saeed saman

‫‪ 2‬ﻓﻮﺭﻳــﻪ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻌﺪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻨﻌﻜﺲ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﻨﻰ‬ ‫ﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺟﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺟﺪﻳــﺪ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ »ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ«‬ ‫ﻧﺴــﺒﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻴﻦﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘــﺶ ﻣﻮﺛﺮﺗﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺭﻳﺰﻯ‬

‫»ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ« ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺩﻭ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﻔﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺒﺎﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺗﺨﺎﺫ‬ ‫ﻛﻨــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧــﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻻﻙ ‪ 34‬ﺳــﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻴــﺪﺍﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺑﻰﻗﻴﺪ ﻭ ﺷﺮﻁ ﺍﺯ ﻭﺣﺸﻰﮔﺮﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻰﺩﺭﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻐﻮﻝﻭﺍﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻧﻔﺘﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﻜﻞ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻــﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻻﻙ ﺟﺪﻳﺪﻯ ﻓــﺮﻭ ﺭﻭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ« ﻓﺮﺿﻰ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺷــﻨﻮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻃﻰ ﻣﺼﺎﺣﺒﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺭﺱﻧﻴﻮﺯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ‬ ‫‪ 13‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣــﺎﻩ ‪ 1391‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬــﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻴﻨﺖ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺖ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛــﺮﻯ ﭘﻰ ﺑﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰﺷــﺎﻥ« ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﺍﺕ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﻭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻭ ﺳــﺘﻢ ﺍﺳــﺘﻜﺒﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ »ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻡ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ ﻛﻨﺪ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﻥﻛﺮﻯ ﭼــﻪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﻳﮋﻩﺍﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻗــﺔ ﺍﻣﻴــﺪ ﺍﻳﻨﭽﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﺩﻝ ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻯ ﺑﺤﺚ ﻭ‬ ‫ﮔﻔﺘﮕﻮ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺑﺘﻜﺎﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ« ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻪ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﺓ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ ﻭﺯﻳﺮ! ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻄﻠــﺐ‪ ،‬ﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ »ﻃﻴﻨﺖ« ﻭ »ﺫﺍﺕ«‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎ ﻳﺎﺩﺁﻭﺭﻯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺍﮔﺮﭼــﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻤﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎ ]‪[...‬ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﭘﺬﻳﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻴﺖ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ﺭﻳﺸــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺫﺍﺕ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻴﻨﺖ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻴﺰ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ »ﻃﻴﻨــﺖ« ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﭘﻴﺸﻴﻨﺎﻥﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺧﻮﺵ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺭﻳﺸﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﺎﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ‬ ‫ﺳﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻓﻬﺮﺳﺖﻭﺍﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺗﻮﺭ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺜﻤﺎﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻤﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﻥ ﺟﺴﺘﺠﻮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ »ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﺩﺭ«‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺯﺍﺋﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺒﺮﺩﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ »ﺑﺤﺮﻃﻮﻳﻞ« ﻣﻰﺳــﺎﺯﺩ! ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻭ ﻛﻢﻗﺪﺭﺕ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﻼﻝ‬ ‫ﺁﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ »ﺑﺎﻭﺭ« ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮﮔﺰ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﺴــﺌﻮﻻﻧﻪ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﻄﻠﺒﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﮕﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻤﺎً ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺪﻕﺍﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻚ ﺁﺯﻣﺎﻳﺶ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺭﻭﺡﺍﷲ‬ ‫ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﻣﻄﻠﻮﺏ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺴــﺘﺠﻮﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﺍﺗﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﺮﻯ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﭙــﺎﻭﻝ ﺑﻰﺣﺪﻭﻣﺮﺯ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻃﺒﻴﻌــﻰ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﺔ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﺨﺼﺼﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﺮﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺁﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﭘﻬﻠﻮﻯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻃﻰ‬ ‫‪ 34‬ﺳــﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻃﻊ ﻣﺘﻔﺎﻭﺕ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻪ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻴﺴﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﻃﻴﻨــﺖ« ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛــﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻡﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺲﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻻﺑﻮﺭﺍﺗﻮﺍﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺍﻡ‪ .‬ﺁﻯ‪ .‬ﺗﻰ« ﻭ ﻛﺎﺭﻛﻨﺎﻥ ﺻﺪﻳﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﻤﻪﺭﺳﻤﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﻧﺪ‪» ،‬ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳﺎﺯ« ﺷﺪﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻀﺮﺍﺕ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺧﻮﺏ ﺗﻜﺜﻴﺮﺷــﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺎ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﻋﻤﻠﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺘﺨﺼﺺ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ! ﻭ ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﺭﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ »ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺳﺒﺰ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﻧﺸــﮕﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺧﺸﻚ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﺎﻥ »ﺻﺎﻟﺤــﻰﺍﻯ« ﺑﺸــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﺖ ﻟــﺰﻭﻡ ﺍﺯ »ﻃﻴﻨﺖ« ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫»ﻣﻄﻠﻊ« ﮔﺮﺩﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ »ﻃﻴﻨﺖ« ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺟﺮﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺍﻭﻳﺔ ﺩﻳﺪ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ »ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ـ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻣﻄﻠﺒﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺳــﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ ﻣﺸــﻜﻞ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﻜﺎﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﻮﭘﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺛﺒﺎﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻠﻴﻪ ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ ﺍﺑﺎﺋﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻭﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ ‪33‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺧﻴﺮ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺷﺎﺭﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺃﺱ ﺁﻥﻫﺎ ﻗــﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑــﻪ ﺗﻨﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﻗﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻟﻪﺳﻮﺳــﻜﻪ« ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﺪﺍ ً ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑــﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌــﻰ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺳــﺎﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﺑﻴﻦ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﭼﺎﺷﻨﻰ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺳﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﻰﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﻤــﺎﺱ‪ ،‬ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺑــﻦﻻﺩﻥ ﻭ ﻋﻤﺎﻣﻪﺑﻪﺳــﺮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺘــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠــﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕﺮﺍﻥ ﻳﻚ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻙ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺯﺭﮔﺮﻯ« ﻛﺬﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﺣﺴﻦﻧﻴﺘﻰ« ﻛﻪ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻴﻦ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻓﺮﻣﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏــﻢ ﻫﻴﺎﻫــﻮﻯ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗــﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴﻮﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭﺳﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻫﻞﻣﻦﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯ‬ ‫ﻃﻠﺒــﻰ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒــﺎﻥ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻩﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﺣﻞﻭﻓﺼﻞ ﺷﻮﺩ؛ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻨﻰ ﺳــﭙﺮﺩﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭﺵ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻛﻴﻨﮕﻬﺎﻡ ﭘﺎﻻﺱ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻰﺭﻭﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨــﺪﻩﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻬﺎﻡ ﻓﺮﻭﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﺍﻳﻨﻬﻤﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺍﺯ‬

