodshed, sweep fiercely and exultingly by on the wings of the gale to the trysting place holding high carnival over the bones of the piled up dead, and counting those who shall fall on red fields to-morrow and howling through the barren hills, in cruel derision over those who are out wounded to-night, exposed to their fury and power. A wild, wild night, typical of the War Spirit that holds the world in its grip, wringing it to an agony of blood and tears that knows no staying. Ride on in your chariots of wind and storm and tumult ye evil spirits and rejoice for this is your hour, and the storm of darkness. And yet mayhap the world that tomorrow’s sun will rise on will hold on to be better for thy passing, a world cleansed and purified by the very fury of thy passing. And so, we remember no good and perfect thing can come to us without sorrow, and tears, and pain.75

Morris’ gift for language extended to writing poetry, of which there are a number of examples at the end of his diary. They all are poems dealing with spirituality. One, in best Salvationist style, is a defence against the condemnation of other Christians for having no formal creed. In it, Morris argued that creeds too often “Are full of their own conceits”, concluding I haven’t a creed that a Church would own But I reckon the Lord of Love Will open the Gate, if a chap lives straight And find him a place above.76

Another was a moralistic tale of a boy who bitterly regretted ignoring his mother’s gift of a Bible before he went to war, apparently based on a conversation with a soldier he met.77 A third contrasts the spiritual legacy of Palestine with its modern reality, a land of flies, fleas, scorpions and other pests. Its final stanza reads, The Holy land’s a golden place To read about in books But Billjim covered in its grime Just sees it as it looks There ain’t no milk and honey Corn and wine is out of date 73

Verner Gladders Knuckey, Diary, 30 August 1916, PR03193, (Australian War Memorial Archives).

Harry George Harding Permain, “Letters from the front,” The Pingelly leader, (10 October 1918), 1.

75 Morris, Diary, 15 March 1918.

76 Morris, Diary, 25 June 1917.

77 Morris, Diary, 24 June 1917.

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And time here only stirs the chords Of hate, and hate, and hate.78

Two other poems speak also of a measuring of present behaviour in the light of eternity, reflecting the Salvationist sense of urgency over salvation. In the first, titled “The Christian Soldier to his Soul”, he anticipated “Life’s great Sunset”, where, “Though the Sun go down for ever/I have his unfailing Grace”. In the other, he pondered on the sad fate of those who came to war as Padres but lost their faith and their morals along the way.79 While Salvationists in the AIF were genuine in their profession of loyalty to King and Empire, they also faced conflicting loyalties with their commitment to Christ and The Salvation Army. Even some non-Salvationists saw the differences between the two, one soldier writing with a mix of the facetious and the wistful, “I don't know how many times I wished that it had been The Salvation Army that I had enlisted in, instead of the A.I.F.”80 Life in the AIF tested men of faith, often to their limits. Chaplain William McKenzie faced this in various ways, such as when he was offered the tempting command of a combat Company on the grounds that he “was too good and valuable a man to be a Padre”.81 Pike was the most overt in outlining the challenges to his covenant as a Salvationist posed by his oath to King George, noting the constant pressure to conform to popular standards of language and alcohol use in the AIF that almost overcame his resistance, but finding practical help particularly through fellowship with other Christians, and maintaining a focus on holiness and evangelism. While Morris appeared more robust through his writings, there are hints of recognition of spiritual challenges at times, especially in his poetry. On the other hand, Morris, though less overtly concerned with evangelism and morality, demonstrated a more proactive Salvationist personal approach to life in the AIF, seeing the world through his spiritual-moral lens and making the most of the serendipitous opportunities to make the Bible come alive through engagement with locations of biblical narratives. It required commitment, courage and faith, but life in the two armies simultaneously could be an enriching experience.

78

Morris, Diary, 23 July 1917.

Morris, Diary, March 1916.; 12 April 1917.

80 George Binney, “Letters from the Front,” Queensland times, (Brisbane, 18 July 1918), 6.

81 Reynaud, The man the Anzacs revered, 87-88.

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“IT’S SO POPULAR, WE MUST TRY IT, TOO” EARLY IMITATIONS OF THE SALVATION ARMY R. Gordon Moyles As several historians have shown, The Salvation Army, in the late nineteenth century, was the fastest-growing and most popular evangelical organisation in the English-speaking world. And most have provided statistics to substantiate that claim. Yet, another measure of popularity could be that of imitation, groups which fashioned themselves after The Salvation Army. This paper investigates such groups and some of the people associated with these movements.

Although historians gave different numbers, they agree there was an increase in the movement from 1877 to 1883. In 1877 Booth’s Christian Mission had at the most 31 stations,1 by December 1883 his Salvation Army had 519 plus more overseas.2 And by that time as well the General could command 1,469 officers (746 of them females) compared with about 100 five years earlier.3 They have, as well, pointed out the fact that in several English towns – Manchester, Brighton, York, Sheffield and Leeds—there were as many as three Corps each of whose barracks could accommodate up to 2,000 persons.4 That those buildings were nearly always filled to capacity can easily be verified, for early visitors confirm the fact. In 1882, for example, the Reverend Wendell Prime, a Canadian clergyman visiting London, made his way to the Clapton corps whose great hall, he said, could hold between “four and five thousand persons,” and, when the doors were opened, “successive throngs poured in, until most of the spaces were occupied.”5 In 1882, as well, Mrs. Charles Garnett, a well-known journalist, attended an Army meeting at the Bristol Circus (the name of the corps), and found more than 2,000 people enjoying the service.6 Perhaps the most convincing evidence concerning the Army’s popularity is contained in a religious census published in 1881. The Nonconformist newspaper found that in the seventy-eight towns surveyed on a single Sunday almost 73,000 people attended Salvation Army meetings, an average of almost a thousand for each town. Army attendance was, when the newspaper visited, nearly six percent of the church-going population, greater than that of the Primitive Methodists and only slightly less than that of the Baptists and Roman Catholics. In actual numbers, the greatest Army strength was in Hull, where 11,394 people attended Army meetings on that single Sunday, followed by Bristol (with 11,035), Nottingham (4,245) and even the small town of Barrow with 3,088.7 As impressive and convincing as the statistical evidence is, however, and though it probably needs no further support, we would like to suggest there is another, more unorthodox and perhaps more interesting, means of gauging the popularity of the Army in its heyday. And that is to examine

Reference citation of this paper; Gordon Moyles, “‘It’s so popular we must try it, too’ Early imitation of The Salvation Army”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 41 – 48.

1 Horridge gave “31” stations for 1877, while Murdoch gave “29” stations. Glenn K. Horridge, The Salvation Army – Origins and early days: 1865 – 1900, (Godalming, UK: Ammonite Books, 1993), 20, 135, 251.; Norman H. Murdoch, Origins of The Salvation Army, (Knoxville, USA: The University of Tennessee Press, 1994), 178 – 179.

2 Horridge had 519 corps, Sandall had 528 with 196 corps abroad. Horridge, The Salvation Army, 38.; Robert Sandall, The history of The Salvation Army, Volume two, 1878 – 1886, (London, UK: Thomas nelson and Sons, 1950), 2:338.

3 See Horridge, The Salvation Army, 80.

4 For a deeper discussion on Manchester see Horridge, The Salvation Army, 154 – 181.

5 “The Salvation Army”, The Christian guardian, (Canada, Volume 53, Issue 51, August 1882), 246.

6 Mrs. Charles Garnett, Good words, (Alexander Strahan and Company, Vol. 24, 1883), 251.

7 The nonconformist and independent, (UK, Thursday 2 February 1882), 115.

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A group of Church Army Australian officers and cadets (Back row) Captain Phair, Captain Robinson, Captain Constable (Front row) Cadet G. Gorrie, Cadet A. Barnes, Cadet A. Smith8

Headquarters, training home, and staff officers of The Church Army, Melbourne, Australia9 8 9

The weekly times, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 February 1899), 12, 14.

The weekly times, (Melbourne, Saturday 18 February 1899), 12.

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the proliferation of imitation ‘armies’ whose originators were so impressed by The Salvation Army’s success that they felt that, by copying its style they, too, might achieve a similar success. It was, to adapt an old adage, a sincere (or sometimes insincere) form of flattery, denoting a popularity even beyond William Booth’s imagining.

It is important, first, not to confuse the many ‘splinter’ groups which emerged out of The Salvation Army with the independent ‘imitation’ armies. There were dozens of the former kind created by disgruntled Salvation Army officers or soldiers when they resigned. They assumed Salvation Army methods and adopted such flamboyant titles as Red Ribboners, The Saved Army, Hosanna Banner, The Gospel Army, Independent Gospel Army, Salvation Band, Lord’s Own Army, Christ’s Soldiers, The Jesus Army and even (though it is hard to credit) the Surprise Soap Army. When, for example, Walter Bailey, who had pioneered the work in London, Ontario, Canada, was expelled from the ranks in 1882, he immediately established The Hosanna Banner which occupied street corners almost directly opposite The Salvation Army. It lasted for about a year.10 Similarly, when Captain Holloway left the Army in 1881, he joined up with a ‘General’ Atherton and commenced The Gospel Army which, until the latter committed a sexual indiscretion, had branches in places like Paris, Brantford, Tilsonburg and Brockville, Ontario.11 In Baltimore, in 1881, several officers, unhappy with George Scott Railton’s domineering attitude (so they said), left the ranks and introduced yet another version of the Army they had left. There was “nothing like intimacy to breed contempt,” stated one newspaper, adding that … now the people of Baltimore have a double chance of learning the ways of righteousness.

Whether this duplication of religious agencies shall work for good or ill is a problem yet to be solved.12

And, in England, a few years later, two disaffected officers, William Corbridge and William Day, were busy trying to draw people into their newly-established ‘Christian Army,’ modelled on The Salvation Army they had left, except that “no uniforms or military titles will be adopted.”13 But, though amusing to read about, it is not the ‘splinter’ groups which give evidence of the Army’s immense popularity. It is, rather, the many imitations, created by men and women, often styling themselves ‘Generals’ or ‘Captains,’ who had either read about or had known the Army and chose (rather than join its ranks) to start a similar organisation of their own.

It was, in fact, not very long after The Salvation Army had begun its popular mode of revivalism that others began to imitate it almost wholesale. In 1882, as one commentator averred, “[t]he thing of the moment seems to be services on the Salvation Army model.” 14 One of the most prominent, with church (both Anglican and Methodist) affiliations through Great Britain and even in Australia, and with offshoots such as the Blue Ribbon Gospel Army, was the Gospel Army. It was, in almost every respect, a copy of The Salvation Army, with its military titles, open-air meetings and such like –even to the extent of having female officers—whose advertisements were almost a duplication of those favoured by William Booth: Melbourne During the latter part of last week the following notice was freely circulated in Melbourne, causing much amusement and also great indignation:-- “Look! Look out! Look out! A 10

The London advertiser, (Ontario, Canada, Tuesday 4 December 1883), 3.

The Brantford expositor, (Ontario, Canada, Friday 2 November 1883), 2.

12 The Baltimore sun, (USA, Friday 21 January 1881), 4.

13 The Manchester weekly times, (UK, Saturday 5 June 1886), 5.

14 “The Salvation Army”, The Sydney morning herald, (NSW, Saturday 23 December 1882), 5.

11

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detachment of the 1st Battalion of the Gospel Army will attack the strongholds of old Belzebub at Melbourne, on Sunday, May 29th. Be sure you come! Come when? Come now! Come who?

Come you! Come where? Come here! Come how? Come just as you are! Melbourne for Jesus!

All get ready! The death and glory soldiers are coming! Dreadful charges against the Devil.

Bombardment of his palaces! Mighty conflict! Death to the Devil and glory to God!”15

And the reports of its meetings bore a strong resemblance to those of the Army: On Saturday and Sunday last the first anniversary of the ‘Gospel Army’ in Huddersfield was commemorated. On Saturday a tea and meeting was held in the ‘barracks,’ at each of which a good number of people were present. Three special services were held in the Armoury on Sunday, preceded by the early morning ‘knee drill.’ The principal streets of the town and adjoining neighbourhood were paraded by the ‘Army,’ before whom a new banner was carried bearing the following inscription: ‘Gospel Army. Victory shall crown our cause.’. . . The whole of the services were conducted by ‘Major’ Gent, assisted by the ‘officers’ and converts16

It was, in fact, as a revivalist in this so-called ‘army’ that the well-liked Gipsy Smith could be found after he had been (wrongly?) discharged from The Salvation Army by William Booth in July 1882. To his ‘Gospel Army’ services in Hanley (where he had formerly been a Salvation Army officer) came thousands of people, many of them his former soldiers who had left The Salvation Army to follow him as a ‘Gospel Army’ preacher. “I had promised to stay a month,” wrote Smith in his autobiography, “but the month grew into four years in all.”17 The Gospel Army, in various forms, and as appendages to local churches, prospered for many years. And at least two of them, when they amalgamated into a single unit to form the Church Army in late 1882, ensured for themselves a lasting permanence. Commenced as a lay department of the Church of England’s Parochial Mission Society by the Reverend Wilson Carlile, the Church Army, as Carlile maintained, was a church version of The Salvation Army, taking what was “most useful and good” in the Army and giving it a “more sober and church-like character,” turning it, he felt, “to greater spiritual advantage.” However accurate that might have been, it was obvious that many Army practices (which Carlile possibly considered to be “the jewels” of Salvationism) were adopted wholly by the Church Army in a more obvious fashion than they had been by the Gospel Army. In some parishes, young men marched through the streets, holding open-air meetings and engaged in “such other work as the Salvation Army did.” In their indoor meetings, a similar style of service was held, with testimonies being the prominent feature, and they sang many of the Salvation Army songs, some of them published in their Church Army songs “with thanks to the leaders of the ‘Salvation Army’ for their courtesy in permitting the use of many of the new pieces.” 18 By the late 1880s, the Church Army had established training colleges and a social outreach similar to that already being engaged in by The Salvation Army.

15

The Derby mercury, (UK, Wednesday 1 June 1881), 2.

The Huddersfield chronicle, (UK, Saturday, 24 June 1882), 2.

17 Gipsy Smith, Gipsy Smith. His life and work, by himself, (London, UK: National Council of The Evangelical Free Churches, 1906), 148.

18 The Exeter Flying-Post, (UK, Wednesday 6 December 1882), 8.

16

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Rev. Wilson Carlile, Founder of The Church Army19 Note the ‘CA’ on the lapel of the uniform

In the United States there were several, though not as permanent, and certainly not as honorable, as The Church Army. For example, just after George Scott Railton had officially launched The Salvation Army (March 1880), he received a letter from Jonathan S. Haskell, a former circus performer, who was holding revival meetings in New Orleans. Haskell had read of Railton’s ‘opening shots’ in New York and, seeing an opportunity for a new venture, sought information about The Salvation Army which Railton (rather disingenuously) supplied. Soon Haskell had set up shop as a Salvation Army evangelist in east St. Louis. “The so-called Salvation Army,” reported the Globe-Democrat, … a party of religious revivalists, under the direction of Jonathan S. Haskell, an itinerant preacher, are conducting a series of gospel meetings under a tent in a lot on Missouri Avenue. . .

The evangelists say they will storm the ‘citadel of sin,’ as they rightly term East St. Louis.20

In Bloomington, Indiana, Mayfield, Kentucky and Atchinson, Kansas, Jonathan Haskell made the headlines, often in the most unsavoury terms, such as the occasion when he kicked a young black boy and was hauled into court. Railton was, of course, incensed by Haskell’s fraudulent actions and in August 1882, he visited Atchinson where he made it quite clear that Haskell was not authorized to engage in his “ridiculous performances” as The Salvation Army. And a month later he was in St. Louis where he made a determined effort to expose Haskell as an imposter.21 But Haskell did not silently fold his tent and steal away. As late as November 1882, we find Railton in Decatur, Illinois, where, again, he is trying to reclaim for the ‘true’ Army some of the support lost through Haskell’s actions. The Atchinson Globe put the matter this way: The experience the church people have latterly had with General Haskell and his absurd salvation army ought to convince them that these self-made evangelists are frauds. Without any 19

Photograph courtesy of the author.

The globe-democrat, (USA, Friday 4 June 1880), 4.

21 The globe-democrat, (USA, Saturday 16 September 1882), 2.

20

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desire to do the cause any injury, the newspapers agree unanimously in asserting that he is a vulgar loafer, whose sermons often cause a blush to tinge the cheeks of his listeners. . . . He is a bad egg and Christian people everywhere should be ashamed of him.22

And, eventually, most people were, for within a year Jonathan Haskell’s ‘Salvation Army’ had faded into oblivion.

There were other ‘imitation armies,’ however, though none so obnoxious as Haskell’s. In Galveston, Texas, in September 1880, a Holiness Band, under the command of a Captain Ashton, was engaged in “street-corner preaching and praying, and singing hymns.” The band, wrote a Daily news reporter, … kept step and moved forward like veterans, amid the jeers of the crowd that followed on either side of the street. The labors of the band have been untiring, but so far conversions have been few.23

And sometime later, Bishop Fallowes of the Reformed Episcopal Church in Chicago, established a ‘Christian Army,’ “like the Salvation Army,” he said, “with a General in command [himself, of course], captains for exhorters, ‘knee-drills’ instead of prayer meetings, ‘skirmishes’ by small parties in saloons and ‘battles’ in a public hall.”24 None of these, however, were long-lived, though one, in the Oakland-San Francisco area, survived long enough to eventually merge with The Salvation Army when it arrived in July 1883, to officially commence the work. Commander George Newton’s ‘Holiness Band’ had, in fact, been conducting what he called ‘Salvation Army’ meetings as early as April 1882 on the streets of Oakland and San Francisco. “It is not,” wrote one reporter, “the genuine enlisted army, with headquarters in London, but is a band imitating the methods of the London organization.”25 Newton, we later learn, had been a Baptist clergyman and a revivalist who organized the Holiness Association and conducted meetings in several cities before he decided to conduct his mission along Salvation Army lines (even calling it a ‘Salvation Army’). When he did not meet with his church’s approval, he launched out on his own with a few fellow-churchmen, letting the public (through the newspapers) know that he was now calling his band ‘The Salvation Army.’ He had, he said, learned about Army methodology from a close reading of the English War Cry (which, amazingly, had reached the West Coast even before the Army had).

By October 1882, he had established three branches of the so-called ‘Salvation Army’, one in Oakland (which was his headquarters), in San Jose and downtown San Francisco, where an enterprising reporter for the San Francisco Examiner spotted the small battalion and wrote this amusing report: The somber shadows of night had but scarcely wrapped in darkness the classic precincts of the Barbary Coast, on Monday evening last, when the Salvation Army, under the command of Rev. George Newton, sallied forth from the hall of the Infant Shelter, and took up its position upon the corner of Montgomery Avenue and Kearny street. After the hymn, ‘Come to Jesus’ had been very discordantly rendered, and one of the lieutenants had accused himself of iniquities enough to justify his incarceration for the balance of his natural life, one of the lady soldiers proceeded to address a number of gamins who had forged their way to the front to see the fun, and wound up by propounding a number of theological conundrums as to the absolute certainty of all present burning forever in the bottomless pit, to the assumed unspeakable horror of one bullet22

The globe, (USA, Thursday 18 August 1881), 2.

