صادرات شکست

‫‪ 26‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﺁﻧﭽﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﻣﻰﮔﺬﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﺷــﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺣﺎﻛﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤــﺪ ﻭ ﻫﻢﺳــﻔﺮﻩﺍﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧــﻰﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺻــﺪﺩ ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻳــﻚ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ‬ ‫ﺿﺪﺑﺸــﺮﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒﻖ ﺁﻣﺎﺭ ﺭﺳــﻤﻰ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺣﺪﻭﺩ ‪ 64‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ »ﻣﺼﺮﻯﻫﺎ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶﻧﻮﻳﺴــﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ ﻣﻼ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺭﻯ ﻭ ﻣﺤﺠﺒﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ« ﻗﻠﻤﻰ ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺩﻩﺍﻧــﺪ‪ .‬ﺣﺎﻝ ﺁﻧﻜــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻭﺍﻗﻊ ‪ 70‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺃﻯ ﺩﻫﻨــﺪﮔﺎﻥ ﻣﺼﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺭﺍﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﻏﺎﻳﺐ ﺑﻮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻛﻤﻴﺴــﻴﻮﻥ ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ ]ﻣﺼﺮ[ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ ﺩﺍﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻥ ﺍﺳﺎﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻫﺎﻯ ‪ 15‬ﻭ ‪ 22‬ﺩﺳــﺎﻣﺒﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳــﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ ﺑﺎ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ‪63‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺁﺭﺍء ﺑﻪ ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳــﻴﺪ‪ [...] .‬ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻰ ‪32‬‬ ‫ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﻭﺍﺟﺪﻳﻦ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﺑﻮﺩﻩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺭﻭﺯﻧﺎﻣﺔ ﻓﻴﮕﺎﺭﻭ‪ 25 ،‬ﺩﺳﺎﻣﺒﺮ ‪2012‬‬

‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺒﺮﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺪﻯ ﺩﺍﺭﻳﻢ‪ .‬ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺁﮔﺎﻩ ﺷــﺪﻩﺍﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺯﻣﻴﻨﺔ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻤﻴﻞ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴــﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺗﺤﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ ﺩﻭﺭﺍﻥ ﺷﻴﺮﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺭﺗﺮ ﻭ ﺭﻳﮕﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻓﺮﺍﻫﻢ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ .‬ﺩﻭﺳــﺘﺎﻧﻪ ﺑــﻪ ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺷــﺐ ﺟﻤﻌﻪﺗﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺪﺍﺋﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺤﺮﺍﺏ »ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ« ﻧﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻧﻤﻰﺁﻭﺭﻳﺪ؛ »ﻓﻜﺮ« ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﻜﻨﻴﺪ!‬

‫ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑــﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ »ﺧﺒﺮﭘﺮﺍﻧﻰ« ﭼﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﻔــﺖ؟ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻓﻘﻂ ‪ 32‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺭﺃﻯﺩﻫﻨﺪﮔﺎﻥ »ﺷــﺮﻛﺖ« ﻛﺮﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ »ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳــﻰ« ﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ ‪ 50‬ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻼﻭﺓ‪ 1‬ﺩﺭﺻﺪ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﻭ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ ﺭﻓﺮﺍﻧﺪﻭﻡ ﻓﺎﻗﺪ ﻣﺸﺮﻭﻋﻴﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ ﻣﻠﺘﻰ ﺭﺍ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﺩﺭ ﻫﺮ ﻣﺤﻠﻪ ﻣﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ »ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﮔﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻫﻤﻪﭘﺮﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺍﺯ ﭘﺎﻳﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﺳــﺎﺱ ﻣﺨﺪﻭﺵ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺒﻨﻰ ﺑﺮ »ﺭﻋﺎﻳﺖ ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﺸﻮﺭ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﻌﻨﺎﺳﺖ؟‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻤﺪ ﻣﺮﺳﻰ ﺑﺎ ﺳﺮﻧﻴﺰﺓ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﻧﺎﻧﺨﻮﺭ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻩ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﻪ ﭼﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺯ ﺳــﻮﻯ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻧﻮﭼﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﺋﻰﺍﺵ‬ ‫ﻣﻮﺭﺩ »ﻣﻮﺍﺧﺬﻩ« ﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﺩ؟ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﺣﻜﺎﻳﺖ »ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﺧﻤﻴﻨﻰ« ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺭﺗﺶ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎﻫﻰ ﻭ »ﺍﻳﺮﻓﺮﺍﻧﺲ« ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﻫﻢ »ﺑﺪ«‬ ‫ﺍﻭ ﺭﺍ ﻣﻰﮔﻔﺘﻨﺪ؟! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺻﺤﻨﻪﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ‬

‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺷﻮﺧﻰ ﮔﺬﺷــﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﻭﺍﻗﻌﻴﺎﺕ ﺗﺎﺭﻳﺨﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﮕﻴﺮﻳﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻗﻤﺎﺵ ﺭﺃﻯﮔﻴﺮﻯﻫﺎ ﻭ ﺍﻓﺘﻀﺎﺣﺎﺗﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺻﻮﻻً ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑــﺎﺕ« ﻭ ﻳﺎ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺷــﻤﺎﺭ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪ .‬ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺁﺩﻭﻟﻒ ﻫﻴﺘﻠﺮ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺳــﻮﻟﻴﻨﻰ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺩﻫــﺔ ‪ 1930‬ﺑﺎ ﺗﻜﻴﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﻧﻮﻉ‬ ‫»ﺍﻧﺘﺨﺎﺑﺎﺕ« ﻭ »ﻣﺠﻠﺲﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺑﻪ ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﺔ ﻛﻼﻡ‪ ،‬ﺍﺯ »ﺁﺭﺍء ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ« ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﭼﻤﺎﻗﻰ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺳﺮﻛﻮﺏﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺍﺷﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﺟﻬﺖ ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﺗﻜﺮﺍﺭ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ »ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ« ﻭ ﻣﺮﺩﻡﻓﺮﻳﺒﻰﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫»ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰﻧﻤﺎ« ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻓﺮﺩﺍﻯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﻣﺮﻛﺰﻯ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ‪ ،‬ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻮﻳﺐ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ »ﺳﻰﺍﻣﻴﻦ« ﺍﺻﻞ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺁﻣﺪﻩ ﺍﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