‫ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻭ ﻣﺴــﺨﺮﻩﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺳﺨﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺳــﺮ ﻣﺎﺭ«‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻭﻻﻳﺖ ﻓﻘﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺪﻳﺪ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼــﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻗﺎﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺑﻰ ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﮕــﺮﺍﻥ »ﺧﻮﺩﻯ« ﺍﻋﻢ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺳــﺒﺰ ﻭ ﺍﺻﻼﺡﻃﻠﺐ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺘﺮﻝ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﻴﺎﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪﭘﺬﻳﺮﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﺑﻖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺖ« ﺑﺎﻋﺚ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻋﻨﺼﺮ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﺔ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺩﻯ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﻤﺮﺵ ﻣﻰﺯﺩ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺑﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺑﭽﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺟﻤﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ »ﺣﺴﻦ ﻧﻴﺖ« ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪﻩ ﻛﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺌﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺭﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻳﺎﺑــﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳــﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺣﻞ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ« ﺍﺳــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻜــﻪ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﺪ ﺍﺧﺘﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺯﺗﺎﺑﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﮔﺰﺍﺭﺵ ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 13‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﺷﻴﺔ ﻛﻨﻔﺮﺍﻧﺲ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﻣﻮﻧﻴﺦ‪» ،‬ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ«‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺟﻮ ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﻌﺎﻭﻥ ﺑــﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﮔﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺄﻛﻴﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻟﺒﺘــﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛــﺮﺍﺕ »ﺩﻭ ﺟﺎﻧﺒــﻪ« ﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﻣــﻮﺱ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﺟﺎﺯﻩ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﻕ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺵﺩﻭﺍﻧﻰ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﻻﺕ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳــﺎﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺍﻣﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﺩﻫﺎﻥﭘﺮﻛﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‪» ،‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫‪...‬ﻻﺕﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻨﺦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﻉ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺳﺮ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺑﭽﺴﺒﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻭ ﭘﺎ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﺎ ﺗﻨﻮﺭ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺏ ﮔﺮﻡ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺎﺷﻤﻰ ﺭﻓﺴﻨﺠﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺩ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﻭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ »ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ـ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ« ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻣﻰ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺣﺰﺍﺏ«؛ ﻣﻼﻣﻤﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻝ‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺘﻘﻴﻢ ﺳﺎﻧﺴــﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺕ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻭ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ ﺩﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﻪﻫﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻜﺎﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ »ﻓﻴﻠﺴﻮﻑ ﻫﻨﺮﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺩﻳﺐ«؛ »ﺑﺮﺍﺩﺭ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻗﭽﻰ« ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﺤﺴــﻦ ﺭﺿﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﻮﺩﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ‪34‬‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻝ ﻭﺍﺭﺩﺍﺕ ﺳــﻴﮕﺎﺭ ﻭﻳﻨﺴﺘﻮﻥ ﻗﺎﭼﺎﻕ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺭﻳﺶ ﺳﭙﻴﺪ ﺧﻴﺮﺧﻮﺍﻩ«‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ »ﺍﻗﺘﺪﺍﺭ« ﺻﻔﻮﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺣﻴﺎء ﻛﻨﺪ؛ ﻗﺒﻴﻠﺔ‬ ‫ﻻﺭﻳﺠﺎﻧﻰﻫــﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﻳﺖﺷــﺎﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺭ‬ ‫»ﺗﺪﻭﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ« ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺩﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭﺡ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ« ﻏﺎﻓﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﺧﺮ ﺧﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺧﻮﺍﻧﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺣﺴﻰ ﻛﺎﻣﻞ ﻭ »ﻛﻮﻣﺎ« ﺍﻳﻨﻮﺭ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻮﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺎﻩ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﺔ ﻧﺎﻣﺮﺑﻮﻁ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺭﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﺮﺏ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﻧﺪﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻭﻗﻮﻉ ﻧﭙﻴﻮﻧﺪﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ« ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﻳﺮﭘﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺩﻡﺟﻨﺒﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺯ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏﺷﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺩﻭﺳﺖ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ‬ ‫»ﮔﺮﻡ« ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﺍﺷﻜﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ؛ ﻛﺎﻣ ً‬ ‫ﻼ ﺑﺮﻋﻜﺲ!‬ ‫ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺷــﺪﻥ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﮔﺮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧــﻼء ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻜــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ﻧﻨﮕﻴﻦ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ‬ ‫»ﺗﻮﻟﻪﻫﺎﻯ« ﺩﺳــﺖﺁﻣﻮﺯ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻜﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺻﻼﺡ ﻭ ﻓﻼﺡ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼء ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺎﻣــﺪﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺍﻧــﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨــﺔ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﻣﻠﻰ‬