The daily news, (USA, Friday 3 September 1880), 1.

24 The Chicago inter-ocean, (USA, Monday 16 January 1882), 16.

25 The Los Angeles daily times, (USA, Wednesday 15 October 1882), 2.

23

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headed little scamp whose borrowed look of terror seemed to afford his companion the liveliest satisfaction. The line of march was then taken up, and preceded by a torch-bearer, the Army fought its way down Pacific street to the Infant Shelter, followed by a numerous concourse of both sexes. Several gave their experiences, all having a very dismal ring of similarity, until one elderly sister made the startling announcement that it was the happiest moment of her life when she became morally certain that she would not have to depend on her grandmother for her salvation. This caused an outburst of mirth from the junior portion of the audience, upon which a youth, with very well defined traces of black discoloration encircling his dexter optic, arose, and in pathetic tones solicited the youngsters to behave themselves. After several more hymns had been sung and a dozen or two of the army had told how wicked they had been, some energetic soldier came to the front leading captive a son of Neptune [a sailor], whose unsteady gait betokened to the experienced eye of the ‘Examiner’ reporter a condition somewhere between intoxication partial and intoxication complete. He was gathered in, however, and fell in a heap upon a chair, and when the reporter left he was howling dismally, surrounded by a number of the righteous, who scouted the suggestion that a bucket of water was about the proper sort of grace he needed. The army will form again this evening at the usual hour.26

When William Booth, responding it is said to a request from George Newton to take over his ‘army,’ he sent Alfred Wells to do so, and when Wells arrived in San Francisco on 21 July 1883, he was met by a handful (seven it is said) of Newton’s followers; most, like Newton himself, chose not to join the ‘real’ Salvation Army. But one who did, John Milsaps, was a most valuable acquisition.

He became one of the Army’s prominent officers, editing the Western War Cry, opening the work on Hawaii and promoting the ‘war’ effectively on the west coast. If Newton’s ‘imitation army’ did nothing more than bring Milsaps into the ranks, the effort was well worth it.

Conclusion “How many more ‘Armies’?” asked a writer to the Royal Cornwall gazette in February 1882.

We have ‘the Salvation Army,’ ‘the Blue ribbon Army,’ the ‘Green Ribbon Army,’ and now comes a brand new ‘Church Army,’ with its penny book of ‘Army Songs,’ its ‘Church Militant hymns,’ and all the fighting paraphernalia and drill.27

We have, stated another, a national Church of the learned and the cultivated, so “what necessity can there be for her to pander to the sensational vulgarity of the Salvation Army?”28 Clearly, there were many who did not approve of the imitation ‘armies.’ But that just as many did approve is equally obvious. In Macmillan’s magazine in 1882, a Mr. M. E. Lewis, wrote of The Salvation Army as follows: It has converted thousands from darkness to light; it has everywhere stirred the heart of men by its example, and inspired them with the longing to go forth and rescue their brethren. …What should hinder the formation of similar church armies all over the land? Have we not clergy who would act as ‘captains’ of local corps? Have we not laity to march singing through the streets, and help at indoor meetings? Can we not have mission rooms where services of a more popular nature than those of the Prayer-book can be conducted? Can we not use our uneducated classes to speak to their fellows? Can we not even have a penitent’s bench, and a system of registration and visitation like those of the army?29

26

The examiner, (USA, Wednesday 11 October 1882), 2.

The examiner, (USA, Friday 22 September 1882), 4.

28 The guardian, (USA, Wednesday 10 May 1882), 8.

29 Cited in “The Salvation Army”, The Sydney morning herald, (NSW, Saturday 23 December 1882), 5.

27

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But whether approved of or not, and whether, like the Church Army and George Newton’s ‘Holiness Band’, they were of no hindrance (perhaps even a little help) to William Booth’s movement; or whether, like Haskell’s ‘pretend’ Salvation Army, they were a hindrance, all of them, as imitators of what they knew to be a most successful evangelical movement, were (whether they knew it or not) paying a great tribute to The Salvation Army. Imitation was, indeed, a sincere form of flattery.

A Blue Ribbon Army medal c 1890 “Watch and be sober”30

30

Courtesy of Garth R. Hentzschel’s private collection.

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A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF SALVATION ARMY LITERATURE IN ENGLISH 1988 – PRESENT SURNAMES OF BOOK AUTHORS T TO V Garth R. Hentzschel Following on from R. G. Moyles, A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English 1865-1987,1 some editions of the Australasian journal of Salvation Army history will have information of literature

by Salvationists or containing information on The Salvation Army to assist researchers and those interested in more information on The Salvation Army. Both bibliographical information and a brief outline of the work will be included. Please note that categories and referencing style will be that used

by Moyles to be consistent with that his work.

SECTION I – HISTORY, DESCRIPTION, AND PUBLIC REACTION B. DESCRIPTIVE ACCOUNTS OF ARMY METHODS AND ACTIVITIES Taylor, David W.. LIKE A MIGHTY ARMY? THE SALVATION ARMY, THE CHURCH, AND THE CHURCHES. Oregon, USA: Pickwick Publication, 2014, 290 pp.

The study was published in two sections. Section one investigated the historical development of The Salvation Army’s ecclesiological understanding. Section two was a dialogue with the ecclesiology of Karl Barth and that of the Army.

F. THE SALVATION ARMY THROUGHOUT THE WORLD Southern Africa Tuck, Brian. SALVATION SAFARI. A BRIEF HISTORY OF THE ORIGINS OF THE SALVATION ARMY IN SOUTHERN AFRICA 1883 – 1993 (2nd Ed.). Johannesburg, South Africa: The Salvation Army, Southern Africa Territory, 1993, 70 pp.

The book outlined the commencement of The Salvation Army in South Africa, St Helena, Natal, Zululand, and Namibia. The book contained historical information of the Army in these locations to the 1990s and included a number of historical photographs.

United Kingdom Thomas, Donald. THE VICTORIAN UNDERWORLD. London, UK: John Murray Publishers, 1998, 1999, 2000, 2001, 2003, 346 pp.

The book told the history of the wider criminology and poverty of London. It included The Salvation Army’s work in the Maiden Tribute Affair (pages 81 to 126), a quotation by William Booth (page 328), and welfare work of the Army (page 299).

Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English, 1988 - present, Surnames of book authors T to V”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 49 – 59.

1 R.G. Moyles, A bibliography of Salvation Army literature in English (1865-1987), (Lewiston, USA: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1988).

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Cover of David Taylor, Like a mighty army? The Salvation Army, the church, and the churches.

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United States of America Taiz, Lillian. HALLELUJAH LADS & LASSES, REMAKING THE SALVATION ARMY IN AMERICA 1880 – 1930. USA: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001, 239 pp.

From her research, Taiz’s book discussed The Salvation Army as a working-class religion and used individual conversion narratives as a source to investigate the movement. The book included discussions on the work of Jermy, Fackler and Shirley prior to 1880, the Moore and Ballington Booth schisms and the changes in the Army at the turn of the century. Pictures, tables, extensive endnotes and index were all included.

N – INSTRUCTIONAL AND DEVOTIONAL LITERATURE Talmadge, Virginia. EXPLORING WORSHIP. Atlanta, USA: The Salvation Army Supplies and Purchasing Department, 1988, 352 pp.

The book was divided into four parts; what is worship, choral speaking, worship resources, and the worship centre. It included resources and teaching on elements of Christian worship.

Tillsley, Bramwell H.. IT IS WRITTEN. THE COLLECTED WORKS OF BRAMWELL H. TILLSLEY. Toronto, Canada: The Salvation Army Canada and Bermuda Territory, 2016, 223 pp.

The book was a collection and republication of Tillsley’s earlier works: from books, Life in the spirit, This mind in you, and Manpower for the master; from The war cry, The beatitudes, and Troublesome texts; and a new item, The General’s journal.

Tillsley, Bramwell H.. THIS MIND IN YOU. Atlanta, USA: The Salvation Army Supplies and Purchasing Department, 1990, 91 pp.

The book was a collection of 12 lessons that were first used as sermons at Camberwell Corps, UK and later at a Bible convention in the USA. The lessons came together under five main headings, “the Christ-centered mind”, “the compassionate mind”, “the committed mind”, “the composed mind”, and “the conquering mind”.

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Tinker, Cheryl. IN THE ZONE! …STUFF TO MAKE ‘N’ BAKE. Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2008, 108 pp.

The book, designed for young people, included recipes and activities to make. The book was an extension of Kidzone, the Army magazine for young people in Australia.

Tripp, Bramwell. DIRECTIONS FOR A DAY’S JOURNEY. New York, USA: The Salvation Army Literary Department, 1988, 61 pp.

The collection of 50 devotional thoughts were developed in 10 themes, “on any day”, “on cloudy days”, “on work days”, “on different days”, “on holidays”, “on thoughtful days”, “on lenten days”, “on grateful days”, “on advent days”, and “on coming days”. Each thought was linked to versus of scripture and a Bible reading.

Tuck, Brian. A THEOLOGY OF HEALING. AN EXPLANATIVE DOCTRINAL STATEMENT OF THE SALVATIONIST VIEWPOINT. South Africa: The Salvation Army Southern Africa Territory, 1994, 32 pp.

The booklet outlined the errors and then built a scripturally based understanding of divine healing. It also included a historical and Salvationist perspective of the doctrine.

Tuck, Brian. SAINTS WITHOUT SACRAMENTS. Johannesburg, South Africa: The Salvation Army Territorial Headquarters South Africa, 1991, 22 pp.

The booklet outlined the Salvationist’s perspective of sacraments.

Turfrey, Lucille L. ON A WINTER’S MOURNING. NATURE’S PARABLES ON GRIEF WITH SEASONAL PRAYERS FROM THE PSALMS AND THE HEART. Sydney, Australia: The Salvation Army, Communications Department, Australia Eastern Territory, 2002 72 pp. republished, Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2008, 65 pp.

In 32 devotional discussions, the book outlined areas of death and grief. Each discussion included a Psalm, a parable as a way of discussing the topic, a personal prayer and a photograph.

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Turfrey, Lucille L.. REFLECTIONS. NATURE’S PARABLES ON WHOLENESS AND HOLINESS. Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2014, 98 pp.

The book was a collection of devotional stories, prayer points and points to ponder, all linked to the book of Ephesians. Each were connected with a photograph of a location in Australia.

Turfrey, Lucille L.. THE MICHAELIAN CORRESPONDENCE. LETTERS FROM A MENTOR TO AN INTERN. USA: Xulon Press, 2007, 257 pp.

The book was a collection of letters between Archangel Michael and a mentee about topics including fear, faith, depression, hope and spiritual transformation. The second part of the book was a number of biblical studies on angelic roles within the Kingdom of God.

Turfrey, Lucille L.. VIEWPOINTS. NATURE’S PARABLES ON THE BIBLICAL PERSPECTIVE. Melbourne, Australia: The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2016, 130 pp.

The book was a collection of devotional stories, prayer points and points to ponder from parable in nature. Each were connected with a photograph or other art work.

Volz, Dawn. SAVED! THE SALVOS’ GUIDE TO THE GOOD LIFE. 850 TIPS TO ENRICH YOUR WORLD. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2010, 272 pp.

The 42 short chapters outlined lifestyle tips including, children, home, pets, laundry, holidays and many more.

SECTION IV – MUSIC AND MUSICAL GROUPS Taylor, Gordon. COMPANION TO THE SONG BOOK OF THE SALVATION ARMY. London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1989, 460 pp.

The book gave brief information on the history of the songs contained in the 1986 edition of The song book of The Salvation Army.

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SECTION V – SALVATIONIST BIOGRAPHY Catherine Booth (The Army Mother) Volz, Dawn (author) and Green, Chris (illustrator). THE STORY OF WILLIAM AND CATHERINE BOOTH – WILL & KATE. Maryborough, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2015, 32 pp.

The illustrated book was written for children to introduce them to the lives of William and Catherine Booth.

William Booth Trowles, Tony. TREASURES OF WESTMINSTER ABBEY. London, UK: Scala Arts & Heritage Publishers Ltd., 2008, 2010, 2016, 176 pp.

The history of Westminster Abbey and information of the graves and monuments were all outlined in the book. Page 119 included information on the marble monument to William Booth.

Turpin, John, and Knight, Derrick. THE MAGNIFICENT SEVEN. LONDON’S FIRST LANDSCAPED CEMETERIES. Stroud, UK: Amberley Publishing, 2011, 2016, 159 pp.

Covering the history of the sites, famous burials and grave designs, the book focused on the seven park cemeteries of London, UK. The section on Abney Park Cemetery included information on William Booth’s grave and a photograph of the headstone (pages 89, 96).

Volz, Dawn (author) and Green, Chris (illustrator). THE STORY OF WILLIAM AND CATHERINE BOOTH – WILL & KATE. Maryborough, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2015, 32 pp.

See the entry for Catherine Booth Eva Burrows Voltz, Dawn, and Davies, Mal (eds.). THE PEOPLE’S GENERAL. A TRIBUTE TO GENERAL EVA BURROWS. Melbourne, Australia: Salvos Publishing, The Salvation Army, Australia Southern Territory, 2013, 156 pp.

The book gave information on the life and ministry of Burrows and contained many photographs of her service throughout the world.

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Frederick Coutts Thomlinson, Ronald. A VERY PRIVATE GENERAL, A BIOGRAPHY OF GENERAL FREDERICK COUTTS CBE HON DD (ABERDEEN). London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1990, 106 pp.

The in-depth biography unpacked the life and ministry of Coutts over 11 chapters. The appendix included a list of Coutts’ published works as well as family and official photographs.

Ephraim Zulu Usher, John Tudor. OF ZULU ROYALTY. THE STORY OF LIEUT-COLONEL EPHRAIM ZULU. South Africa: The Salvation Army, Southern Africa Territory, 1989, 46 pp.

The booklet outlined the life and ministry of Zulu from working in the fields to becoming an officer of The Salvation Army, mainly set in southern Africa.

SECTION VI – AUTOBIOGRAPHIES AND MEMOIRS Todd, Donna (ed.). MY CALLING, STORIES FROM 15 SALVATION ARMY OFFICERS AROUND THE WORLD. Sydney South, Australia: Carpenter Media, an arm of The Salvation Army Australia Eastern Territory, 2010, 106 pp.

The collection of memoirs testified to the calling each individual had to become an officer of The Salvation Army. The individual (and country) represented were; Simon Andrew (India), Nancy Azuaje (USA), Stephen Baroi (Bangladesh), Birgitte Brekke (UK), Wilson Chiwoya (Zambia), Matt Clifton (UK), Jabulani Khoza (South Africa), Dong-Jin Kim (Korea), Diana Macdonald (Pakistan), Robbin Moulds (Australia), Janet Munn (UK), Rose Nyongesa (Kenya), Elsa Oalang (Philippines), Rens Roos (the Netherlands), and Sandra Ryan (Canada).

Tyrie, Julie. A LIFE MORE THAN ORDINARY. ONE WOMAN’S TRUE STORY ABOUT LOVE, LOSS, & HOPE IN A FAITHFUL GOD. Mona Vale, Australia: Ark House Press, n.d., 157 pp.

The memoir told of the author’s experience of death and grief in her family. An encounter with an unnamed Salvationist (Garth Hentzschel pages 132 to 133), helped change the author’s perception of God’s love and care.

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SECTION VII – CREATIVE PROSE, NOVELS AND POETRY BY SALVATIONISTS Turfrey, Lucille L.. FAITH ALIVE, RHYTHMS OF SCRIPTURE. A RESOURCE FOR PERSONAL DEVOTIONS AND PUBLIC WORSHIP. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2011, 148 pp.

The book was a collection of scripture-based poems. Included was an index for the biblical reference of each poem.

Turfrey, Lucille L.. THE JESUS STORY IN SONG ST LUKE’S GOSPEL. Melbourne, Australia: Salvo Publishing, The Salvation Army Australia Southern Territory, 2007, 87 pp.

The book was a collection of scripture-based poems, songs and devotional discussions. Each were based on the book of Luke.

SECTION VIII – PLAYS, POEMS, NOVELS AND SHORT STORIES ABOUT THE SALVATION ARMY Taïa, Adbellah, SALVATION ARMY. USA: Semiotext (e) Native Agents Series, 2009, 144 pp.

Originally published by Èditions Seuil in Paris, France, under the title ĽARMÈE DU SALUT. The novel was a coming of age story of sexual discovery. The character stayed in a hostel in France run by The Salvation Army.

Thompson, E. V.. SOMEWHERE A BIRD IS SINGING. London, UK: Time Warner Paperbacks, 2000, 2002, 522 pp. First published by Little, Brown and Company, 1999.

Set in Plymouth in the 19th century, the main character assists a Captain of The Salvation Army.

BOOKS DISCOVERED OR PUBLISHED SINCE THE PREVIOUS ISSUE OF AJSAH Bennett, David Malcolm (ed.). CATHERINE BOOTH’S LETTERS TO HER PARENTS. Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2018, 2019, 375 pp. e-book on PDF the only form of publication.

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This is a transcribed copy of the letters by Catherine Mumford Booth to her parents. From both original and secondary sources the work places the letters in chronological order and is extensively footnoted to cover observations and explanation of the original letters. The work is divided into seven chapters from 1851 to 1865.

Booth, William, and Court, Stephen. ARTICLES OR WAR: A REVOLUTIONARY CATECHISM. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, The Salvation Army National Headquarters, 2017, 298 pp.

Over three parts and forty-eight sections, the book investigated the two areas of The Salvation Army Articles of War, the doctrines and declarations.

Howland, Florence. WALKING BY FAITH. Wellington, New Zealand: Florence Howland and Friends, 2005, 2007, (3rd Ed) 2009, 164 pp.

The memoir covered the life of Howland growing up in a Salvation Army family before working at the Kensal Medical and Gospel Mission, London, UK. After surviving the blitz, she emigrated to New Zealand, becoming the superintendent of the Arohata Borstal (now Arohata Women’s Prison).

Hutson, Don, and Hutson, Joan. SET FREE. ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF SALVATION ARMY ADDICTION TREATMENT IN NEW ZEALAND 1907 – 2006. Wellington, New Zealand: Flag Publications, The Salvation Army, New Zealand, Fiji and Tonga Territory, 2013, 171 pp.

The book told the history of The Salvation Army’s mission to people with addiction in New Zealand. Photographs and personal accounts were included.

Lever, Geoff. THE AUSTRALIAN ARMY – A BRIEF HISTORY (4th Ed.). Canberra, Australia: Big Sky Publishing for the Australian Army History Unit, 2011, 96 pp. M. Austin, (1st Ed.) 1987, Army Public Affairs, (2nd Ed.) 1993, D. Chin, (3rd Ed.) 2000.

