آلو و آرزو

‫‪ 9‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳـــﻪ ‪2013‬‬

‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﺟﻨﮕﻰ ﻃﻰ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﺍﻣﺮﻯ »ﻋﺎﺩﻯ« ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ ﭘﺎﺳﺪﺍﺭﺍﻥ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﺑﻌﺎﺩ ﺁﺷــﻜﺎﺭ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻳﻚﺳــﻮ‪ ،‬ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺧﺒﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ ﺳﺨﻦﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﻰ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻤﺎﻣﻰ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﻣﺒﺬﻭﻝ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺩﺍﺩ« ﺭﺍ ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺭﺯ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺳﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ »ﺗﺒﺎﺩﻝ« ﺍﺳــﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﺒﻌﺔ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮﺍﻣﻞ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﻛﻔﺔ ﺗﺮﺍﺯﻭ‪ ،‬ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫﺎ ﺗﻤﺎﻳﻞ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻧﻜﺎﺭﺍ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻭ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺟﺎﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﻧﻤﺎﻳﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺟﺎﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎ‬

‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﻯ ﺩﺍﺩﻥ »ﺁﺩﺭﺱﻋﻮﺿﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺐ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭﺍﺳﺘﺎ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﺩﻳﻮﻓﺮﺩﺍ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺥ ‪ 20‬ﺩﻯﻣﺎﻩ ﺳﺎﻟﺠﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻧﻘﻞ ﺍﺯ »ﭘﺮﺱ ﺗﻰﻭﻯ« ﻣﻰﻧﻮﻳﺴﺪ‪:‬‬ ‫»]‪ [...‬ﭼﻬﺎﺭ ﺗﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺁﺯﺍﺩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻧﻴﺮﻭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺒﻌﺔ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠــﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺬﻳﺮﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻳﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺑﻌﺚ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺗﺨﺎﺻﻢ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺷــﺪﻩ! ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺧﺒﺮﺳــﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﺔ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺮ‬ ‫ﻭﺍژﮔﻮﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ »ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ ـ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﺧﺒﺮﺭﺳﺎﻧﻰ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺑﻼگ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻣﺎﻣﻮﺗﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻴﺒﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ ﺍﺯ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﭘﻮﺳــﻴﺪﺓ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ‪ «.‬ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ـ ﻃﻰ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻃﻮﻻﻧﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺑﻌﺚ ﻭ ﺧﺎﻧﻮﺍﺩﺓ ﺍﺳــﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ـ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻳﻚ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺷﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ ﻧﮕﺮﺵ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﭘﮋﻭﻫﺶﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻝ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﻴﻮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺨﺼﻮﺹ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ »ﺷﻜﺎﺭ« ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺭﻓﺖ؟ ﭼﺮﺍ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ‬

‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺜﺎﻝ ﻛﺎﺭﻟﻮﺱ ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ« ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺒﻜﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻣﭙﺮﻳﺎﻟﻴﺴــﻢ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﻨــﺎﺭ ﺟﻨﺎﻳﺘﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻡ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺧﻴﻤﻪ ﺯﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺣﺪﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ« ﺷــﻜﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻰﻛﺮﺩ؟‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗــﻊ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺧﺮﻭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺍﺳــﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﺳــﻨﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﭘﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺑﺮ ﺑﻮﻡ »ﺟﻨﮓ ﺳﺮﺩ«‬ ‫ﻧﻘﺎﺷﻰﺍﺵ ﻣﻰﻛﺮﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺍﺻﻞ »ﺑﺒﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻧﭙﺮﺱ« ﺭﻧﮕﺶ ﻣﻰﺯﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﻚ ﺑﺎﺭ ﻭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ ﮔﺬﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ« ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺟﺪﻳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﻧﻪ ﻭﺳﻴﻠﺔ ﺍﻧﺘﻘﺎﻡﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻓﻼﻥ ﻭ ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺍﺑﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻛﺸﻰ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ﻫﺘﺎﻛﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﻧﺸﮕﺎﻩ ﻭ ﻛﻮﭼﻪ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺯﺍﺭ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺍﻫﺮﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺳﺘﻴﺎﺑﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻓﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻤﺘﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺷﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ« ﺩﺭ ﻧﺨﺴﺘﻴﻦ ﻣﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﻴﻮﺓ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﺼﺔ ﻇﻬﻮﺭ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ‬ ‫ﻫﻮﻟﻬﻮﻟﻜﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻫﻢﺑﻨﺪﻯ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﻪ »ﻧﺘﻴﺠﺔ« ﺩﻟﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺑﺮﺳﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺭﺍﻩ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﺋــﻰ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﻴﻢ ﺑﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺎﻗﻰ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﻨــﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺑــﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎﻙ ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪،57‬‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻣﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ »ﺑﺪﺗﺮ« ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺍﺯ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻴﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺩﺍﺩﻩﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﻴﺮ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ ‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻏﻮﻏﺎﻯ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻯ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻫﺮﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸــﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ ﺳــﺎﻭﺍﻙ ﺩﺭ ﺻﺤﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯ ﻓﻌــﺎﻝ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻓــﺮﺽ ﻣﺤﺎﻝ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰﺍﻯ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﻣﻰﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺘﺪﺍﺩﻯ ﺳﻪ ﺩﻫﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻗﺎﻳﺎﻥ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﭼﻪ ﺁﻧﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﺴــﺘﻔﺮﻧﮓ« ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﺵ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ ﻣﻌﻨﻮﻯ« ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻝﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﻤﻠﮕﻰ ﻧﻮﻛﺮﺍﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺮﺑﺪﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﻣﺮگ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻰﺭﻧﮓ ﻫﻤﭙﺎﻟﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯﺷﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩ!‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷــﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﭘﺴﺎﺟﻨﮓ ﺍﻭﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺭﻳﮓ »ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﺘﻮﺭﺍﻯ« ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺭﻭﺋﻴﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﭘــﺲ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﺎﻥ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻭﻡ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ‬ ‫»ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ«‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﻭﺗﻜﺘﻮﺭﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﺗﻮﺳﻂ ژﻧﺮﺍﻝ ﺩﻭﮔﻞ ﺩﻭﺩﺳﺘﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻳــﻞ ﺩﺍﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ‪» ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺑﻌﺚ« ﻧﻴﺰ ﺧــﺎﺭﺝ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻮﺍﻓﻘﺎﺕ ﭘﺎﻳﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺴــﺖ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺧﺎﺭﺟﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﭗﻧﻤﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﺪﺍﻥ »ﺍﺳــﺪ« ﺑﻪ ﻛﻨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻧﺰﺩﻳﻚ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ ﺑﺎ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺩﻩﺗﺮ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺑﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻛﺴــﻰ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ »ﺑﻌﺚ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ« ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺍ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﺭژﻳﻢﻫﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺩﻣﺸــﻖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﻣﻨﻈﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑ »ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻛﻰ« ﻣﻰﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺗﺮﺩﻳﺪ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ؛‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺍﺯ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺍﻫﺪﺍﻑﺷﺎﻥ ﻣﺸﺘﺮﻙ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﻧﺪ ﻛﺎﺭﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﻭ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄــﻮﺭ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﭘﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻗﺎﻯ ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ »ﺩﺭﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ‬ ‫ﻳﻚ »ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ« ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﺓ ﻏﺮﺏ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﺴــﺮ »ﺗﺤﺼﻴﻞﻛﺮﺩﻩ« ﻭ ﺯﻳﺒﺎﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻣﻼﻗﺎﺕ ﻣﻰﻓﺮﻣﺎﻳﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﻚﺩﻝﻧﻪﺻﺪ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﺍﻳﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﻝ ﻭﻻﺩﻳﻤﻴﺮ ﭘﻮﺗﻴﻦ‪ ،‬ﺗﻌﻄﻴﻼﺕﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺍﻧﺪﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ! ﺣﺎﻝ ﭼﻄﻮﺭ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﺪ‪» ،‬ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ؟!