‫ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺗﻮﺳــﻂ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺑﺎﻧﺪ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸــﺎﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻳﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻏﻴﺮﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻭﺣﺸﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﭘﻨﻬﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﻛﻮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﻞ »ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ«‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫــﺮﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ ﺑﺮ ﻭﺣﺸــﻴﮕﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺗﻮﺩﻩﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﮔﺸﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﺎﻧــﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻓﺮﻳﻔﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ﺑﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻭ ﺁﻧﺠﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺘﺎﺭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻴﻄﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ »ﺟﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻮﺳﺎﻡ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺶ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻜﺮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻭﻟﻴﻦ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﻭ ﺣﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺻﻠﻰﺷﺎﻥ ﻳﻌﻨﻰ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺭﻳﺨﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﺁﻧﮕﻠﻮﺳﺎﻛﺴــﻮﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻﺕﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﻼﻡﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺩﻭﺳــﺘﻰ ﺑﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﺯ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭ ﺑﻬﺮﻩﻛﺸﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻇﻮﺍﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺯﻭﺝ »ﺑﺎﻳﺪﻥ‬ ‫ـ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣــﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺒﻮﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﻴﺪﻩ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ؛ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺳﺨﺖﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ »ﺍﺩﺑﻴﺎﺕ«‬ ‫ﺗﻮﻟﻪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺎﻩ‬

‫»ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﻠﻰ« ﻣﻰﻧﺸــﻴﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺿﻤﻦ ﺳﻴﻨﻪﺯﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺍﺭﺑﺎﺏ‪ ،‬ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﺍﺩﻑ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻳﻨﺪﺓ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ »ﺗﺸﺮﻳﺢ« ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻭﺍﺭﻡ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻳﮋﮔﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺮﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺸــﻰ ﺍﺯ ]‪ [...‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺿﺪﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟــﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺷــﻮﺩ ﻭ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺻﻼﺡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻳﻜﺮﺩﻫــﺎﻯ ﻇﺎﻟﻤﺎﻧــﻪ ]‪ [...‬ﻭ ﭘﺮﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑــﻪ ﻛﺎﻫﺶ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﻛﻨﺪ]‪«[...‬‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﻴﻨﻴــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺑــﺎ ﻇﻠﻢ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ »ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕــﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛــﺮﺩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ« ﻋﻠﻰ ﻗﺼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺷﻴﻌﻴﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺻﺤﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ! ﻓﻘﻂ ﺧﻠﺨﺎﻝ ﺁﻥ ﺯﻥ ﻳﻬﻮﺩﻯ ﻛﻢ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﮔﺮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﻯ ﻋﻠﻴﻪﺍﻟﺴﻼﻡ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﻣﺎﻥ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩ‪.‬‬