A chronological history of the Australia military army was given, divided into five parts which outlined regional and international conflicts. A photo of a Salvation Army hut providing coffee to Australian troops in New Guinea was included (page 47).

Lingard, Beryl. THE LODGE, STANMORE. A VARIED HISTORY. Sydney South, Australia: Carpenter Media, The Salvation Army, 2018, 94 pp.

The book gave a chronological history of The Salvation Army property in Sydney. These developments included a children’s home, girl’s industrial home, student’s hostel, and training facility. Photographs of the property, a list of the property developments and the managers of the property were all included.

McGonigle, Herbert Boyd. GENERAL WILLIAM BOOTH. United Kingdom: Moorleys Print & Publishing Ltd., 2016, 104 pp.

The biography of the Founder was unpacked in one large section of the book. Information was referenced from both past and contemporary biographies of Booth, including; Harold Begbie, Janet and Geoff Benge, David Malcolm Bennett, Minnie Carpenter, Richard Collier, St. John Ervine, Roger J. Green, and George Scott Railton. There were also a few references from Booth’s own works, especially the final ten chapters, where letters from Booth were included on the subject of holiness. The final section included a small sample of the Booth letters, these were taken from the work of Cathy Le Feuvre.

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Needham, Phil. CHRIST AT THE DOOR: BIBLICAL KEYS TO OUR SALVATIONIST FUTURE. A RESOURCE FOR HELPING SALVATIONISTS REVITALIZE THEMSELVES & THEIR CORPS. Alexandria, USA: Crest Books, The Salvation Army National Headquarters, 2018, 252 pp.

The book used 12 chapters in three themes; “the journey”, “the community”, and “the mission”, to unpack, through the use of scripture, ways to revitalize the spiritual life of the Salvationist and their corps. Each chapter also included questions for both the individual and the corps to consider.

Reeves, Hayley Jean. COMMISSIONERS CHARLES & MAY DUNCAN, THEIR LIVES, THEIR LEGACY. Australia: Hayley Jean Reeves, 2018, 232 pp.

The compilation of reports from newspapers and articles from The war cry were used to give evidence of the ministry of Charles and May Duncan, leading officers of The Salvation Army.

The items covered their ministry in Australia, New Zealand, South America, United Kingdom and included some photographs of the couple and their family.

Reynaud, Daniel. ANZAC SPIRITUALITY, THE FIRST AIF SOLDIERS SPEAK. Kew, Australia: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2019, 370 pp.

From the analyses of personal diaries, enlistment records and other sources, the spirituality of the Anzacs of World War One was outlined. Written as stand-alone chapters the book investigated the nature of religious feeling and thought. Salvationists stories were included throughout the work.

Sampson, Kingsley (ed.) with Hill, Harold, Lascelles, Phil, and Mellsop, Garry. UNDER TWO FLAGS. THE NEW ZEALAND SALVATION ARMY’S RESPONSE TO THE FIRST The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 58

WORLD WAR. Wellington, New Zealand: Flag Publications, The Salvation Army, New Zealand, Fiji, Tonga and Samoa Territory, & The Salvation Army Heritage Centre & Archives, 2018, 388 pp.

The book was a collection of studies on topics relating to The Salvation Army in New Zealand and the context of World War One. Each chapter investigated topics which led the reader from the march to war through the Army’s involvement in ministering to the troops and the home front to the war’s impact on the Army. Photographs, drawings, letters and maps were included to support the text along with appendix that listed enlisted Salvationists, and information about the authors. A number of chapters had been introduced to the public through The war cry, The officer or put through a peer review process by submission to The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, The volunteers: The journal of the New Zealand military history society as well as book chapters.

Satterlee, Allen. JOY REVEALED, A DEVOTIONAL STUDY IN PHILIPPIANS. THIRTY DAYS OF DEEPER DEVOTION. Indiana, USA: Wesleyan Publishing House and Crest Books, The Salvation Army National Corporation, 2017, 175 pp.

The devotional book covered the theme of joy that is found in having a Christ-like mind. The themes outlined are those found in the book of Philippians.

Satterlee, Allen. THE KINGDOM REVEALED, A DEVOTIONAL STUDY ON THE SERMON ON THE MOUNT. THIRTY DAYS OF DEEPER DEVOTION. Indiana, USA: Wesleyan Publishing House and Crest Books, The Salvation Army National Corporation, 2018, 192 pp.

The devotional book covered the themes outlined in Christ’s sermon on the mount. The book of Matthew was used as the bases of the discussion.

Southwell, Ian. LASTING TREASURE. THE STORY OF GEORGE AND JENNIE LONNIE. Bloomington, USA: Balboa Press, 2019, 121 pp.

The biography covered the life and ministry of George and Jennie Lonnie, Salvation Army officers. They saw service in Western Australia, South Australia, Victoria, New South Wales and Queensland, as well as New Zealand.

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BOOK REVIEW THE LIFE OF A BUILDING ‘THE LODGE’ – STANMORE Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel Beryl Lingard, The Lodge, Stanmore. A varied history, (Sydney South, Australia: Carpenter Media, 2018), 94 pp. ISBN. 978 0 9807410 4 91

Cover of Lingard’s book The Lodge, Stanmore. A varied history

Winston Churchill stated, “We shape our buildings, and afterwards our buildings shape us.”2 The history of place and psychogeography is becoming more important in our understanding of who we are, and where we belong. Therefore, this is a timely publication in the records of Salvation Army history.

There are numerous histories of the Army as a whole, biographical studies and corps anniversary booklets, but these usually focus on people or programs run by the Army around the world, in a country, or region. Most histories just describe the Army and makes one think creation occurred when the Army began. Very few encapsulate the movement within its historical, social, and cultural environments. Fewer still link Army history to its built environments.3 Lingard’s book does more than just list the officers appointed to ‘The Lodge’, it placed the Army’s work in an historical building, investigating the cultural context and social trends.

The book was set out in short, easy to read chapters on both a chronological and thematical structure. There were beautiful photographs which displayed elements in the building, the structure and the usage.

Reference citation of this review: Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book review, The life of a building, ‘The Lodge”, Stanmore”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 60 – 61.

1 The book is available from the trade, Sydney at thetrade.salvos.org.au/catalogue/product/the-lodge-stanmore/.

2 Winston Churchill, (houses of parliament London, 28 October 1943), cited in Rebecca L. Henn and Andrew J. Hoffman, Constructing green, The social structures of sustainability, (London, UK: MIT Press, 2013), 1.

3 Only two books come to mind that look at the history of the building(s) occupied by The Salvation Army. Timothy Bradley and Jonathan Butler, From temples to Thames Street – 2000 years of riverside development. Archaeological excavations at The Salvation Army International Headquarters, (UK: Pre-Construct Archaeology Limited, 2008).; Ray Oakley, To the glory of God, A history of the development of The Salvation Army in the British Isles as expressed, illustrated and symbolised through its buildings and some paintings, (Leamington Spa, Warwickshire, 2011).

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Lingard commenced with prehistorical discussions and the architectural history of the building.

The development of the property was continued throughout the book, allowing the reader to ‘read’ the history of the building.

European history of the area and the site unpacked the economic and social history of that part of Sydney. This mapped, to some extent, the urbanisation of the area. The discussion led to the purchase of the building and land by The Salvation Army. As well as listing the process of change, from residence to social institution, Lingard gave a glimpse of human interaction and characteristics of some officers.

Social changes post-World War Two were linked with The Salvation Army’s changing use of the building. Famous Salvationists who visited or lived in the property were included, with the likes of General George Carpenter and his family living in the top floor for a time. Links to local corps were also outlined, as well as the spiritual impact the building and its programs had on its residence.

The change from social services to training of Salvation Army officers and personnel was also mapped. This section outlined the changes in the Army’s development of education and training. It covered some of the courses offered and training that took place.

Not listed, but of note to those interested in the development of Salvation Army research and written history, is that meetings of the ‘Keeping it Alive, South Pacific History Project’, and editorial and planning meetings that led to the publication of the Hallelujah magazine were held in this building.4 Salvation Army historians, researchers and writers from New Zealand and throughout Australia met here to discuss and edit many of the issues. From these meetings, connections were made that would eventually see the rise of The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History.

The book would be of interest to those who desire to learn more about the history and development of Sydney suburbs, Salvation Army social services history, history and use of architecture, the educational development of Australia and the Army, as well as any person who has lived, stayed or studied at the property. Indeed, Lingard’s work is “a varied history” and shows how the building has shaped the lives of many, it is well worth the read.

4

David Woodbury (ed.), Hallelujah magazine, (Australia, Vol. 1, Iss. 1 Spring 2007 to Vol. 3, Iss. 4, June 2011).

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BOOK REVIEW ANOTHER BIOGRAPHY OF WILLIAM BOOTH Reviewed by Garth R. Hentzschel Herbert Boyd McGonigle, General William Booth, (Ilkeston, UK: Moorleys Print & Publishing Ltd, 2016), 104 pp. ISBN. 978 0 86071 719 51

Cover of McGonigle’s book, General William Booth

Too often book reviews are just brushed over as some type of extended advertisement, yet they are a very important resource for researchers and others interested in the topic under review. Brundage stated, “[b]ook reviews play a vitally important role in the evaluation and analysis of historical works.

They are part of the elaborate apparatus by which new views are subjected to close critical scrutiny – in history as in other disciplines.”2 Thus, the review of the book General William Booth.

McGonigle was a lecturer and Principal at Nazarene Theological College, Manchester and now Principal Emeritus. He is author of over 20 books on Methodist theology and of important personalities in the movement, including William Cooke, John and Charles Wesley, Adam Clarke and Gideon Ouseley. There is therefore no surprise that McGonigle turned his attention to William Booth.

This biography was, in the words of Roddie in the foreword to the book, a “brief introduction”3 of William Booth, being a 65 paged chapterless narrative.

Reference citation of this paper Garth R. Hentzschel, “Book review, Another biography of William Booth”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 62 – 64.

1 The book is available from the publisher at https://www.moorleys.co.uk/product/general-william-booth-by-revd-drherbert-boyd-mcgonigle/.

2 Anthony Brundage, Going to the sources: A guide to historical research and writing (6 th Ed.), (Hoboken, USA: Wiley Blackwell, 2018), 25.

3 Rev. Robin Roddie in, Herbert Boyd McGonigle, General William Booth, (Ilkeston, UK: Moorleys Print & Publishing Ltd, 2016), i.

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The book was written in contemporary language and used the work of some up to date biographers of Booth.4 Some long-standing biographical works on Booth were also used, which to some degree inhibited the book from engaging in current discussions on Booth’s life and ministry.5 The usual milestones of young Booth’s life were unpacked with information on the social context of the time. McGonigle emphasised the importance of Methodism and its followers on Booth’s life and later the longevity of Booth’s mission. The traditional events of William meeting Catherine, the beginning of his preaching and his early ministry were outlined. Some discussion was given to the Booths’ stand on female ministry and that “Catherine bore eight children”.6 There is a slight error in the text. McGonigle stated, “Roger Green, With Booth in London describes”.7 However, Green did not author this book. There is however some connection, the quotation of Green used by McGonigle had come from Cyril Barnes, With Booth in London.8 While the intext reference was incorrect, the footnote was correct in attributing the quotation to Roger Green, The life & ministry of William Booth. Some reference styles would have stated ‘Barnes, With Booth in London cited in Green, etc.’

McGonigle described the commencement of The Christian Mission and the development of the leadership structure. However, the book appeared to place Booth’s “I have found my destiny” in 1870, not 1865 as other researchers.9 Much of the development phase in the book was copied verbatim from Booth’s, How to reach the masses with the gospel. While this allowed for the authentic voice from the past, there was no analyses of the events.

Only a brief mention was given to the world wide expansion of the Army, while a larger description was given to the ‘Darkest England’ scheme. A refreshing point is that McGonigle included the separation from the Army of some of Booth’s children and laid the blame on William as well as Bramwell and Eva Booth.

Connections between William Booth and people of influence were also outlined. Examples of these were Frank Crossley, King Edward VII, and Queen Alexandra.

Booth’s final evangelical motor tours and illness were covered along with some information about his Promotion to Glory, which was again linked back to Methodism.

The remainder of the book comprised of two sections from the writings of Booth.

Firstly, there were 10 short chapters of Booth’s letters to Salvationists on the topic of holiness (pages 64 – 92). Although not referenced in text, these came from Booth’s Purity of Heart.10 Booth’s use of Wesley’s and other’s songs were referenced in text by McGonigle. Booth’s letters were not copied verbatim as sections of the original text were not included. As there is no reference or analyses of the text, there was no indication as to what was removed or why.11 Secondly, “love letters” between William and Catherine were included in a final section of the book (pages 93 – 100). The letters were used to retell the biography and while it gave insight into the relationship and writings of William and Catherine, the letters in this section could have been used in the main biography, with the other letters, for a more in-depth study. These letters were sourced from 4

Contemporary biographers included; Bennett and Green.

These included, Begbie, Carpenter, Collier, Ervine and Railton.

6 McGonigle, General William Booth, 19.

7 McGonigle, General William Booth, 27.

8 Cyril Barnes, With Booth in London. A London guide, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 1986), 21 – 22.

9 McGonigle, General William Booth, 28 – 29.; David Malcolm Bennett, The general: William Booth, Volume 1 – The evangelist, (USA: Xulon Press, 2003), 355.

10 William Booth, Purity of heart, (London, UK: The Salvation Army, 1902).

11 See for example the difference in text between Booth, Purity of heart, 5 – 14, and McGonigle, General William Booth, 64 – 65.

5

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the work of Le Feuvre,12 rather than the original sources or Bennett’s more expansive work on the letters of the Booths.13 Although current debates are not discussed, and much has been copied from historic and contemporary published works, McGonigle’s book still has a place. As shorter non-novel style of biographies of William Booth are now out of print, this book would be a good resource for an introduction to his life and ministry. Salvation Army corps and social centres would be wise to have such a volume on hand for people who ask “Who was General Booth?” or “What is The Salvation Army?” Not only does it introduce Booth to readers, it also introduces them to some of his writings.

It firmly plants the Army in the Wesleyan tradition and within the holiness movement. For these reasons, McGonigle’s book would be a great place to start in learning of the history of the Army or a refresher on the life and ministry of its founder, General William Booth.

Cathy Le Feuvre, William and Catherine – The love story of the founders of The Salvation Army, Told through their letters, (Oxford, UK: Lion Hudson, 2013).

13 David Malcolm Bennett (ed.), The letters of William and Catherine Booth (Founders of The Salvation Army) – Extracted from the Booth papers in the British Library and other sources, (Brisbane, Australia: Camp Hill Publications, 2003).

12

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BOOK REVIEW THEY STILL SPEAK, EVEN THOUGH THEY ARE DEAD Reviewed by Kevin Hentzschel Daniel Reynaud, Anzac spirituality, The first AIF soldiers speak, (Kew, Australia: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2019), 370 pp. ISBN. 978-1-925588-75-01

Cover of Reynaud’s book, Anzac spirituality

In the context/introduction the reader is introduced to numerous personnel and situations, which lay the foundation of the book. Although it gives the reader a comprehensive over view of what lies ahead, it could be read as a standalone piece of literature. The remaining Themes/Chapters of the book are also written and compiled in such a way that they too could be read as standalone items. In this way each of the themes covered through the book could be read consecutively or in any order, really depending on what wets the reader’s appetite or interest.

The book comes from deep research into primary sources from the AIF who served in World War One. The hours of research and knowledge of sources is evident throughout the book.

In summation of the entire book, Reynaud stated, “Australian society has made the legacy of ANZAC into a Spiritual core of what it means to be Australian, but ironically has done so without really examining the spiritual core of men and women of the AIF themselves”.2 This is a view which I have held throughout my many years in the Royal Australian Air Force and of spiritual leadership in The Salvation Army – we cannot and should not judge any other person’s walk or attitude toward spiritual matters until we first know them. Too easily do we divide the secular and spiritual, or see non-religious language as being spiritually void.

Even though the book relates to many serving in the AIF, because of the title, Anzac spirituality you would expect the prominent writings would be regarding Christian experiences of those Reference citation of this review: Kevin Hentzschel, “Book review, They still speak, even though they are dead”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 65 – 66.

1 The book is available from the publisher through email at aspic@ozemail.com.au, by phone (03) 9329 6963 or by fax (03) 9329 5452, or through Amazon and other online book suppliers.

2 Daniel Reynaud, Anzac spirituality, The first AIF soldiers speak, (Kew, Australia: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2019), 305.

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mentioned. While this is recorded to a large extent, the description of non-Christians or pseudo Christians are covered and brings a smile to your face, especially in regards to their actions and reactions to specific cases – for example, enforced Church Parades.

The book showed that Christians on both sides of the conflict, the Allies and Central Powers, met numerous times while burying the dead in no man’s land, even praying together.

I guess it’s the Australian way, obviously both in civilian life and military or service life, to always be drawn to and admire the larrikin. Our culture is especially drawn to that characteristic found in so many of our forebeares. Such a character is clear in many instances throughout this book.

Although, as suggested by the title and time frame being World War One, we find a great emphasis in and around the AIF in Gallipoli, with mention of other theatres. I feel it could be written around any conflict, even to the so-called ‘peace keeping’ and ‘Police actions’ that our military personnel are involved in. Stories connected with the phrases, no man’s land, or church parade, I feel could be in any time or area. For example, the stories of changing Religion to avoid Church parade were still occurring whilst I was a serving member of the R.A.A.F. in the late 60’s early 70’s. You went for the Chaplain who spoke the shortest and was most down to earth (but still expected to learn something).

My most favourite parts of the book were the glimpses into the personal diaries. Today there are few times one sees writings like these, straight, frank, and to the point. Poems are included and in some, a touch of what could be seen as black humour. I’m sure this was needed at times to cover some of the deep feeling and hide some incidents from folk at home. This was the war with trench warfare, wide use of poison gas, introduction of machine guns and tanks and before the understanding of Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD). It would not have been easy to explain the trauma seen, let alone how such related to an individual’s spiritual experience at home. Yet there are also, in many diary entries, links between what the service personnel felt and experiences re-surfacing from childhood, including teachings and faith.

I am sure there are a large number of serving, ex-serving, religious leaders and even should I say civilian personnel who would have memories jogged, questions answered, and questions raised with the reading of Anzac spirituality.

Although I read it consecutively, I feel it may be of even greater interest to go through theme by theme.

To Daniel Reynaud, I would have to say a great thank you for your research and compiling the book Anzac spirituality – The first AIF soldiers speak.

AND ARE STILL SPEAKING TO US THROUGH YOUR WRITINGS.