« ﭼﻪ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻳﻚ ﭼﺸــﻢ ﺑﻬﻢ ﺯﺩﻥ‪ ،‬ﻟﺸﻜﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﺵ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻓﺘﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺗﺮﻙ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﺍﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ ‪...‬‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﻰ ﻓﺮﺍﻧﺴﻮﻳﺎﻥ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﻴﺴﻰﻫﺎ ﻭ ﻏﻴﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ‬ ‫»ﺍﷲ ﺍﻛﺒﺮ« ﻏﻮﻏﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﻣﻰﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﻧﺪ؟ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﺍﺧﻠﻰ ﺁﻏﺎﺯ‬ ‫ﺷﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﻣﺎﺕ ﺑﻠﻨﺪﭘﺎﻳﺔ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﭘﺎﺭﻳﺲ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ »ﺗﺮﺟﻴﻊ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺪ« ﻣﻀﺤﻚ »ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ« ﺩﻝ ﺑﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ؟ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺳﺌﻮﺍﻻﺗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺟﻮﺍﺏ ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻭ ﻗﺎﻃﻊ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺭﺍﺋﻪ ﺩﺍﺩ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻧﻴﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺤﻮﻝ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻭ ﺳــﻴﺎﻝ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ »ﺩﻟﻴﻞ« ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻓﺮﺩﺍ »ﺑﻰﺩﻟﻴﻞ« ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﻭﺭ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﻳﻌﺎﺕ ﻭ‬

‫ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻛﻨﺪﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺑﺮﺭﺳــﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﻼﻥ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻭ ﻣﻨﺴﺠﻢ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﺪﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰﺍﺵ ﭼﻴﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻧﻴﺴﺖ ﺟﺰ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺑﺎﺭﻫﺎ ﺭﺳﻤﺎً ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ! ﺩﺭ ﻧﺘﻴﺠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﻛﺘﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺩﺗــﺎ ﻭ ﺟﺎﻳﮕﺰﻳﻨﻰ ﻭ »ﻣﻠﺖﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰ« ﻭ »ﺍﻧﻘــﻼﺏ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺶﺑﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﺸــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺴــﻜﻮ ﺣﺘﻰ »ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷــﻮﻳﻠﻰ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﻭ ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯﻯﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻭ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ »ﺟﺎﺑﺠﺎ« ﻧﻜﺮﺩ؛‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻛﺎﺷــﻮﻳﻠﻰ‪ ،‬ﻋﺮﻭﺳﻚ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﮔﺮﺟﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺭﻳﺞ ﻭ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﻯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺭﺍﻧﺪﻩ ﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺩﺭ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ« ﺭﻳﺎﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻬــﻮﺭﻯ ﺟﺎ ﺧﻮﺵ ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﻓﺖ ﺩﻗﺎﻳﻖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺎﺋﻰ ﺻﺮﻳﺢ »ﻣﻨﻄﻖ« ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰﻯ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤــﻞ‪ ،‬ﻳﻜــﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺭﺍﻙ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻓﺮﻳﺎﺩ »ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻴﺎﻳﺪ« ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺠــﺎﺩ ﻣﺰﺍﺣﻤﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﻮﺍﺝ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻴﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴﻦ ﺧﻮﺍﺳــﺘﺎﺭ »ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ« ﺟﻬﺖ ﺑﻬﻴﻨﻪ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺑﻴﮕﺮﻯ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﻏﻮﻏﺎﺳــﺎﻻﺭﻯ ﻭ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﭘﻴﺶ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸــﺎﻧﺪﺓ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻧﮕﻠﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻴﺒﻰ ﻭ ﺗﻮﻧﺲ ﻭ ﻣﺼﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩﻳﻢ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺑﻮﺩﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍﻳﺎﻥ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﮕﺮﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﻃﻖ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﺣﺪﺍﻗــﻞ ﻧﻈﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺭﺍﻣﺶ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻛﺴﺐ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ﺩﻭﻟﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺧﻮﺩ ﻋﺎﺟﺰﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺭﺳﻰ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺍﺷﺘﺒﺎﻩ ﻧﻜﻨﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻗﺼﺪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻋﺠــﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳــﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻮﻋﻰ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﮔﺴــﻴﺨﺘﮕﻰ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺗﺸــﻜﻴﻼﺗﻰ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺭﺯﺵ ﺑﮕﺬﺍﺭﺩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻋﺮﺏ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒﻮﺩ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻔﺎﻫﻴﻢ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫﺎ ﺁﺷﻨﺎ ﻧﻴﺴﺘﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻴﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺃﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺻﻨﺪﻭﻕﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻳــﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻣﻰﺷــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻧﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺁﺷــﻮﺏ ﻭ ﺍﻏﺘﺸــﺎﺵ ﻭ‬ ‫»ﻫﺮﻛﻪﻫﺮﻛﻪ« ﻭ ﺧﺮﺗﻮﺧﺮ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﻧﺎﻣﻴﺪ‪» .‬ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻣﺤﻮﺭ‪ ،‬ﻣﻨﺒﻌﺚ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸــﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬

‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻮﺍﻧﻴﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺯﻧﺪﮔﻰ ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻮﺭﺩﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷــﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻴﭻ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ »ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﻬﺎﺭﻯ« ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺎﻥ ﻋﺮﺏ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟــﻮﺩ ﻧﻴﺎﻣﺪﻩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺧﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻴــﻼﺭﻯ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ‪ ،‬ﻭﺯﻳﺮ ﺍﻣﻮﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺭﺟﺔ ﻳﻨﮕﻪﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﻮﻋﺪ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﺩﺍﺩ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﻪ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﺌﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺮﺍﺣﺖ ﻣﻄﺮﺡ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻏﺎﺯﻳﻦ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﻴﻦ ﺩﻣﺸﻖ ﻭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴﺘﮕﻰ ﻫﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﻤــﺔ »ﻏﺮﺏ« ﻭ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻭ ﺭژﻳﻢ ﺍﺯ ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻴﺎﭘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻞﺁﻭﻳﻮ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﺩﺭﻙ ﻣﻰﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺗﻴﻚ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻤﺎﻫﻨﮕﻰ« ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴــﺖ ﺻﻮﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ ﺻــﻮﺭﺕ ﻧﻮﻳــﻦ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﺎﺳــﺖ؛ ﻫﻢ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺳﺎﻧﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﻏﺮﺏ ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻋﻤﻞ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﻏــﺮﺏ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺳــﺮﻣﺎﻳﻪﺩﺍﺭﻯ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺨﻤﺼﻪ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺁﻏــﺎﺯ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺍﺑﺴــﺘﮕﻰ ﺑــﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺑﻊ ﺍﻟﻬﺎﻡ ﻏﺮﺑﻰ ﺧــﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺎﻥ‬ ‫»ﺧﻮﺩﺷــﻴﺮﻳﻨﻰ« ﻭ ﺷﺮﻛﺖ ﻓﻌﺎﻝ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﺎﺭ ﺍﺳﺪ ﻭ ﺣﺴﻨﻰ ﻣﺒﺎﺭﻙ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻫﻤﺴﺎﻳﮕﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺭﻭﺯﺍﻓﺰﻭﻥ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻜﺲﺍﻟﻌﻤﻞﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ ﺷــﺐ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺯﻭﺩﺗﺮ ﻓﻠﻨﮓ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﺑﺮﻭﺩ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺯﻣﺎﻥ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺴــﭙﺎﺭﺩ؛ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻳﺰ ﺍﺯ ﻣﺴﺌﻮﻟﻴﺖ ﻗﺪ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﻔﺒﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ‬ ‫ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﺗﺮﻛﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﻭ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﭘﻴﻤﺎﻥ ﺁﺗﻼﻧﺘﻴﻚ‬ ‫ﺷــﻤﺎﻟﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺑﻰﺑﻬﺮﻩ ﻣﺎﻧﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ »ﻧﻤﺎﻳﺸــﻰ« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻧــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺩﻳﺮﻭﺯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﻣﻼﻳﺎﻥ »ﺑﺮگ ﺑﺮﻧﺪﻩ« ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﻭﻳﺎﺭﻭﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﭘﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺴــﺎﺋﻞ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ »ﺯﻫﺮ ﻫﻼﻫﻞ« ﺗﺒﺪﻳﻞ ﺷــﺪﻩ‪ .‬ﻳﻜﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻻﺋﻞ‬ ‫ﭼﺮﺧﺶ ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺳﻮﻯ »ﻓﻴﺲ ﺑﻮﻙ« ﻭ »ﺭﻭﺍﺑﻂ ﻋﻠﻨﻰ«‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺩﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺑﻦﺑﺴــﺘﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ ﺷــﺪﻥ‬ ‫ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﭼﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺟﻮﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ ﭼﺮﺧﺶﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﭘﻴﺎﻣﺪﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﺪﻭﻥ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪﺍﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻗﺪﺭﺕﻫــﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻯ ـ ﻫﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ ـ ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺷﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﺁﻟﻮ«‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫﺎﻥ ﻣﻘﺪﺱﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ؛ ﺻﺪﺍ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺷﻨﻮﻳﺪ! ﮔﻮﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺁﺭﺯﻭﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﺳــﺎﻡ ﺁﻟﻮ ﻣﻰﻣﻜﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺑﺎ »ﻓﻴﺲﺑﻮﻙ« ﺭﺍﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺎﺯ ﺷــﺒﺎﻧﻪ ﺩﺍﺭﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻛﺮﻣﻠﻴــﻦ ﻭﺍﻧﻤﻮﺩ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺭژﻳﻢ‬ ‫ﺑﺸــﺎﺭ ﺍﺳــﺪ ﻫﻤﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻋﺠﺰ ﻭ ﻧﺎﺗﻮﺍﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﺗﺸﻜﻴﻼﺕ ﺩﺳﺖﻧﺸﺎﻧﺪﺓ »ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ـ ﺍﻣﻨﻴﺘﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺷﺎﻫﺪ ﺍﻋﺰﺍﻡ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺭﻭﺯﺓ ﺗﻔﻨﮕﭽﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺯﺍﺋﺮ ﻭ ﻟﺶﻭﻟﺸــﻮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻮﺭﻳﻪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﻨﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺁﺗﺶﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﺐﮔﺰﺍﺭﻯ ﻭ ﺁﺩﻣﻜﺸــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻴﻨﺔ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎ ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺩﺑﺎﻥ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴﻴﺮ ﺩﻭ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺑﺮﺍﻓﺮﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺩ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺗﻮﻓﺎﻥ ﻣﺴﻜﻮ! ﺁﺧﺮ ﻭ ﻋﺎﻗﺒﺖ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺳﻔﻴﻨﻪ« ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﻭﺷﻦ ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺧﺘﺘﺎﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﺤﻠﻴﻞ ﺷــﺘﺎﺑﺰﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﺍﺳــﺖ ﻧﻴﻢ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻴﻢ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﭼﻨﻴﻦ ﺑﺮﻣﻰﺁﻳﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺷﻜﺴﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺟﺒﻬﺔ ﺳﻮﺭﻳﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ »ﭘﺬﻳﺮﻓﺘﻪ!« ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻐﻴﻴﺮﺍﺕ ﻛﺎﺑﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﻧﺸﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻴﺸﺘﺮ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ »ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ« ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﭽﺔ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺍﻧﺰﻭﺍﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ«‬ ‫ﻧﺰﺩ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺸــﺘﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﻰ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩﺍﻳﻢ؛ ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﺘﻨﺒﺎﻁ ﻣﺎ ﺟﻨﺎﺡ ﺑﺴــﻴﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺗﻤﻨﺪﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺰﺏ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻳﺨﻮﺍﻩ ﺩﺭ ﻗﻔﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻮﺿﻊﮔﻴﺮﻯ« ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻈــﺮ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺫﻫــﻦ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺎﻯ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺷﻜﺴــﺖ ﺧﻮﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻴﺸﻪ ﻣﺄﻭﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﻨﮕﺮﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺗﻬﺎﺟــﻢ ﺩﻭﺑﺎﺭﻩ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊﺍﺵ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﻣﺄﻭﺍﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﻜﺎﻥ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ ﻣﺼﺎﻑ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻗﺒﻮﻝ ﻛﺮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻃﺒﻴﻌﻰ »ﻛﺸــﻮﺭﻗﺎﺭﺓ« ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﻪ ﻭﺟﻮﺩ‬ ‫ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻥ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﺗﺼﻮﻳــﺮ« ﺁﻧﻘﺪﺭﻫــﺎ ﺑﻰﺗﺄﺛﻴــﺮ ﻧﺒــﻮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺁﺭﺍﻳــﺶ ﻣﻬﺮﻩﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﻘﻄﻊ ﺯﻣﺎﻧﻰ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﻧﺸــﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﻫــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺟﺎﺋﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸــﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﭘﻴﺮﺍﻣﻮﻥ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ«‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺎﺩ ﺭﻓﺘﻦ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ‬ ‫ﺗﻼﻃﻢ ﻭ ﺁﺷﻔﺘﮕﻰ ﭘﻴﮕﻴﺮ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻼﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻴﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻨﺪ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﻮﺷــﺎﻟﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻳﺎ ﺑﺎﺯﻣﺎﻧﺪﮔﺎﻥ »ﺟﻨﮓﺳﺮﺩ« ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻭ ﻳﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺩﻩﺭﻳــﮓ »ﺑﻬــﺎﺭﺯﺩﻩ«‪ ،‬ﺗﻘﺎﺭﻥ ﺯﻣﺎﻧــﻰ ﭘﻴﺪﺍ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ‪ .‬ﺑﻪ ﻋﺒــﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﺰﻣﺎﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺧﻼء ﻣﻨﺘﺞ ﺍﺯ ﻋﻘﺐﻧﺸﻴﻨﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺭﻭﺳﻴﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﭼﻴــﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺻﻮﺭﺗﻰ ﭘﺎﻳﺪﺍﺭ ﭘﺮ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺍﻣﻴﺪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺯﮔﺸﺖ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻣﻨﺪﺍﻧﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ »ﻭﺍﻫﻰ« ﺍﺳﺖ‪.‬‬