‫»ﻫﻴﭻﻳﻚ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻔﺎﺩ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪﺍﻯ ﺗﻔﺴﻴﺮ ﺷﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻭﻟﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﮔﺮﻭﻩ ﻳﺎ ﺷــﺨﺼﻰ ﺣﻘﻰ ﻗﺎﺋﻞ ﺑﺎﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ ﺁﻥ ﺑﺘﻮﺍﻧــﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻗﺪﺍﻣﻰ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﺟﻬــﺖ ﭘﺎﻳﻤﺎﻝ ﻛﺮﺩﻥ ﻫﺮ ﻳــﻚ ﺍﺯ ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﻭ ﺁﺯﺍﺩﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺍﺷــﺎﺭﻩ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﻳﺎﺯﺩ‪«.‬‬ ‫ﺑــﻪ ﻋﺒﺎﺭﺕ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﻋﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ ﻣﺸــﺘﻰ »ﻻﺕ« ﺣﺘﻰ ﺍﮔــﺮ ﺍﻛﺜﺮﻳﺖ ﻣﻌﺮﻓﻰ‬ ‫ﺷــﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺁﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺑــﻪ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ ﻭ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻭ ﺣﺠــﺎﺏ ﻭ ﻛﻮﺩﻙﺑﺎﺭﮔﻰ‬ ‫»ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﺜﺒﺖ« ﺩﺍﺩﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻧﺪ ﺗﻮﺟﻴﻪ ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷــﺖ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ »ﺷــﺮﻋﻴﺎﺕ« ﻣﻮﺭﺩ ﺗﺄﺋﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ ﻫﻢ ﻗﺮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﮔﻴﺮﺩ! ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﻳﻨﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ »ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ«‬ ‫ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﻔﻨﮕﻴﺎﺗﻰ ﺑﻴﺶ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ »ﺣﻘﻮﻗﻰ« ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﻞ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻭﺟﺎﻫــﺖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮﻧــﻰ ﻧــﺪﺍﺭﺩ! ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺣﻜﻮﻣــﺖ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻥ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﺣﻀﻮﺭ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺠﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻴﻦﺍﻟﻤﻠﻠﻰ ﺭﺍ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ! ﻭ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﺻﻞ ﻣﺴﻠﻢ ﺭﺍ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺳــﺎﻝﻫﺎ ﭘﻴﺶ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﻗﺒﻞ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ »ﺑﻨﻰﺳــﻄﻞ« ﺍﻣﺎﻡ ﻋﺰﻳﺰﺷــﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﻜﺘﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺑﺸﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻰﺩﺍﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﻫﻢﭘﺎﻟﻜﻰﻫﺎﻯﺍﺵ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﻭ ﺁﺳــﻴﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻧﺎﻣﺸــﺮﻭﻉ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎﺭﻯﺷﺎﻥ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻳﻚ »ﺑﺪﻋﺖ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰ« ﺯﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺪﺭﺕ ﺭﺳﻴﺪﻥ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﺖﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳﻰ«‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺍﺳﺖ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻃﺮﻳﻖ ﻣﺮﺍﺟﻌﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﺁﺭﺍﻯ ﻋﻤﻮﻣﻰ ﻧﺎﻡ ﻧﻬــﺎﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﺪﻋﺖ« ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﻴﺎﺕ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﺻﺮ ﺟﻮﺍﻣﻊ ﺑﺸﺮﻯ ﺟﺰ ﺗﻘﻠﺐ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺑﺮ ﺁﻥ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩ‪ ،‬ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﻓﺎﺷﻴﺴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﻋﻤﻠﻰ ﺷﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺑﺴــﺘﺎﻥ ﺳﻌﻮﺩﻯ‪ ،‬ﺷﻴﺦﺑﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﻛﻮﻳﺖ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ‪» ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶﻫﺎﻯ« ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﻫﻨﺪﻭﺳﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ﺿﻴﺎءﺍﻟﺤﻖ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﻭ ‪ ...