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֍ NEW RESOURCE ֍ The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre & The Salvation Army UK Territory with the Republic of Ireland announces a new webpage

“THE CHRISTIAN MISSION” The page houses historic publications The Report of the East London Christian Mission (1867) The East London Evangelist (1868 – 1869) The Christian Mission Magazine (1878)

Web address https://www.salvationarmy.org.uk/history-christian-mission

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RESOURCES Important Writings of William and Catherine Booth in e-format These four collections of letters and other items have now been produced in e-format as four PDFs and can be purchased individually or collectively. The PDFs are word searchable and contain the transcriptions and explanatory notes by Dr. David Malcolm Bennett

“THE LETTERS OF WILLIAM AND CATHERINE BOOTH” 350 pages, PDF AUD$15.00

“THE DIARY OF CATHERINE BOOTH” 46 pages, PDF AUD$5.00 “THE REMINISCENCES OF CATHERINE BOOTH” 105 pages, PDF AUD$10.00 “CATHERINE BOOTH’S LETTERS TO HER PARENTS” 374 pages, PDF AUD$10.00 To purchase these items please contact David Bennett at bndv@primusonline.com.au NB If you order all four the price is AUD$35.00 Please pay by PayPal to bndv@primusonline.com.au Or by cheque to David Bennett, 16/20 Preston Road, Carina, 4152, Queensland, AUSTRALIA. All prices are in Australian Dollars.

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THEY TOOK UP THEIR CROSS NO. 2 A DEVOTED HARDSHIP, TO HUMBLE TRIUMPH GEORGE HERBERT (BERT) KNOWLES

By Major Heather Drew “insight into God’s goodness to a man who loved God”

Robert Marshall “true witness to faith in God and to His glory”

Major Bob Broadbere

AU$5.00 + postage To purchase, contact AJSAHistory@gmail.com The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 69

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NEW BOOK

Anzac Spirituality The First AIF Soldiers Speak

By Professor Daniel Reynaud Published by Australian Scholarly Publishing

Author of

The Man the ANZACS Revered, William “Fighting Mac” McKenzie ANZAC Chaplain … This study explores the Anzacs’ spiritual beliefs and experiences largely through their own words, taken from the diaries and letters of over 1,000 soldiers of the First AIF. Far from being indifferent to spiritual matters, their writings reveal an interest in matters of the soul more widespread than previously imagined, with significant numbers demonstrating a deep engagement with God, religion and the human spirit. In the pages of this book, we can hear the voices of the original Anzacs speaking directly to us on institutional religion, personal beliefs and spiritual practices, and on morality and ethics that go to the core of our humanity as spiritual beings.

Available from the publishers via email aspic@ozemail.com.au phone (03) 9329 6963 or by fax (03) 9329 5452, Also available through Amazon and other online book suppliers

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BOOK

NEW WILLIAM BOOTH BIOGRAPHY ROLLS OFF PRESS On 23 July 2019 International Headquarters of The Salvation Army announced the publication of a new twovolume biography of William Booth. The book was written

by Gordon Taylor and published by Salvation Books.

Author Gordon Taylor with IHQ Literary Secretary Paul Mortlock

The volumes, in excess of 1,000 pages of text and photographs, is a result of almost 10 years research. Gordon Taylor is a Salvationist, was a staff member at The Salvation Army’s International Heritage Centre, London and contributor to AJSAH.

Through meticulous research, Taylor paints a picture of the life and work of William Booth. Where possible, the author lets Booth speak for himself, through his public addresses, letters, diaries and his personal writings, as well as reflecting what some of his critics were saying and how he responded to the criticism. Drawing on parish and church records and newspaper reports, the volumes give a sense of immediacy and vitality.

Available from SP&S instore or online www.sps-shop.com and from other Salvation Army book suppliers

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– ANNOUNCING –

Conversations with WILLIAM BOOTH A series of imagined interviews A new book by

R. G. Moyles Author of over 14 Salvation Army history related books

Amazon ebook C$5.99 Bound copy C$15.00 William Booth, Founder of The Salvation Army, was a fascinating personality – a powerful preacher, brilliant social reformer, a world traveller, yet somewhat eccentric and, some say, often domineering.

Imagine what a thrill it would be to sit and converse with this great man: to ask him questions about his religious calling, his mission, his philosophy of life, his thoughts on the future of the Army. In this book that is exactly what R. G. Moyles does: by adopting a convenient persona, he travels back to 1906, persuades the General to engage in a series of frank interviews, and asks him the kind of questions he believes most Salvationists would have asked. Booth’s answers are, as one might expect, both entertaining and enlightening.

The book is available as an Amazon ebook @ C$5.99 or bound copies may be purchased by contacting agmoyles@shaw.ca @ C$15.00 plus shipping.

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SPECIAL OFFER FOR READERS OF AJSAH

THE DEVIL’S ARMY A NOVEL BY

Commissioner Frederick St.George de Lautour BOOTH-TUCKER INTRODUCTION, FOOTNOTES AND ILLUSTRATIONS BY

Garth R. Hentzschel The year 1895, The Devil’s Army is up to its usual tricks, war and vice forced upon humanity BUT Their greatest battle is against God’s Army, The Salvation Amy This novel is a “marriage between J. K. Rowling’s Harry Potter and C. S. Lewis’ The Screwtape Letters in the ancient cathedral of Charles Dickens”. It is a reprint of original writings of Commissioner Booth-Tucker that appeared in The officer magazine. It gives an interesting presentation of Spiritual Warfare of the early Salvation Army. The novel is extensively footnoted to explain events or places to aid the reader realize elements of the original text. It also includes notes on The Salvation Navy, pamphlets on holiness and line drawings.

Usual price AU$20.00 for readers of AJSAH only $15.00 plus postage To order, email AJSAHistory@gmail.com

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 74

A LIFE SAVING SCOUT ASKS, “SAY, HAVE YOU DONE YOUR GOOD TURN FOR TO-DAY? WHY NOT TRY TO SECURE AT LEAST ONE NEW REGULAR READER OF THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY?” Illustration from The life-saving scout and guard, (London, March 1929), 37.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 75

You are invited to Salvation Army History Symposium Theme - History: a record of specific grand moments or a collection of everyday stories?

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24 – 26 July 2020

Maroochydore Corps, Sunshine Coast, Queensland, Australia

THE SALVATION ARMY HISTORY SYMPOSIUM CALL FOR PAPERS & PRESENTATIONS The Salvation Army Historical Society - Brisbane Chapter & The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History

– History: a record of specific grand moments or a collection of everyday stories? – DATE: 24 to 26 July 2020 TIME: Friday 7:00 – 9:00 pm; Saturday 9:00am-9:00pm, Sunday 9:00am-1:00pm LOCATION: The Salvation Army, Maroochydore Corps, Cnr Broadmeadow & Maroochydore Road, QLD SUBMISSION OF PAPERS DUE: Please have all abstracts or outline of papers/presentation to Garth Hentzschel AJSAHistory@gmail.com by 30 May, 2020

The Salvation Army Historical Symposium is a gathering of people interested in history and elements of Salvation Army tradition. It seeks to foster a dialogue on all areas of history and development of The Salvation Army. Papers and presentation are encouraged to be presented on any areas of the Army or around the theme:

History: a record of specific grand moments or a collection of everyday stories?

The theme is inspired by a bronze statue on Brisbane’s South Bank by Michael Parekowhai, a New Zealander. The statue “The world turns” depicts a Kuril and an Elephant and “reminds us that history is often recorded to highlight specific moments, but, as the world turns, there are many other stories – and these are central to our understanding of history”. Through the investigation of the symposium’s theme, how, or in what ways could the study of specific grand moments and/or everyday stories help The Salvation Army “to place itself in relation to its own past, its present opportunities and its future prospects.”1 This fourth symposium, again run by The Salvation Army Historical Society, Brisbane Chapter and The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History seeks to increase the knowledge and promote the interest of Army history and understanding of its development.

Papers or presentations can be; a traditional verbal reading of a paper, a poster presentation, a multimedia presentation, a paper to raise questions, a research paper, a historical narrative or biography. The paper or presentation can include areas covering the history and development of The Salvation Army, including, but not limited to: Aged Care, Biographies of individual Salvationists and employees, Buildings and Architecture, The Booth family, Brass Banding, Corps history, Education of Salvationists, Education organised by Salvationists, Emergency relief and management, Fashion of uniform - design and meaning, Gender and Cultural Diversity, Genealogical studies, Health work and ministry, Holiness Movement, Human Rights, Hymnology, Internationalism, Leadership styles, Methodist and Salvationist theology development, Orders and Regulations and policy development, Religion Studies, Literature Studies, Signs and Symbols meaning, Social justice and The Salvation Army, Social Work, Social Welfare, Social Impact, Urban ministry, Unemployed and Vulnerable people, Welfare State, Young Peoples’ Ministry.

Each presentation should be 30mins with 5mins for questions.

Papers presented at the Symposium will be submitted to The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History for publication.

Interested people are encouraged to submit an abstract of a paper or outline of a presentation to Garth Hentzschel via e-mail at AJSAHistory@gmail.com by 30 May 2020.

Blessings,

GRHentzschel Garth R. Hentzschel BEd, BAdminLead, MEd. President, The Salvation Army Eastern Territory Historical Society – Brisbane Chapter Executive Editor, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History

1

Coutts, In Good Company, 71.

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THE SALVATION ARMY HISTORY SYMPOSIUM REGISTRATION FORM The Salvation Army Historical Society – Brisbane Chapter & The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History – History: a record of specific grand moments or a collection of everyday stories? – DATE: 24 to 26 July 2020 TIME: Friday 7:00 – 9:00 pm; Saturday 9:00am-9:00pm, Sunday 9:00am-1:00pm LOCATION: The Salvation Army, Maroochydore Corps, Cnr Broadmeadow & Maroochydore Road, QLD ACCOMMODATION: Please note that this is at the delegates’ own arrangement REGISTATION DUE: Please have all registration forms returned to Garth Hentzschel AJSAHistory@gmail.com by 7 July, 2020 Contact Details □ Mr □ Miss □ Ms □ Mrs □ Dr □ Lt. □ Capt. □ Maj. Last Name Corps/Centre or other organisation Position

Other (please specify) First Name

Address Suburb/Town State

Postcode

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(

)

Mobile

Email How did you find out about the symposium

□ Received information via email □ Via internet □ Others – please specify

□ Through Corps/Divisional Newsletter □ Via AJSAH

SYMPOSIUM REGISTRATION There is no registration fee but a donation will be greatly received.

Registration type Please tick the correct expected attendance

Full Registration – □ Friday evening to Sunday full day Friday evening only □ Saturday full day only □ Sunday full day only □ Please note all accommodation and meals are the responsibility of the delegates – there will be a request of a donation towards Friday Supper, as well as Saturday and Sunday Morning and Afternoon Tea Paper presentation

□ I will not be presenting a paper/presentation □ I will be presenting a paper/presentation (Please complete the points in the right-hand column)

□ I have sent the abstract and bioinformation □ I have sent the paper/presentation for review □ I have rehearsed the paper/presentation to 30min □ I have prepared a powerpoint or other visual aid □ I am prepared for a 5min questions time

Welcome and registration The registration will take place upon entry into the Maroochydore Salvation Army hall and the welcome will take place at 7:30pm on Friday 25 July 2020.

Accommodation Although a list of accommodation is available, The Salvation Army Historical Society – Brisbane Chapter & The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History takes no responsibility for cost, conditions, damages or losses in booking or staying at the venues.

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Catering Morning and afternoon tea will be provided at the Symposium. Dinner on Friday as well as Breakfast, Lunch and Dinner on Saturday and Sunday is not provided at The Salvation Army Heritage Symposium. Delegates will need to purchase their lunch from the catering outlets away from the hall or bring their own food.

Terms & Conditions COMMUNICATION Please send registration forms and direct all communication to Garth Hentzschel, email AJSAHistory@gmail.com or telephone Major Glenda Hentzschel 040 9999 564 REGISTRATION CONDITIONS Cancellation Statement: If you are presenting a paper and wish to cancel, please contact Garth Hentzschel by 1 July, 2020.

Transfer of registration: Transfer of your registration to another person is acceptable. The full name and details of the person who will replace you must be advised in writing to Garth Hentzschel prior to the Symposium.

Privacy Statement The Salvation Army Heritage Symposium is bound by and committed to supporting the National Privacy Principles (NPPs) set out in the Privacy Amendment (Private Sector) Act 2000.

USE OF PERSONAL INFORMATION The Symposium will collect and store information you provide in this Registration Form for the purposes of enabling us to: register your attendance at the Symposium; assist with administrative and planning purposes; plan and develop Symposium and other Salvation Army History events in the future; facilitate your requirements in relation to the Symposium; and allow the compilation and analysis of statistics relevant to the Symposium.

The information that you provide in the Registration Form and information provided at any other time during the Symposium, including without limitation any feedback obtained during the Symposium, will be used by The Salvation Army Historical Society – Brisbane Chapter & The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History to offer, provide and continue to improve its meetings, gatherings, publications and other services.

DISCLOSURE OF PERSONAL INFORMATION TO THIRD PARTIES The Symposium may disclose some of the information that is collected in the Registration Form such as your name, organisation and its location and your email address to Symposium sponsors and exhibitors for marketing purposes. As The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History is cosponsor and will publish the papers, information (including photographs) about the presenters and participants may be published in articles about the Symposium. The Symposium will not otherwise, without your consent, use or disclose your personal information for any purpose unless it would reasonably be expected that such purpose is related to the offer, provision and improvement of the Symposium or where such purpose is permitted or required by law.

Registrants may withhold consent for disclosure of their contact details to sponsors or exhibitors by notifying the Symposium Office in writing.

□ I have read and understood the terms & conditions.

Signature: ______________________________________________

Please return the Registration Form to Garth Hentzschel AJSAHistory@gmail.com or The Salvation Army Eastern Territory Historical Society – Brisbane Chapter, PO Box 998, Mt Gravatt Qld 4122

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 79

Variations of the cover for Salvation lassie of mine.1 1

Courtesy of Garth R. Hentzschel’s private collection.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 80

POP MUSIC AND MAPPING A SALVATIONIST IDENTITY IN THE PUBLIC ARENA Garth R. Hentzschel Abstract As with other art forms, popular music falls into the argument connected to the development of culture when interacting with the public arena. Some argue it imitates life, while others that it is the subject from which culture derives. The Salvation Army has been represented in numerous theatre, pop, subculture and social networking songs. Through an historical review of these, an understanding of a public identity of Salvationists can be established.

This paper will use a chronology of the Army’s representation in popular songs to map a changing Salvationist identity in the public arena. It will show the changing acceptance of the Army’s place in culture, as well as outline misconceptions of Christian terms and motivation. It can be used to assist individuals to discern identities portrayed.

Introduction The Salvation Army and its pseudonyms have been represented in numerous popular songs from the 19th century to the present. Often easy to identify with its use of unique religious symbolism and methods, it has not always been portrayed as “an evangelical part of the universal Christian church”.2 The portrayal of the Army in popular secular songs is an accessible source to investigate the perception of a Salvationist identity in the public arena. Songs “communicate cultural reality in a very unique way”,3 are a “form of audio propaganda”4 and reveal “expressive statements of behaviour”, as well as expected future behaviour.5 For these reasons this medium needs to be investigated.6 Information for this paper comes from a small sample from the over 100 songs already identified. A dual approach of historical inquiry7 and sociological discourse analysis has assisted with concepts and thematic unity”8 within this body of songs. It must be noted that although only the lyrics of the Reference citation of this paper; Garth R. Hentzschel, “Pop music and mapping a Salvationist identity in the public arena,” presented at Salvation Army Scholars and Friend Session, 17 November 2018, Booth University College, as part of Annual meetings of the American Academy of Religion, 17 to 20 November 2018, Denver, USA, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 80 – 95.

2 The General of The Salvation Army, “Mission”, (London, UK: The Salvation Army International Headquarters, 2018), ¶ 1, https://www.salvationarmy.org/ihq/Mission accessed 13 November 2018.

3 Shen (2009) cited in Neil T. Millington, “Using songs effectively to teach English to young learners”, Language education in Asia, (Vol. 2, Iss. 1, 2011), 134 - 141, 136.

4 Wiseman Chijere Chirwa, “Dancing towards dictatorship: Political songs and popular culture in Malawi”, Nordic journal of African studies, (Vol. 10, No. 1, 2001), 1 – 27, 2.

5 Chirwa, “Dancing towards dictatorship”, 2.

6 This paper forms part of a much larger study into the Christian and Salvationist identity in secular media through its representation of The Salvation Army. Social media that will inform this larger study will eventually include plays, television programs as well as films.

7 Specifically, that of Butterfield, see: Herbert Butterfield and C. T. McIntire (ed.), Writings on Christianity and history, New York, USA: Oxford University Press, 1979).; Herbert Butterfield, Christianity and history, (New York, USA: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1950).; Herbert Butterfield, Man on his past. The study of the history of historical scholarship, (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1969).

8 This is specifically helpful with the identification of meaning. See for example Irina V. Trotsuk, “Textual analysis within sociological research: Terminological rather than methodological difficulties”, Вестник РУДН, серия Социология, (No. 2, 2011), 15 – 23, 18.

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songs will be the focus of this paper, it is acknowledged that other contributing factors, such as the music style, branding, release dates, singers and audiences would need to be investigated to analyse the larger historical and sociological impact of these songs on society.9 Chirwa argued the investigation of “song texts” will suffice when investigating cultural messages, so this paper will use the lyrics to focus on the identity portrayed in the songs.10 A number of questions were also formed to focus the inquiry: How is a Salvationist identity portrayed through the inclusion of The Salvation Army in popular secular song?; What does this say about cultural acceptance of a Salvationist identity?; and, What warnings or advice could such information give Salvationists? Not all of these questions will be fully answered in this paper.

An earlier study, conducted on films portraying the Army, revealed four major categories of how a Salvationist identity was portrayed over time.11 These categories were, “Ridicule”, “Redemption”, “Realism” and “Relief”.12 The study found that these four categories were on the whole, time dependent, although there were some anomalies.

This current study on songs found a similar chronology linked to the four themes, although not as pronounced. It therefore gives weight to the idea that media could be used, in part, to identify the changing acceptance, tolerance or creation of a Salvationist identity in the public arena.

The Salvation Army identity in the public arena In a recent survey on religion in Australia, the social research firm McCrindle found that “21% of Australians feel their opinions, ideas, and beliefs on Christianity are influenced and persuaded by the media outlets they consume”.13 In this way, media such as songs play an important role in shaping the Christian perception of a small but significant group of Australians. More specific to this study, an earlier survey conducted by the same firm focused on The Salvation Army in Australia. The survey found that although 81% of Australians positively supported the Army,14 the top two responses were in the areas of social relief. None of the responses were overtly Christian or singularly Christian values (see Figure 1).15 As will be shown, this is in line with the current Salvationist identity portrayed in secular popular songs.

See the discussion on the need to move from lyrics to lyricists in Simon Frith, “Why do songs have words?”, Contemporary music review, (Vol. 5, 1989), 77 – 96.

