saeed saman

‫‪ 26‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳــﻪ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻳﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﺳــﺦ ﻗﺸــﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﻴﺎﻧﮕﺰﺍﺭﺍﻥ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻟﮕﺮﻡ ﻧﻜﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻋﺘﺮﺍﺽ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻧﺔ ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﭘﺎﻳﺘﺨﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﻤﺪﺓ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺯﻧﮓﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺪﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻭ ﺳﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﺼﺮﺣﺠﺮ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺴﺘﻮﻫﺎﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻚ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪،‬‬

‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢﻣﻴﻬﻨﺎﻥﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻃﻨﺰ »ﻣﺮﺳﻠﻴﻨﻰ« ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻧﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺻﺒــﺎﺡ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﻴــﺮﻭﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺁﺯﻣــﻮﻥ »ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ«‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻭﺩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺑﻮﺩ »ﭘﺸــﺘﻴﺒﺎﻥ« ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺘﻰﭘﺮﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴــﻢ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﺑﺎ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴــﺖﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﻢﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺻﺎﺑﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﺔ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ژﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺒﻠﻴﻐﺎﺗــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻣﺮﺩﺍﻥ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴــﺖ‪» ،‬ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺠﻰ ﻣﺸــﺎﺑﻪ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﺷــﺮﻳﻌﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﺩﻭﺳﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺑﺮﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺮﺕ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ«‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔــﺎﺩ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴــﺰ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﺘﺎﻳﺞ ﺟﺎﺩﻭﺋﻰ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ!«‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ؛ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻧــﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸــﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻓﺘــﺎﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺳــﺎﻳﺶ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺎﺯ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺻﻠﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻛﻮﺭﺩﻝ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺍﮔﻴﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺷﺮﻉ‬

‫ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ »ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ« ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ »ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ«‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺍﺯ ﮔﻔﺘﻤﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﺑﺎﺯﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰﻧﻤﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﻮﺍﻉ ﺧﺎﺭﺝﻧﺸﻴﻦﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﻏﺎﻳﺐ« ﺍﺻﻠﻰ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺷــﻌﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮچ‬ ‫»‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻨﻰ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﺮﺍﺭ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺧﻮﺏ«‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻨــﻰ ﺫﻛﺮ »ﻣﺮﺩﻡ‪ ،‬ﻣــﺮﺩﻡ!« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ! ﻫﻴﭽﻜﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﻧﻮﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻭﺣﺸــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﺨﻨﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻠﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻓﺮﺟﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖ »ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﺸﻰ« ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺑﻮﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻧﻌﻠﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻳﻦ ﻧﺤﻮ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ! ﺻﺪﻫﺎ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻭ ﺩﻩﻫﺎ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺳﺨﻨﻮﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺘﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻰ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑﭽﻪﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﮔﺸﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻻﺕ ﻭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﺑﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺷــﻜﻤﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻗﺖ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻤﻖ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻧﻮﻛﺮﻣﻨﺸــﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺟﻮﺩﺍﺕ ﻋﺼﺮﺣﺠﺮ ﭘﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻨﺪﺑﺎﺩ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‪ ،‬ﻓﻘﻂ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻓﺮﺳــﻮﺩﻩ ﺷﺪﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺲﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ؛ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﻋﻤﻴﻖﺗﺮ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﺎﺭ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ »ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ـ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺧﺮﺩﺭﭼﻤــﻦ« ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷــﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺧﻄﻮﻁ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﮕﺮﺷــﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﻤﺎﻟــﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻻﺯﻡ ﻣﻰﻧﻤﺎﻳﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﻋﻀــﻮ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ »ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ« ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﺳــﺐ ﺭﺷﺪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺑــﺎﻥ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ«‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻳﻚﺟﺎ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﻢ ﻋﺎﻣﻞ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺑﮕﺮ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ« ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻋﻴﻦ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺷﻦﺿﻤﻴﺮ« ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﺮﻭﺭ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﺩﻭﺳﺖ!‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑــﺎﺯ‪ ،‬ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰﻃﻠﺒﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻫﻴﺌﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﺳﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺩﺍﻣﻦ‬ ‫ﺯﺩﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺗﺶ ﺗﻌﺼﺒﺎﺕ ﻧﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﺠﺮ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ »ﺳــﺪ ﺳﻜﻨﺪﺭ«‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺗﻼﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﺮﻛﺎﺕ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﺭﺷﺪ ﻛﻤﻮﻧﻴﺴﻢ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺭﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺳــﻤﺎً ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ »ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫــﺎ ﮔﻔﺘﻪﺍﻳــﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻐﺰ ﺍﺳــﺘﺨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺴــﺎﺩ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﺳــﺖﻭﭘﺎ ﻣﻰﺯﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺭﺷــﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺳــﻨﮓﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻯ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫»ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ« ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﻣﻰﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃــﻮﺭ ﻣﺜﺎﻝ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺣﻤﻠﻪﻭﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺍﺯ ﺑﻨﺪ »ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ« ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪ ،‬ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺟﻨﮓ«‬ ‫ﺑﻜﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺗﻮﺳــﻌﻪﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ ﻭ ﻧﺌﻮﻛﺎﻥﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺑﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﻩ ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩ ﺩﻫﺪ! ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﺍﺣﻞ ﺧﺰﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﺷﺪﻩ‬ ‫ﺑــﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ »ﺩﺭ ﺑﺎﻍ ﺳــﺒﺰ« ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﻤﺪﻯﻧــﮋﺍﺩ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻣﻨﻪﺍﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺳــﻮﺍﺋﻰ ﻭ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺟﻨﮓﻃﻠﺒﺎﻧﺔ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﻣﺘﺼﻞ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻗﻴﻘــﺎً ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻭﺭﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻴﺌﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻼء ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻗﻠﺐ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﺧﻼء« ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻦﺑﺴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ﺩﻭ ﺳــﺎﻝ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺳــﻌﻰ‬