‬ﻫﻤﮕﻰ ﺍﺯ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫»ﺗﺤﻮﻻﺕ« ﻣﺜﺒﺘﻰ ﺗﻠﻘﻰ ﻣﻰﺷــﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻳﺮﺑﺎﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭ ﻭ ﻋﺎﺷــﻖ ﻭ‬ ‫ﺩﻟﺒﺎﺧﺘﻪﺍﺵ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺍﺫﻋﺎﻥ ﻛﻨﻴﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﻫﻜﺎﺭﺷــﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ ﻧﮕﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺍﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ؛ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﭘﺮ ﻭﺍﺿﺢ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺮﻧﮓ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺗﻘﻠﺐ« ﺩﺭ ﮔﺎﻡﻫﺎﻯ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﻡ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺖ ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ ﻓﺮﻭ ﺭﻳﺰﺩ ﻭﻟﻰ ﺗﺪﺍﻭﻡ ﺍﻳﻦ ﻣﻮﺍﺿﻊ ﻣﺰﻭﺭﺍﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﻣﺮ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴــﺎﻥ ﺳــﺘﻴﺰﻯ ﺭﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﻟﻨﺪﻥ ﻭ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳــﻦ »ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻔﺮﻳﺒﻰﻫﺎ« ﻧﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺧﻮﺭﻧــﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑــﻪ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺸــﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻭﺣﺸــﺖ ﺍﺯ ﻫﻤﻴﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ژﺳﺖﻫﺎﻯ »ﺩﻣﻜﺮﺍﺳــﻰﻧﻮﺍﺯ« ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻭ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﻳﺔ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘــﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻳﻢ؛ ﻫﻤﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﻛــﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺟﻴﺮﻩﺧﻮﺍﺭ ﻣﺼﺮﻯﺷــﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻣﺤﻤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺳــﻰ ﻇﺎﻫﺮﺍ ً ﺷﻤﺸﻴﺮﺷﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺍﺯ »ﺭﻭ« ﺑﺴﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﮔﻴﺮﻭﺩﺍﺭ ﻣﻀﺤﻜﺔ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺏ«ﮔﻔﺘﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺯ ﻫﻢ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪:‬‬

‫»]‪ [...‬ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻓﺮﻭﺷــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺣﺘﻰ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺮﺍﻛــﺰ ﭘﺮﺍﻫﻤﻴﺖ ﺩﻳﻨﻰ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺒﻴﻞ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻫــﺮﻩ ﻭ ﺍﻣﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺧﺮﻳــﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﻧﺪﺍﺭﺩ‪ [...] .‬ﻣﺤﺎﻓﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ﺳــﻪ ﺩﻫﻪ‬ ‫ﺩﺭ ﺁﺳــﺘﻴﻦ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻰ ﻭ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺵ ﻭ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍ ﻓﻮﺕ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻳﺎ ﺍﺯ ﻧﻔﺲ ﺍﻓﺘﺎﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻓﻌﻠﻰ ﺗﺮﺟﻴﺢ ﻣﻰﺩﻫﻨﺪ ﺳﺮﻭﺻﺪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯﺷــﺎﻥ ﺍﺯ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﺎﻥ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺁﺳﻤﺎﻥ ﻧﺮﻭﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ [...‬ﺑﺮ ﺧﻼﻑ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﺎﻥ ﺟﻤﻜﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ‪ ،‬ﺣﺪﺍﻗﻞ ﺗﺎ‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻦ ﻟﺤﻈﻪ ﻛﺎﺭﻯ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﻭ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻧﻰ ﻧﺪﺍﺷﺘﻪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﻰﺍﻋﺘﻨﺎﺋﻰ »ﻛﻮﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺧﻴﺎﺑﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﺍﺳــﻼﻡ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﺷــﺎﻳﺪ ﻧﻘﻄﺔ ﻋﻄﻔﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺩﺭ ﺷﺮﺍﻳﻂ‬ ‫ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﺔ ﺧﺎﻭﺭﻣﻴﺎﻧﻪ ﻭ ﺷﻤﺎﻝ ﺁﻓﺮﻳﻘﺎ‪«.