10 See Chirwa’s work on song text and political power in Malawi. Chirwa, “Dancing towards dictatorship”.

11 See Garth R. Hentzschel, “Hollywood and mapping a Christian identity in the public arena”, in M. Miner, & M. Stephens (eds.), Christian identity in the public arena. Proceedings of the conference of the Lumen Research Institute and Excelsia College, Sydney Australia, 10 August 2018, (Sydney, Australia: CHILD, October 2018), 205 – 226.

12 Crawford similarly found chronological thematical development in his study of law enforcement identity in films.

Charles Crawford, “Law enforcement and popular movies: Hollywood as a teaching tool in the classroom”, Journal of criminal justice and popular culture, (Vol. 6, No. 2, 1999), 46 – 57.

13 msnnews, “Faith and religion: What do Aussies believe in?” (Starsinsider, slide 14 of 47), https://www.msn.com/enau/news/australia/faith-and-religion-what-do-aussies-believe-in/ss-BBNWk9d?ocid=spartandhp#image=14 accessed 13 November 2018.

14 Anne Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, Pipeline, (Sydney, Vol. 20, Iss. 6, June 2016), 12 – 15, 12.

15 Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 12.

9

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Figure 1: Results from the question by McCrindle: “Which of the following words or phrases would you associate with The Salvation Army?”16

While 16% of those surveyed had some “concerns with”, or “opposed to” the Christian worldview of the Army, a larger percentage were supportive or somewhat supportive of the movement’s Christian values and ethos (see Figure 2).17 This appears to suggest that the Army’s identity in the public arena as “an evangelical part of the universal Christian church”18 is somewhat understood and accepted in the Australian context.

Figure 2: Results from the question by McCrindle: “What is your perspective towards the Christian values and ethos of The Salvation Army?”19

Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 12.

Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 13.

18 “Our mission and vision” The Salvation Army Eastern Territory website, (Sydney, The Salvation Army 2018), https://salvos.org.au/about-us/our-mission-vision/ accessed 9 August 2018.

19 Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 13.

16 17

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The survey had another question with a link to this current research, the Army’s representation in the media. While McCrindle did not ask how “opinions, ideas, and beliefs” about the Army were influenced by media, they did report on how media was perceived to represent the Army. Of those Australian’s surveyed, 89% to different degrees, agreed with the statements that the Army was positively represented in the media (See Figure 3).20 Unfortunately, McCrindle’s research did not break this information down to the different areas of media such as news, social media, songs, radio, television or movies. Nor did it unpack if this was a positive representation of the traditional Christian evangelical ministry or the social services.

Figure 3: Results from the statement by McCrindle: “The Salvation Army is positively represented in the media?”21

This leads to the first question in this research, How is a Salvationist identity portrayed through the inclusion of The Salvation Army in popular secular song?

Salvation Army identity in songs The Salvation Army, songs, and the public arena have had a very long association. From The Christian Mission days, the Army sought to present its identity in the public arena. They did this in a number of ways, firstly by practising their trade in the public arena; open-air meetings, theatres, dance halls, were all within the sphere of the public. Secondly, the use of secular tunes, that were already in the public arena, created familiar linkages to the popular culture. Third, with the singing about their identity, they instilled in the public a clear understanding of who they were and what was their mission and motivation.

20 21

Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 15.

Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 15.

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The first recorded use of a song in the public arena came from William Booth’s own diary. In 1865, he wrote; We then formed a procession and sang down the Whitechapel Road to the Room. 22 We had an efficient band of singers, and as we passed along the spacious and crowded thoroughfare, singing ‘We’re bound for the land of the pure and the holy’, the people ran from every side. From the adjacent gin palaces the drinkers came forth to see and hear; some in mockery joined our ranks; some laughed and sneered; some were angry.23

Not only did the Missioners engage the public in the public arena, they also took the tunes from the public. Although the tune Champagne Charlie, and its conversion into Bless His name has gone down in Army folklore as the first secular tune used by the Army, this was not the case.24 James Dowdle declared that the first time he met William Booth, Booth was singing O how I love Jesus to the tune of In and out the window, a parody of So early in the morning. The year was 1867, just two years after the commencement of the movement that would become the Army.25 The Army went on to use many and varied secular tunes to help their lyrics reach deeper into the public arena: traditional, folk and ballads; drinking tunes; country and western tunes; military, patriotic and national tunes; and show tunes.26 Bramwell Booth wrote of such practices The Salvation Army has gained a good deal of popular interest on account of … adapting to its own purposes, secular tunes and jingles.27

Not only did the mission use secular tunes to imbed themselves into the public arena, but they also used songs to teach the new converts and onlookers about identity. What appears to be the first music book of the Army appeared in about 1882.28 Not only did this book have songs about the history of the movement, it also contained a genre of songs, entitled ‘war songs’ which appeared to be designed to help create an identity for the Missioners who were becoming Salvationists.29 As these early songs were sung in the open-air and in the public theatres there was a clear and singular message of a Salvationist identity in the public arena. This also gave the movement a high level of control over the management of this identity.

Over time the Army has pulled back from entering the public arena with a clear definition of a purely evangelistic militant Christian Salvationist identity. With such a move it has been left to others outside the Army to portray a Salvationist identity for the public arena. This too shows what the public accepts. In turn, this portrayal could influence the beliefs that individual Salvationists and the wider Army have about its actions and identity.

The “Room”, was probably the Dancing Academy at 23 New Road, used by The Christian Mission from Sunday 3 September 1865.

23 Cited in Brindley Boon, Sing the happy song! A history of Salvation Army vocal music, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing and Supplies, 1978), 2, 115.

24 See the discussion in Garth R. Hentzschel, “Why should the devil have all the good music? The Christian use of contrafactum and parody”, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, (Brisbane, Vol. 1, No. 2, September 2016), 155 – 181.

25 Boon, Sing the happy song! 115.

26 See the discussion and examples given in Hentzschel, “Why should the devil have all the good music?”.

27 Bramwell Booth, These fifty years, (London, UK: Cassell and Company, 1929), 233.

28 See the discussion about the date of this publication in Garth R. Hentzschel, “Salvation Army ‘war songs’ and the formation of identity”, presented at The Salvation Army Historical Symposium, theme ‘History: A collection of memories or a collective myth?’ Maroochydore, Queensland, Australia, 27 – 29 July 2018, The Australasian journal of Salvation Army history, (Brisbane, Vol. 3, Iss. 2, September 2018), 133 – 152.

29 See the analyses of songs in Hentzschel, “Salvation Army ‘war songs’ and the formation of identity”.

22

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Salvation Army identity in popular secular songs This paper will now investigate how the Army has been represented in some popular songs, in the hope of revealing a Salvationist identity. It will show there has been a changing acceptance of identity in the public arena. As the Army is an international movement, songs in English depicting the Army have appeared in countries such as the United States of America, the United Kingdom, and Australia.

In some songs the Army is a major theme, while in many others it is only mentioned. For these the subtext and symbolism of its appearance needs to be deciphered through the context of the rest of the song.

It must be noted that The Salvation Army has appeared in songs under different names, as a pseudonym, sometimes giving the writer a great deal of ‘poetic license’, while others have been written in as a parody. In Happy Eliza and Converted Jane (n.d.) the Army is called the “Hallelujah band”. Saved (1968) written by Lieber & Stoller, and sung by Elvis Presley called it “that soul saving army”. The English endearing term, Good on the Sally Army (1978) was used in the song sung by Cliff Richard, Tracey Chapman in Talkn’ bout a Revolution (1988) called it the “Armies of Salvation”. Then through a misunderstanding of the name, it became for The White Stripes the Seven Nation Army (2003).

Ridicule Many of the earlier songs which included the Army came from plays, musicals and items from the music halls. These media outlets usually made fun of the Army, its methods, its leaders, and its faith.

Often, they would declare that the movement would soon vanish. Due to space, just five examples will be given.

First, in an Australian opera, Hero and leander: or, Beneath the sea (1881) a comical song was included about the Army’s open-air ministry.30 At one performance, as the actor was attempting to sing, he was out done in volume and comic relief by the real Salvation Army in the street outside the music hall.

Second, the music hall song of 1889, We drew his club money this morning, pokes fun at the Army’s use of musical instruments and tells of taking the money from dead people to spend on alcohol; Micky Rooney went and joined The Salvation Army in search of morality; He’d an illigant lump of a musical bump, So they gave him a drum to blow.

He used to practice every night In an old back-yard behind the tenement.

Till his father bursted the drum with a brick, And bursted Micky with his toe.

Chorus: We drew his club-money this morning, To the sexton we gave warning.

No more he’ll beat the drum, back again he'll never come.

And we drew his club-money this morning.31

30 31

Mr Thiodon (music), Hero and leander: or, Beneath the sea, (Sydney, anon, 1881).

Written and composed by Tom Carolan - 1889 and performed by Pat Rafferty.

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Third, based on real Salvationists, Happy Eliza and Converted Jane, ridiculed methods of evangelism and also contained some suggestive phrases. One of the Salvationists was Eliza Haynes, from Marylebone, who achieved minor celebrity status when she hired a wagon, covered it with posters and played her fiddle on top.32 Diniejko claimed that, Happy Eliza skilfully manipulated the double image of woman as sinner and saint. She provoked “rough men” by exposing her sensuality, but simultaneously she acted as a “slum saviour” trying to convert and reform them. Happy Eliza became so popular among people that certain sweets and dolls were called after her name, and satiric music hall songs.33

Verse two of Happy Eliza and Converted Jane had the lines, It’s just a year ago today since we gave up all vice, Altho’ we know it naughty was, we still think it was nice.

Verse three pokes fun at the Army’s collection plate, Although we’re often deep in thought, we don’t forget the plate, For money we can’t do without, for nice things we all crave.

The final verse and chorus stated, So come my noble brethren come, and join our noble flock It’s not as bad as you may think, for we've got right good stock Of buxom lasses young and fair, not like big chunks of wood But all are truly beautiful, and sure to make you good.

Chorus: They call me Happy Eliza and me Converted Jane We’ve been so wicked in our time, we’ll never do so again Oh will you come and join us? It’s easily understood We’re hallelujah sisters and we’re bound to do you good.34

The fourth and fifth example ridiculed the same issue, the Army’s stand against alcohol. In songs from The belle of New York (1919),35 a number of songs ridiculed the puritan behaviours of Salvationists.36 However, the main issue, was the movement’s stand against alcohol. The other song given here by way of an example had a number of names: Away, away with rum; or Salvation Army song; or Teton Tea Party song. The first verse and chorus ran; We’re coming, we’re coming, our brave little band.

On the right side of temperance we now take our stand.

We don’t chew tobacco because we do think That the people who use it are liable to drink!

Away, away with rum, by gum, with rum, by gum, with rum, by gum,

32

R. G. Moyles, Come join our army: Historical reflections on Salvation Army growth, (Alexandria, USA: Crest Books), 5 – 6.

33 Andrzej Diniejko, “The Hallelujah Lasses”, (The Victorian Web), ¶10, http://www.victorianweb.org/religion/sa5.html accessed 14 November 2018.

34 Happy Eliza and converted Jane, https://monologues.co.uk/musichall/Songs-H/Happy-Eliza-And-ConvertedJane.htm accessed 14 November 2018.

35 Julius Steger (Director), The belle of New York, (USA: Marion Davies Film Corporation, 1919).

36 General Bramwell Booth stated that The belle of New York “is untrue to fact”. Booth, These fifty years, 192 – 193.

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Away, away with rum, by gum, that’s the song of the Salvation Army. 37

The song continued that Salvationists never ate fruitcake because of the rum, or cookies because of the yeast, or beer because of the hops, or peaches or grapes because they ferment, or oatmeal because its mushy, milkshakes because of malt, used matches and not lighters because you could get high, and stayed away from apples because of Adam and Eve. The ridicule of the Army’s stand against alcohol is due to the popular acceptance of the drug.

Promack, Dalton and Carroll analysed 279 popular songs of 2005. Their research found that many songs, 68% portrayed a positive rather than negative outcome of drinking. These songs outlined drinking alcohol positively impacted the social, sexual, financial or emotional standing of a person.

In fact, the research found that only 4% of the songs contained explicit anti-use messages and none portrayed refusal of alcohol.38 Songs in this category showed that the only Christian identity accepted at that time was the established church; a Christianity without emotion, without show, without female preachers and one that was private. It was during World War One that the Salvationist identity became more accepted in the general public arena. This also paved the way for other expressions of faith-based identities.

Redemption The second category in the popular songs was the identity of redemption. In some respects, this category could also be romanticism39 of spiritual and social reform. While the public displays of emotional Christian identity by the early Army became accepted through their work in the trenches of World War One, there was also movement within the Army. Lillian Taiz argued that the reliance on public finances and institutionalisation of the movement in some ways toned down the radicalism of the Army.40 A number of songs showed the Army in spiritual redemption activities.

Banners and bonnets (1952), written by Meredith Wilson, writer of the musical, The music man and donated to the Army, showed the redemptive power of the Army through God’s love. In part, it stated; Could you love the unloved, never reckoning the cost, Giving them comfort and care?

Could you seek the unloved in the legion of the lost, Sharing their grief and despair?

That’s the creed of the Army, a God-fearing Army…41

“Salvation Army song (Teton Tea Party song)”, (Folksong collector), http://folksongcollector.com/tetontea.html accessed 14 November 2018.

38 Brian A. Primack, Madeline A. Dalton, Mary V. Carrell, et al. “Content Analysis of Tobacco, Alcohol, and other drugs in popular music”, Arch pediatrics adolesce med, (Vol. 162, No. 2, 2008), 169 – 175.

39 This is a similar idea used by Bramwell Booth who believed that the early portrayals of the Army in plays and films missed this area of the Salvationists’ identity. Booth, These fifty years, 192.

40 This was something Shaw warned about in the discussion of his play, Major Barbara. Lillian Taiz, Hallelujah lads and lasses: Remaking the Salvation Army in America – 1880 – 1939, (Chapel Hill, USA: The University of North Carolina Press, 2001).; Bernard Shaw, Major Barbara. A screen version, (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books, 1949), xiv – xxxvii.

41 “‘Banners and bonnets’ sheet music, 1952”, (The Meredith Willson Digital Collection), https://songbook.historyit.com/detail-page.php?id=1675 accessed 14 November 2018.

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While the entire musical Guys and dolls (1955) situates the Army in a cultural and relationship redemptive schema, the song Sit down you’re rocking the boat showed a personal spiritual redemptive process linked to the efforts of the movement.42 A hazy shade of winter (1966) written by Paul Simon, and released by Simon & Garfunkel,43 then re-released by The Bangles as Hazy shade of winter (1987) stated, Hear The Salvation Army Band, Down by the riverside there’s bound to be a better ride, Than what you’ve got planned.

Although the Bangles’ music style is vastly different than the original, turning it into a harder-edged rock song, the lyrics, remained unchanged and showed that the ‘ride’ planned by the Army was a better ‘ride’ than people could plan for themselves.

Elvis Presley released Saved (1968), which told the story of his actions before and after his spiritual redemption. Presley sang, I used to smoke and drink, smoke and drink and dance the hoochy-coo, Oh yeh! And now I'm standing on this corner praying for me and you.

The chorus then told of the movement to which the character in the song belonged, … That’s why I’m saved, I’m saved People let me tell you ‘bout kingdom come You know I’m saved, I’m saved Well I can preach until you’re deaf and dumb I’m in that soul saving army beating on that big bass drum.44

Bannerman (1971), sung by Blue Mink, was all about a Salvation Army open-air meeting and its redemptive power within the community. A line in the chorus stated, Ain’t it something grand?

To be good as you can, Like a Banner-Man.

Then at the end of each verse, “And I wish that I could be a Banner-Man”.45 Good on the Sally Army (1978), sung by Cliff Richard, like Bannerman was about the redemptive impact of the Army. The song takes a somewhat lonely person who heard The Salvation Army and although, …if I told my work mates, they’d have said I’d gone barmy, When I ran down the stairs to join The Salvation Army,

he “found love he could depend upon”.

42

Joseph L. Mankiewicz (director), Guys and dolls, (USA: Metro-Goldwyn-Myer, 1955).

The song by these same artists also appears on their 1968 album Bookends and Live from New York city, 1967. In January 2019, Gerard Way released a version of the song for the Netflix series The umberella academy. The style is very much similar to that of the Bangles.

44 Words and music by Jerry Leiber and Mike Stroller. “Saved”, (Elvis Australia), https://lyrics.elvispresley.com.au/saved.html accessed 14 November 2018.

45 “The banner man, Blue mink” (Genius), https://genius.com/Blue-mink-banner-man-lyrics accessed 14 November 2018.

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Life in a Northern Town (1985), commenced with the opening line, “The Salvation Army band played and the children drank lemonade”. This linked the Army with innocent times of the songwriter’s childhood. One filmstrip showed members of a Salvation Army band throughout the song, in both an open-air stand and casually walking down the hill side. The music from the chorus of this song was later used in Dario G (1997) and linked it to the synthesizer electronic music of the 1990s with the rise in popularity of electronic dance music.

A number of pieces of music linked to an earlier poem was, General William Booth enters into heaven (c1927) Opus 38. The music was written by Sidney Homer to the poem of the same name by Vachel Lindsay. The text told how Booth takes his redeemed into heaven. One of the stanzas stated; Jesus came from out the court house door, Stretched his hands above the passing poor.

Booth saw not, but led his queer ones there Round and round the mighty courthouse square.

Yet! in an instant all that blear review Marched on spotless, clad in raiment new.

In 1994, the lyrics had another musical arrangement written for it, this time by Charles Ives.46 A similar redemptive sentiment linked to Booth was expressed in another song, He was a grand old man, a song by Pelham and Wright. The song told that Booth and his Army would fight, Till victory’s won, God’s will be done, till we meet on that beautiful shore.

These songs have shown that at times, a Salvationist identity was one of redemption in their actions and faith. The songs showed the Army could and would change a person and society from bad to good. There was often a subtext that only God can make humanity good.

Realism In many ways this phase came from a rebellion against the romanticism of redemption. In comparison to the movies, the songs in this section are very tame, yet as with movies they aim to ‘normalise’ the Salvationist’s identity, to show that it was not reformed, converted or holy. These songs portray a Salvationist identity as no better and sometimes worse than any other human identity. The Christian idea of agape love for mankind was turned into physical or emotional love, and that the ministry of the Army often as no positive impact upon society or the individual.

The first in this category, Salvation Army girl (1969), sung by Jake Thackray is quite suggestive.

Although she does the Army thing of playing in the band, She also, “whispered to me that she might, Be all things bright and beautiful tonight”. She wears a uniform but, “Beneath her battle-dress her skin is warm, And her arms are white, And she wants me for a sunbeam tonight.” Later still other things are suggested.47 In this song Salvationist’s sexual being is somewhat stronger than her spiritual being.

“General William Booth enters into heaven”, (Song of America), https://songofamerica.net/song/general-williambooth-enters-into-heaven/ accessed 14 November 2018.

47 “Salvation Army girl”, (Jake Thackray.com), https://www.jakethackray.com/archive/songs/the-lyrics-and-guitartabs/item/salvation-army-girl.html accessed 14 November 2018.