‫ﻛﺮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ »ﺍﺗﻤﻰ« ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻟﻰ »ﺑﺎ ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﻨﮓ ﺩﻭ ﮔﻨﺠﺸــﮓ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ!« ﺁﻥﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻳﻚﺳﻮ‬ ‫ﺩﻭ ﻫﻴﺌــﺖ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺔ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺎﺯﻧــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﺍﺻﻠﻰ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻫﺴــﺘﻨﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﻳﻜﺪﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﺔ ﻭﺍﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺗﻮﺷﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻮﺷﻴﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﮔﺮﻳﺰ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒــﺎﺭ« ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ‪» ،‬ﮔﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﻓﺮﺍﺭ« ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬــﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺎﺩﻩ ﻧﮕﺎﻩ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫــﻢ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ‬ ‫ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ! ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺭﻛﻮﺭﺍﻧﻪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺰﻳﻨﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺯﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺎ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻛــﺮﺩ؛ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﻜﻢﺍﺵ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ ﻋﻘﺐﺭﺍﻧﺪﻥ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﺧﺖﻭﭘﺎﺧﺖ ﺑﺎ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ ﺻﺎﺑﻮﻥ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂﺍﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺮ ﻭ ﺑﺤﺚ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ!‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺳــﺖﺍﺯﭘﺎ ﺩﺭﺍﺯﺗﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﺎﻓﺖ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﻰﺑﻰﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 7‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺗﻴﺘﺮ ﺯﺩﻩ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺳــﺨﻨﮕﻮﻯ ﺍﺷﺘﻮﻥ‪ :‬ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﭘﻴﺸــﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻬﻢ ﻭ ﺩﻫﻢ ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﻧﭙﺬﻳﺮﻓﺖ!«‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸــﻴﻨﻰ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻟﺠﺰﺍﻳﺮ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻫﺎ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﭼﺎﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻔﺖ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺎﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻔﺮﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺸﺎﻛﺶ »ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻯ« ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﭘﻬﻦ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ! ﭘﺮﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﻇﻬﺎﺭﻧﻈﺮ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﻛﺴﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺭﺩﻭﻏﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎﻡ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﻭ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ »ﺳﺎﻓﺖ«‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻧﻔﻮﺫ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻖ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻏﺮﺏ »ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺟﺎﻟﺐ ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺗﻼﺵ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺧﺮﺝ ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺩ ﺗﺎ ﻣﺬﻛﺮﺍﺕ »ﻛﺬﺍ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﺑﺮﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﺷــﻮﺩ! ﻓﻘﻂ ﻓﺸﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻜﻞﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺳــﻴﻄﺮﺓ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻨﻮﺑﻰﺍﺵ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ‬ ‫ﺁﺗﺎﺗﺮﻛﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﻣﺮﻛﺰ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ« ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺍﻟﺪﺭﻡﺑﻠﺪﺭﻡ‬ ‫»ﭘﺎﻥﺗﺮﻛﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺑﻪ ﻫﻮﺍ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪﻥ ﺗﻮﺟﻪ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻄﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺪﻭﻟﺖ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺘﺼﺎﺏ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺮﺩﺗﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻭﺯﺍﺭﺕ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺍﻋﻄﺎﻯ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯ ﺩﻓﺎﻉ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺎﻛﻢ‬ ‫ﺟﺰﺍﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﻣﺘﻴﺎﺯﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻤﺎﺭ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺯﺑﺎﻥ ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ‪ ،‬ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺎﻧﺒﻮﻝ ﭘﻴﺸﻨﻬﺎﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ‪ ،‬ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 7‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻝﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺯﮔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺭﻭﺯ ﭼﻬﺎﺭﺷﻨﺒﻪ‪ 4 ،‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ]‪ [...‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮﻧﮕﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﮔﻔﺖ ﻛﻪ‪ [...] ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺗﻮﺻﻴﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺖ ﻣﻠﻰ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺤﺚ ﻣﻴﺰﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺷﺪ ]‪ [...‬ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﻘﺒﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺍﻛﻨﻮﻥ ﺭﺍﻳﺰﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ »ﺍﻓﺎﺿﺎﺕ« ﺻﺎﻟﺤﻰ ﺩﻗﺖ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭﻣﻰﻳﺎﺑﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥ ﺳﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ«‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ ﻣﺼــﺮ‪ ،‬ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻧﺎﺭﺿﺎﻳﺘﻰ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﺓ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ »ﻣﺮﺳــﻠﻴﻨﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﭘﺴــﺎﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﺩﻻﺋﻞ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺁﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺡ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺭﺍﺳﺖﺍﻓﺮﺍﻃﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﺍﻛﻨﺶ ﺷــﺪﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﮔﺎﻩ ﺟﻨﺎﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ »ﭘﺮﺕ ﺳــﻌﻴﺪ«‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻛﺸــﺘﻪ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪ 20‬ﺗﻦ ﺍﻧﺠﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺮﺳــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺣﺴــﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺧﻴﺎﺑــﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻣﺼﺮﻳﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺣﺎﺷــﻴﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﻣﺬﺍﻛﺮﺍﺕ ﻫﺴﺘﻪﺍﻯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻄﺢ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﺭﺯﺵ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ؟ ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﻏﺮﺏ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻛﺴــﺐ ﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭ‬

‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﺋﻴﻞ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺗﻮﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫»ﺑﺤﺮﺍﻥﺳــﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﻯ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﺒﺎﺭﻯ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻰ ﻓﺮﻭﮔﺰﺍﺭ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺁﺷﻮﺏﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﺩﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻤﺎﻣــﻰ ﺑﺤﺚﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺍﻟﺰﺍﻣﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺰﺭگ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻳﺎﺩ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻣﻨﻮﺭﺍﻟﻔﻜﺮﺍﻥﺷــﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣــﺪ ﺯﻳﺎﺩﻯ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦﻛﻨﻨﺪﻩ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖﺳــﺎﺯ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺳــﺎﻟﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﻧﻨﮕﻴــﻦ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺖ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺄﺛﻴﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻮﻋﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻘﺎﺑﻞ ﺑﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻫﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﻚ ﻣﻠﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺪﺍﻡ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﻭﻳﮋﺓ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺭﻭﺯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﻣﻠﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻘﺶ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﮔﺮﺍﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﻛﺸــﻮﺭ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺵﺧﻴﺎﻟﻰ‪ ،‬ﻛﻢﺳﻮﺍﺩﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺵﺑﺎﻭﺭﻯ ﻗﺸــﺮﻫﺎ ﻭ ﮔﺮﻭﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺩﻩﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺤﻜﻤﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺦ ﺑﺮﺩ‪.‬‬