‬‬ ‫»ﻋﺼﺎﻯ ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ«‪ ،‬ﺳﻌﻴﺪ ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻥ‪ 31 ،‬ژﺍﻧﻮﻳﻪ ‪2011‬‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀﻰﻫــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﻳﻨــﺪ‪» ،‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰﻫﺎ ﺧﺮﻧﺪ!« ﻣــﺎ ﻣﻰﮔﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺮﺹ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻃﻤﻊﺷــﺎﻥ ﺧﺮﻛﻰ ﺍﺳــﺖ! ﭼﺮﺍ ﻛﻪ ﺍﮔﺮ ﻳﻚ ﻭﺑﻼگﻧﻮﻳﺲ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻧﻰ‪ ،‬ﻳﻚ‬ ‫ﺳــﺎﻝ ﻭ ﺍﻧﺪﻯ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﭼﺸﻢﺍﻧﺪﺍﺯ« ﺭﺍ ﺩﻳﺪ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺷﺖ‪ ،‬ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎً ﺳﺎﺯﻣﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺳــﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴــﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻦﻫﺎ ﺩﻳﺪﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ! ﭘﺲ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺧﺮ ﻧﻴﺴــﺖ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﺷــﻜﺎﻝ ﺟﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﮔﺮ »ﮔﺎﻭﺍﻥ ﻭ ﺧﺮﺍﻥ ﺑﺎﺭﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ« ﻭ ﮔﺮﺳﻨﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻮﻓــﻪ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺎ ﻭﻟﻊ ﻣﻰﺑﻠﻌﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳــﻜﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺍﺭﺿﺎء »ﻭﻟﻊ‬ ‫ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ« ﺍﻣﻮﺍﻝ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡﻧﻮﺍﺯ« ﻭ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡ ﺷﻨﺎﺱ«‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻩ؛ ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰﺗﺮ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖﺗﺮ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻧﻪ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﻭژﺓ »ﺍﺳﻼﻡﭘﻨﺎﻫﻰ« ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻛﻪ »ﺳﻨﮕﺮ ﺩﺭﻭﻍ« ﻳﺎﻧﻜﻰﻫﺎ ﻧﻴﺰ ﺩﺭ ﺣﺎﻝ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺳــﻨﮕﺮﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻨﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ ﺍﻋﻼﻣﻴﺔ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺧﻮﺩﺷﺎﻥ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻭ ﭘﺮﺩﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺩﻫﻪﻫﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﻋﻠﻴﺮﻏﻢ ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ‪ ،‬ﭼﭙﺎﻭﻝ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻗﺘﻞﻋﺎﻡ ﻭ ﺳــﺮﻛﻮﺏ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ »ﻣﺪﺍﻓﻊ« ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ‬ ‫ﻫــﻢ ﺟــﺎ ﺯﺩﻩ! ﻭﻟﻰ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻴﺎﻥ ﺷــﺎﻫﺪﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺍﺩﻋــﺎﻯ »ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ‬ ‫ﺣﻘﻮﻕﺑﺸــﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﻭﻳﺮﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ‪ ،‬ﺟﺰ ﺳﻮﺍﺭ ﺷﺪﻥ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺷﺎﻫﻮﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺩﻳﭙﻠﻤﺎﺳﻰ »ﺟﻨﮓﺍﻓﺮﻭﺯﻯ«‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﻦﻓﺮﻭﺷﻰ ﻭ ﻧﻔﺮﺕﭘﺮﻭﺭﻯ ﻧﺒﻮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﻧﻴﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﻝ ﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﺒﻴﻨﻴﻢ ﺩﺭ ﺷــﺮﺍﻳﻂ ﻧﻮﻳﻦ ﺟﻬﺎﻧﻰ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﺎﻧﻮﺭﻫﺎ ﭼﻘﺪﺭ ﺧﺮﻳﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺩﺍﺷــﺖ؟ ﺑﻰ ﺭﻭ ﺩﺭﺑﺎﻳﺴﺘﻰ ﺑﮕﻮﺋﻴﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ ﺍﻣﺮﻭﺯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﻓﻘﻂ‬ ‫ﺑﻪ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻣﻠــﺖ ﻣﺼﺮ ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺭﻭﺿﻪﺧﻮﺍﻧﺎﻥ ﻭ ﻣﻔﺘﻴﺎﻥ ﺧﻮﺩﻓﺮﻭﺧﺘﻪﺍﻯ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻛﺎﻧﺪﺍﺭﻯ ﺩﻳﻦ ﻧﺸﺴــﺘﻪﺍﻧﺪ ﻣﺤﺪﻭﺩ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﺩﺯﺩﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﻣﺴــﻠﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺗﺤــﺖ ﻋﻨﻮﺍﻥ »ﺗﻔﻨﮕــﺪﺍﺭ ﺩﺭﻳﺎﺋﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺻﻒ‬ ‫ﻛــﺮﺩﻩ‪ ،‬ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣــﺖ ﻓﺮﻫﻨﮕﻰ‪ ،‬ﻓﻠﺴــﻔﻰ‪ ،‬ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻟــﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯ‬

‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺗﺎﺯﻩﭘﺎﻯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺟﻮﺍﻥ ﺍﺳــﺖ‪ .‬ﺍﻳــﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻭﻣﺖ ﻫﻨﻮﺯ ﺣﺮﻑﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻴﺎﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﮔﻔﺘﻦ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎﺳــﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﭼﺎﺭﭼﻮﺏ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﭘﺪﻳﺪﻩﺍﻯ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﺭ ﻋﺮﺏ« ﺳﺮ ﺍﺯ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ ﺑﻴﺮﻭﻥ ﻣﻰﺁﻭﺭﺩ‪.‬‬

‫ﭘﺲ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﺍﺗﺤﺎﺩﺷــﻮﺭﻭﻯ ﻣﻠﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺑﺎ ﺷــﺎﻧﺲ ﺑﺰﺭﮔﻰ ﺭﻭﺑﺮﻭ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺴــﻴﺮ ﺗﺤﻜﻴﻢ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻏﻴﺮﻣﺸﺮﻭﻉ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ‬ ‫ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﻦ ﻓﺮﺻﺖ ﺭﺍ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻋﻨﺎﻭﻳﻦ ﻣﺨﺘﻠﻒ ﺍﺯ ﻣﻴﺎﻥ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺷــﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺍﺳﺐ ﺧﻮﺩ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ »ﻣﻠﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺯﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺩﻳﺪﻳﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﻦ »ﻣﻴﺪﺍﻥ« ﻣﻴﻠﻴﻮﻥﻫﺎ ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥ ﺁﻭﺍﺭﻩ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻘﻴﺮ ﻭ ﻧﻬﺎﻳﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻣﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﻪﻧﻴﺴــﺖ ﺷــﺪﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺯﺧﻢﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ »ﻣﻠﺖﺳــﺎﺯﻯ« ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﺑﺮ ﭘﻴﻜﺮ‬ ‫ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷــﺮﻗﻰ ﻭﺍﺭﺩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺎﺩﮔﻰﻫﺎ ﺍﺯ ﺣﺎﻓﻈﺔ ﻣﻨﻄﻘﻪ ﭘﺎﻙ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ‬ ‫ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﻭﻟﻰ ﻛﺎﺥﺳــﻔﻴﺪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺑﺮﺩﺍﺭ ﻧﺒﻮﺩ؛ ﺍﺯ ﮔﺴــﺘﺮﺵ ﺟﺎﻣﻌﺔ ﺑﻪ ﺍﺻﻄﻼﺡ‬ ‫»ﺍﻗﺘﺼــﺎﺩﻯ« ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺩﺭﻭﻥ ﻣﺮﺯﻫﺎﻯ ﻓﺪﺭﺍﺳــﻴﻮﻥ ﺭﻭﺳــﻴﻪ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺍﻋﻼﻡ‬ ‫»ﺍﺳــﺘﻘﻼﻝ ﺟﻤﻬﻮﺭﻯ« ﭼــﻚ؛ ﺍﺯ ﺗﺄﻣﻴﻦ ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪﺓ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ‬ ‫ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘــﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻦ ﺧﺮﺩﺟﺎﻝ »ﻣﻼﻣﻤــﺪ ﺧﺎﺗﻤﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ؛‬ ‫ﺍﺯ ﺑﻤــﺐ ﺍﺗﻢ »ﻣﻘﺎﻡ ﻣﻌﻈﻢ« ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺗﺎ ﻣﺄﻣﻮﺭﻳﺖﻫــﺎﻯ ﺍﻡﺍﻟﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ‬ ‫ﺑﻰﻧﻈﻴﺮ ﺑﻮﺗﻮ ﺩﺭ ﭘﺎﻛﺴــﺘﺎﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺠﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺳــﺘﺶ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ ﺁﺗﺶ‬ ‫ﺍﻓﺮﻭﺧﺖ‪ .‬ﺁﺗﺸﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻌﻠﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﺁﻥ ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺴﺖ ﻓﺮﺿﺎً ﺩﺭ ﺑﺮﺍﺑﺮ ﻣﻄﺎﻟﺒﺎﺕ ﺑﺮ ﺣﻖ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺖﻫﺎ ﺳﺪﻯ ﻧﻔﻮﺫﻧﺎﭘﺬﻳﺮ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬