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Bobby Bare sang New York city snow (1971), where a lonely person walked the streets of New York and hears the questions posed by the Army. The listener does not know how to answer the call, Yes I’ve gone too far to get back there from here, Hear the Salvation Army band a playin’ I hear questions but the answers I don’t know.48

Showing that for some people the Army cannot be the redemptive power as it only poses questions without answers.

Agape love was been turned into emotional and physical love through the different versions of Salvation Jane. INXS recorded their song with this title in 1990 and Courtney Murphy, who used the same title for a different song in 2010. The songs were linked to the flower called Salvation Jane, a flower that was named after Australian Salvationists.

Drinking with Strangers (2002), sung by Jesse Sykes, was a song about suicide. Sadly, even the Army, she claimed, could not assist. The final stanza stated; The Salvation Army Has called out its choir The blankets, the water Can’t fix your flat tire.49

A similar idea of the Army’s inability to assist appeared in, And The Salvation Army band plays (2012), sung by Helen Love and Ricardo Autobahn. The song told of feeling about a person “no longer in this world”. The chorus had the line repeated four times “And The Salvation Army Band plays” which appeared not to bring any relief to the mourner.50 All the songs in this category question the Salvationist’s ability to answer the world’s needs.

Some even question the morality of Salvationists. While some songs could be a parallel to lived experiences, it must be remembered that no writers have claimed that these songs are based entirely on real life events. Although these, as well as the previous two categories are distortions of reality, The Salvation Army in general and Salvationists specifically need to understand that for some people, the only image they have seen of a Salvationist identity is that which appeared in these songs.

Relief Moving from the category that sometimes appeared as the dark realism is something between realism and redemption, that of relief. As with movies, this is becoming the largest category of songs relating to the Army. It also appeared to be the current mode of acceptance of a Salvationist’s identity in the public arena. As will be seen in the concluding remarks, Christians are welcome in the public arena if they do good work and do not try to change humanity. In the postmodern era, relief is easier to receive than redemption. It is clearly shown in these songs that a Salvationist can sustain those in need, but they do not have the right to change them, as in the era of redemption.

“New York city snow”, (Lyrics.com), https://www.lyrics.com/lyric/6920471/Bobby+Bare/New+York+City+Snow accessed 14 November 2018.

49 “Drinking with strangers”, (Lyrics.com), https://www.lyrics.com/lyric/5579036/Jesse+Sykes/Drinking+With+Strangers accessed 14 November 2018.

50 “And The Salvation Army band plays – Helen Love”, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ejqbsRlu6h4 accessed 14 November 2018.

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Only a few examples of songs in this category will be given. Such songs covered welfare work, defence services, homelessness, distribution of second-hand goods, raising money and a children’s home.

A protest song of the 1980s, Talkn’ bout a revolution (1988), sung by Tracey Chapman identified the Salvationist identity as a welfare provider. Lines in the chorus stated, … standing in the welfare line, crying at the doorsteps of those Armies of Salvation.

Relief during times of armed conflict appeared in a number of songs, just two are given here.

Don’t forget The Salvation Army (My donut girl) (1919), published by Broadway Music Corporation, New York. This was a fund-raising song with the opening lines, “Pennies, nickels, dimes and quarters, hear how they ring”.51 The chorus started, Don’t forget the Salvation Army, Always remember my doughnut girls.

She brought them dough-nuts and coffee, Just like an Angel, she was their best pal.

As brave as a lion but meek as a lamb, She carried on beside the sons of Uncle Sam. So don’t forget the Salvation Army, Remember my dough-nut girl.52

A later song, Holy Joe the Salvo (1975), sung by Johnny Ashcroft specifically stated that the war work was separate from the evangelical work, He wasn’t saving souls or saving sinners when he’d light their smokes and pass the coffee ‘round, But a man accepts a Salvo and his praying, when they’re laying on the muddy battle ground.53

In Viva la gloria (Little girl) (2009), sung by Green Day, the plight of a homeless girl is covered.

Two lines of the chorus stated, “And find yourself with your face in the gutter, You’re a stray for the Salvation Army”.54 It showed the Army would give a homeless person relief from the elements.

A number of songs showed the distribution of secondhand goods. Po’ folks (1961), sung by Bill Anderson, included the line, “Salvation Army give us clothes to wear ...”. Understand your man (1964), sung by Johnny Cash had the line, “You can give my other suit to The Salvation Army, and everything else I leave behind”. Near the end of the 1960s, Suzanne (1967) was recorded by Leonard Cohen. It was first published as a poem in 1966. A line in a verse stated, “she’s wearing rags and feathers from Salvation Army counter,…”. Take this heart (1979), sung by Anne Murray outlined that a broken heart was like second hand items and the chorus stated; Take this heart, Don’t; forget the Salvation Army my donut girl”, (Library of Congress, USA), https://www.loc.gov/resource/ihas.200199945.0/?sp=2 accessed 14 November 2018.

52 Don’t; forget the Salvation Army my donut girl”, (Library of Congress, USA), https://www.loc.gov/resource/ihas.200199945.0/?sp=3 accessed 14 November 2018.

53 “Post 65 – Johnny Ashcroft – Playground in my Mind”, (Aussie music man, 2009), http://www.ozziemusicman.com/2009_02_01_archive.html accessed 14 November 2018.

54 “Viva la gloria (Little girl), (Lyrics.com), https://www.lyrics.com/lyric/19765001/Green+Day/¿Viva+La+Gloria%3F+%28Little+Girl%29 accessed 14 November 2018.

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Give it to a charity.

Take this heart, And give it to the poor.

Take this heart, And give it to the Salvation Army, I don’t think I need it any more.55

Much later, Salvation Army clothes (2012), sung by Star and Micey gave parallels of discarded people with discarded clothes. A line in the chorus appeared, “You’re a fool for letting all the good people go, Like Salvation Army clothes.” Yet another song, Salvation Army is cool (2006), was filmed in an Army second hand store and sung about the clothes found in the store.

There were also songs about collecting at Christmas time. One example was Salvation Army bell (Red kettle song) (2015), sung by Camille & Haley.

No analyses of Salvation Army related pop songs would be complete without the honorable mention of Strawberry fields forever (1967) by the Beatles. The title of the song comes from the Salvation Army Children’s Home, Liverpool. John Lennon used to live next door and play with the children. Lennon’s memorial in New York was also named Strawberry Fields.

These songs have contributed to the identity of a Salvationist as a relief worker, providing physical assistance to people and supporting their lifestyle. These may have also contributed to the change in meaning of ‘salvation’ used by Salvationists, moving from “‘Saved from all sin’ is our warcry and song”,56 to a postmodernist view where ‘salvation’ could have multiple meanings.57 This then contributes to mission drift58 and identity change within the Army.

An attempt to reengage with the Salvationist identity in the public arena The Salvation Army has at times attempted to reengage with the public square, with revitalising openair ministry, or creating bands like The Joy Strings. The latest attempt to reengage with the Salvationists identity in the public arena was with the 2013 Eurovision Song Contest. The Army had not been spoken of in that arena since Olivia Newton-John sang Long live love in the 1974 Eurovision contest, a song that would clearly sit within the redemptive category.

The band, originally named Heilsarmee (German for Salvation Army) participated in the Swiss national final with the song You and Me.59 Before they reached Eurovision their identity had to change, they were not permitted to compete under the name Heilsarmee. Eurovision did not allow political and religious content. In March 2013, the group announced that they would be known as Takasa; officially, the name was taken from the Swahili verb “to purify”, but it has been noted that the word made an acronym of “The Artists Known As Salvation Army”. This was a homage to “The Artist Formerly Known As Prince”, and also similar to when the Sex Pistols toured under the name “Spots” (Sex Pistols On Tour, Secretly).

“Take this heart”, (Lyrics.com), https://www.lyrics.com/lyric/199553/Anne+Murray/Take+This+Heart accessed 14 November 2018.

56 Edward Higgins, The Salvation Army tune book, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, 1931), No. 468, 430.

57 Jason Davies-Kildea, What is the meaning of salvation in The Salvation Army today? Exploring a theology of social service and holistic mission, (Melbourne, Australia: An unpublished minor thesis for the degree of Master of Theology, University of Divinity, n.d.).

58 Peter Greer and Chris Horst, Mission drift, (Bloomington, USA: Bethany House, 2014).

59 “You and Me”, (Heilsarmee [The Salvation Army] or Takasa, Switzerland, 2013).

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Emil Ramsauer was the eldest member of Takasa, at age 95. When asked “What will you achieve by participating?” Emil answered, I want the Salvation Army to be better known again. Over the last few years you don’t see us as much as you did when we used to sing in the pubs and restaurants, … So it’s a wonderful idea to put the Salvation Army in the public eye like this.60

Concluding observation and remarks As shown at the beginning of the paper, 87% of those surveyed in the McCrindle research were somewhat in support of The Salvation Army having Christian values and ethos.61 That is, showing their Christian identity. This however could be slightly misleading as the result was in response to a question with a given set of five responses (See Figure 2).

When the same group of people were asked to use words or phrases of which they associated with The Salvation Army’s Red Shield, only 45% listed “Christian”. More people listed “Charity” (68%) and “Welfare” (50%).62 This appears to be in line with the growing category of songs, relief.

The public arena will accept a Salvationist identity, if it provides relief. The Salvation Army identity in the Australian public arena is seen as a charity and welfare provider (See Figure 4).

Figure 4: A selection of results from the statement by McCrindle: “Please select the words or phrases that you associate with the Red Shield logo.”63

A spokesperson for the McCrindle research group stated: What is interesting to us is that while Australians are engaging less with a worshipping community, they increasingly want to engage with Christian providers such as schools and aged care. In some of our latest research, we have seen a shift, from 16 per cent to 26 per cent, in Australians likely to give to a Christian organisation. Australians believe Christian organisations are more likely to be trustworthy and add value to those services. So the church in Australia has a real opportunity and The Salvation Army is already leaps and bounds ahead in this area. … there remains a key opportunity for the church to engage with their community in ways that will raise their awareness and profile.64 The Salvation Army at Eurovision”, (The Salvation Army, Switzerland), http://www.salvationarmy.ch/eurovision/ accessed 14 November 2018.

61 Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 13.

62 Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 14.

63 Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 14.

64 Cited in Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 14.

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The acceptance of a Salvationist identity as providing relief to those in need in the public arena is clear both in the McCrindle survey and that currently portrayed in songs. However, is this at the expense of a Salvationist identity of redemption? If the song industry is creating the Salvationist identity, then the Salvationist is to be warned. Cooper clearly outlined that there is a historical problem with popular songs. He wrote, Popularity of a particular song has never meant historical accuracy, of course. But the events described in songs may be placed within a timeline context which, when supplemented by journals, novels, newspapers, and other literary sources, make audio reports become reasonable introductory resources.65

Cooper however warns that many people do not push past the introductory, nor search deeper into the symbolism of songs. They fail to look at the reality of images the songs represent. He argued that most people see only one simple dichotomy, of traditional and non-traditional songs. He stated they fail to grasp the more complex, such as the sacred and secular themes.66 Therefore the listening public would hear only the one-dimensional work of the Army without instigating its motivation or other works.

If songs only allow a Salvationist identity of relief work, and this influences the perception in the public arena, then as The Salvation Army’s Chief Secretary, Colonel Mark Campbell, stated, …we should be careful …[of] becoming preoccupied with what people think of us, or compromise who we are… There is a line that we need to draw that is being liked by the community and doing what God wants us to be and do in the community, which is an outworking expression of our healthy faith in Jesus. I think we need to keep our vision alive that sees people finding freedom in Jesus.67

Popular secular songs have clearly assisted the public to change the accepted Salvationist identity from ridicule, then redemption, to realism, and now relief. The actions of the Army can be dictated to by social pressures allowing songs to frame its identity, or it can force social change and have songs reflect a deeper identity, it is all in the way Salvationists engage with the public arena and act in the public square.

65

B. Lee Cooper, Popular music perspectives: Ideas themes, and patterns in contemporary lyrics, (Bowling Green, USA: Bowling Green State University Popular Press, 1991), 172.

66 Cooper, Popular music perspectives, 69.

67 Cited in Halliday, “What do Australians think of The Salvation Army?”, 14.

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Painting of General William Booth superimposed over a photograph of the Royal Albert Hall

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WHILE WOMEN WEEP: AN UPDATE Gordon Taylor One of the most intriguing and enduring mysteries relating to the words and wisdom of William Booth is that arguably his most well-known quotation, “While Women Weep ... I’ll Fight” is one of the least well documented. Popularly it is associated with his last speech in the Royal Albert Hall in May 1912, though it does not appear in any of the contemporary reports, and was not linked with that occasion until January 1927, almost 15 years after the event. The mystery is compounded by the fact that the earliest extract from the speech appeared in All the world, in April 1906, six years before his Albert Hall address.

My attention has now been drawn to an article in The officer, February 1929, where Commissioner Theodore Kitching says that the “I’ll Fight!” speech was part of William Booth’s address in London’s Guildhall when the General became a freeman of the City of London in October 1905. In this article, Kitching quotes an extract from the General’s speech in the Guildhall: “My life has been a continual fight,” his voice rang out.

Ever since I turned my back upon a world of ease and pleasure and show, and entered on this battlefield to fight for the honour of my Heavenly King and for the Salvation of the lost, there has seldom been a day in which some bewildering perplexity has not come to my mind, and some heavy burden has not been laid upon my heart . . . while women weep as they do now, I’ll fight; while men go to prison, in and out, in and out, as they do now, I’ll fight; while men and women, young and old, forget God and disregard His holy laws, I’ll fight.1

Does this resolve the mystery and settle the question once and for all? The account has several points in its favour. The City of London celebration took place just a few months before the quotation appeared in All the world, so the timing seems right. To all appearances, Kitching was a reliable witness, having accompanied William Booth to the Guildhall on that day, and for a time he was Booth’s private secretary. In later years when Booth’s sight was failing, he often read the General’s addresses for him in meetings, while Booth made comments at his side. Kitching was a literary man, and is known to have sometimes kept a diary. He wrote shorthand, so he could have made notes of the speech at the Guildhall.

The problem with accepting Kitching’s version of events is that the key section of the quotation, after the phrase “laid upon my heart”, does not appear in other accounts of Booth’s Guildhall address, in The war cry,2 The daily telegraph,3 in The prophet of the poor,4 a biography of William Booth, published only a couple of months after the City of London event, or in the City Corporation’s own record, published in 1959.5 These all include almost the same version of the relevant paragraph:

Reference citation of this paper; Gordon Taylor, “While women weep: An update”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 96 – 98.

1 The officer, (London, February 1929), 145.

2 The war cry, (London, 4 November 1905), 3.

3 The daily telegraph, (London, Friday 27 October 1905), 6.

4 Thomas F. G. Coates, The prophet of the poor, The life-story of General Booth, (London, UK: Hodder and Stoughton, 1905), 346 – 354.

5 London’s roll of fame: Being records of presentations of the Freedom of the City and addresses of welcome from the corporation of London to royal and other distinguished personages A.D. 1885-1959, (London, UK: Printed by Order of the Corporation under the direction of the Library Committee, 1959), 67 – 71.

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My life has been a continual fight. Ever since, some sixty years ago, I turned my back upon a world of ease and pleasure and show, and entered on this battlefield to fight for the honour of my Heavenly King and for the salvation of the lost, there has seldom been a day in which some bewildering perplexity has not come to my mind, and some heavy burden has not been laid upon my heart. But still, the arms of Jehovah have sustained me, and the prayers of a multitude of the best and choicest spirits that the world contains have ascended continually to Heaven on my behalf. And now there comes along the sympathy—openly, beautifully, eloquently expressed— of the governing powers of this great city to urge me forward in the fight in which I am engaged.6

The essential words, “while women weep ... I’ll fight”, etc. are simply not there.

What could be the explanation? In the days before sound recording, a public oration could exist in various forms. The speaker may have used written notes, or might have read from a prepared text.

In delivering the speech he could have departed from his script, and spoken ad lib, adding or omitting parts of the written text. He could have spoken extempore, with no written text, as Booth apparently often did, particularly after his sight failed, when he could no longer read notes. The speech may have been transcribed in whole or in part by a reporter, or a listener, so potentially creating several more versions. A transcript might be incomplete, or it could have been amended by the speaker, so that it read better, or said what he wanted to say, rather than what he did say, or by an editor, wanting to add polish or lustre to the text. With no actual recording of the address, who could now prove, with any authority, what the speaker had actually said when the speech was delivered?

So, in respect of the Guildhall speech, we have exactly the same dilemma as we had with William Booth’s address in the Royal Albert Hall. When an eye-witness, such as Commissioner Theodore Kitching, 25 years after the event, issues an account which is inconsistent with the original reports or official records, how do we know that their word can be trusted, particularly when they do not give their sources? Essentially, we cannot know, which is why the search for more evidence must continue, and why the case will probably never be finally closed.

6

London’s roll of fame, 67 – 71.

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PRESERVING AND DIGITISING CHRISTIAN MISSION PAPERS AT THE INTERNATIONAL HERITAGE CENTRE Ruth Macdonald In 2016 we at The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre were contacted by our colleagues at The Salvation Army Heritage Centre and Archives in New Zealand who were looking to fill in the gaps in their set of Christian mission magazines. Here at the International Heritage Centre in London we have a complete set of annual volumes of the magazine as well as a smattering of individual issues with their original covers, which are fantastic for giving a sense of how it would have felt to read and handle a copy in the 1860s or 1870s.

Issues of The East London Evangelist and The Christian mission magazine with their original covers1

We were very happy to help our colleagues in New Zealand by providing them with digital copies of the issues that were missing from their collection but we could not do so straight away.

While digitisation can be an excellent way of prolonging the life of a rare book or archival document by reducing the need for it to be physically handled by researchers on such a regular basis, the process of digitisation carries significant risks of causing damage to the item. As archivists tasked with Reference citation of this paper; Ruth Macdonald, “Preserving and digitising Christian Mission papers at The International Heritage Centre”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 99 – 104.

1 Items housed in The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London, photograph courtesy of the author.

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A section of the new website housing digitised versions of Salvation Army historical publications

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ensuring that the items in our care survive in their original format for as long into the future as possible, we have to find a way of balancing the needs of preservation and access.

It would be easy to assume that capturing the written information in the magazines is paramount and that once that is done it matters less whether the original document survives. There are many reasons why that is not the case. For one thing, the information the magazines contain is not simply textual. All sorts of things can be conveyed through the experience of handling the physical object itself; the quality of the paper, the size of the print, and the format of the pages, for instance, all have things to tell us about the production of the magazines, their readers, and what the experience of reading them would have been like. Historians are increasingly concerning themselves with material culture and the history of emotions and human experience so we would not want to deprive them of potentially rich sources for their research. The bound annual volumes are also interesting historical artefacts: more expensive than the disposable monthly issues, they have beautiful embossed covers aimed, presumably, at wealthier supporters of the nascent mission.

The other main reason why we would not and could not rely on digital copies as a replacement for any of our paper archives is that the longevity of paper and ink, regardless of their quality, is much greater than that of any digital file. Paper can last hundreds, even thousands, of years, whereas without regular intervention, a digital file is likely to degrade or become obsolete and unreadable within a decade or two.

That said, we examined the volumes that we had been asked to copy and decided that, given their state of repair, immediate digitisation posed too great a risk. The sewn and glued bindings were loose and, in some cases, broken so there was a risk of pages falling out. The edges of the paper had also become brittle which meant there was the possibility of pieces flaking off and their content being lost as we turned the pages to photograph them. We took the decision to have the volumes conserved before digitising them but we still had a number of choices to make about how we wanted the conservation to be done. Should we have them rebound in new covers? In their original covers?

Should we attempt to have the original sewn bindings recreated on weakened, ageing paper? Or would we choose a different approach?

The original damaged binding of The Christian mission magazine prior to conservation work2 2

Photograph courtesy of the author.

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After careful consideration we chose a different approach. Given that we wanted to have the magazines digitised, we knew that better results could be achieved if we were able to lay them out flat for copying, either by camera or on a flatbed scanner. This would make it much easier to run character recognition software on the digital files, making the magazines electronically searchable.

We therefore asked our conservator to remove the magazines from their sewn bindings and separate them out into individual issues. Once this was done she also reinforced the fragile edges of the pages with conservation grade paper repair tape making it safer to handle them. We have retained the attractive original covers as separate artefacts which will be stored alongside the unbound magazines in custom-fitted boxes. In some cases we are fortunate enough to have two copies of the annual volume, so our intention with these is to keep one volume bound while having the other conserved in the manner described.

The unbound issues of The Christian mission magazine after the process of conservation3

Once the conservation treatment was complete we were able to scan the volumes and send the scans to the New Zealand Archives. The volumes that we treated and scanned for them are volumes one and ten. Volume one in fact contains The East London evangelist, as the magazine of the then East London Christian Mission, which the movement was called from October 1868 until December 1869. When the mission expanded beyond London at the close of the 1860s, the ‘East London’ was dropped from its name and its magazine became, from the January 1870 issue, The Christian mission magazine. Volume ten covers January – December 1878, the final year before the magazine became The Salvationist (January – December 1879) and then, from 27 December 1879, The war cry.

Although the selection of these two volumes was dictated by the gaps in the New Zealand Heritage Centre’s holdings, it was fortuitous that these were the ones required as volume one captures the moment the mission began to publicly document its own history and achievements, while volume ten covers the year of monumental change that saw the transformation of the mission into an ‘Army’.

3

Items housed in The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London, photograph courtesy of the author.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 102

The title pages of the volumes of the conserved magazines4

In general, the magazines contain theological writings, personal conversion stories, reports of progress at mission stations, accounts of new openings, obituaries of members, lists of donors, miscellaneous notices and even some poetry. The September 1878 issue is particularly interesting as it contains the earliest surviving recorded use of the words ‘salvation army’ in relation to the mission.

Earlier this year (2019) we decided to put the scanned volumes online along with another important early document in Salvation Army history, the first report of the East London Christian Mission dating from 1867. Each year we are contacted by many people who would like to access our archives, periodicals and rare books but are unable to make the journey to London to do so in person.

Making some of our holdings available as digital copies online is one way of widening access, and periodicals like The Christian mission magazine are excellent candidates for digitisation as the variety of content will appeal to people with a broad range of different interests. Plans are underway to digitise some of our other periodicals, of which you will hear more in a future issue. We hope that our users, near and far, will find value and enjoyment in these resources and be able to make good use of them for many years to come.

The New Zealand Archives and Heritage Centre also has an exciting project in the works to digitise the historical editions of The war cry published in that country, and number of other digitised Salvation Army periodicals have now been made available online by other repositories. Sites where these periodicals are currently available are listed below.

4

Items housed in The Salvation Army International Heritage Centre, London, photograph courtesy of the author.

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 103

Salvation Army historical periodicals online Publication

Web address

Subscriptions required

Report of the East London Christian Mission, The East London Evangelist, The Christian Mission Magazine (1878)

https://www.salvationarmy.org.uk/history-christian-mission

Nil

The Canadian War Cry / Salvationist Archive 1884present

https://salvationarmy.soutronglobal.net/Portal/Default/enUS/Search/SimpleSearch

Nil

The USA Western https://www.crestmont.edu/tsa-motw-war-cry-1920Territory War 1970.html Cry 1920-1970

Nil

The Social Gazette 19101917

The British Newspaper Archive https://www.britishnewspaperarchive.co.uk/titles/socialgazette

Yes

All the World 1885-1900

Gale’s 19th Century UK Periodicals collection https://www.gale.com/intl/primary-sources/19th-centuryuk-periodicals

Yes

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 104

OLNEY HYMNS AND SALVATION ARMY MUSIC Robert (Bob) Broadbere By the late 18th century the evangelical movement had developed its own style of hymns, despite the outrage from the Anglican Church, which felt that the singing of Psalms was the only music for the Christian faith. John and Charles Wesley are known to have influenced evangelical hymn singing through their works and widespread preaching. What is lesser known is the influence of John Newton and William Cowper, who settled in the town of Olney, United Kingdom. From this small village came The Olney hymns. The influence of the Wesley brothers on The Salvation Army is well documented.1 What has not been recorded is the influence of Newton and Cowper through The Olney hymns. Therefore, the use and influence of these hymns on The Salvation Army and the changing emphasis of Salvation Army songs will be examined in this paper. This will be done with a brief biography of both Newton and Cowper, followed by a discussion on The Olney hymns, and conclude with a discussion on the links to the Army.

John Newton (1725 – 1807)

John Newton2

John Newton was born in London and was an only child. His mother taught him to read and write.

Knapp wrote of Newton’s mother that she was “a pious, gentle woman, and it was her heart’s desire to bring up her son ‘in the nurture and admonition of the Lord.’”3 Before venturing to sea with his father at the age of eleven, Newton felt himself to be very impressionable and disturbed by his own convictions. The intensity of his dissenter mother’s religion in the Independent Congregational Church seems to have produced in Newton a sense of guilt when boyhood adventures caused injury.

Reference citation of this paper; Robert (Bob) Broadbere, “Olney hymns and Salvation Army Music”, The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, 4, 2, 2019, 105 – 115.

1 See for example David Noakes and Campbell Roberts, “The Influence of Wesleyan Sources and Theology on the Salvation Army’s ministry”, Aldersgate Papers, (Vol 10, September 2012), 112 – 128.

2 Photograph courtesy of BBC history project, undated photo out of copyright, author received permission for use.

3 C. Knapp, “John Newton”, (Christian Biography, Wholesome Words Home, 2019), ¶1, https://www.wholesomewords.org/biography/bnewton10.html accessed 19 February 2019.

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This was illustrated when he had a dangerous fall from a horse and nearly thrown upon the stakes of a newly-cut hedge-row. The same feelings were aroused by a providential escape from death by drowning.

Newton would later become known as the slave trader who was saved and became a Christian hymn writer. This image of him does not reflect that Newton himself lived a slave’s life after deserting the Royal Navy. Rodney Canete explained, At the age of 11 his father was inculcating into John the ways of a seafarer’s life. Seven years later, John Newton was pressed into service of the Royal Navy. Soon after, he deserted the Royal Navy and was traded onto a slave ship where he lived as close to a slave’s life as was possible for a white male of his era. Despite coming to the understanding of a slave’s dire situation, he still became the captain of his own slave ship. Ultimately, he came to fully realise the inhumanity of his actions and left his life as a slave ship captain to become ordained as a priest for the Church of England in 1764. In the same year he published An Authentic Narrative which detailed his exploits commanding his slave vessel.4

One of Newton’s hymns that referred to his sea-faring years seldom appears in contemporary hymn books. The first verse stated, How lost was my condition, Till Jesus made me whole!

There is but one Physician Can cure the sin-sick soul.

Next door to death he found me, And snatched me from the grave; To tell all around me His wondrous power to save.5

The acknowledgement of Newton’s background provides new meaning to many of his hymns, including his most famous, Amazing grace. It is easy to see why this hymn has been included in editions of The song book of The Salvation Army.6 The Army prided itself on converting the worst of sinners and making them, to use an historical term, ‘a trophy of grace’. This hymn fits into this process of salvation very clearly.

Knapp wrote that Newton continually battled sin and would relapse. To build resilience against backsliding, Newton committed passages of Scripture to memory. These included: Proverbs 1:24 – 31; Hebrews 6:4 – 6; and 2 Peter 2:20.7 Sermonised-text hymns were often used in 18th century evangelical churches.8 According to Daniel Szczesniak, Newton would often use a sermonised text, both as a way of writing songs as well

Rodney Canete, “The Olney Hymns by John Newton”, (Master of Arts for Brown University, 1997, from The Victorian Web, 1998), ¶ 1, http://www.victorianweb.org/religion/hymns/olney.html accessed 19 February 2019.

5 Cited in Robin A Leaver, “Olney Hymns 1779, 1 – The Book and its origins”, (Churchman, n.d.), 337, https://biblicalstudies.org.uk/pdf/churchman/093-04_327.pdf accessed 15 May 2019.

6 The General of The Salvation Army, The song book of The Salvation Army, (St Albans, UK: International Headquarters, 1986).; The General of The Salvation Army, The Song Book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: International Headquarters of The Salvation Army, 2015).

7 Knapp, “John Newton”.

8 Sermonised – text hymns were alternative methods of preaching, as text from scripture were applied to hymns. These were based on Biblical expressions of salvation, faith, holiness etc and formed outlines for preaching. For example, Newton’s Amazing grace was taken by one reviewer and line by line was supported by a Scripture verse. That may be an extreme example, but it highlights the church’s move away from the common view of Psalms as the only form of worship in 18th century church life.

4

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as for his sermons. This allowed the average person to connect more deeply to the scripture and the truth it was teaching.9 William Cowper10 (1731 – 1800)

William Cowper11

William Cowper was born in Berkhampstead in November 1731. Cowper was the son of Dr John Cowper, who was called to the Bar in 1754, though he never practiced as a barrister. He however became chaplain to King George II and rector of Great Berkhampstead. John’s wife died in 1737, aged just 34, leaving him with seven children for which to care, yet, only William and one brother, John jnr survived to adulthood. William Cowper’s cousin nominated him to a clerkship in the House of Lords in 1763. This is ‘credited’ as the reason for his 18 months in a mental asylum. The prospect made Cowper very anxious and he tried to kill himself by consuming poison.12 Cowper suffered periods of depression throughout his life, but received encouragement and support from friends with whom he lived. Salvationist Gordon Taylor listed these friends as; Dr Nathaniel Cotton, at St Albans; Rev. Morley and Mary Unwin, at Olney; and Weston Underwood, at East Dereham.13 However, Cowper’s deep depression led to a further three attempts at suicide, resulting in his incarceration in a lunatic asylum for a time. Following the death of the then widowed Mary Unwin in 1796, Cowper fell into another period of depression, which continued until his death in 1800.14 While at Olney, Newton identified Cowper’s gift of writing poetry and the two joined forces to publish the collection of hymns which they titled The Olney hymns. However, the development and publication of the hymns were delayed due to Cowper’s mental illness. For some time, Cowper could not write hymns because of his depression. In May 1788, Cowper himself explained he “suffered from despair.” He continued, Daniel Szczesniak, “Poetic pedantry or pastoral passion: Olney hymns and John Newton’s Old Testament hermeneutic,” Churchman, (n.d.), 12, 17, https://biblicalstudies.org.uk/pdf/churchman/123-01_009.pdf accessed 30 July 2019.

10 Although the surname is correctly spelt as Cowper, it is pronounced Cooper and his early work would mistakenly have Cooper as the spelling. Thomas Wright, The life of William Cowper, (London, T Fisher Unwin, 1892), 161 – 162.

11 Portrait by Lemuel Francis Abbott 1792, out of copyright, photograph supplied by the author.

12 Wright, The life of William Cowper.

13 Gordon Taylor, Companion to the Song Book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: The Salvation Army, 1989), 281.

14 Christopher John Murray (ed.), Encyclopedia of the romantic era, 1760 – 1850, (London, UK: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2004), 225 – 226.

9

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I could not sing the Lord’s song were it to save my life, banished as I am, not to a strange land, but to a remoteness from his presence, in comparison with which the distance from east to west is no distance.15

To have mental health issues for many is a trying experience, yet more pressure came to bear on Cowper because of the era in which he lived. Social attitudes of the time period believed sufferers to be lunatics, morally weak, anti-social, and sufferers often received other unjust social stigmas and social isolation. The medical books owned by Cowper’s doctor, Nathaniel Cotton, showed Cotton regarded Cowper’s illness as a product of eighteenth-century models of sociability.16 Even in contemporary biographies of Cowper, the hymn writing genius and his wider poetic writing abilities are over-shadowed by the author’s obsession with Cowper’s mental health. For example, Clucas, in dealing with Cowper and Wordsworth commented more on the origins of Cowper’s reclusion in his spiritual crises of 1763 – 1765 than on the origins of his poetic works.17 The problems Cowper faced, although slowing his output of work, enriched his writing. Erik Routley described Cowper as “the only great classical English poet who was also a great hymn writer.

Cowper’s hymn writing and poetry is a testimony of greatness born of adversity.”18 Newton and Cowper The relationship of Newton and Cowper commenced in 1767 and lasted until Cowper’s death in 1800.

How beneficial this relationship was, is something of academic debate. Parsons debates this topic and quoted many other writers as having a variety of opinions.19 The summation of the relationship was expressed by Parsons with the following comment, “whether Newton’s influence upon Cowper’s life was good or bad is one of those debateable questions upon which literary critics are likely to differ.”20 There can be no doubt that Newton had a major impact on Cowper as he did to all those in the school of evangelical thought of the time. Dean Spence wrote of Newton, His sermons, his published letters, his close intimacy with the poet Cowper, his quiet but boundless influence over most of the Evangelical leaders of the age, have placed John Newton among the foremost of the makers of the Evangelical school.21

Thomas argued that evangelicalism was “more of a blessing to Cowper than a curse”.22 For this reason the daily interaction between Cowper and Newton was “one relatively bright period” for Cowper.23 However, Spence says that when Newton left Olney for London in 1780, his, “influence on [Cowper] waned somewhat.”24

Cited in Leaver, “Olney Hymns 1779, 1 – The Book and its origins”, 329 – 330.

Dr Nathaniel Cotton in a 2013 article by St Albans & Hertfordshire Architectural & Archaeological society.

17 Tom Clucas, Romantic Reclusion in the works of Cowper and Wordsworth, (UK: University of Oxford, 2014).

18 Erik Routley cited in, “Pain and Passion – the hymns of William Cowper”, Singing the faith, (The Methodist Church, n.d.), http://www.singingthefaithplus.org.uk/?p=14226 accessed 4 August 2019.

19 A. W. Parsons, Biography of John Newton, (Church Society, 2003), https://churchsociety.org/issues_new/history/newton/iss_history_newton_parsons-chap5.asp accessed 4 August 2019.

20 Parsons, Biography of John Newton, ¶ 4.

21 Dean Spence, cited in Parsons, Biography of John Newton, ¶ 1.

22 Spence, cited in Parsons, Biography of John Newton, ¶ 6.

23 Spence, cited in Parsons, Biography of John Newton, ¶ 6.

24 Spence, cited in Parsons, Biography of John Newton, ¶ 6.

15 16

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Despite Cowper’s mental illness, Newton’s influence assisted his friend Cowper to use his talents in a positive way. The trials of life can either alienate or enhance our communion through God to our fellow humans. Fortunately, the later came to the forefront in this relationship.

Hymn Singing - Hymnody Churches at this time, especially the Anglican Church, considered the Psalms as the only ‘authorised’ hymns for worship. Langley noted that the Anglican establishment opposed the ‘newfangled hymnody’ of “enthusiasm”.25 Robin Leaver wrote about this development, Up to that time [1779], the singing of hymns among Anglican evangelicals was primarily a private, informal practice for the home or the prayer meeting. In parish churches only the metrical psalms of the Old or New Versions were sung, usually by a small choir or as a solo by [a] parish clerk, rarely as a congregational exercise.26

There were some, such as the Countess of Huntingdon and Langley who worked together to try and soften some of the Anglican opposition to the ‘new hymnody’.27 By the 1850s, the anxiety of the Anglicans and other likeminded Christians seemed to have settled the question that Christian worship could be enhanced through the addition of hymns. These did not replace the Psalms but were used to augment the ‘norm’.28 Debates on hymn writing and their impact on theology will continue. Though it must be said that The Olney hymns appear to have a common agreement amongst hymn historians. Of The Olney hymns, Leaver wrote, It may well be that Olney Hymns did not really break new ground but, as it were, simply brought the Church of England into line with nonconformist hymnody, that its hymns offended against some people’s standards of good taste and are of unequal quality … neither Cowper or Newton set out to make a name for themselves by producing a work of refined and polished taste: their purpose was at the same time more mundane and yet more sublime.29

The hymns of Wesley, Newton, Cowper and others gave the congregation a chance to sing their faith, to express their salvation and sanctification. It was a means of glorifying God. The 21st century development appears to break both traditions with words that are repetitive, emotional, and meant for entertainment rather than spiritual development. A discussion on hymn singing in the 21st century by Hawn discusses some of these issues.30 The battle to introduce ‘hymn singing’ as distinct from ‘psalm’ singing would rage for many years.

John Langley, et al., Sacred Hymns for the Children of God, (1776), cited in Leaver, “Olney Hymns 1779, 1 – The Book and its origins”.

26 Robin A. Leaver, “Olney Hymns 1779 – Part 1 – The book and its origins”, (Churchman 93/4 1979), ¶ 1 http://archive.churchsociety.org/churchman/documents/Cman_093_4_Leaver.pdf accessed 4 August 2019.

27 Robin A. Leaver, “Olney Hymns: A documentary footnote”, (Churchman 97/3 1983) http://archive.churchsociety.org/churchman/documents/Cman_097_3_Leaver.pdf accessed 4 August 2019.

28 E. E. Cornwall cited in “Thomas Kelly, 1769 – 1855”, (STEM Publishing: Hymns: Spiritual Songsters), https://www.stempublishing.com/hymns/biographies/kellyt.html accessed 3 August 2019.

29 Robin A. Leaver, Olney Hymns 1779, Part 2 – The hymns and their use, (Churchman 94/1 1980), ¶ 25, http://archive.churchsociety.org/churchman/documents/Cman_094_1_Leaver.pdf accessed 4 August 2019.

30 C. Michael Hawn, “Streams of song: An overview of congregational song in he twenty-first century”, The hymn, (Vol. 61, No. 1, Winter, 2010), 16 – 26, https://assembly.uca.org.au/images/stories/Theology_Discipleship/pdf/Hymn_Winter_2010_pp16-26_.pdf accessed 4 August 2019.