‫ﺍﻳﻦ »ﺑﻬﺎﺭ« ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﺔ ﻫﻤﺎﻥ ﻣﻠﺖﺳﺎﺯﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺍﺭﻭﭘﺎﻯ ﺷﺮﻗﻰ ﺍﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺍﺩﺍﻣﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﺍﺯ »ﺍﻣﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺍﺳــﻼﻣﻰ ﻗﻔﻘــﺎﺯ« ﻭ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﻧﻘﺶﺁﻓﺮﻳﻨﻰﻫﺎ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺴﺎﻁ ﺩﻧﺒﺎﻟﻪﺍﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻮﺵﺩﻭﺍﻧﻰﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺟﻠﻮﮔﻴﺮﻯ ﺍﺯ ﻓﺮﻭﭘﺎﺷــﻰ ﻛﺎﺥ ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﻗﺘﺼﺎﺩﻯﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻃﻰ ‪ 80‬ﺳﺎﻝ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎ ﻛﻤﻚ ﺑﻠﺸﻮﻳﻚﻫﺎ ﺳﺮ ﻫﻢ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﭘﺮﻭژﻩﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻴﻞ ﻛﻠﻴﻨﺘﻦ ﺑﺎ ﺩﻋﻮﻯ‬ ‫ﺣﻤﺎﻳﺖ ﺍﺯ »ﺣﻘﻮﻕ ﺑﺸﺮ« ﺩﺭ ﺩﻧﻴﺎ ﺑﻪ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺖ‪ ،‬ﻭ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺑﺎ ﺗﻔﻨﮓ ﻭ‬ ‫ﻟﺶﻭﻟﻮﺵﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴــﻠﺢ‪ ،‬ﻳﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺑﺎﺏﺩﻳﻼﻥ‪ ،‬ﺁﻫﻨﮓﺳﺎﺯ ﻭ ﻧﻮﺍﺯﻧﺪﺓ ﻧﺎﻣﺪﺍﺭ‬ ‫ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎﺋﻰ ﺑﺎ »ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺑﻰﻧﻮﺍﻳﺎﻥ« ﺑﻪ ﭘﻴﺶ ﺭﺍﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﻤﻴﻦ ﭘﺮﻭژﻩ ﺭﺍ ﺍﻭﺑﺎﻣﺎ ﺑﺎ ﻗﺮﺁﻥ‬ ‫ﻭ »ﺣﻜﻮﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﺩﻣﻰ« ﺑﻪ ﺭﻭﻯ ﺻﺤﻨﻪ ﺁﻭﺭﺩﻩ!‬

‫ﺩﻳﺪﻳــﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺳــﺪ ﺍﻳﺠﺎﺩ ﻧﺸــﺪ! ﻭ ﻫﻢﺍﻳﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻮﺩ ﻛﻪ ﻭﺍﺷــﻨﮕﺘﻦ ﻫﻤﭽﻮﻥ‬ ‫ﻻﺕﻫﺎﺋﻰ ﻛﻪ ﮔﺮﻳﺒﺎﻥ ﻣﻰﺩﺭﻧﺪ ﻭ ﺧﻮﺩﺯﻧﻰ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺗﻬﺎﺟﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮﻯ‬ ‫»ﺑﻬﺎﻧﻪ« ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺁﻭﺭﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻪ ﺩﺳﺖ ﺧﻮﺩ »‪ 11‬ﺳــﭙﺘﺎﻣﺒﺮ« ﺁﻓﺮﻳﺪ! »ﻃﺎﻕ«‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻬﺎﺗﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺳــﺮ ﻣﻠﺖ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺧﺮﺍﺏ ﻛﺮﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﭘﺎﺳــﺨﮕﻮﺋﻰ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻴﺎﺯﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻟﻰ ﻭ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻳﻚ ﺧﻮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﺩﺍﺧﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺒﺪﺍﺩ ﭘﻠﻴﺴﻰ ﺑﺮﻗﺮﺍﺭ ﻛﺮﺩﻩ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺧﺎﺭﺝ‬ ‫ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎﺟﺮﺍﺟﻮﺋﻰ ﻧﻈﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﺰﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﻧﺨﺴــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻓﻐﺎﻧﺴﺘﺎﻥ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻬﺎﻧﺔ‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ ﺗﺮﻭﺭﻳﺴــﻢ ﻧﻴﺮﻭ ﭘﻴﺎﺩﻩ ﻛﺮﺩ‪ ،‬ﺳــﭙﺲ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺭﺍ ﺩﺭ ﭘﻮﺷﺶ »ﻣﺒﺎﺭﺯﻩ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﺗﺴــﻠﻴﺤﺎﺕ ﺷﻴﻤﻴﺎﺋﻰ« ﺻﺪﺍﻡ ﺣﺴﻴﻦ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻤﺐ ﻭ ﻣﻮﺷــﻚ ﺑﺴﺖ! ﺍﻳﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺎﻣﺔ‬ ‫»ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﻧﻴــﺰ ﺗﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎﺭﺕ ﻋﺎﻟﻴﺔ ﻳﻚ ﺩﻳﻦﭘﻨﺎﻩ ﺑﻴﻜﺎﺭﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺟﺮﺝ ﺑﻮﺵ ﺩﻭﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﺟﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﺷــﺪ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﺩﺭ ﺩﺳــﺖ ﻳﻚ ژﻳﮕﻮﻟﻮﻯ ﻟﻮﺩﻩ ﺑﻪ ﻧﺎﻡ ﺗﻮﻧﻰﺑﻠﺮ‬ ‫»ﺳﺮﻧﻮﺷﺖ« ﺟﻬﺎﻥ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻗﻢ ﺯﺩﻧﺪ!