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The Olney hymns Olney is a market town and civil parish in Buckinghamshire, South East England. At the 1801 census, the village had only 2,003 residents.31 This town was where the hymns under review were compiled and published.

Photographs of Olney, Buckinghamshire, UK32

Newton wrote about the people of his parish in Olney; If the Lord, whom I serve, has been pleased to favour me with that mediocrity of talent, which may qualify me for usefulness to the weak and the poor of his flock, without quite disguising persons of superior discernment, I have reason to be satisfied … I hope most of these hymns, being the fruit and expression of my own experience, will coincide with the views of real Christians of all denominations. 33

In the preface to The Olney hymns, Newton gave an indication as to his motivation for its inception. “A desire of promoting the faith and comfort of sincere Christians, though the principal, was not the only motive to this undertaken.” Newton stressed that the hymns were “a monument to perpetuate the remembrance of an intimate and endeared friendship,” noting his friendship with Cowper.34 First published in 1779, by 1836 The Olney hymns had reached 37 editions.

The Olney hymns was divided into three books:35 1. On Selected Passages of Scripture; 2. On Occasional Subjects; 3. On the Rise, Progress, Changes and comforts of the Spiritual Life.

The collection of hymns were published under the auspices of Selina Hastings, Countess of Huntingdon (1707 – 1791), the titled patron who assisted in much evangelical advance in the 18th century. The association of Countess of Huntingdon with The Olney hymns is peripheral as it impacted on the evangelical Anglicans. Further, it is stated that Lady Huntingdon “was instrumental John Hart, “Olney”, (GENUKI, 28 January 2019), https://www.genuki.org.uk/big/eng/BKM/Olney accessed 4 August 2019.

32 Photographs courtesy of Olney Town Council, approval given by the town clerk, December 2018.

33 Cited in Canete, “The Olney Hymns by John Newton”, ¶ 17.

34 Cited in Canete, “The Olney Hymns by John Newton”, ¶ 3.

35 Please note that capitalisation is as contained in the original edition.

31

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in the conversion of Lord Dartmouth (William Legge) who became a key figure in the ministry of John Newton”.36 The popularity of the hymns in The Olney hymns was such that one writer observed, As hymn-singing gained popularity in the nineteen century, many (around 25) of the hymns were reproduced in other hymn-books and pamphlets. Today around six of the original 348 Olney Hymns regularly feature in modern church worship.”37

Possibly due to its evangelical roots, The Salvation Army has included slightly more than the average of hymns from The Olney hymns in its song books. Tables below (see tables One, Two and Three) show that different editions of The song book of The Salvation Army have included up to eighteen hymns originally published in The Olney hymns. The number of these is however in decline.

Arthur Pollard wrote, “Most of us would readily name our favourite hymns, but why are they our favourites? Have you ever tried to analyse their particular appeal?”38 Pollard added a comment that bad hymns have caused us to ignore the good ones. He further commented that hymnals often leave out There is a fountain filled with blood because modern tastes find it repulsive, yet quoted Normal Nicholson who called it “a splendid sacramental hymn”.39 The Australian hymn book40 classified some 10% of its 600 hymns as being Psalms. In contrast, The song book of The Salvation Army, 2015 had only one Psalm.41 However, when the 2015 edition of The song book of The Salvation Army was published, passages of Scripture were allocated to each song. This allowed for it to become a deeper source to be used as devotional material, or in the way used by Newton, as sermonised-text hymns.

The song book of The Salvation Army William Booth took his hymn singing to the streets of London’s East End. He published his Revival music in 187642. Holz stated, “William Booth saw music as a means to an end. Christian music should attract people and speak the message of salvation to their hearts.” 43 A similar message was included in The Olney hymns nearly a century before.44 The sections of The song book of The Salvation Army reflect its doctrinal emphases and the characteristics of Salvationists. Where The Olney hymns was aimed at a limited audience, the fact that The Salvation Army became a world-wide organisation meant that its song books catered for both a Christian and non-Christian audience.

The sections of The song book of The Salvation Army, 1953 edition were: “Lady Huntingdon’s hymn book (1774)”, (Praise Trust, 2000 – 2019), https://www.praise.org.uk/hymnauthor/ladyhuntingdons-hymn-book-1774/ accessed 12 December 2019.

37 “Olney hymns”, (Wikipedia, last edited 15 July 2018), ¶ 2, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Olney_Hymns accessed 4 August 2019.

38 Arthur F. Pollard, “William Cowper’s Olney Hymns: A critical study”, (Churchman 069/3 1955), 1, http://archive.churchsociety.org/churchman/documents/Cman_069_3_Pollard.pdf accessed 12 December 2019.

39 Normal Nicholson cited in Pollard, “William Cowper’s Olney Hymns”, 1.

40 The Australian hymn book, Melody line edition (8 th ed.), (Australia: Collins, 1981).

41 The General, The Song Book of The Salvation Army, 2015.

42 William Booth (compiled), A complete compendium of revival music for evangelistic services, Open-air meetings, and The Home Circle, (London, UK: S.W. Partridge & Co, 1876).

43 Ronald W. Holz, “The Story Behind Salvation Army Music”, (Christianity today, n.d.), www.christianitytoday.com/history/issues/issue-26/story-behind-salvationarmy-music.html accessed 12 December 2018.

44 Cited in Leaver, “Olney Hymns 1779”.

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1.

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.

7.

8.

9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

God The Lord Jesus Christ The Holy Spirit The Holy Trinity The News of Salvation The Life of Holiness The Means of grace; a) Scripture b) Prayer c) Family Death and judgement Heaven and Hell The Fight of Faith The Young Soldier Special Occasions Benedictions45

The sections of The song book of The Salvation Army, 2015 edition reflect changes in the Army and with a reduced in the number of sections and a change in emphases in some areas of doctrine and Salvationist characteristics. The sections were reduced to; 1. The Eternal God; a) Father b) Son c) Holy Spirit.

2. Our response to God; a) Worship b) Salvation c) Holiness d) Life and service e) Dedication of children d) Enrolment of children.

3. Benedictions.46

The inclusion or exclusion of hymns appears to often depend more on popularity of the hymn than its theological correctness. For example, In evil long I took delight is contained in the 1953 edition of The Salvation Army Song Book but not in later editions. The explanation seems simple. In 1948 Bandmaster George Marshall (1888 – 1956) of South Shields, UK took this hymn wrote the Euphonium Solo: Ransomed.47 Such was the popularity of this difficult piece of music that Salvation Army congregations sought out its origins and it was placed in the Army’s song book. As the solo fell out of use, the hymn was removed from the song book. An additional example is Amazing grace.

After the pipes, drums and military band of The Royal Scots Dragoon Guard made famous Amazing grace in 1972, the hymn became popular in churches and began to appear in church hymn books.48 This is confirmed by the editions of The song book of The Salvation Army as Amazing grace did not appear in the edition of 1953, but did in the 1986 and 2015 editions. Mark Rhoads however noted that American Churches had been using this hymn since the early 19th century. He also noted that over the years some six different tunes had been used for this hymn.49 The tables below give a graphic representation of the inclusion from The Olney hymns in The song book of The Salvation Army.

Preaching and hymn writing for Newton and Cowper formed a basis for sermonised – text hymns. For this reason, the tables below reflect this objective where both men used many scriptural references to form their hymns. Although scripture references were not included in earlier song books, the 2015 edition of The song book of The Salvation Army scriptural references are given, but more of an editorial addition.

45

The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, (London, UK: Salvationist Publishing & Supplies, 1953).

The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 2015.

47 Brass band journal FS 152 – band score notes: ‘This solo first appeared, with piano accompaniment, Instrumental Album No 21 (1936)’ 48 The hymn reached number 2 on the top 100 UK-charts. “Top 100 1972”, (UK-charts.top-source.info), http://www.ukcharts.top-source.info/top-100-1972.shtml accessed 5 August 2019.

49 Mark Rhoads, “Amazing Grace: some early tunes”, (Bethel University, 2007), http://www.markrhoads.com/amazingsite/ accessed 4 August 2019.

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Table one: The song book of The Salvation Army’s use of Olney hymns by John Newton Hymn titles

Song No. SASB 195350

Amazing Grace!

Song No. SASB 198651

Song No. SASB 201552

308

453

1 Chronicles 17:16-17

454

24 references

Olney Hymns Bible Ref53

Approach, my soul,

205

284

Be gone, unbelief

742

712

1 Sam 7:12/Isa 12:2

Behold the throne of grace

562

560

1 Kings 3:5/Heb 4:14-16; 14:14-16

Come, my soul, thy suit

563

563

Day of Judgement!

626

875

Glorious things of thee

95

157

535

71 references

How Sweet the name of Jesus

41

58

78

73 references

How tasteless and tedious

251

318

Though troubles assail

785

763

738

9

10

6

Total number of songs by John Newton in the SASB edition

745

21 references 11 references

4 references 11 references

Discussion on sermonised-text hymns Sermonised-text hymns are a worthwhile study, provided care and checking is undertaken. However, the quantity of the references needs checking before using to support a sermon or other discussion. If available it would be beneficial to see what Newton and Cowper had in mind in regards to Scripture when writing the hymns.

When examining Hymnary.org care is needed due to the number of scriptural references provided in support of the hymns.54 Whether or not such scripture references were of the writers thinking or the hymnist assumption could not be fully tested without access to historic writings.

Notes on Newton’s hymns and scripture references Amazing Grace is supported by 1 Chronicles 17:16 – 17 and in one edition of The Olney hymns, 15 scriptural references were included. Another writer gave a scripture verse for every line.55 Linking hymns to Scripture is not an exact science and while discussions on The Olney hymns references 1 Chronicles 17:16 – 17, the 2015 edition of The song book of The Salvation Army, referenced Ephesians 1:3 – 14.56 Another, Come, my soul, thy suit57 prepare is often linked to Hebrews 4:16.58 Yet another unlisted author stated it is; 50

The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 1953.

The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 1986.

52 General of The Salvation Army, The song book of The Salvation Army, 2015.

53 Care is needed when searching for relevant verses – ref: Hymnary.org 54 Care is needed when searching for relevant verses – ref: Hymnary.org 55 Szczesniak, “Poetic pedantry or pastoral passion”.

56 The General of The Salvation Army, The song book of The Salvation Army, 2015.

57 Suit as in entreaty.

58 Unidentified blogger hymnstudiesblog.wodpress.com/2009/09/09/quotcome-my-soul-thy-suit-preparequot.

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A hymn that encourages us to come boldly to the throne of grace in prayer through the mediatorship of our High Priest, Jesus Christ. The text was written by John Newton … based on Solomon’s request in his dream of 1 Kings 3:5-9, it was first published with seven stanzas in the Olney hymns.59

As a sermonised-text hymn the blogger takes six of the seven verses, and, like Amazing Grace, quotes scripture to support each verse.

Be gone, unbelief my Saviour is near, an Olney hymn held dear by the Methodist Church under the heading I will trust and not be afraid is listed in Hymnary.org as linking to 1 Samuel 7:12 and Isaiah 12:2.60 Yet the Methodist hymn-book of 1904 does not agree that these two scripture verses are behind this hymn, but has 14 scripture verses of its own across the five verses of the song.61 Table two: The song book of The Salvation Army’s use of Olney hymns by William Cowper Song No. SASB 195362

Song No. SASB 198663

All scenes alike engaging

523

556

God moves in a mysterious way

25

29

Hark, my soul! It is the L

796

110

John 21:6

Jesus where’er thy people

583

604

Various

O for a closer walk

389

442

612

Ps.51:12/Genesis 5:24

The Spirit breathes upon

518

657

811

2 Timothy 3:11-17

There is a fountain filled

85

132

202

Zechariah 13:1

What various hindrances

546

646

796

Exodus 25:17

8

8

5

Hymn titles

Total number of songs by William Cowper in the SASB edition

Song No. SASB 201564

Olney Hymns Bible Ref65

Translated from Madam Guyon 17

John13:7

Notes on Cowper’s hymns What is true for Newton’s hymns and their link to scripture is also true of Cowper’s hymns.

All scenes alike engaging prove to souls impressed with sacred love was written by Jeanne Marie Bouvier de la Motte (1648 – 1717) and Cowper was to spend many years translating her hymns and poems. Motte was the leader of the Quietist Movement in France.66 59

Unidentified blogger hymnstudiesblog.wodpress.com/2009/09/09/quotcome-my-soul-thy-suit-preparequot.

“Begone unbelief, my saviour is near”, The Canterbury dictionary of hymnology, (Canterbury Press, 2013), https://hymnology.hymnsam.co.uk/b/begone-unbelief,-my-saviour-isnear?q=Begone%20unbelief,%20my%20saviour%20is%20near accessed 8 August 2019.

61 “Begone unbelief, my saviour is near”.

62 The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 1953.

63 The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 1986.

64 The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 2015.

65 Care is needed when searching for relevant verses – ref: Hymnary.org 66 Quiestism, being a form of Christian Mysticism requiring passive contemplation and the joyful surrender of the will.

A doctrine of Christian spirituality that holds to consistent passivity (quietness) of the soul.

60

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O for a closer walk with God, and two other of Cowper’s hymns were included in Richard Conyers A collection of Psalms and Hymns.67 The tragic emotional instability of Cowper is reflected in verses 2 and 3 of O for a closer walk with God as he struggled through his personal life.

A further comment can be made on the hymn, There is a fountain filled with blood which Leaver stated was subject to a succession of modifications due to “its crude imagery offending against refined sensibilities.”68 As the aggressive evangelism of The Salvation Army was headed by motto ‘Blood and Fire’, this hymn suited the Army well with Salvationist phraseology.

Conclusion As The Salvation Army changes focus on elements of its doctrine and links to other Christian theology, there has been a decline in its use of The Olney hymns. Table three shows that with the introduction of Amazing grace the number of the hymns increased in the 1986 Song book of The Salvation Army by one whereas the 2015 Song book of The Salvation Army lost four hymns by John Newton and three written by William Cowper.

Table three: The song book of The Salvation Army’s use of Olney hymns

Total number of songs from Olney hymns in the SASB editions

Song No. SASB 195369

Song No. SASB 198670

Song No. SASB 201571

17

18

11

This has meant the loss of some of the Army’s link with its roots in evangelicalism and English Christian heritage. With the introduction and removal of hymns too, the Army has fallen into the trap of promoting the popular hymns of the time while removing those out of vogue. Focus and study on The Salvation Army’s hymnology is continually needed to investigate the changes hymns can have on individual and corporate theology. The reason for this was outlined by Jane Huber, who wrote, Faith is meant to be sung, and hymns are for the singing of it. Some say that hymns are a greater influence on one’s personal theology even than scripture or teaching or preaching or family or friends. I believe this is also true of the influence of hymns on our collection theology as part of the Judeo-Christian tradition…If this is true, then it matters what words we sing… 72

Published in 1772. “O for a closer walk with God”, The Canterbury dictionary of hymnology, (Canterbury Press, 2013), https://hymnology.hymnsam.co.uk/o/o-for-a-closer-walk-with-god accessed 8 August 2019.

68 Normal Nicholson cited in Pollard, “William Cowper’s Olney Hymns”, 1.

69 The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 1953.

70 The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 1986.

71 The General, The song book of The Salvation Army, 2015.

72 Jane Parker Huber, A singing faith, (Philadelphia, USA: The Westminster Press, 1987), 11.

67

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REQUEST FOR INFORMATION TO ASSIST WITH RESEARCH The following researchers have asked for assistance from our readers. If you know of any information or articles, have photographs, stories or artefacts, please contact them via their email address as outlined below.

Emily Gibbs – War Relics in Australian Churches. For her dissertation, Emily is requesting any information on war relics in Australian churches. Not memorials, memorial furniture, plaques nor windows; only war -related objects. Please contact her at manning.gibbs@gmail.com

Garth Hentzschel – Theses, chapter of books and journal articles. For the continuation of the ‘Bibliography of Salvation Army Literature in English 1988 – Present’, Hentzschel is requesting any information on theses, chapters of books and journal articles written about The Salvation Army.

Information on such works and possible copies of these documents, please contact Hentzschel at ajsahistory@gmail.com

Garth Hentzschel – History The Salvation Army in Brisbane pre-1885. Research has commenced on the history of The Salvation Army activities in Queensland and specifically Brisbane prior to 1885.

Any information on this time period, please contact Hentzschel at ajsahistory@gmail.com

A/Prof Daniel Reynaud – Information on Australian Salvationists in WW1. Ongoing research is being conducted on the spirituality of the Anzacs. Should any reader have access to a diary or letters of a Great War Salvationist in the AIF, Reynaud would like to read it/them. Please contact him at daniel.reynaud@avondale.edu.au

Major Kingsley Sampson – The New Zealand Salvation Army’s Response to the Second World War. The publication of Under Two Flags: the New Zealand Salvation Army’s response to the First World War invites a sequel, about WW2. At this stage, Kingsley is simply gathering information about NZ Salvationists who enlisted in the Second World War, NZ SA chaplains who served, Welfare Officers, Institutes in NZ military camps and service by both men and women in the Army, Air Force and Navy both in New Zealand and overseas. He is also interested in hearing about resources such as diaries, memorabilia, memoirs, photos or other suitable material that relatives are willing to make available for this project. Please contact Kingsley at kingsley.sampson@gmail.com

The Australasian Journal of Salvation Army History, Volume 4, Issue 2, 2019. Page 116

REVIEWS, COMMENTS, FEEDBACK AND LETTERS TO THE EDITOR ON THE AUSTRALASIAN JOURNAL OF SALVATION ARMY HISTORY ~ VOLUME 4, ISSUE 1.

Major Dr. Harold Hill, Retired Salvation Army officer, New Zealand; lecturer for Eva Burrows College, Australia and Booth University College, Canada; … it gets better and better (as well as bigger and better)!

Huge congratulations!!!

Major Howard Davies, Retired Salvation Army officer, and composer, Australia; Latest issue is as always so comprehensive and interesting. Don’t know how you manage to do it all! Amazing!

Elaine Pearson, Librarian Booth College of Mission Library Upper Hutt, New Zealand; Thank you.

We greatly value this publication at Booth College of Mission.

Major Jenni Frost, Officer Personnel Secretary – Team Leader, The Salvation Army Australia Territory; I want to start by saying a big Thank you for your research and written work on my father, Alan Gowlett. … You have done a great job in capturing information about him and there are things there I didn’t know about, particularly his war info, just something he didn’t talk about. …

At his funeral the Antarctic representative read from the daily Station Diary which talked about how he played carols on his trombone on Christmas morning. Something we never knew - even Mum. We then looked up his diary for that day. His words said… “I wanted to give the men the right idea of Christmas”. Makes for good sermon material at Christmas! …

Thanks again for your great work. It is very much appreciated.

Editorial note: A similar letter also appeared in the Others Magazine. Jenni Frost, “Mailbox”, Others, (Australia, August, Vol. 3, Iss. 8, 2019), 13.

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