‬ ‫ﻭﻟﻰ ﺑﺮﺧﻼﻑ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪﻫﺎﻯ ﭘﺮﺍﻓﺘﺨﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺩﺭ ﻛﺮﻩ‪ ،‬ﻭﻳﺘﻨﺎﻡ ﻭ ﭘﺎﻧﺎﻣﺎ‪ ،‬ﺩﻳﮕﺮ »ﻧﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺍﻟﻬﻰ« ﺟﻨﮓ ﺩﻛﺎﻥ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺭﻭﻧﻖ ﻧﻤﻰﺩﺍﺩ‪ .‬ﺍﺯ ﺍﻳﻨﺮﻭ ﺣﺎﻛﻤﻴﺖ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻻﺟﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﻪ ﺷﻌﺒﺪﻩﺍﻯ »ﺑﺪﻳﻊ« ﻣﺘﻮﺳﻞ ﺷﺪ ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻯ ﻛﻪ ﻧﻈﺎﻡ ﻗﻀﺎﺋﻰ ﺟﺮﻡ‬ ‫ﺍﻧﺴﺎﻥﻫﺎ ﺭﺍ ﺑﺮ ﺍﺳﺎﺱ ﺭﻧﮓ ﭘﻮﺳﺖﺷﺎﻥ ﺗﻌﻴﻴﻦ ﻣﻰﻛﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭ ﺭﻧﮕﻴﻦﭘﻮﺳﺘﻰ‬ ‫ﺭﺍ ﺑﻪ ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎﺩ! ﺍﺯ ﻗﻀﺎﻯ ﺭﻭﺯﮔﺎﺭ‪ ،‬ﺍﻳﺸﺎﻥ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ »ﺳﻨﺎﺗﻮﺭﻯ« ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻛــﻪ ﺑﻪ ﻗﻮﻝ ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ »ﺩﺭ ﮔﻠﺪﺍﻥ« ﺭﺃﻯ ﻣﻨﻔﻰ ﺑﻪ ﺟﻨﮓ ﻋﺮﺍﻕ ﺍﻧﺪﺍﺧﺘﻪ ﺑﻮﺩﻧﺪ!‬

‫ﻭﻟــﻰ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺍﻳــﻦ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮ ﻧﻴﺰ ﻣﻮﻓﻘﻴﺘــﻰ ﻭﺭﺍﻯ ﺁﻧﭽــﻪ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳــﻨﺎﺭﻳﻮﻫﺎﻯ‬ ‫ﭘﺴﺎﺷــﻮﺭﺍﺋﻰ ﺁﻣﺮﻳﻜﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻫﻤﺮﺍﻩ ﺁﻭﺭﺩ ﻧﻤﻰﺗﻮﺍﻥ ﻣﺘﺼﻮﺭ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﮔﺴﺘﺮﺵ ﭘﺮﻭﺳﺔ‬ ‫»ﺧﺪﺍﭘﺮﺳــﺘﻰ« ﺩﺭ ﻛﺸﻮﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﺴﻠﻤﺎﻥﻧﺸﻴﻦ ﻣﺸﻜﻞ ﺍﺳﺘﺮﺍﺗﮋﻯﻫﺎﻯ ﺑﺎﺯﻧﺪﺓ‬ ‫ﻛﺎﺥﺳﻔﻴﺪ ﺭﺍ ﺣﻞ ﻧﺨﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﻛﺮﺩ؛ ﺗﺠﺮﺑﺔ »ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻡ« ﻣﺼﺮ ﺷﺎﻫﺪﻯ ﺍﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ﺍﻳﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﺪﻋــﺎ‪ .‬ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺑﻴﻬﻮﺩﻩ ﺳــﻌﻰ ﺩﺍﺭﺩ ﺗﺎ ﺍﺯ ﭘﻴﺮﻭﺯﻯ ﻛﻮﺩﺗﺎﻯ ‪ 22‬ﺑﻬﻤﻦ‬ ‫‪ 57‬ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳــﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻧﻤﺪﻯ ﺑﺮﺍﻯ ﺩﻳﮕﺮ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﻣﻨﻄﻘــﻪﺍﻯﺍﺵ ﺑﻪ ﻭﻳﮋﻩ ﺩﺭ‬ ‫ﻣﺼﺮ ﺑﺴﺎﺯﺩ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺍﻳﻨﻚ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺩﻟﻴﻞ ﻧﺎﻛﺎﻣﻰ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﺖﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ ﺩﺭ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﻭﺍﺷﻨﮕﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻭ ﻫﻤﻜﺎﺭﺍﻥ ﻓﺮﺍﻣﺮﺯﻯﺍﺵ ﭘﺎﻯ ﺑﻪ ﺳــﻨﮕﺮ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔﺖ ﺑﺎ ﺍﺳﻼﻡﮔﺮﺍﺋﻰ ﮔﺬﺍﺭﺩﻩﺍﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﺟﺘﻤﺎﻋﻰ ﻭ ﺳﻴﺎﺳــﻰ ﺑﻴﺸــﺘﺮﻯ ﺩﺭ ﺭﺍﻩ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺑﻮﺩ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺩﺭ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛﺶﻫﺎﻯ ﺍﻳﻦ ﺍﻧﻔﺠﺎﺭﺍﺕ ﺁﺧﺮﻳﻦ ﺧﺎﻙﺭﻳﺰﻫﺎﻯ ﻻﻳﺔ »ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷﺎﻩ« ﺭﺍ ﻫﺪﻑ‬ ‫ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﮔﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺠﺎﻯ ﺻﺪﻭﺭ »ﺍﻧﻘﻼﺏ ﺍﺳﻼﻣﻰ« ﺁﺧﻮﻧﺪﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺼﺮ‪ ،‬ﺷﻜﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﭘﻮﭘﻮﻟﻴﺴﻢ ﺍﺯ ﻗﺎﻫﺮﻩ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻬﺮﺍﻥ ﺧﻮﺍﻫﺪ ﺭﺳﻴﺪ‪ .‬ﻭ ﺍﻳﻨﺒﺎﺭ ﺑﺎ ﺣﺬﻑ ﻻﻳﺔ ﻳﻜﺼﺪﺳﺎﻟﺔ‬ ‫»ﺷﻴﺦﻭﺷﺎﻩ« ﺍﺯ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﺖ ﺟﺎﺭﻯ ﺍﻳﺮﺍﻥ‪ ،‬ﻫﺰﻳﻨﺔ ﺳﻴﺎﺳﻰﺍﻯ ﻛﻪ ﺍﻳﺎﻻﺕ ﻣﺘﺤﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻰﺑﺎﻳﺪ ﺑﭙﺮﺩﺍﺯﺩ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺮﺍﺗﺐ ﺑﻴﺶ ﺍﺯ ﺁﻥ ﺍﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺩﺭ ﺗﺼﻮﺭ ﺑﮕﻨﺠﺪ‪.‬‬